Theoretical Racism in Late-Victorian Anthropology, 1870-1900

Theoretical Racism in Late-Victorian Anthropology, 1870-1900 Author(s): Douglas Lorimer Source: Victorian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Spring, 1988), pp. 405-430 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3828098 . Accessed: 17/11/2013 06:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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Douglas Lorimer

THEORETICALRACISMIN LATEVICTORIANANTHROPOLOGY,1870-1900*

THE CRITIQUE

OF SCIENTIFIC

RACISM

THAT

DEVELOPED

FROM THE

1930S

of nineteenththroughthe 1950s stillshapesmuchof our understanding racistthought,and consequently ourviewofVictorianracismis in century somewaysdistorted. The mid-twentieth-century assaulton racistdoctrines the scientific of racialist andsuggested thatthis theories, standing challenged ofracialinequality oweditsdevelopment and strength to theactiviideology scientists. The emphasis a tiesofVictorian upontheroleofsciencein creating ledto a historical ofscisetoffalseandpernicious doctrines questfortheorigins whopropagated thesetheories. entific racismandforthe"pseudo-scientists" This concernwithoriginsmeansthatmuchofthestudyofVictorian on the 1850sand '60s, whena fiercedebate racisttheoryhas concentrated ofmonogenesis betweendefenders oftheorthodox andadvooccurred theory Bothschoolsofthoughtfollowedtheestablished catesofpolygenesis. pracofmanbyracialtype,andbothassumedthata ticeofclassifying thevarieties ofracesexistedwithEuropeansat thetopofthescale. The theory hierarchy withChristianteaching, wascompatible ofcommonoriginsor monogenesis movements fortheaband itsleadingadvocateshad linkswithhumanitarian of aboriginalpeoples.The polygenists olitionof slaveryand theprotection advanceda moreextremeracialistpositionby placinggreateremphasison thedifferences betweenracialgroups,and byarguingthatanatomicalcomanddistinct, bioparisons provedthatraceswerespecieswithseparateorigins In Great Britain the creator characteristics. fixed,unequal principal logically wasRobertKnox (1791-1862),whoseRacesofMan apofpolygenetic theory 1 whenhisfollower James pearedin 1850. His ideasgaineda publicplatform Hunt(1833-69)foundedtheAnthropological SocietyofLondonin 1863and Research CouncilofCanadaandto to theSocialScienceandHumanities The authoris indebted forthispaper. forthetravelandresearch assistance forfinancial Laurier Wilfrid University Ideas and British 1780-1850 The Macmillan, D. Action, (London: Philip Curtin, ImageofAfrica: 1977),pp. 46-48;Mi1965),pp. 377-382;MichaelBanton,TheIdeaofRace(London:Tavistock, KnoxandVictorian Dr. Robert ofAnatomy: Racism," chaelD. Biddis,"ThePolitics Proceedings of 69 (1976), 245-250. theRoyalSociety ofMedicine SPRING 1988


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useditsmeetings andpublications to proclaim thesuperiority ofAnglo-Saxons overall other,and especiallyovernonwhite, peoples.2 Existinghistoriesof racismtendto exaggeratethe impactof midEvidenceforthesurvival Victorianpolygenist ofpolygenesis after typologies. Darwinrestslesson British scientific worksthanuponFrenchauthorsnotso and Americansourcesmoreatsubjectto thenew evolutionary orthodoxy 3 tachedto polygenesis becauseof itsutility fordefending whitesupremacy. withintheBritish Fordevelopments scientific theJournal community, ofthe Institute Great Britain and Ireland a of Anthropological provides year-by-year ofthosescientists whoclaimedto havea specialinterrecordofthethinking est in the studyof race. The Journal's contentsserveas a meansto avoid authorsbyreputation, andprovidesomeindication ofwhichaupreselecting in shapinglate-Victorian thoritieswereimportant ideas. anthropologists' information the about Institute's and Furthermore, membership organization someanalysisofthebackground ofsubscribers to theJournal, and alpermits lowssomeinsightintothesocialas wellas the intellectual contextof lateVictorianracistthinking. In comparison to the scholarly attentionpaid to the boisterous debatesofthe 1850sand especiallythe 1860s,themoresubduedscientific deafter1870havereceivedmuchlessnotice.Yetthelastthirty liberations years ofthenineteenth sawsignificant in scientific century developments thinking aboutrace. Furthermore, theselaterdevelopments have closeraffinities to theracismofthepost-1918periodthando theracialtypologies ofthe 1850s and '60s. A studyofVictorianscientists' ideasaboutraceafter1871(theyear ofthepublication ofDarwin'sDescentofManandoftheformation oftheAnof the social Institute)also providesa clearerunderstanding thropological and politicalcontextwhichfostered scientific racistideas. I The Anthropological Institute wasformed in 1871outofthereunion oftheEthnological and Anthropological SocietiesofLondon(it becamethe 2 W. Evolution andSociety: A Study inVictorian SocialTheory UniJ. Burrow, (Cambridge: Cambridge Press,1970),pp. 118-136;GeorgeW. Stocking, ofthe versity Jr.,"What'sina Name?TheOrigins Institute RoyalAnthropological (1837-71),"Man, n.s., 6 (1971), 369-390;RonaldRainger, andScience:TheAnthropological ofLondoninthe1860s,"Victorian "Race,Politics StudSociety ies22:1 (Autumn1978),51-70;DouglasA. Lorimer, ClassandtheVictorians: AttiColour, English tudestotheNegroin theMid-Nineteenth Leicester (Leicester: Century Press,1978),pp. University 137-161.The continuity in scientific racismfrom the 1850sonwards is emphasized byChristine Attitudes toRace(London:Routledge Bolt,Victorian KeganPaul,1971),pp. 1-28;NancyStepan, TheIdeaofRaceinScience: GreatBritain, 1800-1960 (Hamden,CT: Archon,1982). 3 For seeGeorgeW. Stocking, ofPolygenist inPost-Darwinian Jr.,"ThePersistence examples Thought in Race,Culture andEvolution Anthropology," (NewYork:FreePress,1971),pp. 42-68;Stepan, 4. chap. VICTORIAN STUDIES


THEORETICAL RACISM, 1870-1900

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in 1907). As a consequenceofthisamalgaInstitute RoyalAnthropological of585 fellows,but mationtheInstitute beganwithan inflated membership listsreducedthesizeto bemaintenance ofmembership soona morerigorous decline formostofthe 1870sand'80s.4 A further tween440 and480 fellows to 363 members 1900 reduced the innumbers in the1890s (JAI30 by society in the1890s, fromtwenty to fifty ofmembers, [1900],1-12).Onlya minority in London.5 attendedmeetings to the listsofsubscribers The membership lists,whichwerein effect for of and one third for of the almost all the addresses fellows, Journal, gave or aboutsocialrank occupathenamesincludedsomeadditionalinformation tion (RAI, A20 and A31 [membership lists]).Of the 638 addresseson the listsfor1879and 1881-85,justunderhalfwereforLondon,35 membership foroverseaslocations(chiefly andtheremainder for the "provinces," percent The 203 memover thecoloniesandparticularly 40 subscribers). India,with bersforwhomsocialposition,education,or occupationwas listedincluded Thereweremorethan20 ofParliament. and 14 members 33 titledgentlemen oftheRoyalSociety,and at least70 ofthefellows members belongedto one with the learned or moreoftheother societies, Society RoyalGeographical and theRoyalGeologicalSocietybeingthemostcommon,followedbythe affiliawhoseprofessional Linneanand ZoologicalSocieties.Of themembers werethe63 medicaldoctors,followed tionwasgiven,themostnumerous by 30 and or other 36 scientists 43 armyofficers, academics, Forty clergymen. listedcolonialor Indianaddresses,and about percentof the armyofficers in oftheseservedas doctors.Mostofthehandfulofnavalofficers one-third are combined officers the Institutewerealso medicalmen. If the military withthosewho servedin theforeign, colonial,and civilservices,some74 whose fellows,or overone-thirdof those occupationis known,wereemployedbysomebranchofthegovernment. listsand The mostapparentchangebetweenthe earlymembership andclergy(to less ofarmyofficers thatof1900wasthedeclinein thenumber had dethan 10 in each category).Althoughthetotalnumberofmembers had been takenup to clinedby 1900, the place of the clergyand military affiliofacademicsandscientists someextentbyan increase,to 44 members, Mostofthisgrouphad training ormuseums. atedwithcolleges,universities, the reflected in medicineor biologicalscience.This changein membership of and the amateurs ofinterested declinein theparticipation growth specializedacademicand scientific bytheend of thecentury. professions 4

andIreland Institute oftheCouncilfor1871,"Journal ofGreatBritain oftheAnthropological "Report

5

books,Ordinary Archives Institute (hereafter RAI), A14 (1), "Attendance RoyalAnthropological in to citearchivematerials forpermission 1892- ." I wouldliketo thanktheInstitute meetings, thispaper.

citedasJAI) 1 (1871-72), 379. The numberofmemberswas givenin each annual report. (hereafter

