The Shanghai Cooperation Organization A New Order in Central Asia Formed over 10 years ago, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
Michael Snyder
(SCO) has become a venue for countries in Central Asia to engage
Stanford University
in diplomatic talks with their two powerful neighbors, China and Russia. Working towards shared goals and under the leadership of two of the world’s great powers, the SCO has brought structure and a greater sense of unity to Central Asia. This article examines the reasons for cooperation, the purpose of the SCO, the eects of its policies in Central Asia, and what the future holds for the organization.
I
t is no secret that in the last decade China
o the ve countries o Central Asia – Uzbekistan,
and Russia have collaborated together with
Kazakhstan, ajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan – as well as
remarkable remarkabl e success.
In summit meetings
the recent additions o Iran, India, Pakistan, and
that rotate yearly between Beijing and Moscow,
Mongolia as partial members with observer status.
Presidents Hu Jintao o China and Vladimir Putin
Te organization’s eectiveness, however, hinges
o Russia have settled border issues, increased
on China’s lasting cooperation with its neighbor
military collaboration and arms trade, and
and partner, Russia.
removed restrictions obstructing economic ties.
interests in domestic and international realms, the
Te two countries share many concerns, such as
two countries continue to build on their recent
battling the terrorist and separatist orces they each
diplomatic success, and with urther cooperation
ace, as well as securing places as great powers in a
between its two leaders, the SCO will maintain its
multipolar international international world. In the sometimes
ascent as an inuential international organization,
overlooked region o Central Asia, a battleground
nally bringing a sense o regionalism to the
against orces o extremism where Chinese and
embattled Central Asia.
Due to their converging
Russian inuence collaborates and competes with that o the United States, these goals have come to
Converging Strategies in Central Asia
a head in the orm o the Shanghai Cooperation
For both China and Russia, Central Asia has
Organization (SCO).
become o vital importance to national interests,
Formed in 1996 as the Shanghai Five,
and their main priorities in the region are twoold:
the SCO provides an international orum or
ghting terrorism and urthering economic
Central Asia to enhance military cooperation and
growth. o this end, both powers have sought
counter extremism, as well as increase economic
to promote social stability and political cohesion
and diplomatic ties among constituent states.
among Central Asian states, encouraging their
Membership consists o China, Russia, and our
development development to produce strong allies that can deal
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Michael Snyder
eectively with domestic domestic extremism. extremism. Obstacles to
neighbors to secure their borders and crack down on
international trade have been slashed, and Chinese
similar extremist groups sympathetic to the Uigur
and Russian investment in oil pipelines and other
cause. Halting the drug ow in Central Asia, rom
inrastructure in the region have boomed over the
Aghanistan up through ajikistan and Kyrgyzstan
past decade. Tis has produced impressive impressive results results
to Uzbekistan, would cut o a signicant source
or the economies o the two giants, enabling Putin
o revenue or these organizations, thereby striking
to consolidate Russian inuence over ormer satellite
a major blow to extremists and damaging the
states and allowing Hu Jintao to secure energy
capabilities o the the rebels in Russia Russia and China. China. In
sources to support China’s high rate o growth.
order to ght these separatists eectively, however,
Recipient governments in Central Asia are keen
these two powers require a joint commitment rom
to see this relationship continue and, as economic
all countries in the region to ensure government
advances reduce domestic unrest, public backing
stability and security on the borders.
or extremist groups in the area will likely wane.
In addition to the security and economic
Tough these gains reveal themselves most clearly
dimensions o cooperation in Central Asia, a urther
in the Central Asian states, they are even more
concern or China and Russia is to counter United
important to China and Russia. With separatist
States advances in the region. While American
movements movements in Xinjiang and Chechnya threatening
cooperation in combating terrorism is essential, the
the respective stabilities o both powers, it is these
two powers oten seek a more expansive denition
two nations that benet the most rom continued
o extremism than avored by the US, and both
regional cooperation.
would preer not to share economic opportunities
Situated in northwestern China and bordering
with their rival ri val in the West. West. For Moscow, Moscow, there is a
Russia and Central Asia, Xinjiang is populated
continual desire to regain inuence over the ormer
with ethnic Uigurs, Muslims o urkish origins
USSR, attempting to counter NAO expansion
who have ought or independence independence under the state
into its ormer satellites by improving economic
o East urkestan. Ater seeing the progress made
and military ties with the region. Similarly Similarl y, China
by their Central Asian counterparts, the Uigurs
resents American inuence halway across the world
seek the same reedoms or themselves. However, However,
in its backyard, preerring to keep its neighbors
should Xinjiang successully wage a battle or
under its sphere o inuence rather than that o the
independence, China ears a domino eect where
United States. Tough these two Asian countries
similar orces in aiwan and ibet prompt their
might not be unied on every ront, they would
own struggles, wresting rule away rom Beijing.
both preer to cooperate in a multipolar world order
Just as Moscow has treated Chechnya, Beijing has
rather than seeing the US dominate international
designated the separatists in Xinjiang terrorists
aairs. For these these reasons, reasons, Russia Russia and China China look
and utilized the US War on error to suppress this
to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization or
domestic opposition movement. o control the
support.
