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The Journal of the Guitar Foundation of America • Volume XXXVIII, No. 4, 2012 Special Guitar History Issue: Essays from the Cambridge Conference on the Nineteenth-Century Guitar

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Soundboard The Journal of the Guitar Foundation of America

News and Personalities

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Feature Articles 9 Erik Stenstadvold: “The Worst Drunkard in London:” The Life and Career of the Guitar Virtuoso Leonard Schulz

Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Commentary

76 Matanya Ophee, More About Sor and the Russians

Reverberations, by Connie Sheu In Memoriam Colin Cooper, by Charles Postlewate My First American, by Colin Cooper

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Music

77 Renaissance Lute Music for Guitar:

Nicolas Vallet: Gaillarde du comte Essex, transc. by Richard M. Long

81 The Transcriber’s Art:

Frank Lawes: Cute an’ Catchy & Got A Happy Feelin’ , transc. by Richard Yates

88 Return With Us Now/Featured Facsimile: Andreas Schulz: Sept variations, Op. 2 introduced by by Robert Coldwell

95 GFA Contemporary Music Series:

Matthew Dunne: Two Miniatures

102 The Guitarist’s Album

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Thomas Heck: The Vogue of the Chitarra francese in Italy: How French? How Italian? How Neapolitan?

Richard Savino: The Enigmatic Miguel García, or, Padre Basilio Part II: Newly Discovered Works and a Dilemma for the Modern Transcriber

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Paul Sparks: “A Considerable Attraction For Both Eyes and Ears:” Ladies’ Guitar and Mandolin Bands in Late Victorian London

James Westbrook: General Thompson’s Enharmonic Guitar

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Christopher Page: An Essay of 1824 on the Guitar Panagiotis Poulopoulos: The Influence of Germans on the Development of “This Favourite Instrument the Guittar” in England

Matteo Bevilacqua: Folies d’Espagne, Op. 48 for two guitars, ed. by Richard M. Long

INTERVIEWs

111 Clarice Assad, interviewed by Patrick Durek EVENTS

114 The 2012 JoAnn Falletta International Guitar

Concerto Competition, Buffalo, New York

REVIEWS & Recent Studies

117 Books, ed. by David Grimes 118 Publications, ed. by David Grimes 119 Publications Received, ed. by David Grimes 120 Recordings, ed. by Albert Kunze 125 Recordings Received, ed. by Albert Kunze 127 Works In Progress, ed. by Thomas Heck

SoundboarD The Journal of the Guitar Foundation of America

GFA Board of Trustees

Brian Head (Chair) Mary Akerman Michael Andriaccio William Bay Jeff Cogan Nicholas Goluses Matthew Hinsley Bruce Holzman Doug James Tom Johnson

William Kanengiser Pamela Kimmel Robert Lane Kate Lewis Jeffrey McFadden Tony Morris Gregory Newton Jack Sanders Jason Vieaux Andrew Zohn

Executive Committee Officers

Brian Head, Artistic Director Martha Masters, President Jeff Cogan, Vice President Robert Lane, Vice President/Secretary Pam Gerken, Vice President/Treasurer Galen Wixson, Executive Director [email protected] Connie Sheu, Director of Communications [email protected] Martha Masters, Artistic Director, ICAC Risa Carlson, Director of GFA Youth Competitions [email protected] Lynn McGrath, Competition Tour Director [email protected] Matt Denman, Director of Education [email protected] Robert Lane, Legal Counsel GFA Web Site: www.guitarfoundation.org Advertising Manager: Kim Horlick Kanoy [email protected] Stephen Aron, Archives Director Lisa Lazar, GFA Archivist Bierce Library, University of Akron, Akron, OH 44325 GFA Archive Web Site: www.uakron.edu/gfaa Soundboard Back Issues online or by post: www.guitarfoundation.org P. O. Box 171269, Austin, TX, 78717 Phone (877) 570-1651

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Editorial Staff

Editor-in-chief: Richard M. Long 10905 Ridgedale Rd. Temple Terrace, FL 33617 [email protected] Associate Editors: Kerry Alt: [email protected] Peter Danner: [email protected] Jim Forrest: [email protected] Contributing Editor: Thomas Heck: [email protected] Reviews Editor (publications): David Grimes 8701 Bellmead Drive Huntington Beach, CA 92646 [email protected] Reviews Editor (recordings): Albert Kunze 769 NE 72 Terrace Miami, FL 33138 [email protected] Pedagogy Editor: Frank Koonce [email protected]

GFA Membership

Annual dues include a subscription to Soundboard and are $50 ($30 for students); first class delivery is available for an additional $12 ($14 to Canada, $25 overseas). Single issues may be purchased for $12, and back issues for $7.90. Membership inquiries and questions regarding lost or missing issues should be directed to: GFA Membership Chairman P. O. Box 171269, Austin, TX, 78717 Soundboard is published quarterly by the Guitar Foundation of America (GFA), a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational and literary organization, devoted to furthering knowledge of and interest in the guitar and its music. All gifts are deductible for income tax purposes. The opinions expressed in the pages of Soundboard are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the Editors, the Board of Directors, or the GFA Advisory Board. Soundboard invites contributions. Please contact the editor for submission requirements. Contributors are requested not to submit to other publications without advanced warning. Unsolicited contributions must be accompanied by return postage, and while every reasonable care will be given such contributions, Soundboard and the GFA are not responsible for loss or damage. ISSN 0145-6237. Copyright ©2012 by the Guitar Foundation of America, Inc., All Rights Reserved.

Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

REvERBERATIOnS Soundboard’s News & personalities column

GFA News GFA Regional Symposium in San Francisco Scott Cmiel and the Ruth Asawa San Francisco School for the Arts hosted the GFA Regional Symposium on Sunday, November 4, 2012. David Tanenbaum directed the Symposium Guitar Orchestra in a performance of a newly commissioned piece by Brendon Myers. The day began with juried recitals in which top players from each age division were selected to perform on the evening concert. Other highlights of the day included guitar technique workshops and the College Ensemble Showcase, which featured students from different university guitar programs around the state. The Competition Circuit

fostering the growth of the collection with the staff at CSU Northridge. CSU Northridge also houses the International Guitar Research Archive (IGRA), one of the world’s largest collections of guitar sheet music. This collection includes rare works for solo guitar, as well as chamber music for guitar and other instruments. Guitar News Around the World Jeffery McFadden Receives Award On May 14, 2012, Dr. Jeffrey McFadden was honored with a City of Hamilton Arts Award in the Established Artist category for his outstanding contribution to the classical guitar and music education. McFadden received a $2,500 award

Sierra Competition Winners The Sierra Nevada Guitar Competition and Festival took place from July 11-15, 2012, and was co-hosted by Larry Aynesmith and Samantha Wells. All concerts were held in the beautiful Squaw Valley Chapel. Festival artists included Marc Teicholz, Celso Machado, Mesut Özgen, Connie Sheu, Matanya Ophee, René Izquierdo, and Thakur Singh. The winners of the 2012 Sierra Nevada Guitar Competition, Adult Division, were (from first to fourth place): Matthew Fish, John Britton, Max Zuckerman, and Jesse Freedman. Youth Division I winners were (from first to fourth place): Sean Keegan, Miguel Pulido, Luke Toshimitsu, and Manuel Ayala. Youth Division II winers (in the same order): Kairey Wang, Austin Keller, Haley Farber, and Elizabeth Cirivello. In Youth Division III, the winners were Sedona Farber (First Prize) and Yian Wang (Second Prize). GFA Archives to Relocate After nearly forty years at the University of Akron, the GFA Archives will be transferred to California State University, Northridge. The GFA Archives were established in 1973 by Dr. Thomas Heck, one of the founders of GFA. We thank Stephen Aron and the University of Akron for their many years of care in maintaining the archives, and look forward to Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Jeffery McFadden

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and a medal designed by well-known Canadian artist Dora de Pedery-Hunt. Over the past twenty years, Jeffrey McFadden has established a place among the finest guitarists of his generation. His concert engagements have taken him throughout Canada, the United States, and Europe. McFadden is a member (with Dr. Andrew Zohn) of the internationally renowned Duo Spiritoso, and currently holds the position of Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Music, at University of Toronto. McFadden’s debut recording was the first in the Laureate Series on the Naxos label. He has recorded nine CDs, featuring the works of Fernando Sor, Napoléon Coste, Agustín Barrios, J. S. Bach, and others. He serves as the Artistic Director of the Guitar Society of Toronto.