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of the Anthropological Institute The analysisof the membership As one mightexpect,theInstitute wasdominated holdsfewsurprises. bythe middleclass,and withinthisgroupa significant London-based professional in medicineor thebiologicalsciences.As indihad sometraining minority catedbytheremarks ofseveraloftheInstitute's theseprofessionpresidents, butat thesame als believedin socialadvancebymeritandnotbypatronage, timetheysawsocialrankas indicative ofinherited potential.Thustheybethattheexisting lievedin thevalueofeducation,butthought socialsystem the from the of social selection and worried that aristocracy process protected excessivedemocracy wouldswamptheinherited of the educated midability ofthemasses.6 The combination dle classwiththemediocrity oftheseelitist witha strongorientation towardmedicineand naturalscience assumptions makesithardlysurprising thattheselate-Victorian members oftheInstitute, a significant or colonialconnections, numberofwhomhad military should lookforbiologicalexplanations forthegeopolitical of the reality expansionof Europeandominionovernonwhitepeoples. thecorrelation betweenthesocialbackground andacaNevertheless, demictraining of members and a propensity towardscientific racismis not as it mayseem.The feuding betweentheEthnoloquiteso straightforward Societiesin the 1860s,and theattempt gicaland Anthropological byHunt andothersto applytheracistideasofKnox'santhropology to politicaltopics oftheday,havebeenidentified as thebirth-pangs ofscientific anthropology in GreatBritain.The calmerdeliberations ofthe 1870sand '80s reflected, institutionalization of anthropology withinthe British then,the successful scientific community (Stocking,"What'sin a Name?"pp. 369-390;Rainger, however,to thinkthatthisstepmarked pp. 51-70). It wouldbe premature, thearrivalofanthropology as a professional, independent discipline.As late as 1900onlythreefellowsheldteachingpositionsas ethnologists or anthromembers held chairsin pologists.In contrast,no less thansevenInstitute 7 Foreven themostactivemembers oftheInstitute anatomy. anthropology was not theirprofession buttheiravocation. In the lastthreedecadesof thenineteenth thereweretwo century, of in theInstitute. On theone hand,therewerethoseintergroups amateurs estedin prehistoric and in exoticcultures. archaeology Theytendedto have littletechnicaltraining in humanbiology,butoftenhadsomepersonalexpe6 See addresses Galton,JAI15 (1885-86),497-499,and 18 (1888-89),406presidential byFrancis 407; andbyA. Pitt-Rivers, JAI11 (1881-82),507. See alsoJohnBeddoe,Memories Years ofEighty (Bristol: J.W. Arrowsmith, 1910),p. 312. 7JAI30 (1900),1-12.See alsoMeyer "SocialAnthropology atCambridge since1900,"inR. Fortes, intheHistory Damell,ed., Readings (NewYork:HarperandRow,1974),pp. 429ofAnthropology 433,andespecially GeorgeW. Stocking, Jr.,Victorian (NewYork:FreePress,1987), Anthropology tothepublication ofStocking's pp.257-269.I completed myresearch prior important study, yetwe seemtohavereached similar conclusions abouttheprofessional status oflate-Victorian anthropology. VICTORIAN STUDIES



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or officials riencewithalien societiesas travellers postedoverseas.For the and colonialofficials whofell ofclergymen, armyofficers, largecontingent fulfilled Institute a purposelike the Anthropological withinthiscategory, to and officials thatoftheRoyalGeographical Society.It enabledtravellers similar or individuals with to read about their observations experiences report and theRoyalGeographical to theirown. In thiswaythe Institute Society ofinformation aboutoutposts channelsforthedissemination becameimportant 8 These reports of colonialencounters, of theEmpire. usuallycasualdescripto relateobservations to a seldomattempted tionsmixingfactsand prejudice, cultural evolution. human or of framework theoretical physical larger on beingable to attractlarge The anthropologists pridedthemselves audiences, includingin particularclergymenand some adventuresome women,to theirlecturesat the BritishAssociation,and accordingto John the audienceresponded of the Institute, Beddoe (1826-1911),a president (Memories, p. 315). Although warmlyto a defenceof Britishimperialism werenottrainedprofessionforaccountsofexoticcultures theseenthusiasts moraland political theirstudyhad a profound als, theynonetheless thought in 1872,A. Lane the British Association In his on meetings report purpose. landed a in theGrenadierGuards, Fox (1827-1900),an officer gentleman, claimedthattherewas an urgent and a collectorof ethnographic artifacts, ofunciviandcustoms studiesbecause"themanners needforanthropological in the world's lizedracesarechangingwitha rapidity history, unprecedented a races is of these of some existence and ... thecontinued becoming question itsvastcolonialposses"a nationwhichfrom ofonlya fewyears."Furthermore, in contactwithsavageracesthananyother" sionsis placedmorecontinuously to promote a Fox's in Lane view, specialresponsibility anthropology.9 had, werethosewhobrought the Institute in of amateurs The secondgroup sometechnicalexpertisein humanbiologyto theirsubject.These medical of was an offshoot doctorsand biologists,whoseinterestin anthropology the with dissatisfaction theirprimary expressed responsibilities, professional conclusionsdrawnfromcultural distrusted of travellers, casualobservations fora morescientific or linguistic anatomy evidence,andlookedto comparative 10 of betweenracialgroups. These practitioners of thedifferences assessment skeletal to examine able of had the being advantage anatomy comparative overseasto see the living remainsat home in Englandwithoutventuring 8 Dorothy 1860-1900," African O. Helly,' "Informed' Opinionon TropicalAfricainGreatBritain, 68 (1969), 195-200. Affairs 9 A. Lane Fox,"Reporton Anthropology at theBritish JAI2 (1872-73),360; later Association," inJAI5 (1875-76),348, 485-486;6 (1876-77),167, 178; 11 (1881-82),507-508. reports 10 "SiahPoshKafirs," JAI3 (1873-74),368-369;W. L. Dison G. W. Leitner, GeorgeBusk,remarks "The usedinAnthropology," JAI6 (1876-77),60-63;H. H. Risely, tant,"On theTerm'Religion' in India,"JAI20 (1890-91),235-249. StudyofEthnology SPRING 1988


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DouglasLorimer

butnevertheless theirsciencehaditsdrawbacks. Beyondthediffispecimens, cultiesthattherewasno clearcutwayto distinguish acquiredfrominherited characteristics andno adequatetheory ofbiologicalinheritance, thephysical had establishedno consensusaboutthe formsof measureanthropologists mentor thesignificance oftheirresults. Thisdivisionbetweentheethnographers and thephysicalanthropolfortherewaslittleevidenceofconflict beogistsshouldnotbe exaggerated, tweenthetwoapproaches to thestudyofhumanevolution.Whenpresidents to definethescopeofanthropology oftheInstitute in theirannual attempted their statements both but was addresses, encompassed approaches, littleeffort 11 madeto integrate the twosidesofthenew scienceofman. The physical claimedthattheirfindings aboutinherited characteristics reanthropologists vealed differential intellectualand moralattributes betweenracialgroups, buttheygavelittleconsideration to whattheethnographers had to sayabout the customs,values,and practicesof the livingrepresentatives descended fromtheskullsmeasured in thelaboratory. whiletheethnographSimilarly, ersseemedto acceptthephysicalanthropologists' claimthatraceswereunein their of unilinear evolutionofweapons, inheritance, diligentpursuit qual and and theirreadiness to uselivingcultures as eviboats,games, intoxicants, 12 denceofStoneAge lifein Europe,presumed thepsychic unityofmankind. Althoughtheyweresometimes providedwitha questionnairerequesting data, authorsof ethnographic anthropometric papersonlyoccasionallyincludeda detailedstudyofphysicalcharacteristics. The usualpattern forInstituteproceedings wasforan ethnographic from overseas to be paperbya visitor followed detailedtechnicaldescription ofspecimen craniaof the bya shorter racialgroupin question(theRoyalCollegeofSurgeons hadat handover3,000 suchspecimens fromaroundtheworld).13 Occasionally Institute for presidents, example,JohnEvans (1823-1908)and E. B. Tylor(1832-1917),expressed

l See, for A. LaneFox,JAI5 (1875-76),470;E. B. Tylor, example, JAI9 (1879-80),443-458;W. H. Flower, JAI13 (1883-84),488-500. 12A. Lane ofClassification intheArrangement ofhisAnthropologiFox,"On thePrinciples adopted cal Collection," JAI4 (1874-75),293-308,and"On EarlyModesofNavigaton," JAI4 (1874-75), and itsAffinities," 399-437;A. Pitt-Rivers (Lane Fox), "On theEgyptian Boomerang JAI 12 MexicoanditsProbably (1882-83),454-463;E. B. Tylor,"On theGameofPatolliinAncient AsiaticOrigin,"JAI8 (1878-79),116-131;A. W. Buckland, Hintsafforded "Ethnological bythe Stimulants in useamongSavagesandamongtheAncients," JAI8 (1878-79),239-254.See also theextensive literature on kinship forexample, A. W. Howitt, "TheDieriandotherKinsystems, dredTribesofCentralAustralia," JAI20 (1890-91),42, 98-104. 13Sometimes ofexoticpeopleswereexamined at themeeting, as forexamplesome livingspecimens "Noteon theLappsofFinmark Lappson exhibitinLondon.See H. H. PrinceRolandBonaparte, A. H. Keane,"The Lapps:TheirOrigin,Ethnical andMental (in Norway)"; Affinities, Physical andJ.G. Garson,"On thePhysical Status,andFuture Characteristics, Usages,Present Prospects"; Characteristics oftheLapps,"JAI15 (1885-86),210-213;213-235;and 235-238.On theRoyal seeW. H. Flower, "On theAimsandProspects ofAnthropology," collection, CollegeofSurgeons JAI13 (1883-84),497-498. VICTORIAN STUDIES


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wereunder-represented, concernthatpaperson physical and in a anthropology in morepetulant toneBeddoe,an enthusiastic complained 1890: craniologist, willeverlackcultivators" "thereis no fear. . . thatethnography (Beddoein 529-530andJAI8 [1878-79], 490; EvansinJAI7 [1877-78], JAI19 [1889-90], 419; TylorinJAI9 [1879-80],453). Therewas a measureof truthin thiscomplaint.An examination of theJournal Institute for1871-1900revealsthatcranioloftheAnthropological a minority ofpapersgiven.In the alwaysrepresented ogyand anthropometry on prehistoric 1870spresentations and on earlyhistoricmigraarchaeology tionsin Europeoutnumbered thoseon ethnography and craniologycomwhereas the 1880s had become thedominant field bined, during ethnography in theJournal. in theearly1870sclassified Presidents' reports papersbytopic, to theJournal from1871-1900. and I haveusedthisschemeforcontributions At no timeduringthisperioddidthetotalnumberofpaperson comparative and theoccasionalbroadracisttreatise anatomy, anthropometry, craniology, outnumber on physpapers,andonlyin 1887didpresentations ethnographic or archaeological ical anthropology papers. surpassthenumberofhistorical This dominanceof culturalstudiesoccurredeven when,from1884-91,the or anthropometricians. Froma comparative wereanatomists presidents perin theAnthropological it would that the genteelprofessionals spective appear and anthroInstitute anatomy, craniology, putlessemphasison comparative pometrythan did theircolleaguesin France,Germany,and the United fora States,and at thesametimetheselateVictorianslaid thefoundation 14 in culturaland socialanthropology. tradition distinguished II topicsdominatedthe Institute's Bearingin mindthatethnographic of thesetravelers and officials conand thatthe observations proceedings in a ratherunsystematic fashion,it veyedracistattitudesand assumptions to construct efforts a theomaystillbe usefulto lookat theanthropologists' willbring reticalexplanationforman'sracialvarieties.This reconstruction cumulative racismwasa continuous, intoquestionthenotionthatscientific ofthe1860s,andwillsuggest that fromthepolygenist typology development greaterattentionneedsto be paid to the post-1885periodwhenbiologicalandmorewidelypopularized. werebothreinvigorated determinist explanations and Anthropothe between The rancorous Ethnological controversy to the was scandal both in 1860s a the Societies publicand respectable logical 14