Uigur separatists, China requires the assistance o its 17
Voices
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
powers compete or their support. Such status in
Te SCO – A Common Solution
Originally, the SCO was simply an institution
an eective multilateral group imparts a sense o
o mutual respect. respect. In its ormation in June June 2001,
recognition recogniti on or their equality and sovereignty. Te
it delineated its major aims:
group has also allowed them to maintain strong control over domestic politics, clamping down on
Te purposes o the SCO are: strengthening mutual trust and good-neighborly riendship among the member states; encouraging eective cooperation among the member states in political, economic and trade, scientifc and technological, cultural, educational, energy, communications, environment and other felds; devoting themselves jointly to preserving and saeguarding regional peace, security and stability; and establishing a democratic, air and rational new international political and economic order. 1
terrorists and opposition groups with help rom their two powerul neighbors, thereby avoiding the human rights and democratic concerns that oten render Western countries reluctant to lend their support. With China and Russia eeling increased increased pressure themselves rom separatist movements in Chechnya and Xinjiang, Central Asian states can lean on their SCO leaders or support against
Signatories pledged not to use or to threaten military
similar types o political opposition. opposition. Finally, Finally, the
action against other members, and each agreed that
SCO has provided economic benets to Central
all dealings should be made with consideration to
Asian states, helping secure oreign markets and
the interests o other other nations. nations. Te organization
investment or exporting their expansive energy
was developed mainly as a condence-building
reserves. Te gains are considerable, considera ble, as ajikistan ajikist an
orum, but ater September 11 acquired more o
and Kazakhstan rounded out 2004 and 2005
a security dimension, producing afrmations that
with GDP growth rates approaching 10%, with
“SCO member states will strengthen cooperation
their regional neighbors close behind. 3
in security elds, with the purpose o increasing
disagreements between countries have been settled
efciency o struggle against terrorism, separatism
– such as the recent agreements between Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyzsta n,
and extremism and protecting their common 2
interests.”
ajikistan, and Uzbekistan – and with their major
Incorporating economic, security, and
concerns or regional and economic cooperation
technological cooperation, it has advanced well
largely answered, Central Asian states look to the
beyond its original scope o “strengthening mutual
uture with optimism.
trust and good neighborly riendship. ri endship.””
For Russia, the situation situatio n looks similar. Its
As a multilateral orum or condence-
major concern o the past six years has been Putin’s
building and regional support, the SCO has
ideal o gosudarstvannost gosudarstvannost , the notion o rebuilding
provided an efcient outlet to address the concerns
Russian statism to regain its ormer position as a
o its various members. For Central Central Asia, it allows allows
great power. o this end, it places signicant signica nt weight
ormer states o the USSR to address the leaders
on halting terrorism and opposition movements movements in
o Russia and China as equals, collaborating with
areas like Chechnya. Chechnya. While the SCO has has certainly
the two countries and giving the smaller states
provided an accommodating orum to address these
a regional institution in which the two major
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concerns internationally, it has also given Moscow 18
Michael Snyder
an arena to address Beijing as diplomatic equals,
Sino-Russian Relations –
matching its ourishing neighbor and monitoring
Cooperation or Competition?
China’s China’s rise closely. closely. Rebuilding Rebuildin g its status requires
Even with the recent admission o Iran, India,
international recognition, and by merging its
Pakistan, and Mongolia in April 2006, the SCO
interests with those o China, Central Asia, and
will only go as ar as Russia and China carry it.
South Asia, Russia has been able to advance in a
Despite the powerul inuence o India’s booming
multi-polar ashion.
economy in international markets, the economic
Nevertheless, the SCO remains a Chinese
and military potential o the SCO is extremely
initiative, and it is Beijing that perhaps has gained
limited without Russia’s manpower and China’s
the most.