Above, David Grimes; below: João Luiz.

David Grimes Joins Vanguard U. Guitar Faculty David Grimes has been appointed Visiting Lecturer in Guitar at Vanguard University beginning Fall, 2012. As part of his appointment Mr. Grimes will teach a selected number of students and give a master class every semester. Currently, the guitar department is headed by Dr. Greg Glancey (coordinator) and Michael Anthony Nigro (instructor). Vanguard University, located in Costa Mesa, California, offers guitar ensemble, fretboard skills, class guitar, and private instruction. For audition information contact [email protected] or [email protected]. João Luiz Joins the Guitar Faculty at New Jersey City University Performing artist, arranger, and composer João Luiz, a member (with Douglas Lora) of the acclaimed Brazil Guitar Duo, will join the faculty of the Guitar Program at the Department of Music, Dance, and Theater of New Jersey City University, in Fall, 2012. The virtuosity of his performances as a soloist and in chamber ensembles, and his duo’s win in New York’s prestigious Concert Artists Guild Competition, resulted in a full global touring schedule. Prolific as recording artist, João Luiz has to his credit more than ten CDs, playing solo, in duo, in trio, and in quartet, all of which have featured his arrangements of classical or Brazilian works. He is currently preparing Brazilian and Cuban music for the duo’s collaboration with clarinetist Paquito D’Rivera. Luiz’s own compositions have been performed by the Newman and Oltman Guitar Duo, among other international artists. An active advocate for contemporary music, João Luiz, has premiered works by Leo Brouwer, Paulo Bellinati, Marco Pereira, Frederic Hand, Egberto Gismonti, and Marlos Nobre. His passionate dedi-

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cation to his craft extends to his role as a teacher. João Luiz has written guitar methods for beginners, designed a guitar curriculum, and trained instructors for an important music education initiative for underprivileged children in São Paulo. At NJCU, Luiz will be teaching upper class students in the Bachelor of Music program and candidates for the Master of Music in Performance. For more information, please contact Ana María Rosado, Coordinator of Guitar Studies, at [email protected] and visit http://www.njcu.edu/mdt/. Martha Masters Joins the Guitar Faculty at California State University Fullerton Internationally renowned guitarist Martha Masters has joined the faculty at Cal State Fullerton, coaching chamber music and teaching private lessons. The comprehensive program at CSU Fullerton offers both B.M. and M.M. degrees in guitar performance. Classes in guitar history and guitar literature complement the student’s individual instruction. In addition, the guitar performance workshop and the guitar chamber ensembles provide frequent opportunities for performance, both solo and with groups of various sizes. State-funded lessons are available, as is scholarship assistance in various forms. Martha Masters won first prize in the Guitar Foundation of America International Solo Competition, including a recording contract with Naxos, a concert video with Mel Bay, and an extensive North American concert tour. In November of 2000, she also won the Andrés Segovia International Guitar Competition in Linares, Spain, and was a finalist in the Alexandre Tansman International Competition of Musical Personalities in Łódź, Poland. Prior to 2000, Martha was a prizewinner or finalist in numerous other international competitions, including the 1999 International Guitar Com-

Martha Masters

petition “Paco Santiago Marín” in Granada, Spain; the 1998 Tokyo International Guitar Competition; and the 1997 GFA International Solo Competition. In addition to leading the guitar program and the LMU Guitar Festival at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles, Martha teaches annually at the National Guitar Workshop Classical Summit in Connecticut, and on WorkshopLive. com. Masters is also the President of the Guitar Foundation of America (GFA), dedicated to supporting the instrument, its players, and its music in the U. S. and throughout the world. For more information about the guitar program at CSU Fullerton, see the website at http://www.fullerton.edu/arts/ music/programs/classicalguitar.html

On the Cover

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he painting on the cover of this issue is The PicNic (1848) by the British-born American painter Thomas Cole (1801-1848), celebrated as the founder of the Hudson River school. Cole came to America with his family at the age of seventeen and, captivated by what he saw of the vast and unspoiled continent, earned renown painting realistic American landscapes, sometimes with Turneresque atmospheric effects or sunsets that recall those of Claude Lorraine. Cole’s subjects ranged from the Hudson River valley to Niagara Falls to the rolling hills of New England, but also included Mount Etna,


Piranesian Italian ruins, and allegories reminiscent of Poussin’s Et in Arcadia Ego. The Pic-Nic, commissioned in 1845 by James Brown, a wealthy New York banker, is a Romantic fête champêtre, or perhaps a bourgeois fête galante, reflecting the influence of the European masters Cole saw during his Grand Tour to Europe a few years earlier. In this idyllic scene, nature and civilization are juxtaposed; the guitar and its music imply the refinements of civilization, although the tree stump in the foreground may symbolize human intrusion into the heretofore pristine primeval wilderness.

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In Memoriam

Colin Symons Cooper (1926-2012)

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olin Symons Cooper, a very dear friend of the guitar gan teaching guitar, both privately and for the Inner London and an editor for Classical Guitar magazine in England Education Authority’s Adult Education program. In 1972, for the past thirty years, died on August 25, 2012, at the age Colin and George Clinton founded Guitar International of 86. He had a massive stroke and was rushed to a hospital magazine. Around the same time, Colin started a printing where he gently slipped away the next morning, with his wife, business called Alley Press and wrote a monthly column Maureen, and son, Dan, at his side. His death was very quick, for the Japanese guitar magazine Gendai Guitar. In 1982, painless, and peaceful. His funeral was held on the afternoon Colin became full-time News Editor for Classical Guitar, of September 13 near his home in St. Leonards on Sea, on the a new magazine that he joined Maurice Summerfield in English Channel, near the spot where Enrique Granados lost founding. Colin devoted himself to this endeavor with all his his life when a German U-Boat torpedoed his ship in 1916 as energy and seemed to be everywhere in the European guitar he was returning home to Spain after the successful premiere scene—attending festivals and serving on juries for over sixty of his only opera, Goyescas, by the New York Metropolitan international guitar competitions, and was active in his work Opera. Colin wrote to me once that he used to stare out at for the guitar until the end. His ubiquitous and unceasing the sea from his home and wonder exactly where that tragic efforts for the guitar over these many years will surely raise event took place. the bar for future generations, while continuing to influence Born in Birkenhead, England, in 1926, Colin Cooper those of us left behind. was a World War II veteran, an amateur violinist, a playwright Colin Cooper is survived by his wife of 46 years, Mauand novelist, an avid golfer, and a guitarist. He apprenticed reen, his two sons Ben and Dan, and one grandson. His as a toolmaker for an aircraft factory son Dan sent me some of Colin’s during World War II and worked for autobiographical writings, saying, a steel construction company while “When a writer dies he can still talk beginning his career as a writer after to us.” I think it only fitting for this he was released from military service American guitar journal to conclude in 1947. Fascinated by human diawith Colin’s first impression of a logue, he settled into playwrighting Yank. —Charles Postlewate and wrote various dramas for BBC My First American radio while working on his novels. by Colin Cooper ( June 6, 2009) His writings have been published by Faber and Faber, and three novels are am writing this on the 65th ancurrently available on Kindle Books, niversary of D-Day, commemoone of which, Best Bent Wire, is rating the landing in France of based upon his military experiences the Allied forces in their successful as a telegraph operator in the Middle campaign to rid Europe of the murEast after World War II. derous Nazi regime. It reminded me Colin first encountered the of the first American I met, a few guitar through the BBC’s airplay days before the invasion began. My of Segovia’s early recordings. He family was living in the Quantock began teaching himself the instruHills, in Somerset. American solment in 1962 as a break from long diers were training somewhere in the hours at the typewriter, and later area, though we never knew exactly took lessons with Dave Alcock and where. I, my sister Wendy, and my George Clinton. He eventually beColin Cooper