Address," JAI20 (1890-91),349-355andMemories, pp.321-322;Stocking, J.Beddoe,"President's Evolution: ScienofPolygenist "ThePersistence from Thought," pp. 42-68;JohnS. Haller,Outcast ofIllinoisPress,1971). 1859-1900(Urbana:University Attitudes tific ofRacialInferiority,

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Hunt'sgodlesspolygenesis to the scientific community. outragedthe advocatesoftheantislavery andmissionary movements andequallyinfuriated the audiencesat the BritishAssociation,who hissedand booed his respectable viewson blacks.Huntandhisleadership oftheAnthropological Societyalso alarmedtheleadersofthescientific whosawhimas a quackand community, X-Clubpersuaded a charlatan.Membersofthe influential T. H. Huxleyto whichled to theamalgamation ofthe stepin, andhe chairedthediscussions twofeudingsocieties(Lorimer,pp. 138-161;Stocking,Victorian Anthropology,pp. 245-257). The fortuitous deathofHuntin 1869andthecreation ofthenewAnInstitute didnotsuddenly racist thropological bringto an endthefreewheeling ofthe1860s.Nonetheless, the1870sand'80sthescandalous theorizing during worksof Knoxand Hunt disputesof theearlierdecadeand thecontentious 15 In theearly wererarely in theproceedings mentioned ofthenewInstitute. numbers oftheJournal an occasionalpaperappearedwhichmixedracisttheafterthefashionofHunt'sAnoryand contemporary politicalcommentary but the Institute members had notmuchtimeforthese Review, thropological and devotedmostoftheirattention to thequestionofprehispresentations, toricman.16 In facttheirenthusiasm forarchaeology led somefellowswith in raceand psychology moreinterest to followRichardBurtonintothenew LondonAnthropological and Societyin 1873. This divisionwasshortlived, withintwoyearsthesecessionists the to in its rejoined Institute participate saner,ifduller,discussions (Lorimer, pp. 158-159). The agendaforthe anthropologists' discussionof race in the 1870s was setbya paperreadbyT. H. HuxleybeforetheEthnological Societyin 1870. Huxleyprovideda classification schemeofracialtypesbasedon skin colour,haircolourandtexture, Useyecolour,skullshape,andbodystature. andnota singlemeasure suchas skullshape,Huxley ingthisrangeofcriteria, identified fivemainraces:Australoid; Negroid;Xanthochroi (fairwhitesof Europe);Melanochroi(darkwhitesof Europe,NorthAfrica,Asia Minor, and Hindustan,includingthe Irish,Celts, Bretons,Spaniards,Arabs,and Brahmins);and Mongoloid(includingthe peoplesof Asia, Polynesia,and theAmericas).AlthoughHuxleydidnotrankhiscategories byintelligence or ability,and althoughhe did not attemptan evolutionary accountofdescentfromlowerto higherforms, hisdescriptions, likethoseofmostsystems 15Forthethirty oftheJournal years toKnoxandoneto (1871-1900),I cameacrossonlyonereference Hunt,bothin the1880s:J.ParkHarrison, "On theRelativeLength ofthefirst ThreeToesofthe HumanFoot,"JAI13 (1883-84),265 (to Hunt),andG. Bertin, "The RacesoftheBabylonian Empire," JAI18 (1888-89),115 (to Knox). 16For toJ.W. Jackson, "On theRacialAspectsoftheFranco-Prussian example,see theresponses War,"JAI1 (1871-72),30-43;thediscussants conventional andpolitical reasons preferred military toJackson's racialonesto explainFrance's defeat. VICTORIAN STUDIES



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containedpejorativeremarks.For example,he observed of classification, or child-like revealeda "gooddeal ofthefeminine, thattheNegroforehead orMelandark that individual he and whites, character," similarly suggested ochroi,may"be equal to the bestof the Xanthochroi"in intelligenceor beauty.17 ofJamesCowles In manywaysHuxley'spaperrevivedtheprocedure Prichard(1786-1848), the leadingadvocateof monogenesisin the early as thefounder ofethnology andthemanTyloridentified nineteenth century, 18Bybasinghisclassification ofcharacschemeon a variety in GreatBritain. teristicsand by plottingtheirgeographicaldistribution,Huxley, like withinhis five thewide variationin physicalfeatures Prichard, emphasized in humanphenotype. classesand pointedto themanyintermediate gradations ForHuxleythefivemajorclassesofracewerenot"pure"typesand,unlikethe and hisschemepointedto theintermingling typologies, mid-century polygenist thatthenextquestion ofracialgroups.His conclusion intermixture suggested ofphysicaltypein theAmericasandthe tobe resolvedwashowthesimilarity offormin the PacificIslandscouldbe explained.19 widediversity the racialquestionwhichwouldmost Huxleymayhave identified did not immediately butthe Institute anthropologists, puzzlelate-Victorian takeup theissue.Attention beganto focuson thisproblemonlyin themid1870s, when rivalryin the area betweenFrance,Germany,the United influence The threatofforeign States,and GreatBritainbeganto intensify. coloniallegislators labourpracticesprompted overmigrant and controversy to in New Zealandand Australiaas wellas Englishplantersand missionaries Britishgovernment. on the partof a reluctant pressfordirectintervention was excitedby reportsof firsteninterest Meanwhilethe anthropologists' countersbetweenEuropeansand remoteislandsocietiesin the Pacific.For the decadefromthe mid-1870sto the mid-1880s,numerous paperson the in theareaoftheIndianand PacificOceansvariousgroupsand subgroups axisfromtheAndamanIslandsto New Zealand,andon an on a north-south axis fromthe HawaiianIslandsto Madagascar- appearedin the east-west

17T. H. Huxley,"On theGeographical ofMan,"Journal oftheChiefModifications Distribution of theEthnological n.s., 2 (1869-70),405,408. Society, 18GeorgeW. Stocking, AnandBritish CowlesPrichard toEthnology: James Jr.,"FromChronology intothePhysical Researches CowlesPrichard, toJames History introduction 1800-1850," thropology, Address," Press,1973);E. B. Tylor,"President's ofMan (1813;rpt.Chicago:ChicagoUniversity JAI9 (1879-80),443-447. 19Huxley, criticized Richard Owen(1804-92)sharply Huxley's oldantagonist paper, p. 409. Huxley's AboandAustralian between ancientEgyptians hisclaimthattherewasa resemblance especially ofEgypt," to theEthnology JAI4 (1874-75),231; see also see R. Owen,"Contributions rigines; - A. LaneFox("EarlyModesofNavicametohisdefence friends JAI8 (1878-79),323. Huxley's 478-491). Address," JAI4 [1874-75], gation,"pp. 414-416)andGeorgeBusk("President's SPRING 1988


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Journal, makingthistopicthemostextensivedebateon racebetween1870 and 1900. 20

ofthose The issueat stakewasthedistribution, origin,and affinities and as black(Australian Aborigines, Papuans,Melanesians, groupsidentified but as brown also Indoand those identified (chiefly Polynesians, Negritos) dividedoverissuesreminiscent of nesiansand Malayans).21 The discussion neverdrew theold monogenist-polygenist controversy, thoughcontributors dead issue.One side arguedthatthe the connectionwiththissupposedly blackancestor, andsubbrownandblackpeoplesshareda common,probably had occurred in characteristics most commonly by sequentchange physical withothergroups,andrarely and intermixture isobygeographical migration ofPapuans lationand adaptation.The othersidearguedfora classification and Polynesians (or morebroadlyblacksand browns)as twodistinct groups in cases or where obvious affinities no interexcept sharing physical linguistic mixture had occurred.Amongthosewho arguedfora commonoriginand closerlinguisticconnectionswereAlfredRusselWallace (1823-1913),C. in thearea, withlongresidence StanilandWake,and twomissionary linguists of twodistinct R. H. Codrington and GeorgeBrown.The theory groupswas mostnotably Keane(1833-1912).22 advancedbyseveralauthors, byAugustus ofHindustani at University Keane,a professor College,London,was a frequent contributor to theJournal, servedon theInstitute Councilin the oftheInstitute from1886to 1890,andbecamein 1880s,wasa vice-president the1890san activepublicist ofgeographical andanthropological textswhich 23 advancedan extremeracistposition. His theoryof thedistinctoriginsof thepeoplesofthePacificclaimedthatthePolynesians weredescendedfrom an earlier"Caucasian"race in Malaysia("Inter-Oceanic Races," pp. 258Keane conducted a ratherrancor259, 275, 285-289).At Institute meetings 20J.HollandRose,A. P. Newton,andE. A. Benians, 8 eds.,Cambridge History Empire, oftheBritish vols.(Cambridge: Press,1933),VII, pt. 1, Australia, 345-362;R. Hyam, University Cambridge Britain's A Study andExpansion 1815-1914: (London:Batsford, 1976), Imperial Century, ofEmpire Address," "On the JAI6 (1876-77),496; H. N. Moseley, pp. 337-341;A. LaneFox,"President's Inhabitants oftheAdmiralty on Islands," JAI6 (1876-77),379-429(Moseleywasthenaturalist boardHMS Challenger). 21Partofthediscussion thebrown-black andalthough various involved dichotomy defining groups, usedherewasrejected continued tocontrast thediscussion as toosimple, PapuansandPolynesians as twobroadcategories; and"A Revised "TheEthnology ofPolynesia," seeS. J.Whitmee, Nomenclature fortheInter-Oceanic RacesofMan,"JAI8 (1878-79),261-275,360-369. 22 Forthecommon Race,"JAI10 (1880-81), view,seeC. S. Wake,"Noteson thePolynesian origin 109-123and"ThePapuansandPolynesians," "On JAI12 (1882-83),197-222;R. H. Codrington, theLanguages ofthedebate,GeorgeBrown, anda review ofMelanesia," 341-43, JAI14 (1884-85), view,see A. H. JAI 16 (1886-87),311-327.Forthedual-origin "Papuansand Polynesians," RacesandLanguages," oftheIndo-Chinese andInter-Oceanic Keane,"On theRelations JAI9 (1879-80),254-289;W. L. Ranken,"SouthSea Islanders," JAI6 (1876-77),223-244;andFrancis A. Allen,"TheOriginal Races,"JAI8 (1878-79),38-50. RangeofthePapuanandNegrito 23Edward "A. H. Keane,"Man12 (1912),53; WhoWasWho,1897-1915 (London:Adam Brabrook, andCharlesBlack),p. 389. VICTORIAN STUDIES



