Vases for Gods and Heroes -Tsingarida

Shapes and Uses of Greek Vases (7th– 4th centuries B.C.) Edited by Athena Tsingarida

ÉTUDES D’ARCHÉOLOGIE 3

Éditeur CReA-Patrimoine © Centre de Recherches en Archéologie et Patrimoine (CReA‑Patrimoine) Université libre de Bruxelles 50, av. F.D. Roosevelt / CP 175 B-1050 Bruxelles [email protected] ISBN : 9789077723852 Impression : Le Livre Timperman Couverture Stamnos signed Smikros egrapsen. Side B, man and youth filling a dinos (inv. A717) © Musées royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, Bruxelles

Études d’archéologie 3 Études d’Archéologie Classique de l'ULB 4

Vases for heroes and gods: early red-figure parade cups and large-scaled phialai Athena Tsin ga rid a

by the Penthesilea Painter from a grave at Spina2. The article discusses the workshops, the distinctive features of these vases, and their use.

Introduction The1 term of “parade cup” was first used by E. Haspels for a fragmentary large-scaled kylix from the Acropolis (1) (fig.1), attributed by Beazley to Euphronios. In her study, Miss Haspels grouped aroud this cup, several others, most of them, large scaled with an elaborate figured-decoration. While Haspels based herself mainly on style and subject defined as “style de parade” and “thème de parade” to identify the “parade cup”, I would like to take into account the work of the potter first and therefore the size of the vessel as a distinctive feature for defining this class of material. In doing so, the paper focuses on the known red-figure cups with a diameter (without handles) larger than 35 cm. This size limit is based on the figures published by T. Seki in his study Untersuchungen zum Verhätltnis von Gefässform und Malerei, 1985, where it clearly appears that cups of a diameter larger than 35 cm are rare among the surviving Attic material, and may be considered as “parade” products (fig. 2-3).

1. Athens, National Museum Acr. Coll. 15214, Divine assembly (©Athens, National Museum)

Following their size, two red-figure phialai, ca 40 cm, have been added to the group. They were produced (as I hope to show) in the ambit of the same workshop, and were, most probably intended for a similar use in a Greek context.

The workshops The study of the potters’ and vase-painters’ work shows that large-scaled cups and phialai were made in the ambit of two important Late Archaic workshops.

This paper takes into account red-figure vases produced between ca. 525-480 B.C.1, since according to the material evidence, the production of parade cups and phialai in clay is mainly developed during this period, while there are only very few known examples dated to the Classical period, among which one should mention the famous cup decorated

Ferrara, Museo Nazionale di Spina T.18 CVP, ARV2 882, 35; see N Alfieri, “Grande kylix del Pittore di Pentesilea con ciclo Teseico dalle necropoli di Spina”, Rivista dell’Instituto nazionale d’Archeologia e Storia dell’Arte 8 (1959), 57-110. 2

A catalogue of the vases is added at the end of the article. The bold number into brackets in the text refers to the entry in the catalogue. 1

185

III. Shapes and Uses

80 70 60

15-18 cm 19-26 cm

50

27-34 cm 35-56 cm

40 30 20 10 0 15

16 17 18

19 20 21

22 23 24

25 26 27

28 29 30

31 32 33

34 35 36

37 38 39

40 41 42

43 44 46

52 56

2. Production of red-figure cups during the Late Archaic-Classical period according to their diameter (after T. Seki, Untersuchungen zum Verhätltnis von Gefässform und Malerei, Berlin, 1985, completed by the author)

30

28

25 20 cups phialai

15 10 5

5 0

2 ca 525-480

1 ca 480-450

ca 425-400

3. Total numbers of known Attic red-figure large-scaled cups and phialai (6th-5th century B.C.)

186

A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s

Workshop A: Kachrylion and Euxitheos potters (ca 525-500) The earlier generation of red-figure “parade cups”, dated roughly to the last quarter of the 6th century, may be attributed to two main potters: Kachrylion and Euxitheos. We only know two Type B cups of our class signed by Euxitheos epoisen and by Oltos egrapsen (2-3) (fig. 4). Following the similitude in shape, H. Bloesch added a third large-scaled cup to this group (4)3. These cups display a foot with a convex edge and two ridges on the join between foot and stem; their ring foot is narrow and articulated. The potter Kachrylion made most late 6thcentury “parade cups”. Two bear his signature, one fragmentary from Marzabotto (5), and the famous Geryon cup, also signed by Euphronios (6) (fig. 5-6), while three others have been attributed to the potter by Bloesch (7-9)4. All have a foot with an accentuated chamber and a slightly convex edge. Although extremely fragmentary to allow an analysis of its shape, a cup signed by Euthymides (10) was probably made in the workshop of Kachrylion since it is decorated with coral red, a rare technique, usually attributed to this potter5. The large-scaled cup from the Acropolis (1), bearing the signature of Euphronios painter (fig.1), probably belongs to the same workshop. The foot is missing but the profile of the cup is very close to that signed by Kachrylion and Euphronios in Munich.

a

b

Three other cups are related to this group. Their foot is slightly different, with an edge concave at the top and rounded at the bottom. Although they are signed by or attributed to Chelis or Evergides potters (11-14) (fig. 7)6, they may be associated to the Kachrylion workshop. Their profile is close to a class of smaller cups, signed by Kachrylion7,

3

FAS, 44, n° 2-4.

4

FAS, 45, n° 11-12.

c 4a-c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2264 a. Achilleus and Antilochus setting out b. Fighting over the body of Patroklos c. Medaillon, warrior (©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Antikensammlung)

B. Cohen, The Colors of Clay. Special Techniques in Athenian Vases, Los Angeles, 2006, 44-53 with earlier bibliography; Robertson also attributes this cup to the potter Kachrylion, AVPCA, 40.

5

two cups in Paris, Musée du Louvre G36 and G38, signed by Kachrylion, ARV2 114, 1-2 (CVA Musée du Louvre 19, 27; 30). In his study, Bloesch already puts a part the Chelis cup (Louvre G15 cat n°?) and relates it with Kachrylion, FAS, 50; also CVA Musée du Louvre 19, 40.