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brother Clive were playing an informal game of cricket on a flat stretch of grass at Courtway. We had a few stumps, a bat and a ball, and that was enough. I was seventeen, Wendy was sixteen, Clive was thirteen. I suspect that Wendy only joined us because she had nothing else to do on that warm June evening. Courtway was a remote hamlet in those secluded hills—a post office-cum-shop, a corrugated steel chapel, and a few houses and cottages, a pub called “The Bell” half a mile distant, and that was it. As we played our game, we noticed an American GI watching us. He was in uniform and wearing a steel helmet. He wanted to know the rules of this strange-looking game. We told him, and invited him to join in. This he did, with more enthusiasm than skill. When it came to bowling, he was inclined to pitch the ball like a baseball player. When it was his turn to bat, we had to warn him that if he connected with the ball as a baseball player would, the ball would disappear into the gorse bushes and in all probability be lost. When we had had enough cricket, we asked him back to our cottage, and he readily agreed. Indoors, he apologized for not taking off his helmet. His head had been shaved, he told us, and he was self-conscious about his appearance. None of us could guess that sixty years later that style would be in vogue. Because security was tight, he would not reveal his real name—because he came from Georgia, he said we could call him George. He was a good guest. He told us about his home in Georgia and his family. He played the violin, though without any professional ambition. I brought out my own violin and George played it, my mother accompanying at the piano. What George would not do was tell us about his army activities, beyond the information that he had been called up (“inducted” was his word) like thousands of others in Franklin D. Roosevelt’s determination to crush the spread of Nazism. We understood, and didn’t press our questions. We all knew that the invasion was imminent, and that security was important: “Careless talk costs lives” was a slogan imprinted on our minds from the beginning of the war five years earlier. Before he left, George gave his home address to my mother, who in return gave him ours in case he felt like getting in touch at some later date. It never happened. We heard that George’s landing craft had been sunk before it reached Omaha Beach, with no survivors. Omaha Beach was exceptionally well defended, and American casualties were heavy. We were grieved to know that George was one of them, and that so friendly a young man would never grow to full maturity and lead a normal life. My mother wept. Three months later, I was called up, trained as a radio Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

operator and, in February of 1945, sent out to France to take part in the last four months of the campaign. My mother was anxious—she had experienced some of the horrors of war during her time as a nurse in France during World War I. My father had also served in France, and seemed to take it for granted that was what a young man did. As for myself, I was determined to “do my bit,” to do what was asked of me without complaint. I crossed the English Channel on D-Day plus 235, or thereabouts. Some of the men in my new unit had crossed on D-Day itself and did not let me forget it. They were justifiably proud of their action, and felt superior to anyone who came later. One of them even, in a fit of irritation, called me a “DDay dodger,” as if I had made a deliberate decision to avoid the danger by being only seventeen at the time and working for the war effort in an aircraft factory. After the failure of Hitler’s last counter-attack in the Ardennes (the Battle of the Bulge) two months previously, there was a feeling of victory in the air. But I never forgot George, his gentle manner, his courtesy, his friendliness. He had, out of necessity, been trained to fight, but he was not a soldier. Any more than I was. •

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About This Special Issue of Soundboard

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n Spring, 2010, a number of friends and guitar enthusiasts met in Sidney Sussex, founded in 1596 and a college of the University of Cambridge, to hear papers on the subject of instruments called “guit(t)ars” in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. With an optimism that proved to be justified, we called the gathering the First Cambridge Conference on the Nineteenth-Century Guitar, for we have met several times since and hope to meet again. Those who came to this original colloquium were Sara Clarke, Tom Heck, Christopher Page, Panagiotis Poulopoulos, Richard Savino, Paul Sparks, Erik Stenstadvold, Taro Takeuchi (who gave a fine recital on Spanish and English guitars in the college chapel), and James Westbrook. The essays printed here all owe something, in one way or another, to the enthusiasm and sense of common endeavor generated by that meeting. We are grateful to Tom Heck for first suggesting that these

articles might appear in Soundboard, albeit before he knew how substantial some of them were to become, and offer special thanks to the editor of Soundboard, Richard Long, for his encouragement and work on our behalf. May he regard these articles as suitable for the last issue of his distinguished editorship. The British (indeed English) emphasis in most of the essays is explained less by the circumstances of our meetings and more by a common realization that the English material relating to eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury guitars is rich and yet has often been indifferently studied in the past. We hope these pieces will be of interest to members of the Guitar Foundation of America. They relate to an era when a London writer looked to Washington Irving for writing that best captures the charm of the guitar, when guitarists in the East Coast towns and cities of America often played much the same music as their British counterparts. —the Contributors

From the Editor

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he Guitar Foundation of America, celebrating its fortieth birthday next year, has grown into a major arts organization. The energy and professionalism of its leadership and management and the enthusiasm of its members have resulted in an exemplary annual national convention, prestigious international competitions, new educational outreach programs and regional meetings, a fine website, and expanding archives of musical and historical resources. Not to mention Soundboard. And the guitar itself has never been more popular, with more fine teachers and programs at all levels from elementary school to university, more dedicated students (some of them amazing!), more new compositions being written, published, and performed, and more luthiers making superb instruments and experimenting with exciting new designs and materials. Guitar scholarship has made a quantum leap in the last few years, thanks to online resources undreamed of just a decade ago. Next year, in 2013, Soundboard will begin its 39th year. It started in 1974 as the eight-page, stapled newsletter of the new GFA. The first page of the first Soundboard was a list of “Research in Progress” compiled by Tom Heck, who also contributed a “Return With Us Now: Soundboard’s Featured Facsimile” to issue No. 3; both remain regular features to this day. Soundboard—entirely the work of volunteers—took advantage of the technology that was available: electric typewriters, pasted-up photocopies, rub-off type and ornaments. Beginning in the 1980s, the desktop computer created a revolution in publishing, and Soundboard rode the wave, changing its appearance along with the evolving software and improvements in printing technology. It was eleven years ago that the GFA offered me the editorship of Soundboard, a task that I have enjoyed thoroughly. The profound affection and dedication that the guitar has always inspired among

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its devotees is a curious but real phenomenon, and a very gratifying one. Nevertheless, for the last few years I have been aware that major changes—organizational, technological, and strategic—were becoming inevitable. For example, the internet has already rendered obsolete any quarterly publication as a medium for making timely announcements; what else might the GFA website do more efficiently? Online publishing, alternative electronic editions, full-color printing, all are increasingly common; in short, the publishing industry will be completely transformed in a few years, and it will require skill sets quite different from mine. Furthermore, eleven years is a long time to be involved in any intense and demanding enterprise; my own publishing business has languished and my performing chops … well, let’s not go there. So, about a year ago, for these and many reasons, I tendered my resignation from the editorship, giving a year’s notice. The GFA has taken advantage of this year to study the entire question of Soundboard, its role and mission within the organization, to see how it can best be transitioned into the new digital age. Your next issue of Soundboard will be the first from the new editor, Kim Perlak, and her staff. I’ve known Kim since she was a young guitar prodigy at the Stetson Workshops in Florida, and I’ve followed her career since then, so I was delighted that she was selected. I’ve been asked to give a lecture—a retrospective on Soundboard over the years—at the GFA Convention in Louisville in 2013, and I’ve asked Kim to join me and discuss its future, too. GFA members can expect some exciting changes. In Louisville, I hope to thank personally my editorial staff for their great work over the years, and the GFA leadership for its unfailing support. I also look forward to meeting some of the hundreds of people with whom I have worked or corresponded over the years. As I look back on the past eleven years, I think the people I’ve met were the job’s best “perks,” and the part that I’ll miss the most. —RML