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ousdisputewithWake,anotherCouncilmember andexponentofthetheory ofcommonorigins(see Keane'sresponses to Wake'spapersinJAI 10 [188081], 32-33; 12 [1882-83],220-222). Keane'spositionstemmedin partfrom his extremely attitudetowardblacks,whichled him to claim antagonistic thatanyattemptto posita commonoriginof raceor languagemeantthat "theMelanesian,thatis, the lowerand unaggressive race,had imposedits thatis, thehigherand moreenterprizing speechon theMalayo-Polynesian, races."24 Such a result,in Keane'sview,flewin thefaceofbothbiologyand history. oflateEven thoughthediscussioninvolvedthecompleterepertoire and Victoriananthropological method,including anthropometry, philology, oftenbasedtheirobserand even thoughcontributors culturalcomparisons, vationsuponlongresidencein thearea,thedeliberations provedinconcluto scientific laidclaim themost sive.The physicalanthropologists methods, Travellers'accounts,even yet theyfelthamperedin theircontributions. NotesandQueriesonAnthropology thosebasedupontheInstitute's (1874; rev. ed. 1892) orothersuchguidesforcollectingdatararely provideda sufficient and anatomicalspecimensin Englandwere rangeofreliablemeasurements, the Moreimportantly, too fewin numberto makea baseforgeneralization. ofpeoplesin thearea,andsincetheavailthediversity anatomists recognized ofracialtypes,theydrewtheconcluabledatafailedtofitintoa clearpattern 25 sion thattheregionwas one ofgreatracialintermixture. The anatomy. Philology provedno moreconclusivethancomparative ofraceas readilyas they didnotacceptlanguageas an indication philologists on language had between1840 and 1870. Forexample,severaldiscussants of A. H. of dictum the themselves before Sayce (1845-1933),Professor kept was a test at Queen'sCollege,Oxford,thatlanguage Philology Comparative not ofracebutof "socialcontact."26Nonetheless,thephilologists, despite 24Keane'sremarks on G. W. ofCodrington, indiscussion JAI14 (1884-85),42; seealsohisremarks ofMadagascar," "On thePeopleandLanguages JAI12 (1882-83),492-493. Parker, 25 See for andJ.G. Garson,"On theCraofTimor-Laut," "On theEthnology H. 0. Forbes, example of oftheNativesofTimor-Laut," nialCharacters JAI13 (1883-84),8-31,386-402.Forexamples oftheAdmiralty Is"On theInhabitants see H. N. Moseley, datain travelers' accounts, physical Inhabitants oftheAndaman lands,"JAI6 (1876-77),382-387;E. H. Man, "On theAboriginal 18 (1888-89),354-394; Islands," JAI12 (1882-83),pt. 1,69-75,and"TheNicobarIslanders,"JAI oftheNativesoftheAndamanIslands," andAffinities "On theOsteology W. H. Flower, JAI9 oftheNativesoftheFijiIslands," JAI10 (1879-80),108-135,and"On theCranialCharacteristics editedbyLaneFoxforthe onAnthropology, originally (1880-81),153-154,171.NotesandQueries fortheAnthropological ofSciencein 1874,wasre-edited fortheAdvancement British Association Institute byJ.G. GarsonandC. H. Readin 1892. 26A. H. Sayce,"Language wasnotaccepted andRace,"JAI5 (1875-76),212-213.Thedistinction by on PeterComrie, all ofhisaudience(see pp. 217-220),butitwasrepeated byLaneFox(remarks totheDeNotesofNewGuinea,"JAI6 [1876-77], 115)andbyTylor("Address "Anthropological didnot oftheBritish ofAnthropology JAI9 [1879-80], 240). Saycehimself Association," partment totheAnthroposee"Address andhada handinreviving adhereto thedistinction Aryanracism; at Manchester," Association JAI17 (1887-88),166-177. logicalSectionoftheBritish SPRING 1988


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theskepticism ofprominent culturalevolutionists suchas Tylor,stilllooked forsignsoftherootlanguagein orderto tracewhichracialgroupswereorigior had borrowed thelanguageofothercultures nal, and whichweremigrant (see Tylor'sremarks inJAI9 [1879-80],236-239).Thisuseoflanguageas evidenceofchange,migration, or intermixture also invitedspeculation about whichgroupsinvolvedin theseprocesseswereaggressive or passive,dominantor subordinate. therewas a suggestion Occasionally (usuallyputforward fortwodistinct bythosearguing peoples)thatinthemidstofevidenceofphysical diversity and intermixture, demonstrated a stronger oftype language fixity on Codrington, (Keane,"Inter-Oceanic Races,"p. 227; remarks pp. 40-43;remarks on Parker, pp. 492-493). The debatebetweenthe linguistsinvolvedcontradictory claimsby one expertagainstanother,yetphilology withcomparative together anatomy remainedmoretrusted methodsthanthenewerapproachesto thestudyof culture.Lane Fox andTylor,bothskilledin theartoftracing cultural evolutionbythecomparative thatmoreattention be paid method,recommended to cultural in theregion.27 Ethnographic affinities studiesofindividual societiesgave detailsabouttools,artifacts, customs,and beliefs,but therewas someresistance to usingthisevidenceto tracepossiblelinksbetweenPolynesian and Melanesianpeoplebecauseof the inability of observers to distin28 fromindependent inventions. guishculturalborrowings

III The Anthropological Institute's discussions ofthediversity of lengthy racialgroupsin theregionoftheIndianandsouthPacificOceanscameto no clearresolution, butsimply ceasedto be ofmuchinterest as otherareas,especame into afterthemid-1880s.Nonetheless,the ciallyAfrica, prominence discussion oftheOceanic raceshad raisedsignificant forVictorian problems scientists in the racialquestion.Althoughthe participants interested were concerned withproblems ofclassification thedisbyanatomicalcomparison, cussionwas not simplya continuation ofmid-nineteenth-century racialtyRaces were not seen as distinctspecies,butratheras outcomesof pologies. 27A. Lane Fox,"Observations on Mr. Man'sCollectionofAndamanese andNicobarese Objects," JAI7 (1877-78),444-445,450-451;E. B. Tylor,"Noteson AsiaticRelations ofPolynesian Cul11 ture,"JAI (1882-83),401-405;Henry ofManners Yule,"Noteson Analogies between theIndoChineseRacesandtheRacesoftheIndianArchipelago," JAI9 (1879-80),290-304. 28See, forexample, Ranken,p. 230. Keanerejected Wake'suseofsuchevidencein hisremarks on Wake's"Noteson theOriginofMalagasy," JAI11 (1881-82),32. See alsoW. H. Flower, "Aims andProspects ofAnthropology," pp. 491-492. VICTORIAN STUDIES



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of intermixture betweengroups. as products and mostimportantly, evolution, was acceptedas a given,thediscusEventhoughtheevolutionary synthesis sionwas not in anyprecisesenseDarwinian.29 out weremadeto Darwin'swork,and although Fewreferences authors, of in thesubject,paid attention to thesexualpreferences interest of intrinsic ofsexualselection as the a Darwinian no one attempted variouscultures, study Nor did theconceptofnaturalselectionenter of racialvarieties. explanation in theregion environment Sincethephysical intothediscussion. prominently to wasacceptedas commonto all groups,therewaslittlesensein attempting as againstbroadtraits forexample,long-headedness explainparticular headedness- as adaptations enhancinga particular group'ssurvivalcapacisolated ity. Althoughtherewere some suggestionsthat geographically orTasmanians,mightbe "living groups,forexampletheAndamanIslanders an earlierformofman,therewasno systematic fossils"representing attempt in of the to tracean evolutionary region,with progression physicaltypes ones. more"advanced"forms evolvingout ofmore"primitive" mode of explanationwas historical-diffusionist. The predominant and physicalmixof peoplesof the Pacificwas asThe cultural,linguistic, ofwavesofimmigration whichled sumedto be theproductofa longhistory settledpeoples.This and previously betweennew migrants to intermixture withitsmixofanatomical,linguisformofexplanation questfora historical aboutrace, thinking tic,and culturalevidenceretaineda formoftypological of Prichardand tradition but it had morein commonwiththe monogenist ofKnoxand theEthnological polygenesis Societythanwiththemid-century Hunt.