Chelis: Paris, Musée du Louvre G15 (signed); Munich, Antikensammlung 2619a, FAS, 50; Evergides: London, The British Museum E10, FAS, 52, n°10. 6

7

For close profiles with Kachrylion cups, see for instance 187


Euxitheos worked8. In the case of the large-scaled cups, stylistic patterns common between vase-painters who worked with both potters further confirm this association. According to Beazley, the Thalia Painter who decorated a cup by Kachrylion, also shared the painting of the figured decoration of a cup with Oltos9, suggesting a close proximity between vasepainters who worked for Euxitheos (Oltos) and Kachrylion (the Thalia Painter). The companionship between mature Oltos, who decorated “parade cups” made by Euxitheos, and early Euphronios, who decorated the Geryon cup by Kachrylion is also well attested. The floral patterns used on the Tarquinia cup by Oltos (2) find parallels on that of Munich by Euphronios (6). A cup, now lost, former in the N. des Vergers collection, attributed to Oltos, was directly inspired by the subject and composition of the Geryon cup by Euphronios (fig. 9)10. Another large-scaled cup, also attributed to Oltos by Beazley, is not assigned to a potter yet (14). Although it bears the kalos name Memnon, usually associated with the Chelis-Kachrylion workshop, it is also linked in style and composition with the Euphronios’ workshop. The composition, Herakles and the sons of Eurystheus, and the meander pattern adorning the lower part of the cup, remind those on a cup in London, signed by Euphronios potter and attributed to the painter Onesimos (fig. 10)11.

5. Munich, Antikensammlung 2620, foot with Kachrylion signature (© Munich, Antikensammlung)

6. Munich, Antikensammlung 2620, Face A : Herakles and Geryon (© Munich, Antikensammlung)

Workshop B: Euphronios and Kleophrades potters (500-480) The second generation of these cups is produced within the ambit of Euphronios’ workshop, where Euphronios and Kleophrades potters occur as the main poietes of such vases. To this group, must be added one surviving example signed by Brygos: Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 570, 578, 580. Its fragmentary state does not allow the reconstruction of the diameter. Although it bears the signature of Brygos epoiesen on the edge of the foot, Beazley considered it apart in the production of the potter. It is a “very early”

7. Munich, Antikensammlung 2619a, Face A : Peleus and Thetis (© Munich, Antikensammlung)

and both Chelis and Evergides are known to have worked with this potter (fig. 8a-d). These vases form a distinctive group of “parade cups” since they display the smaller diameter of the group (ca. 35‑37 cm), while the truly monumental surviving examples of ca. 39‑43 cm seem to be directly potted by Kachrylion or Euxytheos.

8

Links between Kachrylion and Euxitheos have been acknowledged. Robertson suggested to see in Kachrylion the owner of the workshop where

AVPCA, 21.

Paris, Cab. Méd. 335 (signed by Chelis epoiesen): “The outside pictures are by the Thalia Painter.., but the inside picture may be by Oltos ”, ARV2 67, 8.

9

A. Bruhn, Oltos and early red-figure Vase-painting, Copenhague 1953, 69, n° 71. 10

11

188

London, The British Museum E44; ARV2 318-319, 2.


a

b

c

d

8a-d. Profiles of cups : a. Tarquinia RC 6848 (Euxitheos potter), b. Paris, Louvre G15 (Chelis potter), c. Paris, Louvre G38 (Kachrylion potter), d. Munich 2620 (Kachrylion potter) (1/4)

work, which he connects with the style of Douris12. Kleophrades seems to have taken over the production of these special vessels from Kachrylion. He signed an important number of parade cups (15-20) (fig. 13a), made in a shape close to that of Kachrylion’s first group (5-9): all vessels are provided with a foot with a chamfer and a slightly convex edge (fig. 15a-e)13. Their figured-decoration is either signed by Douris (early phase) (17-20) (fig. 11-13a-b), or attributed to the Kleophrades Painter (15-16). To this group also probably belong two fragmentary cups (21-22), one bearing part of a signature in egrapsen, both attributed to the painter Douris (fig. 14a-b)14.

9. Lost, coll. Noël des Vergers, Herakles and Geryon, (drawing after W. Klein, Euphronios, Prague, 1887, 81)

We know of three cups, dated to the Late Archaic period, signed by Euphronios potter and decorated by Onesimos. Two are of Type B (23-24), while a third one of monumental scale is of Type C (25). Only one of the Type B cups still have its original foot (23), the other was restored in antiquity (24)15. It displays a foot with a convex bottom and concave edge16, distinctive of the so-called grossen Euphronios Schale, studied by Bloesch17. As regards the Type C,

Workshop A Kachrylion

Euxitheos

Euphronios (early)

Pezzino Group

Thalia P.

Oltos (mature)

Poseidon P. 12

ARV 399.

13

FAS, 58.

14

Douris, n° 36-37, pl. 147-150.

2

10. The “Kachrylion-Euxytheos” Workshop

Paris, Musée du Louvre G104: E. Pottier, Vases antiques du Louvre, vol. 2, Paris, 1901, 155: “pied mince refait en partie et base refaite.” 15

16

Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 79.AE.17

17

FAS, 72; for the “Medea Cup”, M. Ohly-Dumm, “Medeas

Widderzauber auf einer Schale aus der Werkstatt des Euphronios”, J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), 17-18. 189


b

a

c 11a-c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2283 a. interior, Nike and warrior, chariot race b. ext. fr. wrestling c. ext. part, athletes in the palaestra (©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Antikensammlung)

190


b

c

a 12a-c. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2284 a. interior zone, fr. chariot race b-c. fr. exterior, athletes (©Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Preussischer Kulturbesitz Antikensammlung)

a

b 13a-b. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 83.AE.217 a. Foot and exterior with Kleophrades (signature) b. Herakles and the sons of Eurythios, wrestling or boxing, Kleophrades (potter), Douris (painter) (© The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, California, Attic red-figure kylix, ca. 500-480 B.C.)

191


it is probably significant that Kachrylion provides us with the earliest known examples in red-figure18. Among them, a cup from the Acropolis displays a foot very close in profile to that adopted by the Euphronios/ Onesimos cup (25): the edge is slightly concave on the top and the moulding of the stem follows an almost vertical line19. Similarity between foots profiles by Kachrylion and Kleophrades also suggests that the latter follow in the footsteps of the elder potter in the making of red-figured large-scaled vessels (fig. 15a-d). Four Attic monumental phialai with a red-figure decoration are known to me20. One, from the sanctuary of Pyrgi in Etruria (26), has been recently attributed to Onesimos21, and another, also from an Etruscan sanctuary, is signed by Douris (27). The second bears the rest of an epoietes signature which, following the suggestion of M. Robertson, might be completed with the name Smikros22. It is acknowledged that, during the last quarter of the sixth century, Smikros, works as a vase-painter with Euphronios, Euthymides, Phintias and other companions, and forms part of the so-called Pionner Group23. Members of this Group, such as Phintias or Sosias, and also probably Euthymides, occasionally attempt to make pots. If it is Smikros who indeed shaped this phiale, we may assume that the “imitator of Euphronios”, as Beazley called him for his painting, tried to copy the leading potter that became Euphronios later in his career. He undertook an exceptional and large-scaled shape, close to the

a

18

FAS, 119, n° 1-3.