“The Worst Drunkard in London”: The Life and Career of the Guitar Virtuoso

Leonard Schulz by Erik Stenstadvold

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round 1850, the Russian nobleman and guitar enthusiast Nikolai Petrovitch Makaroff made a journey through Europe for the purpose of meeting other guitarists. According to what he later wrote in his memoirs, he had been spurred to make this trip by a letter from the renowned Viennese guitar maker Johann Anton Stauffer, who had suggested to him to go to London “to hear the greatest of all guitarists of that time, Mr. Schulz.”1 Thus, after travelling through Germany and Belgium, seeing various guitarists on his way, Makaroff came to London. His first encounter with Leonard Schulz is vividly described in this often-cited snippet from the nobleman’s memoirs: His playing embodied all I could ever hope for—an extraordinary rapidity, clearness, forcefulness, taste, suavity of touch, brilliance, expression, as well as surprising effects that were quite new. I noticed, moreover, a decided self-assurance during the performance. It seemed, in fact, that playing the instrument was but a light diversion for him, for he showed himself heedless of the tremendous difficulties in which his own compositions abounded.2

This was indeed an extraordinary tribute from a man who often made critical comments about the guitarists he met on his journey. In fact, the encounter with the 36-year-old Schulz made such an impact on the Russian nobleman that he left London without pursuing his initial plan of also calling on Giulio Regondi. The lives and careers of Regondi and Schulz show several points of resemblance. Both came to London at an early age, and were acclaimed for their extraordinary talents. Both died relatively young—Regondi at the age of fifty, Schulz at barely forty-six. And, while both guitarists had brilliant careers, they seem also to have suffered from a general decline of interest in the guitar during the Victorian period. The long-term effect was that their music remained mostly unknown during the better part of the twentieth century. However, whereas the music of Regondi has enjoyed a well-deserved revival lately, Schulz has been less fortunate. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Over the years, Leonard Schulz has nevertheless been the subject of some scholarly and some not-so-scholarly studies. However, insofar as these have presented new information about the guitarist, it has mostly concerned particular episodes or periods of his life.3 In this article, I shall give a broad presentation of Schulz’s life and activity, with special focus on details not covered in previous works. The new finds are retrieved from a wide range of contemporary sources, mainly newspapers and periodicals, accessed by various internet resources.4 Early Years in Vienna Leonard Schulz was born into a musical family in Vienna in 1814.5 There has been some confusion regarding the name of his father, who was a musician of Hungarian background, born around 1787.6 Zuth mistakenly named him Leonhard like his younger son, and later writers have frequently repeated that error.7 However, press reports of early concerts by Schulz senior and his sons unanimously name him Andreas. Andreas Schulz acquired some reputation as a guitarist in Vienna. There are records of concerts in and around the capital where he performed in duet with other guitarists.8 Perhaps most interesting is that he accompanied Mauro Giuliani on at least one occasion, at the Untermeidling theatre in August, 1817. Giuliani’s playing was, of course, highly praised, but Schulz also received his share of the acclaim: “the accompaniment by Mr Schulz likewise deserves praise.”9 Among other musicians participating in this charity concert was the pianist Ignaz Moscheles. Andreas Schulz was also active as composer; eight works for the guitar appeared with various Viennese publishers in the years 1811-13 and 1824.10 Furthermore, it is clear that he had good connections in musical Vienna. Later, in London in 1825, he provided Sir George Smart, about to leave for Vienna, with introductory letters to several important Viennese musicians, some of whom belonged to Beethoven’s circle.11 And, two years earlier, he had actually introduced his sons Leonard and Eduard to Beethoven personally.12

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With such a background, it comes as no surprise that Leonard and his two-years-older brother Eduard embarked on an early musical career. Both children learned to play the guitar, but whereas Leonard devoted himself fully to that instrument, Eduard concentrated more on the piano and later became a celebrated pianist in England. Early in November, 1822—Leonard was then only eight—the two young boys were presented at a gathering of the prestigious Viennese musical association Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde. Here Leonard played a Polonaise, but no further details are known.13 Leonard’s real baptism of fire occurred half a year later. On April 16, 1823, the Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung mit besonderer Rücksicht auf den österreichischen Kaiserstaat (henceforth simply AMZ Kaiserstaat) announced that on Sunday, April 20, at mid-day, the eight-year-old Leonard Schulz, pupil of his father Andreas Schulz, would give a concert in the Landständischer Saal in Herrengasse, in which he would be heard on the guitar. (The Landständischer Saal was one of the main concert venues in Vienna where, incidentally, the eleven-year-old Franz Liszt had made his public debut a few months earlier.) The announcement also gave details of the program. As was normal in concerts those days, several soloists and a small orchestra participated; there was no doubt, however, who was the central figure of the event. The orchestra opened with Mozart’s overture to The Marriage of Figaro, after which Leonard played the first movement of Giuliani’s third Concerto (Op. 70). This was followed by the tenor Ludwig Titze singing Beethoven’s Adelaide,14 accompanied on the piano by Leonard’s brother Eduard. The next item was Hummel’s Pot-pourri (Op. 53) for piano and guitar, played by the two young boys. Then followed a work for czakan, composed and played by Ernst Krähmer,15 and, finally, Leonard concluded the concert with the “Rondo alla polacca” [“Polonaise”] from Giuliani’s first Concerto (Op. 30). Indeed, an extraordinary achievement for an eight-year-old boy! It is worth dwelling on this event, for no review of it has hitherto been known. The concert was enthusiastically received in the press, and rarely do we encounter reports from that time where guitar playing is described in such detail. The most extensive review appeared one week after the concert in the Wiener Zeitschrift für Kunst, Literatur, Theater und Mode (hereafter called Wiener Zeitschrift): On April 20, the eight-year-old Leonard Schulz, pupil of his father Andreas Schulz, gave a concert in the Landständischer Saal, in which he was heard on the guitar. This talented boy played the first movement of the third concerto by Mauro

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Giuliani, and the Rondo alla Polacca of the first concerto by the same composer with a skill, or rather, with such virtuosity that surely no one would have expected of him. His tone is strong and beautiful; he played the most difficult passages absolutely fluently, without the slightest mistake, almost always with great clarity, and highlighted several places quite properly, so that one could not fail noticing the good school and the zealous efforts of his master; yes, what is more, that in spite of the so complicated, you might say, irregular fingering of the guitar, he played all the difficult pieces without watching his fingers one single time. ... He is the first we have seen on this instrument shining already at such tender age. The entire audience present recognized his merit by giving him the most thundering applause after each item.16

Other reviews called attention to Leonard’s “technical skill, taste, and an admirable sureness of touch” and the “security and skill, with which he executed the most difficult passages without ever looking at his hands; his beautiful interpretation, the tranquility in his playing, his due observance of time, and his surprisingly strong sound.”17 One of the reviews added another small but significant point: “The extraordinarily delicate accompaniment by the orchestra deserves a special mention.”18 This shows that Leonard was accompanied by the orchestra, not just the piano. The reviewer in the Wiener Zeitschrift also made a special comment regarding the Hummel Pot-pourri, a piece he did not find entirely successful. This was not so much from its execution, but rather from the arrangement “in which the guitar on the whole is too weak against the piano, and because it was set for a normal or so-called large guitar which, due to its low tessitura, is not as penetrating as the higher-pitched terz guitar.”19 This observation obviously reflected the reviewer’s own experience; not only was the terz guitar used in many chamber works in Vienna in those days (guitar duets in particular), it was also heard at this event in Giuliani’s Concerto, Op. 70, which is scored for that instrument. Leonard was clearly an extraordinary child, even for an epoch known for cultivating young talents, and both he and his brother Eduard were widely recognized as Wunderkinder (Eduard was even compared to Liszt). A brief article in the Viennese magazine Der Wanderer ( January 28, 1825), titled “Österreich, die Mutter großer Musikgenies” (“Austria, the Mother of Great Musical Geniuses”), lists six musical child prodigies from what was then the Austrian empire; among the names we find Liszt and the Schulz brothers. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