as a ruledescribed Late-Victorian anthropologists lighter-complexioned termsthandarkerPapuansand Melanesians. in morefavourable Polynesians inskincolourorculturebeofthecontrast a product Thisbiaswasnotsimply butwas theretweenMelanesiansand Victorianmiddle-class professionals, historical outofEurope'slong-term associationgrowing sultofan established ofitspeoples.Bythe1880stheJournal linkswithAfricaandtheenslavement thesenegativeassociationsbeInstitute strengthened of theAnthropological sensationalized accounts and inferiority tweenblacks,savagery, bypublishing 29 The

tousethetermextremely isproblematic. Someauthors ofwhatis"Darwinian" prefer question Minds(London:Weidenfeld andNicolson,1968),pp. seeGertrude Victorian Himmelfarb, broadly; TheInteraction between andEnglish Biological 314-332,andGretaJones,SocialDarwinism Thought: inthiscontext, limas I do especially andSocialTheory Harvester, (Brighton: 1980).Othersprefer, seeR. J. thatofnatural ideasadvanced usetospecific selection; chiefly byDarwin, itingtheterm's A Definition," Victorian Studies "SocialDarwinism: 14:4 (June1971),389-405.On DarHalliday, as appliedto theoriginofhumanracessee CharlesDarwin,The win'stheory ofsexualselection toSex,2 vols.(London:JohnMurray, inRelation Descent 1871),I, 248-251; ofMan,andSelection pp. 142-145. Stepan,pp. 59-65;Lorimer,

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and officials ofAfricanpeoplesand culturesbytravelers, missionaries, pro30 of the "Dark Continent." motingEuropeanpenetration oftheOceanic Between1879and 1885,in themidstofthediscussion oftheInstitute in Africa,twoleadingmembers racesand ofthenewinterest to sumup the current positionof scienceon race. The firstwas attempted of cultural foremost student the evolution,and thesecondwasW. H. Tylor, oftheZoologicalSociety,DirectoroftheNatuFlower(1831-99),President on comparative ralHistoryMuseum,and a respected anatomy. authority to physical on racetendedto attachlesssignificance Tylor'sstatements His statements wereofteninorculture. thanto learnedbehaviour differences Culture however.Forexample,in Primitive (1871) he arguedthatit consistent, ofhereditary variconsiderations to eliminate anddesirable was"bothpossible eties of races of men, and to treatmankindas homogeneousin nature, 31 Similarly, in a paperbegradesofcivilization." thoughplacedin different to in a statistical the for fore Institute 1890, arguing approach thestudyof ofmanare as distinctly stratified as he claimedthat"theinstitutions culture, unitheearthon whichhe lives.Theysucceedeachotherinseriessubstantially of whatseemthecomparatively formovertheglobe,independent superficial similar human but nature of race and differences acting language, shapedby changedconditionsin savage,barbaric,and civilized throughsuccessively life."32 On theotherhand,Tylor'stextbook (1881) gavegreater Anthropology in differences racial and temto determinism intelligence byclassing scope as racialtraits,andbysuggesting thatsubsequent ofragenerations perament 33 to primary of cial crossesreverted Tylor'streatment types. In histextbook dependedheavilyon theworkofHuxleyand Flower. physicalanthropology favourable Flower,in an otherwise Ironically appraisalofTylor'sbook in a theculturalevolutionist for speechbeforetheBritishAssociation,criticized notgivingdue weightto thestudyofrace (JAI11 [1881-82],185). In his President'sAddressbeforethe Anthropological Institutein accountofdevelopments sincePrichard's stud1879,Tylorgavea historical 30 See in

H. H. Johnston, "On theRacesoftheCongoand thePortuguese Coloniesin particular Western JAI13 (1883-84),461-479,and"ThePeopleofEastern Africa," Africa," Equatorial JAI 15 (1885-86),3-15; see also C. E. Conder,"The Present Conditions oftheNativeTribesin Bechuanaland," JAI 16 (1886-87),76-96;R. C. Philips,"The LowerCongo:A Sociological Macdonald, andRe"Manners, Customs, Study," JAI17 (1887-88),214-229;James Superstitions ofSouthAfrican Tribes," ligions JAI19 (1889-90),264-296,and20 (1890-91),113-140.See also Patrick andAfricans: "Victorians The Geneology oftheMythoftheDarkContinent," Brantlinger, Critical 12 (1985), 166-203. Inquiry 31E. B. Tylor,Primitive 2 vols.(London:JohnMurray, Culture, 1871),I, 6-7. 32 E. B. theDevelopment ofInstitutions Tylor,"On a MethodofInvestigating appliedto Lawsof andDescent," Marriage JAI18 (1888-89),269. 33 E. B. AnIntroduction totheStudy Tylor,Anthropology: (London:Macmillan, ofManandCivilization 1881),pp. 56, 74-75,80-81. VICTORIAN STUDIES


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and notedthat"thereliesbetweenPrichard's timeandours ies in ethnology, doctrine."In spiteofits theperiodofpopularity anddeclineofthePolygenist had helpedgain acceptanceforthe demise,he observedthatpolygenesis byevolution,and he greatextensionofthelengthofhumanhistory required to recordthedevelopment ofhumanvarisawitas thetaskofanthropologists ofraces,and theirchangeunderaletiesby"theeffects oftheintermarriage teredconditionoflife"(JAI9 [1879-80],444; see alsoAnthropology, pp. 5-7). In an addressbeforethe BritishAssociation,also deliveredin 1879, Tylor thevastextension ofbiologicaltime,putting on greatemphasis againstressed thefactthatman'smainracialgroupshad comeintobeingin theprehistoric oftracingchangesin racialtypebecauseofthe period,and on thedifficulty crossingof racial groups.Consequently,he concluded,"the close resemwithwhichracesinterblanceofall menin bodyand mind,and thefreedom cross"made it probablethatmankinddescendedfrom"one originalstock" (JAI9 [1879-801,235-236). Althoughhe had warnedelsewherethatit was futileto attemptto locatetheplace ofman'sorigins,he speculatedthathuin theregion"from Africa in thetropics, andprobably manbeingsoriginated acrossto theEasternArchipelago"(p. 239; see Anthropology, pp. 112-113). ofcivilization, that observing Tylorthenturnedto thequestionoftheorigins thattheancientEgyptians it beganamongnonwhitepeople,and remarking wereprobably"a mixedrace, mainlyof Africanorigin"(pp. 240, 241). science'spositionon theracialquestionin ofanthropological Tylor'ssurvey workssuch 1879wasclearlyfarremovedfromthatofearlierracialtypologist but as a cultural Place in Nature evoluHunt's The as (1863), Tylor, Negro's thanthoseof his tionist,mayhave givenlessweightto racialdeterminism colleagueswhoweremoreattunedto thebiologicalsciences. oftheZoologicalSocietyand oftheAnIn his capacityas President assessfrom1883to 1885,Flowergavean anatomist's Institute thropological studies.In an addressbeforethe mentoftheplaceofracein anthropological ofthesubject British Associationin 1881,he delivereda cautioustreatment From the evidence of whichwas similarto Tylor'sposition. intermixture, no longerdebatedthatold questionof the Flowerobservedthatscientists commonor independent originofracialgroups;butwithinan evolutionary of man, theythoughtthat framework and allowingforthe greatantiquity froma probablecommonancestor"racialdifferences beganslowlyto be developedthroughthe potencyof variouskindsof selectionactingupon the in obedienceto thetendency whichappearedin individuals slightvariations therole 11 in all 188). He stressed [1881-82], things" living (JAI implanted racial of in the isolation of geographical traits,indevelopment particular and moralqualities"(p. 189). The anatomistalso sugcluding"intellectual gestedthatin the longcourseof humanevolutionsomeracialgroupsmay SPRING1988


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havediedoutorbeenabsorbedbymoresuccessful rivals,and thatsomenew raceswereformed from ofearlier theintermixture Whileadmitting that groups. thisevolutionary thefossilrecordneededto reconstruct processhad yetto be of manas "a constantdeuncovered,Flowerdepictedthebiologicalhistory to separation struction andreconstruction; a constant anddifferentiatendency to combineagainintoa commonuniformity" tion,and a tendency (p. 189). Giventhisfluidpictureofhumanevolution, Flowerthentooktheunusualstepofadmitting thattheterm"race"itself hadno adequatedefinition: thatthe different individuals "any theoryimplying composingthe human speciescan be parcelledout intocertaindefinite groups,each withitswellmarkedand permanent limitsseparating it fromall others,has no scientific foundation"(pp. 189-190; see also JAI 9 [1879-80], 128). Floweralso whichhe describedas an attempt"to questionedthe value of craniology, makeuseofwhatappeartrivialcharacters, andcompensate fortheirtriviality results by theirnumber"(p. 190). While he questionedifanyproductive wouldcomefromtheselaboriousefforts, he heldoutthehopethatimprovementsin measurement and greateragreement abouttheir amongscientists methodswouldlead to moredefinite conclusions(pp. 190-192). In subsequentstatements aboutthe place of race in anthropology, Flowergavea lessrestrained view.In hisPresident's AddressbeforetheInstitutein 1884,he insisted on theprimacy ofcomparative aboveboth anatomy and culturalcomparisons ofAnthropology," ("Aimsand Prospects philology "areprobably pp. 491-492). He assertedthatphysicaldistinctions alwaysasin "temper sociated"withdifferences and intellect," andclaimedthatas a conhad important lessonsforpoliticians sequenceanthropology seekingto govern thediversepeoplesnot onlywithintheEmpirebutevenwithintheBritish Isles(pp. 492-493).He arguedthatpoliciessuitable"to mitigate thedifficultiesand disadvantages underwhichtheEnglishartisanclassesmaysuffer in theirstruggle forinstance,to life,wouldbe absolutely through inapplicable, thecase oftheEgyptian fellaheen.It is notonlythattheireducation,trainand circumstances are butthattheirverymentalconstitution ing dissimilar, is totallydistinct."In caseswherecontactoccurred betweenracesevenmore as betweenEnglishmen and Africans, AmericanIndians,Austradissimilar, lianAborigines, orPacificIslanders, theresult,theanatomist claimed,"genofone ofthem"(p. 493). erallyendsin the extermination In his President'sAddressthe followingyear,Floweroutlinedhis schemeofracialclassification. Once againhe admitted thatanyclassification schemewouldcontaininadequaciesbecauseoftheexistenceofmanyintermediategradationsand becauseof the frequency of intermixture (JAI 14 ofphysicaltraitsandmeas[1884-85],379-380).Althoughhe useda variety urements to classify divisionofblacks,yellows, groups,histhreefold primary andwhitesclearlyresteduponskincolour(pp. 381-382).On thevexedquesVICTORIANSTUDIES