China’s China’s diplomatic diplomat ic status has been
considerable economic and military clout. Te
enhanced by heading an efcient multilateral
most signicant barrier to continued cooperation
organization, and without the participation o the
is the two countries’ persistent underlying
United States, China is the most powerul nation
rivalry rivalr y. ensions in Central Asia, a region that
involved. While the SCO has helped garner support support
has traditionally been Russia’s backyard, have
to regulate Chinese borders, it has also presented
the potential to erupt as Moscow tries to regain
an opportunity or greater economic integration
its ormer inuence over its satellite states and
into Central Asia, providing access to the region’s
Beijing attempts to increase its expanding sphere
signicant pools o oil oil and natural natural gas. Without
o inuence. inuence. As Anatoly Klimenko writes in his
this energy Beijing would be unable to continue its
article “Russia and China as Strategic Partners in
remarkable rates o economic growth, and rather
Central Asia:”
than relying on resources rom the volatile Middle
through the Chinese border into Xinjiang, allowing
On the Russian side, people are deeply apprehensive about China’s growing military muscle, its staggering population statistics, and, even more worrisome, by territorial claims that continue to be put orward by some media in China.6
Beijing to station troops in the unstable region to
Te distrust is mutual, and China, recognizing
oversee construction and protect the investment. 5
the area’s deep ties to Russia, has sought to use
Operating under this pretext, these troops can
the SCO as an instrument to draw the Central
then monitor opposition movements closely, move
Asian states urther rom their traditional partner
quickly to avert crises and act more efciently to
into a more multilateral sphere.7
protect Chinese interests. In this way, way, access to
access to the energy in Central Asia, but aggressive
Central Asian oil will have secondary benets or
action in the region will not be received well by
China unrelated to the economic gains that the
Moscow. Moscow. Furthermore, as Klimenko continues,
SCO has already secured, and with the cooperation
the “absence o personal contacts and exchanges
o neighboring states, China will be able to deal
between the two countries’ nongovernmental
more eectively with threats to domestic stability.
organizations [is] a clear indication that relations
East, it has increased its pursuit o Central Asian reserves in the spirit o diversication.4 Moreover, pipelines rom Russia and Central Asia will pass
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Beijing needs
Voices
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
between Russia and China lack a broad-based
and the United States, and it would be unded
popular support.”8
Without increased attention
largely by a $7 billion loan promised by Japan.
to resolving this mutual jealousy, relations between
However, recognizing the damage this line would
the two countries will go nowhere.
have on Chinese relations, and valuing the benets
A urther example demonstrating the
o a shorter, saer line to the powerul Chinese
basic distrust that lurks behind the appearance o
market in Daqing, Moscow decided to honor its
riendly Sino-Russian relations is the limitation
original agreement with Beijing, compromising
on arms trade rom Moscow to Beijing. Te two
with Japan in order to satisy its SCO partner.
countries engage in close military cooperation and
With similar minor concessions, Russia and China
exchange, with over 40% o Russian conventional
can build upon the pipeline compromise as an
arms transers going to China and 90% o Chinese
example in overcoming their disagreements to keep
weapons purchases originating rom Russia during
their larger interests in mind, leaving their strategic
1997-2001.9
partnership intact.
However, not all technology is
transerred reely, and China seeks a much closer partnership. Since India, only only a recent addition
Te Future of the SCO
to the SCO and a country that has continuously
By aligning the interests o two o the world’s
outed the Nuclear Non-prolieration reaty, has
largest powers, the SCO is poised to ourish on the
enjoyed ull access to Russian technology, China
international internat ional stage. However, However, due to basic distrust
eels entitled to the same benets. Although trade
and the precarious nature o shiting regional
between the two powers has reached astounding
interests, it is extremely unlikely that the SCO
levels, this withholding demonstrates a lingering
will ever develop into a pact o mutual deense.
distrust that belies their outward appearance o a
While countering the hegemony o the United
close “strategic partnership” voiced in the 1996
States is a signicant and shared concern or each
summit and maintained since.10
o the member states, none are ready to sacrice
Despite inevitable tensions, however, the
diplomatic and economic ties with the superpower
two countries have shown a remarkable ability to
should another member overstep its bounds and
resolve their problems without allowing minor
provoke American ire. Te U.S. U.S. is simply too
disagreements disagreements to ruin a valuable partnership. For
powerul and its economic support too valuable or
example, ater considering proposals to build a
members to risk losing losing its good avor. avor. Immediately
pipeline to give energy access largely to either Japan
ater the June 2001 meeting, Uzbek President
or China, Moscow has compromised, agreeing to
Karimov echoed this sentiment, declaring that the
build a stage to the Chinese city Daqing rst and
pact to “join hands to battle the three evil orces
then run an extension to the Russian port city o
o terrorism, separatism and extremism” would in
Nakhodka, allowing easier Japanese Japanese access. A line
no way be used to subordinate Uzbekistan to the
straight to Nakhodka Nakhodka would run r un exclusively through
interests o larger powers.11 Should it be called to
Russian territory, while also reaching South Korea
arms in a struggle to regain aiwan, or example,
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Michael Snyder
Uzbekistan would have to reevaluate its policies.