Athens, National Museum, Acr. Coll. A 201b, FAS 119, n° 4, pl. 33,1.

19

Two are in the Getty collection, and have been attributed to the Foundry Painter by Robertson, 1991, 93. They are still unpublished and have not been included in the list, since their fragmentary state does not seem to allow a precise reconstruction of the diameter. 20

See D. Williams, CVA London, The British Museum 9, 23; earlier publications attributed it to the Brygos Painter, M.P. Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus récentes fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and related Pottery, Copenhague 1988, 18-20 although she points out a similar palmette border with the Medea cup by Onesimos, 18; she was followed by Robertson, 1991, 94. 21

b

14a-b. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 90.AE.36 a. Departure of Triptolemos, b.: Chariot race (interior zone); b. Achilleus and Troilos, Battle with Athena, Douris (painter); (© The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, California, Attic red-figure kylix, ca. 500-480 B.C.)

22

Robertson, 1991, 95-96.

On the wide meaning to be given to this “workshop”, see M.C. Robertson, “The Pioneers in context”, Euphronios und seine Zeit, Berlin 1992, 136-137. 23

192


Workshop B Euphronios Kleophrades ---kros

a

b

Douris Brygos

Kleophrades P. Douris (early)

Onesimos

c

d

16. “Euphronios-Kleophrades” Workshop

15a-e. Profiles of cups a. Munich 2620 (Kachrylion potter); b. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2283 or F2284 (Kleophrades potter); c. Paris , Cab. Méd. 535 (Kleophrades potter); d. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 83.AE.217 (Kleophrades potter) (1/3)

Why are they elaborate vessels? The size but also other features such as the presence of signatures, special techniques, composition, iconography, style and antique restorations help making these vases exceptional pieces.

cups of his fellow potter, which was decorated by Douris, a painter associated with Euphronios’ workshop in his early years.

Eighteen out of the twenty-seven known vessels bear a signature (1-3, 5-6, 10-11, 15, 17-21, 23-25, 27). Among the unsigned pieces, three are large-scaled but too fragmentary to provide any evidence of signature (16, 22, 25), while six others (11-14) must be set apart in the group: they display a distinctive potter’s work and a less elaborate decoration and iconography. The meaning of epoiesen signatures is still in dispute, and reasons which account for the presence or absence of a signature are also under discussion27. In his seminal article on Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens, J.-D. Beazley considers that no one reason may explain the occurrence of a signature28. Recently, D.Viviers proposed to see in the signed pieces, vases

The use of the Panaitios kalos name both by Kleophrades and Euphronios further suggests that they set in the same workshop. This name is often associated with the favourite painter of Euphronios potter, Onesimos, but also occurs on a large-scaled cup made by Kleophrades and decorated by early Douris (17). And indeed, the extant large-scaled vessels (cups and phialai) associated with Douris, belong to his early period, when the painter worked on vases potted by either Euphronios or Kleophrades24. Already long ago, Beazley had noticed a connection between the styles of the young “Panaitios Painter” (often identified to Onesimos) and the young Douris, also suggesting that both painters eventually worked together in the same workshop (fig. 16)25.

the potter’s work, see F. Villard, “Euphronios vers 500”, in: M. Gygielman, M. Iozzo, F. Nicosia, P. Zamarchi Grassi (ed.), Euphronios, Atti del Seminario Internazionale di Studi, Arezzo 27-28 Maggio 1990, Firenze 1992, 24 and note 10, with bibliography.

According to the material evidence, the production of early red-figure large-scaled cups and phialai takes place, develops and spreads through the two leading cups’ workshops of the Late Archaic and Early Classical periods: that of Kachrylion (Euxytheos) and Euphronios (Kleophrades)26. 24

See most recently with earlier literature, D. Viviers, “Signer une œuvre en Grèce ancienne: pourquoi? Pour qui?”, in: J. de La Genière (ed.), Les clients de la céramique grecque, Actes du Colloque de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 30-31 Janvier 2004, Paris 2006 [Cahiers du Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum France 1], 141-154. 27

Douris, 60-61.

J.-D. Beazley, Attic Red-figured Vases in American Museums, Cambridge (Mass.), 1918, 97. 25

26

“Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens”, in: D.C.Kurtz (ed), Greek Vases. Lectures by J.D. Beazley, Oxford 1989, 54. 28

About the links between Kachrylion and Euphronios for 193


paid in advance. In this case, the signature would attest a special commission, made either by the consumer (in the local market), or by a purchaser who may be the merchant (for overseas market)29. On parade cups and large-scaled phialai, signatures probably also reflect the desire to do one credit for the difficult task of making and/or decorating such elaborate vessels. The location of several of these signatures, set on the edge of the foot, recalls that of statues’ bases, and further enhances the monumental aspect of the shape30. Special techniques of decoration occur on several examples adding to the colourful and exceptional appearance of the vessel. Use of coral-red has been already noticed on the Munich and Boston cups. This technique requires a skilled potter able to deal with the complex firing process, and it is therefore limited to few Attic workshops31. On a cup decorated by Euphronios and another by the Thalia Painter (1, 9), added clay is also applied on objects and figures. It is covered either in black-glaze, or, in the Acropolis’ cup, with gold applied on Thetis’ locks and bracelet, and Hephaistos’ phiale (1) (fig. 1). Details in added clay (especially hair locks) are generally associated with vases attributed to the Andokides Painter, Euphronios and his circle. The occurrence of such device is a workshop hallmark rather than a feature linked with large-scaled cups or phialai. It however enhances, especially with added gold, a chiselled jewel-like appearance, participating to an elaborate decoration32.

Kleophrades (17-8, 21-22) (fig. 11a, 12a, 14a). Zone cups are rare in Attic vase-painting. They are known from a few black-figured “jumbo cups” dated to the second half of the sixth century33, and seem to be closely associated with the workshop of Euphronios and Kleophrades for the red-figure examples. According to T. Seki, it is probably Kleophrades who adapted the scheme to red-figure34. Such spectacular compositions, covering both the interior and exterior of the vase, are also seen on the two phialai. While the latter shape usually bears decoration in the tondo and its surrounding areas, the two outsized examples also display a rich picture on the outside. Many of the depicted subjects on these vessels are either novel in whole or in part, or rare. Theseus under the sea (24)35 and the slaughter of the suitors by Odysseus (26)36 consist of the first known representations of these episodes. The scene with Medea rejuvenating the ram in the cauldron is the earliest occurrence of the magic box in Medea’s hands (23)37. The Assembly of Gods is uncommon in black-figure and even rarer in red-figure (fig. 1)38. We know only of eight examples in the latter technique, and five of them occur in our catalogue (1-2, 7, 10, 27). A few of them are even unusual depictions. One is part of the Birth of Athena (7), a subject barely known in red-figure. The composition on the Tarquinia cup (2) departs from the canonical assembly of gods since three main divinities (Hera, Demeter and

Composition is often crowded on the largest examples. A zone of decoration may occur in the interior, around the tondo, on several large-scaled cups made in the workshop of Euphronios and

33

See N. Malagardis in this volume, 253-289.