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tionofthepeoplesofthePacific,he placedMelanesiansin theblackclass, and Polynesians in theyellowor Mongolianclass,whileadmitting thatboth He wentso faras to suggest thatsome groupsshowedsignsof intermixture. forexamplethe Maoris,came close to a "Caucasian"appearPolynesians, ofa primitive Caucasianoriginforwant ance,buthe rejectedKeane'stheory ofsufficient evidence(pp. 384-385,388-389).He followedHuxleyin dividingwhitesintothe "blonds"and the "darks,"but in contrastto Tylor,he claimedthatthe ancientEgyptians were"nearlypureMelanochroi"with sometracesofEthiopianancestry hispresenta(pp. 391-392).In concluding Flower in its observed that features his classification tion, scheme,in general fromthatof Cuvier spiteof a vastincreasein knowledge,"scarcelydiffers nearlysixtyyearsago" (pp. 392-393). To Flowerthiscontinuity confirmed theessentialtruthfulness ofthe classification scheme.As an anatomist Flower,likehis predecessors, simply thetrusted followed practiceofthebiologicalsciencesofseekingorderin natureby classification. Even Darwinianevolutiondid not abandonexisting schemesofclassification, butsimply a newexplanation fortheirexprovided istence.Consequently Victorianscientists stillthoughtin termsofracialtyof thesignificance of species,in pologyin spiteof Darwin'stransformation and in spiteofa momenspiteofabundantevidenceofracialintermixture, in the1870sandearly'80s,whensomeleadersofthescientific taryhesitation community pausedto considerwhattheymeantby race. This was onlya in 1881 and betweenFlower'sremarks pause,however,for,as the contrast a revivalin the 1880s. 1885 indicates,racistthinking experienced

IV racismin the mid-1880sresultedin part The revivalof theoretical of method.Aftera periodof criticism in anthropological frominnovations ofcraniology, a new interand inconsequence thesheertedium,confusion, in 1886 on the cephalicindexled to greatercertainty nationalagreement 34 in psychology, New developments aboutskullmeasurements. particularly ofthebrain,openedup thepossibiloffunctions localization David Ferrier's

34 Forcriticism ofcraniology, see GeorgeBusk,"President's Address," JAI3 (1873-74),509, 520-

in Belgium andElsewhere," Colourin Phenomena JAI 525;J. Beddoe,"On theAnthropological ofAnthroon theMethodsand Processes "Observations 10 (1880-81),374-380;PaulTopinard, Craniometric JAI 10 (1880-81),212-214,223-224;J. G. Garson,"The Frankfurt pometry," seeJ. remarks withcritical thereon," JAI14 (1884-85),64-83.Forthenewconsensus, Agreement on theClassification and G. Garson,"The CephalicIndex"and "The International Agreement oftheCephalicIndex,"JAI16 (1886-87),11-17and 17-20. Nomenclature

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unthebrainsofcivilizedand savagemento demonstrate ityofcomparing 35 mental equal development. A moreimportant wastheshiftawayfromtheemphasis development whichencompassed notonly on skullshapeandsizealoneto anthropometry, measurements of the entireskeleton,butalso testsof the senseand motor 36 At thesametimeinnovations in statistical functions. analysis,pioneered Francis oftheAnthropologGalton(1822-1911),President andpromoted by from1885to 1889,alloweddatatobe handledin a moresophisicalInstitute theuseofrangeratherthanmeanas a standard of ticatedmanner,including of percentiles the employment and curvesofnormaldistribucomparisons, deviationand regression tion,and theconceptsofstandard analysis.Galton wasextremely activein promoting newmethodsto improve thequantifiable and- in hisview- scientific ofanthropological data. One of presentation in theuseofnewtechnology hismoreingenious in initiatives wasspecifically thestudyofrace:he advocatedsuperimposing individual of photographs repofracialgroupsone on topoftheotherso thatdistinctive resentatives traits 37 wouldstandout in a compositepicture. in anthropology, Galton'sparticular interest as in biologyand mathefromhispreoccupation withdemonstrating theinfluence of matics,stemmed in determining overenvironment an individual's attributes and poheredity in the"natureversusnurture" tential.His interest question,to use Galton's inTropical SouthAfrica(1853), an account ownphrase,first becameapparent ofhistravelsin South-West Africain 1850-52.He helda generally contemptuousattitudetowardthepeoplesofAfrica,and claimedinnatecharacteristicsexplainedboththe differences betweenvariouspeoplesin South-West Africaandtheoverallinferiority ofAfricans to Europeans.In spiteofhisearliertravelsand his subsequent roleas Honorary to theRoyalGeoSecretary the "Search for Sources of theNile" in the graphical Societyduring exciting inethnography oreveninpeoplesoutsidethe 1860s,he showedlittleinterest British Isles.His first at advancing theeugenicprinciples ofinheritattempts TalentandCharacter"(published inMacmillan's ance,particularly "Heredity Genius(1869), pointedto differMagazinein 1865) and hisbookHereditary encesbetweenracesto illustrate theimportance ofinherited characteristics. 35 D. Ferrier, "On the FunctionalTopography of the Brain,"JAI 17 (1887-88),26-31;H. D.

oftheCerebral ofan AdultAustralian Rolleston, "Description Hemispheres Male,"JAI17 (1887anditsRelationtotheScience 88), 32-42;seealsoAlexander Bain,"TheScopeofAnthropology ofMind,"JAI15 (1885-86),380-388. 36 "Extracts fromtheReportoftheAnthropometric Committee oftheBritish Association," JAI9 ofAnthropometric (1879-80),345-351;Francis Galton,"On RecentDesigns Instruments," JAI16 intheBritish Isles(London:Royal (1886-87),2-9;British Association, Anthropometric Investigation Institute, 1909). Anthropological 37 Francis Galton,"President's Address," JAI18 (1888-89),401-419;"Composite Portraits," JAI8 ofthemethod, (1878-79),132-144.Foran example seeJoseph "On including photographs, Jacobs, theRacialCharacteristics ofModemJews," JAI15 (1885-86),53-56. VICTORIAN STUDIES



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In the 1860she had to contestestablished environmental for explanations butbythe 1880shis ideasfounda morereceptiveaudihumandifferences, ence.38Bythistimehe had alsocometoplaya leadingroleintheAnthropowiththeapplicationof wherehispresentations dealtlargely logicalInstitute, His maininterest methodsto humanpopulations. statistical laynotin differwithintheBritish encesofracebutin differences population,usuallyon the basisofsocialclass.39 whenGaltondealtin a presiOn one occasionbeforethe Institute, in thecolonies,he observedthatin temperdentialaddresswithpopulations inhabitants faced"rapid hadsettledtheaboriginal ate zoneswhereEuropeans are losingpresentinterest and are and thus"theirpeculiarities diminution" historical andarchaic"(JAI16 [1886-87],392). He thenexpressed becoming aboutthestudyofBritish senseofurgency a greater particularly populations, aircondicolonies.FortheheatGaltonrecommended thoselivingin tropical Forthemoredifficult obstacleof ofrefrigeration. usingnewtechniques tioning, wouldleadto thesurvival and thatnaturalselectionitself disease,he thought Otherwise he thought ofwhiteswithimmunity. of theminority reproduction withblacks(illustrated someintermixture byan analogyofmixingblackand themathematical lawsof to demonstrate to variousshadesofcoffee whitefluids wouldproducea breedofwhitescapableofsurvival (pp. 394-402). heredity) in method,Galton'smostsubstantial In additionto his innovations washisworkas a publicist.At Institute to theAnthropological contribution in 1884, Galton in South Exhibition Health the International Kensington whowere in a presidential address,he foundover9,000 individuals reported minutesbeingmeasuredin his tinyanthropometric willingto spendtwenty laboratory (JAI 14 [1884-85],205-221;17 [1886-87],346-355). In 1887 he buttheseries, a at theSouthKensington series ofpubliclectures Museum, gave of wason Galton'sownlimited conception bytheInstitute, although sponsored in and Nurture" on "Heredity forhe lectured the discipline, (announcement in 1889bya groupofInstitute 79). His examplewasfollowed JAI17 [1887-881, serieson themoreconventional a publiclecture whooffered members topicsof inJAJ19 [1889-90],441-442). evolution(announcement andcultural physical 38RaymondE. Francher, and itsRole in theDevelopment "FrancisGalton'sAfricanEthnology TheBritish ofhisPsychology," Journal ofScience16 (1983), 67-79;R. S. Cowan, oftheHistory ofBiologyand Politicsin theWorkofFrancisGalton,"in The Interplay "NatureandNurture: intheHistory 7 vols.(Baltimore: W. C. ColemanandC. Limoges, eds.,Studies Johns ofBiology, Francis Galton:TheLife Press,1977), I, 133-208.See also D. W. Forrest, HopkinsUniversity and 5. Genius(New York:Taplinger,1974), especiallychaps. 2, 3, andWorkofa Victorian 39Francis AdInstruments," pp. 2-9; "President's Galton,"On RecentDesignsofAnthropometric JAI 18 (1888-89),406-407;"On the Address," dress,"JAI 15 (1885-86),489-499;"President's ofCambridge," at theUniversity in Students HeadGrowth JAI18 (1888-89),155-156.Eventhe in theUnitedKingdealtwithpopulations Galton'smethods ofthosewhofollowed presentations ofJewish Distribution and alsohis"The Comparative dom;seeJacobs,"RacialCharacteristics," "On theComparaandIsidore Spielman, JAI15 (1885-86),23-62and351-379;J.Jacobs Ability," AnthroofEnglish tiveAnthropometry JAI19 (1889-90),76-88;JohnVenn,"Cambridge Jews," JAI18 (1888-89),140-154. pometry," SPRING 1988