states can encourage greater investment amongst
Similarly, the larger powers in the SCO would be
each other to urther their mutual dependence,
reluctant to promise their support to the smaller
creating a common economic zone o ree trade
nations in Central Central and South Asia. Emboldened
and nancial cooperation.
by the backing o China and Russia, a smaller
Yearly summit meetings between Putin and
state might be overly aggressive in its dealings with
Hu have been eective, and with the two major
others, laying claim to resources in neighboring
powers on board, the SCO has launched itsel rom
lands, or example, or stepping up the production
relative anonymity to a role as a decisive player in
o illegal weapons. weapons. Fearing this possibility possibil ity,, Beijing
international aairs.
and Moscow would preer to reserve military action
paved the way or closer regional cooperation,
or situations that serve their own interests, rather
and joint military exercises have created a tight
than risking involvement in minor conicts across
security environment environment that will deter any aggression
the region.
rom opposition movements as well as other
While the potential o the SCO may be
Economic integration has
world powers. While countering the unilateral
limited in its military scope, the true promise o
inuence o the United States is certainly a
the organization lies in its likely development
strong concern or both China and Russia, their
as an economic superpower. superpower. With its expanded
shared interests or ostering political stability and
membership, it now contains two booming
economic growth across the region remain their
economies in India and China, as well as the
top priorities. priorities. Should the two two powers powers maintain
enormous amounts o oil in Russia, Central Asia,
their recent diplomatic contact and continue their
and Iran. Tis inuence on world markets and
progress against extremism, their common interests
control over energy reserves gives its members
will ensure ensure a lasting cooperation. cooperation. As military and
tremendous tremendous clout in the international international arena. Steps
economic cooperation in Central Asia grows ever
toward integration ound in the European Union,
more robust, China and Russia will continue to
such as the adoption o a common currency and
gain urther recognition as dominant powers in
nancial system, are unlikely, but the SCO can
a new world order, and with continued unity o
make enormous progress in securing the benets
leadership, the SCO will soon become impossible
o energy trade and greater greater liberalization. With an
to overlook.
increased ocus on economic development, member
Endnotes 1 2 3 4
Shanghai Cooperation Cooperation Organization, Organization, “Declaration on Establishment o Shanghai Cooperation Cooperation Organization, Organization,” June June 15, 2001, Shanghai Cooperation Cooperation Organization, Organization, “ashkent Declaration o Heads Heads o States o Shanghai Shanghai Cooperation Organization,” June June 17, 2004, 2004, International International Monetary Monetary Fund, Fund, “Middle East and Central Central Asia Asia Regional Economic Outlook,” Outlook,” May 2006. Stephen Blank, “China in Central Asia: Te Hegemon in Waiting?” aiting? ” in Ariel Ariel Cohen, ed., Eurasia in Balance, (Burlington V: V: Ashgate Publishing Company, Company, 2005), 150.
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Voices
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization
5 6 7 8 9 10 11
David Bachman, “Making Xinjiang Sae or the Han: Contradictions and Ironies o China’s Governance in the Northwest,” Northwest,” in Morris Morris Rossabi, ed., Governing China’s Multiethnic Frontiers, (Seattle WA: University o Washington Press, 2004), 161. Anatoly Klimenko, “Russia “Rus sia and China as Strategic Partners in Central Asia: A Way to Improve Regional Security,” Security,” Far Eastern Aairs, vol. 33, no. 2 (2005), 8. Russell Ong, “China’s Security Interests in Central Asia,” Central Asian Survey, vol. 24, no. 4 (2005), 435. Klimenko, 7. Ren Dongeng,“Te Central Asian Policies Policies o China, Russia Russia and the USA, and the Shanghai Shanghai Cooperation Organization Organization Process: Process: A View rom rom China,” China,” Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2003, 11. Dongeng, 10. Blank, 171.
Michael Snyder
Michael Snyder is a senior majoring in Economics with a certifcate in Political Economy at Stanord University. Michael’s junior thesis was titled “Social Mobility among Immigrants in the United States: an Intergenerational Comparison,” and he plans to write his senior thesis on the topic o environmental economics. His academic interests include political systems o East Asia, issues relating to Sino-Japanese rivalry, international and domestic fnancial systems, and environmental, health, and public policy economics.
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