The Concert Tours Smart) had remained at home with The father immediately saw the two other small children. In Februmusical and commercial potential ary, they gave a new concert in the of his sons. Soon after the sucLandständischer Saal where Leoncessful debut of Leonard, the two ard had made his debut four years wonderboys began to appear in earlier. They lingered in Vienna concerts with their father. At these for the next half year, sometimes events, Eduard or his father often appearing in concerts there and in played the physharmonica (or æolnearby towns, such as Pressburg. harmonica), a newly-invented small Another lithograph of the two keyboard instrument fitted with young boys was probably made in free reeds (a kind of harmonium). Vienna at that time ( a copy in the Their first genuinely interAustrian National Library can be national tour commenced in the seen online, http://www.bildarautumn of 1824. In early Septemchivaustria.at/Pages/ImageDetail. ber, the Schulz trio was passing aspx?p_iBildID=9257756). through Bayreuth in Bavaria, Their feet were itching, hownot far from the Austrian border, ever, and in the autumn of 1827 “on their travel to the capitals of Andreas Schulz and his two won20 Germany, France, and England.” derboys embarked on yet another From their journey we also know extended tour. After travelling Illustration No. 1: “Master Edward Schulz, The famous Piano-Forte Player, of concerts in Nuremberg (Septhrough Germany (with known tember/October), Darmstadt and Master Leonard Schulz, The celebrated Guitar Player.” concerts in Munich in October/ Lithograph c.1825 by Charles Ingrey and George E. (November), and Liege (early November, and Augsburg and Madeley, after a sketch by Jules Bouvier.23 © Victoria and 1825); surely, they would have Stuttgart in November), they came Albert Museum, London. Reproduced by permission. performed in a number of other to Paris via Strasbourg in January, places on their way. Although reports from France have not yet 1828. They remained in the French capital for two months, surfaced, there is, nevertheless, reason to believe the Schulzes during which time they played in several concerts. At least were there. Soon upon their arrival in London in the spring two took place in the salons of the piano maker Jean-Henri of 1825,21 the Literary Gazette on April 16 wrote of Leonard Pape. The concert on January 27 is often mentioned because and Eduard that “the French, as well as the German journals, Liszt, then fifteen years old, also participated. However, both represent them as first-rate masters.” his and Leonard Schulz’s roles at this event were quite modest. The family trio remained in the British Isles for almost On March 9, the Schulzes had their own concert at two years. During that period they made a number of concert M. Pape’s salon, this time with young Leonard in a more appearances, several also in the presence of the king, George prominent role. He opened this soirée musicale by performIV, at Carlton House and at Windsor. In addition to London, ing an unspecified concerto by Giuliani; according to the appearances in Bath, Bristol, and its suburb of Clifton, Liv- review in Revue musicale, it was played on a terz guitar and erpool, and Dublin are known. Wherever they appeared, the was thus probably Op. 70.24 As no orchestra was involved young boys created quite a stir, not least Leonard. A citation at this event, we must assume that Eduard accompanied his from the Bristol Mercury on March 13, 1826, may serve as brother on the piano. The brothers also played in two works an example: “Master Leonard Schulz is quite a miracle of his for æol-harmonica and two guitars by their father, and in the age [he was then eleven], he is a perfect master of the guitar.” Abschied der Troubadours (here announced as Les Adieux de Their instant fame also resulted in a portrait of the two boys Raoul de Coucy à la dame de Fayel) by Giuliani, Moscheles, being made in London around that time (see Illustration No. and Mayseder. The Revue musicale review of the concert was quite 1; Leonard is on the right).22 By early 1827, the Schulzes had returned to Vienna, detailed. Again we learn that Leonard played the terz guitar, reuniting with Frau Schulz who (according to Sir George an instrument about which the writer (Fétis?) had some Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

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reservations (as he also had about the guitar in general). Of Leonard’s playing he had this comment: M. Leonard is the Ajax of guitarists; he has fingers of iron and performs with great accuracy the most terrifying difficulties. His talent has lustre, but he sometimes lacks charm. This is, however, a reproach addressed more to the instrument than the artist.25

London 1828, Return to Vienna From Paris, Andreas Schulz and his two sons headed for London. On March 29, 1828, the Morning Post announced that the Schulzes “at present in Paris, will shortly arrive in London.” One month later, on April 28, they appeared at the Argyll Rooms in the fifth concert of the 1828 season of the Philharmonic Society. This was a marathon event, which included Beethoven’s “Pastorale” Symphony, a Mozart symphony, two orchestra overtures, a violin concerto by Beriot, and several vocal interludes with Rossini arias and duets. In the midst of this, the Schulz trio performed a Concertante for æol-harmonica and two guitars.26 A previously unknown review in the London journal The Athenæum on May 7, 1828, gives us an eye-witness account of the event. Here it says that the composition by Andreas Schulz incorporated some “exceedingly clever variations” on God Save the King, exhibiting both “invention and ability.” This notwithstanding, far from all present found the music appropriate for the respected Philharmonic Society, whose aim was “to promote the performance, in the most perfect manner possible, of the best and most approved instrumental music.”27 The Athenæum wrote somewhat diplomatically that the performance was “of a new and peculiar character, and created a considerable discussion and diversity of opinion in the society.” One part of the problem was apparently that the audience had difficulties hearing this small ensemble—three soft-voiced instruments in a concert chiefly featuring a full symphony orchestra was no easy match. (Sor met with a similarly mixed reaction after performing his Concertante for guitar and strings at a Philharmonic Society concert some eleven years earlier.28) Life was not made easier for a performing guitarist by the fact that audiences in those days were not, in general, quiet during a concert. This was commented on in 1833 in the short-lived London guitar journal the Giulianiad, in which the writer (probably Ferdinand Pelzer) complained that “there is generally as much noise [from the audience] as sound [from the musicians].” Under such circumstances the soft-voiced guitar was particularly at a disadvantage, and Pelzer(?) recommended “all those who are really lovers of

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the instrument, to attend as early as possible at any concert where the guitar is to be played, and obtain as near a seat to the orchestra as possible.”29 So, all in all, the appearance of the Schulz trio at the Philharmonic Society concert was not entirely successful, as vividly depicted in the Athenæum: … their whole performance would have been admired, had it not proceeded to too great a length; but the audience, (especially that part at the farther end of the room who could not distinguish a note,) grew at last impatient, and a few hisses, and a considerable degree of coughing and unequivocal murmurs, forced the poor Germans to effect a hasty retreat; and some of the ci-devant directors expressed their disapprobation of the introduction of the Messrs. Schulz, by the “powers that be”.30