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withthe quesGalton'sone promotional enterprise dealingdirectly Conference on theNativeRacesofthe tionofracewastheAnthropological in 1886.This BritishPossessions heldat theColonialand IndianExhibition seriesof lecturesand exhibits,including bothartifacts and somelive specimen"savages,"offered In conpresentations bywhitecolonistsandofficials. scientific trastto Galton's emphasison quantitative studies,thesepapers wererarelyscholarly.Theyprovidedgeneralized of indigenous descriptions offered and, in accordancewithGalton'sintroductory remarks, populations the of about traditional of impressions impact Europeansupon ways living. MostspeakersfromareasofEuropeansettlement on thedeclinein reported thesizeoftheaboriginal ofindigenous culpopulationandthedisintegration as providing benevolent tures,butdepictedcolonialadministrators protection. Somespeakers usedtheoccasionto engagein thepromotion ofcolonialdeveland the as "natives" a poolofproductive labourers (theproopment described oftheconference werepublished inJAI16 [1886-87],174-236). ceedings In themidstoftheseefforts to promote science,there anthropological wasalso a revivalofsomeofthemoreextreme abouttheorigin speculations and natureofracialgroups.The mostnotableexamplewas therevisedversion of the Aryantheoryin the late 1880s.Sayce and Isaac Taylor(1829followedrecentcontinental 1901), Canon ofYorkand a notedphilologist, worksin arguing foran Aryanhomelandinnorthwestern Europe,againstthe established convention ofa centralAsianoriginlinkingIndianandEuropean a commonlinguistic peoplesthrough heritage.AlthoughTaylor'spaperreceiveda largely hostilereceptionbeforetheInstitute, therevivalofthedebate also reintroducedthe confusedconnectionbetweenrace and lanto identify a Jewishtypebothby guage.40 The 1880salso saw a new effort 41 andbyuseofhistorical evidence. Led byBeddoe,therewas anthropometry in the racialcomposition also a renewedinterest of the Britishpopulation and a revivaloftheideaoffixedtypesthatpersisted in spiteofhistorical evi42 denceofa mixedancestry. In additionto thisinterest in Europeanpopulations, members ofthe in the 1880sattempted Institute to deducean evolutionary accountforthe 40IsaacTaylor,"TheOriginandPrimitive SeatoftheAryans," JAI17 (1887-88),238-269,andthe toit,269-275; A. H. Sayce,"Address totheAnthropological Section oftheBritish Associaresponses Forexamples oftheconfused linkbetween tion,"JAI17 (1887-88),166-177. raceandlanguage, see C. R. Conder,"TheRacesofModemAsia,"JAI19 (1889-90),30-43;J.Beddoe,"President's Address," JAJ19 (1889-90),491-493. 41See Jacob'sarticles andG. Bertin, "On theOriginand Primitive HomeoftheSemites," JAI11 (1881-82),423-437. 42J. Beddoe,"English Surnames from an Ethnological PointofView,"JAI12 (1882-83),231-242, andTheRacesofBritain: A Contribution totheAnthropology (Bristol: Europe ofWestern J.W. Arrow"On theSurvival ofcertain RacialFeatures smith, inthePopulation ofthe 1885);J.ParkHarrison, British Isles,"JAI12 (1882-83),243-255;A. L. Lewis,"On theEvilsarising from theUse ofHistorical NationalNamesas Scientific Terms," JAI8 (1878-79),325-335. VICTORIAN STUDIES



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aroundtheglobe.The mostnotable ofracefromtheirdistribution varieties in 1885 byJamesDallas, CuratoroftheAlbert examplewas a presentation divisionof races MemorialMuseum,Exeter,who used a threefold primary divisionforzonesof north-south intoblack,yellow,andwhite,anda twofold evolution.Thushe claimedthatblacksevolvedfroma centrein southIndia and spreadeastintothePacificislandsand westintoAfrica,whereasa sepaofwhite ratecentreofevolutionnorthoftheHimilayasled to theemergence overtheEurasianlandmassand andyellowtypeswhosubsequently migrated ofDallas'stheory wereclear,but theAmericas.The polygenetic implications in 1885.43 uncontested his paperwentvirtually authorities morerespected usinganatomical Subsequently papersfrom accountofevoluhintedat a similar methods andanthropometic polygenetic tion. Flowerpursuedhis studiesof shortvarietiesof blackpopulations,inofCentralAfrica,to developa cludingAndamanIslandersand thePygmies and childlikestockoutofwhich thatthesepeopleweretheprimitive theory Africans and Melanesiansevolved.44H. H. Risley'santhropometric studyof of a north-south racial divithe idea to served India also castein strengthen as a divisionbyrace,notbysothatthecastesystem originated sion,arguing wereperpetuated cial function.Risleyclaimedthatphysicaldistinctions by lower castes the the south from Dravidians that dark and composed exogamy, in India," comparedto thehighercasteAryansfromthenorth("Ethnology of racial to deducean evolution typesgrewout pp. 235-263).Theseattempts oftheearlierdebateon theOceanicraces.Althoughat first theywereseenas in standard textson ethnology ventures, theybecameentrenched speculative in the 1890sand even intothe 1920sand '30s.45 and humangeography

V

thenewmethodsand ideasof century, Bytheend ofthenineteenth accountsin textsaimedat thegeneral scientific the1880shadbecomestandard forthesenewgeneraltexts,translating reader.Keaneledthewayin producing

43JamesDallas, "On the Primary of Mankind," Distribution Divisionsand Geographical JAI 15 seeW. S. Duncan,"On theProbable OriginofMan'sEv(1885-86),304-330;forotherexamples, of the "The Races Empire," pp. Babylonian olution," JAI 12 (1882-83),513-525;G. Bertin,in race." low-class "ground 104-120,arguedfora universal 44W. H. Flower,"On theOsteology oftheNativesoftheAndamanIslands," andAffinities JAI9 CentralAfrica," Racefrom ofAkkas,a Pygmy oftwoSkeletons (1879-80),127-132;"Descriptions RacesofMan:A Lectureat theRoyalInstitution," JAI18 JAI18 (1888-89),3-19;"The Pygmy (1888-89),72-91. 45A. H. Keane,Ethnology Press,1896),pp. 221University Cambridge (1895; 2d ed. Cambridge: Distribution Cambridge (1909;rev.ed. Cambridge: 241;A. C. Haddon,TheRacesofManandTheir Press,1929),pp. 139-156. University SPRING 1988


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worksand editingschoolgeography and ethnological eigntravel,scientific, and Travel,a frequently books. For Stanford's Compendium of Geography reissuedreference work,he helpedproducevolumeson Africa(1878, 1884, 1895, 1904),Asia (1882, 1893, 1896, 1906),Australasia (1879, 1883,1888, South America Central and and (1878, 1885, 1901, 1909-11). He 1908), wrotetwotextson anthropology: (1895) andMan,PastandPresent Ethnology to The LivingRacesofMankind:a popularillus(1899). He also contributed andceremonies account trated habits, pursuits, feasts oftheracesof ofthecustoms, theworld(1905), a serialized Mankindthroughout magazineamplyillustrated withphotographs ofexoticpeoples.In 1908he published anotherillustrated Account andMentalCharactext,TheWorld'sPeoples:A Popular Bodily oftheir Political andSocialInstitutions. Forhisefforts inethnolters,Beliefs, Traditions, ogy,Keane receiveda civillistpensionin 1897 (WhoWas Who,p. 389). Keane'sbookswerelargely a catalogueofcharproviding descriptive, acteristics foreach racialor ethnicgroupin turn.Unhappywiththe inadeKeane thoughtthatmentalcharacteristics quaciesofphysicalclassification, and wouldrevealsharper couldalso be classified differences ofrace.As a resulthe had no hesitation aboutdrawing foreach raup psychological profiles cial group(Ethnology, each chapterbegan p. 171). In Man, PastandPresent, witha taxonomy oftheracewhichincludeda briefdescription of"temperament."SudaneseNegroes,forexample,he described as "sensuous,indolent, andfaithfitful, improvident, passionateandcruel,thoughoftenaffectionate little of and sense dignity, slightself-consciousness, henceeasyacceptful; ance of yokeof slavery;musical."46SouthernMongolsreceivedan equally "Somewhatsluggish, withlittleinitiative, but uncomplimentary description: and indusgreatendurance, cunningratherthanintelligent; generally thrifty trious,but mostindolentin Siam and Burma;moralstandardslow, with slightsenseof rightand wrong"(p. 170). At the otherextremestoodthe "CaucasicPeoples,"whoare"All brave,imaginative, enmusical,andrichly dowed intellectually" (p. 442). Keane reservedhis highestpraiseforthe Saxon, who remainedan identifiable typein spiteof themixingofvarious peoplesthatmadeup the Britishpopulation:"The Saxon also stillremains the Saxon, stolidand solid,outwardly and true, abruptbut warm-hearted and evenoverbearing an innatesenseofsuperiority, haughty through yetat heartsympathetic and alwaysjust,hencea rulerof men;seemingly dullor in therealmsofphilosophy and imagination slow,yetpreeminent (Newton, theseconfident ofmenShakespeare)"(p. 532). Keanejustified descriptions tal as well as physicalattributes by the claimthathe depictedonly"ideal types"fromwhichrealindividuals mightvary(Ethnology, pp. 223-229).This on the generalreader,forKeane's philosophical nicetymadelittleimprint 46A. H. Keane,Man,PastandPresent (Cambridge: Press,1899),p. 36. Cambridge University VICTORIAN STUDIES