T. Seki, Untersuchungen zum Verhätltnis von Gefässform und Malerei attischer Schalen, Berlin,1985, 77. 34

J. Neils, The Youthful Deeds of Theseus, Rome, 1987, 59: “a show piece”. 35

D. Viviers, “Signer une œuvre en Grèce ancienne: pourquoi? Pour qui?”, in: J. de La Genière (ed.), Les clients de la céramique grecque, Actes du Colloque de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, 30-31 Janvier 2004, Paris 2006 [Cahiers du Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum France 1], 150-154.

29

M.P. Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus récentes fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and related Pottery, Copenhague 1988, 21; M. Halm-Tisserant, “Autour du supplice de Mélanthios: la pénalité au chant XXII de l’Odyssée”, Ktema 20 (1995), 292. 36

For the location of signatures on the edge of red-figure cups, H. R. Immerwahr, “The signature of Pamphaios”, AJA 88 (1984), 344-345.

30

M. Ohly-Dumm, “Medeas Widderzauber auf einer Schale aus der Werkstatt des Euphronios”, J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), 18. 37

B. Cohen, The Colors of Clay. Special Techniques in Athenian Vases, Los Angeles, 2006, 44-53.

31

Thirty-five entries appear on the Beazley Archive Database for both black and red-figure vases. H. Knell, Die Darstellung der Götterversammlung in der attischen Kunst des VI. Und V. Jahrunderts v. Chr.: eine Untersuchung zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des “Daseinsbildes”, Köln, 1965. 38

B. Cohen, “Bubbles = Baubles, rangles and beads: added clay in Athenian Vase-painting and its significance”, in: Cl. Marconi (ed.), Greek Vases: Images, Contexts and Controverseries, Boston, 2004, 55-71. 32

194


Poseidon) are missing, while Hestia and Ganymedes make their first known appearance in the group39.

eyelashes, shadows of glaze, and, in the case of the Kleophrades Painter and Douris, faired hair44.

Frequently shown heroic or epic themes such as the Sack of Troy and the Deeds of Theseus or Herakles vary from common representations. The Sack of Troy painted by Onesimos is charged with a wide range of moods and scenes (25), and the tondo presents an astonishing composition with the Death of Priam40. One of the two cups by the Kleophrades Painter in the Cabinet des Médailles, is decorated with the Deeds of Theseus (16). Following Beazley41, we may observe that although the general motive of the wrestling between Theseus and Kerkyon in the tondo is the usual one, the stage of process varies on this cup. Kerkyon, seen from behind, is left from the ground while on other contemporary representations he is still firm on his feet. On the outside, the treatment of Theseus and the Bull is unique: the hero lies on his back under the bull.

Regarding the potter’work, the production of such huge shapes is complex. Large-scaled phialai were shaped in two parts, the omphalos apart and than joined to the rest45, while both phialai and cups, almost impossible to manipulate, make the process of potting and firing even more difficult. Vases for heroes and gods? M. Robertson wrote about the size of the phialai: “far too large for the human hand… surely intended to demonstrate that they were for the use not for men but of heroes and gods”46. This must be also valid for the parade-cups. The size, shape (in the case of the phialai), special techniques, the elaborate style, and the often uncommon iconography, suggest a dedicatory purpose rather than a domestic use.

Scenes from everyday life appear only on few cups. Among them, the chariot races on the interior zones of three cups (17-18, 21) (fig. 11, 12, 14a) belong to the very few known examples of the subject in redfigure, while this contest usually decorates blackfigure vases dated to the second half of the sixth century42. In a similar way, the crude erotic scene by the Thalia Painter is unique among contemporary scenes (9).

They were, indeed, initially made “for heroes and gods”. Large drinking vessels are often attributes of heroes in literary sources: Herakles47 and Nestor48 are associated with them. But is it possible to relate parade cups and monumental phialai with a specific religious practice? This might be the Theoxenia, also named Heroxenia or Xenia49, during which ancient Greeks directly entertain a divine guest, hero or god. The practice

As regards style, figures are carefully executed, and occasionally bear details, such as eyelashes, hair, jewels or patterns on cloths or stools, that may be enhanced with added colour or dilute glaze43. Vase-painters such as Oltos or Douris who are not generally interested in lavishly detailed figures, draw

The injured Amazon (Xanthippe) on the fragmentary cup in Paris Cabinet des Médailles, by the Kleophrades Painter, J.D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, 9; the dilute glaze to suggest shadow on the abdomen of a figure on a cup signed by Kachrylion (8) (unatributed), or the head of Dionysos on the phiale by Douris (28). 44

Gl. Ferrari, I Vasi attici a figure rosse del periodo archaico, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Tarquinia, Rome, 1988, 26. 39

T. Schreiber, Athenian Vase Construction. A Potter’s Analysis, Malibu (Ca),1999, 216-217. 45

D. Williams, “Onesimos and the Iliupersis”, GV Getty Museum 5 (1991), 49-61, more specially for the tondo, 50-52.

40

46

AVPCA, 85-86.

Atheneus, Deipnosophists XI. 469d: “the hero (Herakles) delighted in large cups” (μεγάλοις ἔχαιρε ποτηρίοις ὁ ἥρως).

J.-D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Paainter, Mainz 1974, 11-12.

47

41

For this subject, see E. Manakidou, Παραστάσεις με άρματα (8ος εως 5ος αι. π. Χ.), Thessoliniki 1994, 38 and note 24 where she mentions two other red-figure examples on large shapes. 42

48

Iliad XI. 637

About the different names adopted in literary sources for the ritual, see ThesCRA II, 2004, 225, s.v. “Les Théoxénies” [L. Bruit, F. Lissarrague]; and M. H. Jameson, “Theoxenia” in: R. Hägg (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, Stockholm, 1994, 36. 49

E.g. the dead warrior on (3) (Berlin, Antikenmuseum F2264, by Oltos); Dionysos on the phiale by Douris, (27). 43

195


is attested for several divinities, such as Apollo, Dionysos, Zeus or Athena, and heroes, such as Herakles and the Dioskouroi50. A lead plaquette from Selinous, dated to ca. 450 B.C., provides us with details about the preparation of the ceremony:

been used for a ritual dinning. Among the objects, it mentions a κύμβιον (small cup), phialai and kylikes “θηρικλείας”56. This adjective is occasionally used to describe a krater, but generally refers to a drinking vessel, the Therikleion (θηρίκλειον)57, a meaning followed in the Agora inscription since it is associated with kylikes58. Although it is often difficult to identify a shape in the archaeological record through literary descriptions, in the case of the Therikleia, most ancient sources acknowledge the largescaled size of the vases described under this term59.