The reviewer also suggested what had occasioned the controversial introduction of this family-trio: “These gentlemen have, several times lately, had the honour of performing before the King, and, having afforded his Majesty considerable amusement; hence, perhaps, it was thought expedient to introduce them to the Philharmonic audience.” This was actually not the first time the Schulzes had played at the Argyll Rooms; they had done so in June, 1825, shortly after their first arrival in London. And the mixed reaction after the Philharmonic Society concert did not discourage them from scheduling another appearance in the same location. Two months later, on June 18, 1828, they organized (surely it was the father who handled such affairs) their own concert there, under the auspices of the Prince and Princess Esterhazy. As usual, several musicians participated; the three Schulzes themselves performed anew the Concertante for æol-harmonica and two guitars, and Leonard and his father a duo brillante for two guitars, “which was beautiful as well as extraordinary.”31 There are also reports of concerts in Bristol/Clifton in the late summer of 1828. Soon after, it seems that at least young Leonard (probably all three) returned to Vienna, “on account of his health,” as announced on September 2 in the Bristol Mercury. There is only sporadic information about Leonard Schulz’s whereabouts during the next three years. At the end of June, 1830, he was in London playing in a concert in which, among others, Moscheles also participated (the Times, June 24, 1830), and exactly two months later he and Eduard played in Mainz in Germany. From the review here we learn that the brothers travelled without their father, and the critic was full of praise for Leonard’s playing (although he recommended Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

the young musician to concentrate his talents on a proper instrument like the violin): We hear full harmonies in chromatic, enharmonic and contrapuntal chords and inversions; rapid runs and cadenzas with a force, clarity and skill displayed, as on the harp and violin; moreover, the interpretation does not lack gentleness and sweetness, so that this sixteen year-old artist induces the greatest admiration.32

Final return to London By early 1832, the Viennese brothers had once more returned to London, where they performed at a meeting of the “Melodists’ Club” on January 26. Although only seventeen, Leonard’s fame was now well-established, and henceforth he and Edward (whose name now was anglicized) pursued independent musical careers with London as their base. Occasionally they would also appear in the same concerts. Bone claims that Leonard Schulz made further visits to Paris in the 1830s. This is quite possible, but no such records in the Paris press have come to light.33 However, throughout the 1830s there are regular press reports of London concerts, often several per year, in which he participated. Reviews of concerts were usually brief, often little more than just a summary of the program. But, when his playing was commented on, with but few exceptions the reviewers were full of praise, and there seems to be little evidence for Button’s assumption that by now the London audience had become more disapproving of Schulz’s handling of the guitar.34 Now at the peak of his career, Schulz moved in the highest musical circles in London. The concerts in which he played frequently featured the most distinguished British and foreign musicians, such as the pianists Ignaz Moscheles, Sigismond Thalberg, and Henri Herz; the violinists Charles de Beriot, Paolo Spagnoletti, Nicolas Mori, and Edward Eliason; and the singers María Malibran and Manuel García. On at least two occasions in 1837, Schulz and Giulio Regondi appeared in the same concerts, the latter performing on the concertina. Usually Schulz played solo (the reports in the press are regrettably vague), but there are some records of him partaking in chamber ensembles, performing La Sentinelle by Hummel/ Giuliani, or the aforementioned Abschied der Troubadours. We also hear of a tantalizing “grand MS. concertante on the pianoforte and guitar, [composed and played] by Messrs E. and L. Schulz,” premiered at Edward Eliason’s soirée musicale on January 28,1835 (reported three days later in the Court Journal). A particularly noteworthy event was “Mr. Eliason’s Annual Grand Concert” on June 1, 1840, in which Edward Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Eliason performed Beethoven’s “Kreutzer” Sonata together with Franz Liszt (who also played solo), and Beethoven’s Violin Concerto with an orchestra conducted by Sir George Smart. On this occasion, Schulz played a guitar fantasia on the Gabriele Waltz, “which he gave with taste and purity of execution, and without practising any of the claptraps often resorted to upon the instrument,” as stated in the Morning Post the next day. Judging from the subsiding number of records in the press, his concert appearances became scarcer in the 1840s. Whether this was because of a generally dwindling popularity of the guitar or personal problems (see below), we do not know. However, Schulz’s high reputation as performer did not falter; after a concert in June, 1846, the Morning Post wrote that “Leonard Schulz played a solo on the guitar in such perfection of style and execution as belongs to no other guitarist”.35 This notwithstanding, there are no known records of public appearances of his after two concerts in April and May, 1847. It is quite possible that those concerts indeed were the last in which Schulz appeared.36 When Makaroff came to London around 1850, he had some difficulties tracking down the guitarist who was apparently hiding from his creditors; even his pianist brother Edward explained that he had not seen him in the last three years. Thus, the Russian nobleman’s meeting with the 36-year-old Schulz, quoted at the beginning of this article, is the last account of our guitarist. Except for some contact the Argentine guitar amateur Fernando Cruz Cordero had with Schulz during a visit to London in 1851 (inferred from the dated and signed dedication to Cordero on the title page of the autograph ms. of Schulz’s Cinq Etudes, WoO, in the Robert Spencer Collection), the last ten years before his premature death are shrouded in obscurity. Leonard Schulz died in London on April 27, 1860, according to Bone, after a long and painful illness. Bone further intimates that Schulz’s disappearance from the public scene and untimely death were caused by a disreputable lifestyle. Indeed, according to Makaroff, Edward Schulz had said of his brother that “he has the greatest talent, but is the worst drunkard in London.” Leonard Schulz achieved the greatest success as guitarist; this notwithstanding, he did not escape the prejudices of the musical establishment that were experienced by all major guitarists of that time; Sor and Giuliani were no exceptions. This lasted throughout his career; frequently, a critic, after first commending his playing, would add some derogatory words

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about the guitar. A review from the Musical World on April 10, 1847, after “Madame Dulcken’s Matinee Musicale” three days earlier (Schulz’s second-last known public appearance), may serve as a conspicuous illustration: Mr. L. Schulz executed a fantasia on the guitar, as only he could execute it, and it is happy for the art that he stands unrivalled, for were there many who could do on the guitar what he does, we fear it would be before long forced into the bit [i.e., class] of musical instruments to which we cannot at present think it legitimately belongs.

What a splendid blend of praise and disdain! Was this condescending attitude towards the guitar also the reason why no review appeared after “The First of his Recitals”, announced in the Morning Post on December 14, 1841, to take place four days later? (This was in fact among the earliest public solo guitar recitals ever, Liszt having introduced the recital concept and the term only the previous year in London.) Anyone unceasingly experiencing such arrogance and contempt might indeed end up seeking consolation in the bottle. The guitar music of Leonard Schulz A check list of Schulz’s compositions is bound to be incomplete.37 Much of his music was probably never published and is presumably lost; some of the contemporary press reviews mention compositions not known today (see above), and so do Bone and Makaroff. The highest numbered printed work is Op. 101, but with wide gaps in the opus list and many pieces without opus numbers, we have no way of knowing if this high number indeed reflects a continuous series. Few substantial compositions seem to have survived; the majority

of the pieces published during Schulz’s lifetime or shortly afterwards—Madame Pratten issued a series posthumously—are brief and written in a rather popular style; many also require the guitar tuned to an open E-major chord.38 Some of his compositions are known only in manuscript versions. One of these, Recollections of Ireland, Op. 41, (which exists in a modern edition from Editions Orphée) is probably identical to “a new MS. Fantasia on some Irish Airs” played by Schulz at a concert on July 12, 1837, as announced in the Morning Post the previous days. Although much of his known output consists of light pieces of slight musical value, we do from time to time get glimpses of a talent that was clearly capable of more than these trifles reveal. In conversation with Makaroff, Schulz explained that, when publishing his music, he often had to simplify it in order to make it more accessible to the amateurs.39 Perhaps the most interesting surviving work, both technically and musically, is his L’Indispensable, Op. 40, a set of twelve studies, originally published in London around 1840 (a modern edition of this work, together with the Cinq Etudes, WoO, from 1851, was recently published by Chanterelle Verlag). Many of the studies are technically quite demanding, often with a focus on specific and sometimes unusual techniques or right-hand fingerings. In several of the studies, the melody appears in the middle voice or the bass, accompanied by repeated notes in the upper voice, indicated to be played by one right-hand finger only. This can be seen in Illustration No. 2, presenting the opening measures of Op. 40, No. 6; here, the middle voice represents il canto. All fingering is original. In Op. 40, No. 12, Schulz used a two-staff notation to elucidate the recurrent inclusion of an open first-string E in a sequence of high-position chords. Illustration No. 3 shows this

Illustration No. 2, from Leonard Schulz, op. 40, no. 6, mm. 1-4. © Chanterelle Verlag, by permission.