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of a real living ideal typefrequently appearedon the page as a photograph person. assertions aboutracialtypesrestednotupontheexKeane'sconfident as a linguist. In his butuponhistraining anatomy, istingstateofcomparative ofthephysical thefindings Keanereviewed moreanalytical work,Ethnology, ofracialcrosses and notedthatthe evidenceofthefertility anthropologists confirmed and thefactthatalmostall existingraceswereofmixedancestry thespecificunityofman (pp. 142-143,150-156).Even thoughhis descripofKnox's, tionsofracialtypes,forexampleoftheSaxon, werereminiscent American as partofthediscredited theScottishanatomist Keane identified workin founding school,and lookedwithfavouron Prichard's polygenist ethnology (pp. 165-166). Becauseofthework Keane inclinedtowardpolygenesis. Nonetheless, he wasforcedto admitall mankind oftheanatomists belongedto one species, races"areto a certainextentofdiverseoributhe stillclaimedthatexisting or parallellinesfrom converging gin,thatis to say,descendin diverging, also see theirseveralpleistocene 162; precursors" pp. 223-229,239-240). (p. betweenmonogenesis Keaneclaimedthathisschemereconciledtheconflict butin a letterto Wallacehisinsistence and polygenesis, upontheautonomy morefrankly: ofthewhiteraceand itsindependent "My originwasexpressed oftheevolutionofblack,whiteand yellow,notone fromtheother, theory fromtheirseveralpleistoceneprecursors but independently (the generalized man The white is thus,nota these. such cases as to meet humantype)seems withtheothers,and so starts latearrivalon thescene,butofequal antiquity ForKeane thegreater withthemon hislifehistory."47 sophissimultaneously ofbroadgenerlimitedthepossibility oftheanatomists ticationandprecision alizationsaboutracialgroups,whereashis own fieldof linguistics together a drawnfroma widerangeof travelliterature withobservations permitted historiand theindependent aboutthementalcharacteristics freer speculation ofthehumanraces(Ethnology, cal development pp. 42-44,171, 191-205). active was the most Keane publicistin the 1890s,he was Although on theTorres notalone. A. C. Haddon(1855-1940),a pioneeroffieldwork at StraitsExpeditionof 1898 and a founderof the studyof anthropology TheStudyofMan in 1898.In thisgeneraltexthe made Cambridge, published and Institute, extensiveuseof 1880sissuesoftheJournal oftheAnthropological 48 With of Keane. to those similar of racial groups includeddescriptions in 1920,and Keane'sMan, PastandPresent A. H. Quiggin,Haddonreissued Distribution Haddon'sown TheRacesofMan andtheir (1912) appearedin re47A. H. Keaneto A. R. Wallace,22 November Add. MS Library 1899,WallacePapers,British 46437,ff.67-68. 48A. C. Haddon,TheStudy Haddonthe ofMan(London:Bliss,Sands,1898);seealsoA. H. Quiggin, Press,1942). HeadHunter University Cambridge (Cambridge: SPRING 1988


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visedformin 1929. These latereditionsdidnotsubstantially altertheracist ofearlierversions, so thatthepost-1885generobservations andconclusions in the alizationsaboutrace, entrenchedin generaltextson anthropology ofstudents after1918. 1890s,werepassedon to a newgeneration fromat leastthe Victorianracismrevealstwopersistent continuities ofhumanbeings,anda readiness 1850s:thebeliefin thenaturalinequality to aboutthecharacter ofracialand ethnicgroups.Neitherof generalize freely ofthought thesepatterns werederivedfrom science,butwerehabsystematic socialandcultural itsofmindshapedbythelarger environment. Muchofthe ofracetookplaceina haphazard Victoriandiscussion fashion, mixingtheobservations oftravelers withcommonprejudices. This was thecommonplace notonlyofeveryday discourse conversation andofthedailypress,butalsoof scientific and publications theorgansoftheBritish Asgatherings including the and the Instisociation, RoyalGeographicalSociety, Anthropological tute.Priorto 1900 at least,scientific failedto counteract the developments of commonplace influences and in factservedto give distorting prejudices, theseobservations bothgreater coherenceandgreater The reasons authority. willbe foundin a historiography forthisfailure ofnineteenth-century science whichgoesbeyonda recounting ofideastoplacescienceandscientists within 49 theirsocialand ideologicalcontexts. In thesecondhalfofthenineteenth twoexternalconditions century, sustained theinegalitarian and race ofscientists. assumptions generalizations the of external overtheglobe First, reality expanding Europeandomination and itspeoplesencouraged Victoriansto rankracialgroupsby theirpower and status.Second,thepresumptions and valuesoftheprofessional middle classgavefocusto thescientists' Bothelements wereevidentin the inquiries. Institute.Its members weredrawnlargely fromtheprofesAnthropological sionalmiddleclass,manywithcolonialconnections or experience, and the Institute's forthepresentation ofcolonizers' views proceedings gavea forum ofraceand racerelations. A moreexact senseof the chronology of developments providesa moreprecisemeasureoftheplace ofscientific racismin nineteenth-century imagesofrace.Althoughthe 1850sand '60s maywellbe thepointoforigin formodemscientific ofthe1880sand'90sweremore racism,theinnovations forthecharacter ofscientific racismin the 1920sand '30s. Knox, important Hunt,and the Anthropological Societyof Londonmayhave liberatedthe scienceofmanfromreligionand humanitarianism, a somewhat exaggerated buttheymetwithpublicridiculeand rejectionbyleadersofthescibenefit, 49 Robert Young,"The

andIdeological Contexts oftheNineteenth-Century Historiographic Debate on Man'sPlaceinNature,"in M. TeichandR. Young,eds.,Changing intheHistory Perspectives of Science (London:Heinemann, 1973),pp. 344-473. VICTORIAN STUDIES


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unnoticedin thescientific and theirworkswentvirtually entific community, discussion ofrace in the lastthreedecadesofthenineteenth century. sucWhy,then,didGaltonand hiscolleagueshave so muchgreater framework existedforthemore cessafter1880?Bythistimean institutional ideas. In partthe professionalization of dissemination of scientific effective thananthropolsciences,rather science,in thiscasethemedicalandbiological thanthe old-fashioned and lecturers authority greater ogyitself,gavewriters of clergy, and travelers. and casualimpressions The morality philanthropists, of of a and the statistical technicalvocabulary application development of the scientists. and authority methodsaddedto theprofessional mystique Institute, or suchas theJournal oftheAnthropological Specializedpublications, ofprofessionals, a magazinesuchas Natureforthebroadercommunity kept in anthropometry and newideasabout aboutinnovations scientists informed ofhumanracialgroupings. theoriginand diversity also came increasedspecialization and With greaterprofessionalism ofBritfrompotentialsourcesofcriticism. Bythe 1890sfounders protection ishsociologysuchas PatrickGeddesand L. T. Hobhousebeganto querythe Butjustas the comparative anatoweightgivento biologicaldeterminism. in the AnthropologicalInstituteneveratmistsand the ethnographers so too the sociologists temptedto reconciletheirapproachesand findings, neither their and biologicaldeterminists groupaffecting specialties, pursued theother.Finally,fromthe 1890stheextensionofeducation,especiallyat the secondaryand post-secondary levels,createda readership amongthe and thusa marketforgeneraltexts ranksof teachersand students, growing - bytheirowninclination butalso by whoseauthors andpopularmagazines broad the demandsof the form weredrawnintomaking generalizations aboutracialgroups.In thecase ofanthropology, publicdisplaysat museums educationalrole. also playedan important and exhibitions racists elementsmayexplainwhythe scientific These institutional but do not the voice from a more 1880s, they explain powerful spokewith whytheyspokewitha moreacceptablevoice.The principalideasofthescibutpriorto sincethelateeighteenth racistshadbeencurrent entific century, ofscientific the 1880stheexponentsoftheseideashad beenon thefringes This description eccentrics. as notorious in somecasesidentified orthodoxy, fitsEdwardLong,HenryHome[LordKames],andCharlesWhitein certainly and equallyappliesto Knox,Hunt,and Burton thelateeighteenth century, in the mid-Victorian period,but it hardlysuitsGalton or Flower.In one in the1850sand'60s,butan wasa pseudo-science senseracismas an ideology 1880s onwards. from the science established racismin the attention awayfromtheoriginsofscientific Byshifting we can in the institutionalization '60s its to 1850sand 1880s, beginto make SPRING1988


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senseofthecontextin whichtheseideasprospered. moreintelligent Bythe of scientific racismno longermetoutragedshoutsat the 1880spromoters railagainstradicalphilosophers BritishAssociation,nordid anthropologists ornaivebelieversin humanrights.In thelasttwodecadesofthenineteenth members oftheprofessional middleclasswereconfident in therealism century, fullofworrisome a future oftheirvisionand yetforesaw changeandpotential seemedthreatened decline.The nationaldestiny externally bypowerful foreign rivalsandinternally ofgenerating thetalent byan urbanmassculture incapable neededto sustainthenationalfibre,let alone Britain'sworld and character In theEmpiretherealities ofinternational and indigenous leadership. rivalry resistance to western forcedthepace offormal and colonization, imperialism fromthe Britishperspective the problemwas how to administer an establishedand expandingmultiracial empireinhabitedbypeoplesof exoticaphabitswhowereapparently unsuitedto theadvanced pearancesand strange practicesofVictoriancivilization. Late-Victorian as evidencedbythemembership oftheAnscientists, Institute the and of its contents a common Journal, thropological helpedforge linkbetweenthedomesticandimperial crisesbyidentifying issuesofraceand classas questionsofheredity and environment. This linkis mostclearlyseen in theworkandpatronage ofGaltonand in theconnection betweenthepersonalitiesand ideasofanthropology in the1880sandtheeugenicsmovement in theEdwardian a continuity existsbetweentheanthroperiod.Similarly, of the 1880sand thepsychometrics of the 1920s.50 By the 1880s, pometry at leastfortheprofessional whosaw themselves as naturalscienspecialists was on the losingside of the nature/nurture tists,environmentalism argument.It was weakenedin partbythe assaultsof the pseudo-scientists, the racialtypologists ofthe1850sand'60s,butthestrength ofnature polygenetic overnurture derivedmorefromthe changedsocialand politicalcontextof the 1880sand '90s. Biologicaldeterminism offered simpleand universalexfor historical and planations complex changes, byanalogyto naturefavoured winnersand survivors overlosersand victims.Furthermore, theseideascarriedthe new professional of scienceand had at hand its instituauthority tionalapparatus forthedissemination ofthemessageofracialsupremacy. LaurierUniversity Wilfrid

50Stepan,pp. 111-139;PaulRich,Raceand inBritish Politics UniverEmpire (Cambridge: Cambridge sityPress,1986),pp. 92-119. VICTORIAN STUDIES


Theoretical Racism in Late-Victorian Anthropology, 1870-1900

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