“…(let it him set out) both a table and a couch, and let him put on (them) a pure cloth, crown of olive and honey mixed in new cups (ἐν καιναῖς ποτερίδες) (my bold), cakes and meat…”51

The terms used to describe the vessels suggest that they were new, probably especially made for the ceremony, and small, ποτηρίδιον being a diminutive form of ποτήριον52. The tablet from Selinous mentions meat, cakes and honey as part of the offerings, and what may be understood as miniature shapes is used to contain honey53. But Herodotus suggests that wine was also involved during the ceremony and focuses on the large size of the craters where the beverage is mixed:

The few extant scenes, recognized as Theoxenia on Attic vase-painting, usually depict the Dioskouroi as the main recipients of this ceremony60. These images do not provide us with further information about the vases used for the ritual since they barely set goods and vessels on the depicted tables. A scene on 56

See Atheneus, Deipnosophists XI. 467; 470e-472 for a list of authors and different meanings. For a discussion on Therikles and Therikleian, see Pauly-Wissova V.2, s.v. “Therikles”, col. 2367-2369; most recently D. Gill, “Classical Greek fictile imitations of previous metal vases”, in: D. Gill, M. Vickers (ed), Pots and Pans, A Colloquium on precious Metals and Ceramics in the Muslim, Chinese and Graeco-Roman Worlds, Oxford, 1985, 19-25 (although I do not agree with the hypothesis of a shape, initially made in metalware).

57

“He added other offerings, two large craters one in gold another in silver… (the silver one) contains 600 amphorae (my bold), we know that because the Delphians mixed wine and water in it during the feast of the Theophany”54.

In this case, we are far from the small ποτερίδιον. A further allusion to large-sized drinking vases, combined with smaller vessels, may be found in an inscription from the Agora, dated to 328/7 B.C.55. The marble dedicated to an anonymous hero lists the contents of the shrine and the items which may have

50

S. Rotroff, “An anonymous hero in the Athenian Agora”, Hesperia (1978), 200-201. 58

Euboulos, The Dicers [= Atheneus, Deipn. XI.471d], Menander, The Inspired Woman [Kock iii.65; = Atheneus, Deipn. XI. 472b]; Theophilus, The Daughters of Proteus [Kock ii.476; = Atheneus, Deipn. XI. 472d] 59

For the recipients see M. H. Jameson, ibid., 54-55.

K. Schauenburg, “Theoxenien aur einer schwarzfigurigen Olpe”, Mélanges Mansel, Ankara, 1974, 101-107; H. A. Shapiro, “Cult warfare. The Dioskouroi between Sparta and Athens”, in: R. Hägg (ed.), Ancient Greek Hero Cults. Proceedings of the 5th International Seminar on ancient Greek Cult, organized by the Department of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History, Göttenburg University 21-23.04.1995, Stockholm, 1999, 100101. A red-figure calyx-crater, attributed to the Niobid Painter, must be added to the list. It was discovered in rescue excavations in Lamia. On one side it shows Apollo, Artemis and Letô performing a libation, on the other the Dioskouroi taking part to a Theoxenia, see A. Stamoudi, in: Ο δρόμος είχε την δική του ιστορία. Αρχαία ευρήματα από τις ανασκαφές στην Φθιωτίδα κατά μήκος της Νέας Εθνικής Οδού και του αγωγού φυσικού αερίου, Lamia 2002, 38-39. I would like to thank K. Rhomiopoulou and V. Sabetai for telling me about this important vase. 60

Translated in M. H. Jameson, D.R. Jordan, R.D. Kotansky, A Lex Sacra from Selinous, Durham (North Carolina, 1993), 14-15; for further literary sources on Theoxenia see also, G. Ekroth, The sacrificial Ritual of Greek Hero-cults, Liège 2002, 177-179. 51

52

LSJ, s.v. ποτήριον

For an interpretation of the ritual followed in the Lex Sacra, M. H. Jameson, D.R. Jordan, R.D. Kotansky, A Lex Sacra from Selinous, Durham, North Carolina, 1993; St. Georgoudi, “Ancêtres de Sélinonte et d’ailleurs: le cas des Tripatores”, Les pierres de l’Offrande, autour de l’œuvre de Chr. W. Clairmont, Zurich, 2001, 253. 53

54

Lines 19-21.

Herodotos I. 51

S. Rotroff, “An anonymous hero in the Athenian Agora”, Hesperia (1978), 196-209.

55

196


a tondo of a cup, now lost, may, however, further confirms the literary evidence for the use of largescaled drinking vessels (phialai or cups) during the ritual of Theoxenia (fig. 17)61. A woman stands in front of a table and bears an oinochoe and a metallic phiale. The phiale, a shape primary used for libation, suggests a religious context. On this cup, it is not associated with an altar as it generally does, but with a table. This combination might points to the preparation of a divine entertainment: the Theoxenia. In this case, the size of the vase also draws the attention: the phiale is large-scaled, much larger than the figure’s hand, who holds it from beneath in.

Concluding remarks I hope to have shown that parade cups and largescaled phialai were used during a specific Greek religious practice. A question is however pending regarding the finding spots of the vases. From those with a known provenance, several come from the Athenian Acropolis (5), but a significant number was found outside Greece, in Etruria (12). This figure rises the difficult question of how Attic pottery was perceived and used by the Etruscans. It is not the subject of the article to discuss such a complex issue but I want to present briefly the evidence related with the vases studied here62. According to the material, parade cups and largescaled phialai help asserting the status of the Etruscan owner, especially in a funerary context where most of the vases come from. It is certainly one of the function played by two cups, studied in this article, which come from a tomb in Vulci (17‑18) (fig. 12‑13). Described by Beazley as “replicas”63, they were produced and exported as a pair from the Kerameikos. Both were potted by Kleophrades, who also signed them, and both were decorated with the same scenes (chariot races and athletes) by Douris who signed at least one. Yet the reasons of producing and trading two complementary pieces to the Etruscans are not fully understood yet. Athletic contests and chariot races may recall the funerary games organized by the wealthy and often represented on funerary wall-paintings in Etruria. The trader who carried the transaction out with the Athenian workshop probably knew that these scenes would appeal the Etruscan consumer.