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Illustration No. 3, from Leonard Schulz, Op. 40, No. 12, mm. 67-73. section from the original ca.1840 London edition, published by Wessel & Co. The studies by Leonard Schulz display an instrumental and compositional proficiency far beyond that of the average guitar composer at the time. In quality, the best of the studies may be compared to those of his compatriot Giulio Regondi. The two players obviously knew each other; not only that, in his annual benefit concert at the Hanover Square Rooms on May 30, 1856 (reviewed the following day in the Daily News), Regondi honored his colleague by performing an unspecified fantasia by him. This was an unusual mark of respect, as a professional musician in those days rarely performed music by another contemporary virtuoso. It shows that Regondi, perhaps the foremost of all Romantic guitar composers, held in high esteem the music of Schulz, “the greatest of all guitarists of that time.”40 Notes Nikolai Petrovitch Makaroff, “The Memoirs of Makaroff,” translated by Vladimir Bobri, Part 1, Guitar Review, No. 1 (1946), 12. 2 Ibid., Part 2, Guitar Review, No. 2 (1947), 34. 3 Some writers have done little more than recycle what Josef Zuth and Philip Bone said of Schulz many years ago ( Josef Zuth, Handbuch der Laute und Gitarre [Vienna, 1926; Reprint edition 1972]. Philip J. Bone, The Guitar and Mandolin, [London, 1954; Reprint edition, 1972]). By far the most thorough study 1


of recent years was done by the late Peter Pieters as part of an extensive article about child prodigies on the guitar during the first half of the nineteenth century, “Die Wunderkinder der Gitarre während der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, Teil 1,” Gitarre und Laute, No. 5 (1995), 13-21). An Italian version of that article appeared as “I bambini-prodigio della chitarra nella prima metà dell’Ottocento,” il Fronimo, No. 100 (1997), 77101. Pieters’ excellent study provided many new details about the life of Schulz, particularly his early years. Stuart W. Button, in his Ph.D. dissertation, The Guitar in England 1800–1924 (University of Surrey, 1984) also presented some new finds about Schulz in London. In a recent Ph.D. dissertation, The Guitar in the Romantic Period: Its Musical and Social Development, with Special Reference to Bristol and Bath (Royal Holloway College, University of London, 2010), Andrew Britton provided new information about the Schulzes in Bath and Bristol during their early period in Britain. Hereafter, references to these five works are simply by author name; in Pieters’ case, page references are to the German version of his article. 4 Several people have cooperated by communicating various information or links to internet resources. Above all, I am most indebted to Christopher Page, Gerhard Penn, and James Westbrook for their valuable assistance. I am also indebted to Christopher Page for advice on the translations of the foreign citations. A large number of Continental and British newspapers and periodicals contain records of concerts in which Leonard Schulz played. These records constitute the main source material for this study. However, to avoid cluttering the pages with numerous notes of sources, such references are only given in connection with direct

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quotations. Here is the complete list of the newspapers and periodicals from which information has been drawn: German/Austrian: Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung; Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung mit besonderer Rücksicht auf den österreichischen Kaiserstaat; Baireuther Zeitung; Berliner allgemeine musikalische Zeitung; Didaskalia oder Blätter für Geist, Gemüth und Publizität; Flora: Ein Unterhaltungs-Blatt (Munich); Hesperus: Encyclopaedische Zeitschrift für gebildete Leser; Iris: Unterhaltungsblatt für Freunde des Schönen u. Nützlichen; Neckar-Zeitung (Stuttgart); Der Sammler; Städtische Preßburger-Zeitung; Tags-Blatt für München; Der Wanderer; Wiener Zeitschrift für Kunst, Literatur, Theater und Mode; Zeitung für die elegante Welt (Berlin) French: Revue musicale British: the Athenæum; the Bristol Mercury; the Court Journal: Gazette of the Fashionable World; the Daily News; the Era; the Harmonicon; the Kaleidoscope: or, Literary and Scientific Mirror (Liverpool); the Literary Gazette, and Journal of Belles Lettres, Arts, Sciences, &c.; the Liverpool Mercury; the Monthly Magazine, or, British Register; the Morning Chronicle; the Morning Post; the Musical World; the Standard; the Times. 5 The Christian name of Leonard Schulz is sometimes written Leonhard (with “h”). Zuth did that, and this version is also occasionally seen in the German contemporary press. However, in the majority of the sources his name is written without “h,” in British sources almost consistently so; this is the spelling on all original English editions of Schulz’s music I have seen, and it is also his own spelling in an autograph manuscript of Cinq Etudes, WoO. The form Leonardo, used by Prat in his Diccionario, has no historical basis. 6 According to an entry in the Wiener Zeitung, Andreas Schulz died on Nov. 13, 1860, in Vienna, at the age of seventy-three. I am indebted to Gerhard Penn for this information. 7 This includes Pieters and Britton. 8 Three concerts are mentioned by Pieters, 17. 9 “Das Accompagnement von Hrn. Schulz verdient ebenfalls Lob.” (AMZ Kaiserstaat, August 28, 1817, col. 303-4) 10 Thanks to Gerhard Penn for providing this information. 11 H. Bertram Cox and C. L. E. Cox, Leaves from the Journals of Sir George Smart (London, 1907), 101-4. 12 See Pieters, 17, for further details. 13 Josef Zuth, “Eine Handschrift von Giulio Regondi,” Musik im Haus, No. 3 (1927), 79. 14 Ludwig Titze was known as one of Schubert’s favorite singers. 15 The czakan was a woodwind instrument, somewhat similar to the recorder. Ernst Krähmer, one of its most prominent exponents, appeared frequently in concerts in Vienna in the 1820s. 16 “Am 20. April gab der achtjährige Leonard Schulz, Schüler seines Vaters Andreas Schulz, ein Concert im landständischen Saale, worin er sich auf der Guitarre hören ließ. Dieser talentvolle Knabe spielte den ersten Satz des dritten Concertes von Mauro Giuliani, und das Rondo alla Polacca des ersten Concertes von ebendemselben mit einer Fertigkeit, oder vielmehr mit solcher Virtuosität, die wahrlich Niemand von ihm erwartet hätte. Sein Ton ist stark und schön ; die sehr schwierigen Passagen spielte er durchaus geläufig, ohne den geringsten Fehler, fast durchaus mit großer Deutlichkeit, und markirte [sic] mehrere Stellen sehr richtig, so daß man die gute Schule und die