17. Lost, once Joy de Bammevile, attributed to Douris

The monumental cup signed by both Oltos and Euxitheos was discovered in a grave in Tarquinia (2). It bears a puzzling Etruscan graffito on the foot, translated as a dedication to the Dioskouroi. The occurrence in a funerary context of a vase dedicated to a divinity was understood as an offering to the chthonian and revitalizing function of the Dioskouroi

This subject was expanded in a lecture delivered in the University of Oxford at the Graduate Seminars Series, entitled “Reception and uses of large-scaled drinking cups in Etruria”, 28th October 2008. It will be published in a collective volume, edited by Th. Mannack, R.R.R. Smith and D. Williams, forthcoming. 62

Drawing of a cup, once Jolly de Bammeville collection, attributed to Douris, ARV2 429, 25. 61

63

197

J.-D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, 1.


in Greek and Etruscan religion64. G. Colonna who studied the vase in its context further associated the cult of the Dioskouroi with the practise of the lectisternium, a ritual close to the Greek Theoxenia, applied in a funerary context by the Etruscans65! The allusion to the twin horsemen and to a ridding ephebic context may be further seen on the second red-figured cup discovered in the same grave. It is entirely decorated with young ridders on the tondo and the outside66. At least three vases, two phialai and a cup (26-27, 25), were dedicated to divinities. A phiale, now in Rome, bears the rest of an Etruscan graffito, “VT”, probably part of the name Suthil, a divinity often associated with grave-goods67. Another redfigure phiale, decorated with the slaughter of the pretendants by Odysseus, was discovered in a votive deposit at the sanctuary of Pyrgi, where, among other divinities, was venerated Suris, an Etruscan form of the Apollo Soranus. The deposit was located in a zone that yielded a significant number of Attic imports, reflecting the important role of Greek artefacts in

this harbour of Caere68. The cup with the Iliupersis by Onesimos, also had an Etruscan inscription in Caeretan alphabet, addressed to Heracles69. It was demonstrated that the vase came from a sanctuary, close to Caere, where the hero was honoured70. Parade cups and large-scaled phialai were vases for heroes and gods in a Greek context, where they were, most probably, made for the ritual of Theoxenia. Such elaborate and outstanding products of monumental size also appeal the Etruscan clientele, who purchased them for a conspicuous display of range status in tombs and sanctuaries, where they may occasionally have adopted functions close to those in Greek contexts. As far as the nature of the evidence allows, it is important to study the uses according to the distribution map. Our class of vases whereas distributed in Athens or overseas seem therefore bound to different readings and functions, defined by local purchasers according to their cultural, social and religious needs, which must be still further understood.

G. Colonna, “Il dokanon, il culto dei Dioscuri e gli aspetti ellenizzati della religione dei morti nell’Etruria tardo-arcaica” in: L. Bacchielli, M. Bonanno Aravantinos (ed.), Scritti di Antichità in memoria di Sandro Stucchi, Rome 1996, 174-177. 64

M. Paola Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus récentes fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, Copenhague, 1987, 17-24.

Ibid., 177-179, a similar reading is proposed for the scene on the Tomb of Letto Funebre in Tarquinia. This practice was compared to a symposium in honour either to the Dioskouroi or to the deceased, to whom a cult may be rendered.

68

65

For the graffito, see J. Heurgon, “Graffites étrusques au J.Paul Getty Museum”, GV J. Paul Getty Museum 4 (1989), 181-186; M. Martelli, “Dedica Ceretana a Hercle”, Archeologica Classica 43 (1991), 613-619. 69

Tarquinia, Museo Archeologico Nazionale RC 5292, ARV2 85-86; Gl. Ferrari, I vasi attici a figure rosse del periodo arcaico, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Tarquinia Rome, 1988, pl. XI-XIII. 66

67

Euphronios epoiesen: un dono d’eccezione ad Ercole Cerite, Exhibition Museo Nazionale Etrusco di Villa Giulia, Rome, 1999. 70

Robertson, 1991, 86-87. 198

A . Ts i n g a r i d a — Va s e s f o r h e r o e s a n d g o d s A: Herakles fighting Geryon B: Youth leading a rattle Euphronios (signature), Kachrylion (signature) ARV2 16-17, 17; FAS, 45, 13; Euphronios, peintre à Athènes au VIe s. av. J.-Chr., Paris, 1991

Catalogue Parade cups 1. Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Acropolis Coll. 15214 Provenance: Athenian Acropolis D: ca. 44,5 cm I: Part of a head A-B: Divine assembly, the wedding of Thetis and Peleus Euphronios (signature) ARV2 17, 18; Euphronios, peintre à Athènes au VIe s. av. J.-Chr., Paris, 1991, 191-194, n° 44.

7. London, The British Museum E15 Provenance: Vulci D: 40,6 cm I: Komast A: Assembly of gods, birth of Athena B: Peleus and Thetis Kachrylion (Bloesch), the Poseidon Painter (Beazley) ARV2 136, 1; FAS, 45 8. London, The British Museum E13 Provenance: Vulci D: 35,3 cm I: Eros A: Odysseus and Ajax B: Achilleus and Troilos Kachrylion (signature), unattributed ARV2 109; FAS, 45, 12

2. Tarquinia, Museo Nazionale di Archeologia RC 6848 Provenance: Monterozzi, Tarquinia D: 52 cm I: Warrior A: Deities in Olympus B: Dionysos mounting chariot with satyrs and maenads Oltos (signature), Euxitheos (signature) ARV2 60, 66; FAS, 44, 3; Gl. Ferrari, I Vasi attici a figure rosse del periodo arcaico, Museo Nazionale di Tarquinia, Rome, 1988, 23-29.

9. Berlin, Antikensammlung V.1.3251 & Florence, Museo Archeologico 1B58 Provenance: Vulci D: 37,3 cm I: Erotic scene A-B: Erotic scenes Kachrylion (Bloesch), the Thalia Painter (Beazley) ARV2 113, 7; FAS, 45, 11

3. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2264 Provenance: Vulci D: 38,2 cm I: Warrior with trompet A: Achilleus and Antilochus setting out B: Fighting over the body of Patroklos Oltos (signature), Euxitheos (signature) ARV2 60, 64; FAS, 44, 4; CVA Berlin 1 (ex-DDR 3), pl. 1-3.

10. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 10.203 & Florence, Museo Archeologico 7B2, Naples, Museo Archeologico, Ast. Coll. 121, London, The British Museum 1952.12-2.7 Provenance: “Italy” (Beazley) D: unknown Coral red A-B: Assembly of gods Kachrylion ?, Euthymides (signature) ARV2 29, 19

4. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale Stg 5 Provenance: “Etruria” (Beazley) D: 42,5 cm I: Two naked women A: Dionysos with satyrs and maenads B: Komos Euxitheos (Bloesch), Pezzino Group (Beazley) ARV2 32, 4; FAS, 44, 2.

11. Paris, Musée du Louvre G15 (MN150 & N3303) +Paris, Cab. Méd., fr. Provenance: Vulci D: 35,8 cm I: Young athlete A: Athletes B: Two youths leading horses Chelis (signature), the Evergides Painter (Beazley) ARV2 91,51; FAS, 50; CVA Louvre 19, 40-41

5. Marzabotto, location unknown Provenance: Marzabotto D: unknown Kachrylion (signature) ARV2 108, 18; FAS, 46, 14; J.C. Hoppin, A Handbook of Attic red-figures Vases: signed or attributed to the various Masters of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., Washington, 1919, vol. 1, 176, n° 19.

12. Munich, Antikensammlung 2619a Provenance: Vulci D: 40,5 cm I: Silen A: Peleus and Thetis B: Komos Chelis (Bloesch), the Epeleios Painter (Beazley) ARV2 146, 2; FAS, 50

6. Munich, Antikensammlung F2620 Provenance: Vulci D: 42,8 cm Coral red I: Ridder 199

III. Shapes and Uses D. von Bothmer, “Amasis Amasidos”, J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), 1-4.

13. London, The British Museum E10 Provenance: Vulci D: 37,2 cm I: Sphinx A-B: Troy, Ajax and Achilleus playing under the handles Evergides (Bloesch), the Evergides Painter (Beazley) ARV2 90, 33; FAS, 52,10

20. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 83.AE.217 Provenance: unknown D: ca. 36,2 cm I: Man standing with youth seated A: Herakles and the sons of Eurytos. Archey contest. B: Wrestling or boxing. Kleophrades (signature), Douris (signature) Douris, n° 38

14. Paris, Musée du Louvre G17 Provenance: “Etruria” D: 44 cm I: Youth with lyra A: Herakles and Eurystheus B: Odysseus on a chariot with Hermes Potter unattributed, Oltos (Beazley) ARV2 62, 83; CVA Musée du Louvre 10, pl. 5-6

21. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 90.AE.36 Provenance: unknown D: ca. 35,5 cm I: Departure of Triptolemos Interior zone: Chariot race A: Achilleus and Troilos B: Battle with Athena Rest of signature “eg]ra[psen”, Douris (BuitronOliver,) Douris, n° 36

15. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 535, 699 (+ other fragments) Provenance: Tarquinia D: ca. 50 cm I: Young warrior arming A: Herakles fighting Amazons B: Amazons hastening to help their queen Kleophrades (signature), the Kleophrades Painter (Beazley) ARV2 191, 103 & 104; J.-D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, n° 91, 9-10.

22. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 87.AE.43 Provenance: unknown D: unknown I: Crest Interior zone: Athletes A: komos Douris (Buitron-Oliver) Douris, n° 37

16. Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 536, 647 (+ other fragments) Provenance: Tarquinia D: ca. 50 cm I: Theseus and Kerkyon A-B: The Deeds of Theseus Kleophrades (signature ?), The Kleophrades Painter (Beazley) ARV2 191, 103 & 104; J.-D. Beazley, The Kleophrades Painter, Mainz, 1974, n° 92, 11-13.

23. Malibu, J.Paul Getty Museum 79.AE.17 Provenance: unknown D: ca. 53 cm I: Medea and the rejuvanating ram A-B: Amazonomachy Euphronios (signature), Onesimos (Ohly-Dumm) M. Ohly-Dumm, “Medeas Widderzauber auf einer Schale aus der Werkstatt des Euphronios”, J. Paul Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), 5-22.

17. Berlin, Antikensammlung F2283 & Rome, Museo Vaticano, Astarita Coll. 134 Provenance: Vulci D: ca. 50 cm I: Nike Interior zone: Chariot race A-B: Athletes Kleophrades (signature), Douris (signature) ARV2 429, 21 & 104; Douris, n° 34

24. Paris, Musée du Louvre G104 Provenance: Caere D: 39,9 cm I: Theseus and Amphitrite A-B: The Deeds of Theseus Euphronios (signature), Onesimos (Beazley) ARV2 318, 1; FAS, 71, 5; Euphronios, peintre à Athènes au VIe s. av. J.-Chr., Paris, 1991, n° 55, 214-218.

18. Berlin, Antikensammlun F2284 Provenance: Vulci D: ca. 50 cm Interior zone: Chariot race A-B: Athletes Kleophrades (signature), Douris (signature) ARV2 429, 22; Douris, n° 35

25. Rome, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia (ex-Getty 83.AE.362) Provenance: Caere D: 46,5 cm I: The death of Priam Interior zone: The Sack of Troy A: Patroklos leading Briseis from Achilleus to Agamemnon B: Duel between a Greek and a Troyan ? Euphronios (signature), Onesimos (Williams)

19. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 80.AE.54 Fr. of foot with rest of signature on the edge Kleophrades (signature) 200


Acknowledgements

D. Williams, “Onesimos and the Iliupersis”, Greek Vases at the J. Paul Getty Museum 5 (1991), 41-64.

I would like to thank Annie Verbanck-Piérard (Musée royal de Mariemont and ULB) for discussing with me “Theoxenia matters”, and V. PirenneDelforges (Université de Liège) for providing me with “religious” bibliography. Many thanks to the many colleagues and friends who helped me for obtaining the illustrations of this article: N. Kaltsa E. Stassinopoulou, G. Kavvadias, Chr. Andronidaki, E. Zozi (Athens, National Museum), Ursula Kästner (Berlin, Antikensammlung), Kenneth Lapatin (Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum). The participants in the congress “Shapes and uses” made invaluable comments and questions which help me in the writing of this paper.

Phialai 26. Pyrgi, Excavations (inventory number unknown) Provenance: Pyrgi (Etruria) D: ca. 41,5 cm Interior zone: Symposion A-B: the slaughter of the pretendants by Odysseus M.P. Baglione, “Quelques données sur les plus récentes fouilles de Pyrgi”, Ancient Greek and related Pottery, Amsterdam, 1987, 17-24. 27. Roma, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia (ex-Getty 81.AE.213) Provenance: Etruria D: ca. 42 cm Interior zone: Herakles and the sons of Eurytos A: Men fighting B: Assembly of gods Smi]kro[s (restitution by Robertson), Douris (signature) Robertson, 1991, 75-98.

Abbreviations AVPCA = M.C. Robertson, The Art of Vase-painting in Classical Athens, Cambridge, 1992 Douris = D. Buitron-Oliver, Douris, A Master-painter of Athenian red-figure Vases, Mainz, 1993 Robertson, 1991 = M. Robertson, “A phiale by Douris”, GV in the J. Paul Getty Museum 5 (1991), 73-98.

201

Abbreviations

ABL = E. Haspels, Attic Black-Figured Lekythoi, Paris, 1936 ABV = J.D. Beazley, Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters, Oxford, 1956 Add 2 = T.H. Carpenter et al., Beazley Addenda 2 , Oxford, 1989 Agora 12 = B.A. Sparkes et L. Talcott, Black and Plain Pottery of the 4 th, 5 th, and 6 th, Centuries B.C., Princeton, 1997 [The Athenian Agora 12] Agora 21 = M. Lang, Graffiti and Dipinti, Princeton, 1976 [The Athenian Agora 21]. Agora 23 = M.B. Moore, Mary S. Pease Philippides, Attic Black-Figured Pottery, Princeton, 1986 [The Athenian Agora 23] Agora 29 = S.Rottroff, Hellenistic Pottery : Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Table Ware and Related Material, Princeton 1997 [The Athenian Agora 29] Agora 30 = M.B. Moore, Attic Red-Figured and White-Ground Pottery, Princeton, 1997 [The Athenian Agora 30] Amasis Papers = Papers on the Amasis Painter and his World, The J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, 1987 Amasis Painter = D. von Bothmer, The Amasis Painter and his World, Malibu and New York, 1985 APP = J. H. Oakley, W. D. E. Coulson, O. Palagia (ed.), Athenian Potters and Painters, The Conference Proceedings, Oxford, 1997 [Oxbow Monograph 67] ARV 2 = J.D. Beazley, Attic Red-figure Vase-painters 2 , Oxford, 1963. AWL = D. C. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi, Patterns and Painters, Oxford, 1975 Barch = Beazley Archive Database, online resource : http: /www.beazley.ox.ac.uk/BeazleyAdmin/Script2/Pottery.htm FAS = H. Bloesch, Formen attischer Schalen, Bern, 1940 Gericke 1970 = H. Gericke, Gefäßdarstellungen auf griechischen Vasen, Berlin, 1970 Graef, Langlotz = B. Graef, E. Langlotz, Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen I-IV, Berlin, 1914-1933 Kreuzer 1998 = B. Kreuzer, Die attisch schwarzfigurige Keramik aus dem Heraion von Samos, Bonn, 1998 [Samos 22] Kunst der Schale = K. Vierneisel, B. Kaeser (ed.), Kunst der Schale – Kultur des Trinkens. Ausstellungskatalog Antikensammlungen München, München, 1990 Le vase grec = P. Rouillard, A. Verbanck (ed.), Le vase grec et ses destins, Musée royal de Mariemont, 23-28 septembre 2003, Munich, 2003 Para = J. D. Beazley, Paralipomena, Additions to Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painters and to Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters 2 , Oxford, 1971 Payne NC = H. Payne, Necrocorinthia : a Study of Corinthian Art in the Archaic Period, Oxford, 1931 Periplous = G. R. Tsetskhladze, A. J. N. W. Prag, A. M. Snodgrass (ed.), Periplous. Papers on Classical Art and Archaeology presented to Sir John Boardman, London, 2000 Tosto, Nikosthenes = V. Tosto, The Black-figure Pottery signed Nikosthenes epoiesen, Amsterdam, 1999 [Allard Pierson Series 11]

9

Contents

Foreword

7

Abbreviations

9

Introduction

11

I.Production: Workshops and Potters

15

Athena Tsingarida

Francine Blondé

The exaleiptron in Attica and Boeotia: Early black figure workshops reconsidered Bettina Kreuzer

17

Die Botkin-Klasse Heide Mommsen

31

Les ateliers de potiers : le témoignage des doubleens amphorae Cécile Jubier-Galinier

47

Attic red-figured Type D pyxides John H. Oakley

59

II.Containers, Capacities and Uses

77

Maße, Form und Funktion. Die attisch-schwarzfigurigen Halsamphoren Martin Bentz

79

Some Practical Aspects of Attic Black-figured Olpai and Oinochoai Andrew J. Clark

89

Kleine Trinkschalen für Mellepheben? Elke Böhr

111

Calculating vessel capacities : A new web-based solution Laurent Engels, Laurent Bavay & Athena Tsingarida

129

III.Shapes and Uses

135

Les pithoi à reliefs de l'atelier d'Aphrati. Fonction et statut d'une production orientalisante Thomas Brisart

137

Sacrificial and profane use of Greek hydriai Elisabeth Trinkl

153

Suction dippers: many shapes, many names and a few tricks Eurydice Kefalidou

173

Vases for heroes and gods : early red-figure parade cups and large-scaled phialai Athena Tsingarida

185

An unpublished dimidiating animal-head cup in the Musées royaux d’Art et d’Histoire, Brussels Susanna Sarti

203

5

IV.Images and Shapes: Iconography andUses

213

Un Dionysos pour les morts à Athènes à la fin de l'archaïsme : à propos des lécythes attiques à figures noires trouvés à Athènes en contexte funéraire Marie-Christine Villanueva-Puig

215

Black-figure albastra by the Diosphos and Emporion Painters : specific subjects for specific uses? Eleni Hatzivassiliou

225

Vases grecs : à vos marques François Lissarrague

237

V. Shapes in Contexts

251

A propos d’une coupe de Sellada : les coupes de prestige archaïques attiques reconsidérées Quelques réflexions concernant leur usage Nassi Malagardis

253

Marker vase or burnt offering? The clay loutrophoros in context Victoria Sabetai

291

Parfumer les morts. Usages et contenu des balsamaires hellénistiques en contexte funéraire Natacha Massar

307

The daily grind of ancient Greece: mortars and mortaria between symbol and reality Alexandra Villing

319

VI. The Greek Vase and its Purchasers

335

Les amateurs des scènes érotiques de l'archaïsme récent Juliette de La Genière

337

Greek shapes among the Lydians: retentions, divergences and developments Stravos A. Paspalas

347

Le vase grec entre statut et fonction : le cas de la péninsule Ibérique Pierre Rouillard

365

Conclusions

377

About the Authors

381

François Villard

6

Vases for Gods and Heroes -Tsingarida

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