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eifrige Bemühung seines Meisters nicht verkennen konnte ; ja was noch mehr ist, daß er trotz der so verwickelten, man möchte sagen : regellosen Applicatur der Guitarre alle seine schwierigen Stücke durchspielte, ohne ein einziges Mal auf die Finger zu sehen. … um so mehr, da er der erste ist, den wir auf diesem Instrumente schon in so zartem Alter glänzen sehen. Das ganze anwesende Publicum erkannte sein Verdienst, indem es ihm nach jedem Stücke den rauschendsten Beyfall zollte.” (Wiener Zeitschrift, May 27, 1823, 520). 17 “… technische Fertigkeit, Geschmack und eine bewunderungswürdige Sicherheit” (AMZ Kaiserstaat, No. 36, May 3,1823, col. 286); “Sicherheit und Fertigkeit, mit welcher er die schwierigsten Passagen ohne jemahls auf seine Hände zu sehen, ausführte; seinem schönen Vortrage, der Ruhe in seinem Spiel, seiner Gleichheit im Tacte und seinem überraschend starken Tone.” (Der Sammler, No. 66, June 3, 1823). 18 “Das ungemein zarte Accompagnement von Seite des Orchesters verdient eine besondere Erwähnung.” (AMZ Kaiserstaat, loc. cit.) 19 “Wenn dieses Stück nicht besonders ansprach, so war es keineswegs in der Durchführung, sondern vielmehr in dem Arrangement gelegen, daß die Guitarre gegen das Pianoforte überhaupt zu schwach ist, und daß es für eine gewöhnliche oder sogenannte große Guitarre gesetzt war, die wegen ihrer Tiefe nie so durchgreift, als die im Ganzen höher stehende Terz-Guitarre.” (Wiener Zeitschrift, op. cit.) 20 “… auf ihrer Durchreise nach den Hauptstädten von Deutschland, Frankreich und England.” (Baireuther Zeitung, Sept. 3, 1824). 21 Zuth and Bone claimed that the pianist Ignaz Moscheles brought the Schulzes to England. This is, however, not substantiated by the pianist’s own memoirs, and in 1825 Moscheles arrived in London in May, at least one month after the Schulzes (see further discussion by Pieters, 18). Nevertheless, it is quite possible that Moscheles, who already knew England from previous visits, had inspired Andreas Schulz to aim for London. The two musicians were acquainted in Vienna: they had played in the same concert at least on one occasion (at the Untermeidling in 1817, discussed above); furthermore, there is a note by Moscheles in Beethovens Konversationshefte in early December, 1823, saying that “Schulz ist ein braver Mann” (see Pieters, 21, n. 39). 22 I am grateful to Gerhard Penn for bringing this portrait to my attention. 23 George E. Madeley and Charles Ingrey were partners ca. 1824–1829. The Paris-born artist Jules Bouvier (1800-1867) had moved to London in 1818. 24 See Pieters, 21, n. 53, for a discussion of the identity of the Giuliani concerto. It should be added that, from an announcement in the Wiener Zeitung on August 9, 1822, it can be ascertained that Hummel indeed orchestrated Giuliani’s third concerto, Op. 70. Thanks to Gerhard Penn for this information. 25 “M. Léonard est l’Ajax des guitaristes; il a des doigts de fer et il exécute avec une grande précision les plus effroyables difficultés. Son talent a du brillant mais il manque quelquefois de charme. C’est du reste un reproche qui s’adresse plus à l instrument qu’à l’artiste.” (Revue musicale, 1828, 155-6) 26 The original program leaflet is reproduced in Button, 194

Continued on page 52


The Vogue of the Chitarra francese in Italy: How French? How Italian? How Neapolitan? by Thomas F. Heck “The barbers of Naples use an instrument called a mandolin much more commonly than the guitar, which they call (we know not why) la chitarra francese.”

T

his opening quotation, from a British book of TableTalk published in 1836, is but one of over thirty dated or datable references that I have been able to assemble—most of them from between 1792 and ca. 1850—witnessing to the rise and fall of the chitarra francese—the so-called “French” guitar—in Italy. There are relevant undated Italian manuscripts as well,1 but so far the earliest datable source we have, the Sei canzoncine con accompagnamento di chitarra francese (Illustration No. 1. below), is a Neapolitan print from 1792. What led its author, Giuseppe Aprile, to publish this music for the “French” guitar? What did he mean? Why French? Perhaps what follows will help answer these questions. The starting point for understanding the chitarra francese phenomenon must be the venerable old “Spanish” guitar. Nowadays many scholars prefer to call it the “Baroque” guitar, perhaps because we don’t want to confuse it with the Torres-model Spanish guitars that truly were Spanish and that became popular everywhere after 1850. Calling the five-course guitar that Corbetta and Visée played a Baroque guitar is also a convenient way of situating it historically in its heyday, ca.1600-1750. By not calling it Spanish, we effectively de-link it from Spain—perhaps appropriately, given that most of its repertoire and musical development occurred in Italy and France in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, more so than in Spain. It was essentially a double-string (or bichordal) instrument of five courses (hence ten pegs) with a notation system of tablatures and chord symbols all its own. But in the latter 1700s, the Baroque (or what we arguably could call the “old-Spanish”) guitar was reaching the end of its life-span and losing its “hair,” so to speak—its double strings—in both France and Italy. Simplification in matters musical was rapidly becoming fashionable in the Age of Enlightenment. Witness the general slowing of harmonic rhythms. Fresh musical winds were blowing northward from Naples in the form of the classical style. One has only to think of the “Querelle des bouffons”

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in Paris (1752-54), precipitated by a performance by Italian comedians of Pergolesi’s sparkling Serva padrona between the acts of Lully’s turgid Acis et Galatée, to get the picture. This tendency toward simplification, when applied to the domain of guitar playing, must have prompted guitarists to ask: Why do we still need double strings when singles will do? Whatever the motivation, Baroque guitars, especially in France and Italy (but not in Spain), began losing their double strings after 1750. By the end of the century, all five courses, not just the chanterelle, were usually single. Erik Stenstadvold’s chronological listing of guitar methods published in France from 1758 to around 1857 shows the trend very clearly.2 Up until about 1777, all printed guitar methods were for the fivecourse instrument. In France, by then, it was simply called la guitarre, no longer la guitare espagnole.3 Apparently England was the only country in Europe where the adjective “Spanish” commonly qualified the guitar, irrespective of its single or double strings. Why? Simply as a handy way to distinguish it from its rival, the popular “guittar” or English guitar. As an aside, German music lexicographers wondered why an instrument widely understood as coming from Italy would have had the adjective “Spanish” associated with it. Johann Gottfried Walther’s entry for the guitar in his Musikalisches Lexicon (1732) typifies how his generation understood the situation. Note that Chitarra (Italian) is his main entry. The Spanish equivalent term (Guitarra) is not even mentioned, even though Walther claims that the preferences of “Spanish ladies” are the reason for such guitars being called Spanish: Chitarra (Ital.) Guitarre, Guiterre (Fr.) Cithara Hispanica (Lat.) A flat, lute-like instrument with five double courses of gut strings, which is used especially by Spanish ladies (thus the word Spagnuola is often used to describe it). It came from Spain to Italy, and from there into other countries.4

Five years later, another German music dictionary, the Kurzgefasstes musicalisches Lexicon (Chemnitz, 1737), even Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

suggests a vector by which the so-called Spanish guitar made its way from Italy to the rest of Europe—via the same type of buffoni (comedians) that brought Neapolitan intermezzi to Paris: Chitarre or Quinterna, is a musical instrument with four or five gut strings. It has not a round body, but an elongated one, like the violin. Italian comedians usually strum it with their fingernails, but some play it as they would a lute.

Stenstadvold’s research suggests that, starting in 1777, occasional methods for the five-single-string guitar began to appear in France. The first such method was evidently by the Italian Giacomo Merchi, a native of Brescia.5 Merchi’s role as an intermediary in witnessing to (and perhaps facilitating?) the emergence of single-string guitars in Italy and France may be greater than was previously thought. In his Guide des écoliers de guitarre … (Paris, 1761), he called for the use of double strings—the norm in guitar construction at the time. But by 1777, in his Traité des agrémens de la musique, éxécutés sur la guitarre …, he was explaining to the same Parisian audiences how to play ornaments on a fivesingle-string guitar. In light of this development, it is fair to ask: Was Merchi catering to a new vogue in Paris of dispensing with double strings on Baroque guitars in favor of singles? Or was he introducing the notion of guitars with single strings— something that he might have already witnessed in Italy—to French audiences? The emergence of dedicated five-string guitars in Naples (an early exemplar of which was labeled “Ferdinandus Gagliano Filius Nicolai fecit Neap 1774”) forces the question. The instrument pictured in Illustration No. 2 (below) was once part of the Heyer Museum in Cologne; its photograph and measurements were published by Georg Kinsky in 1912.6 Although the instrument has since gone missing, it continues to be documented online as part of the Leipzig Instrumentarium, Inventory no. 554, in the hope that it will someday be found. A nearly identical five-string guitar (lacking a label) is in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, mus.-no. 2051882. And several more original five-string guitars are in the personal collection of Giovanni Accornero.7 Continuing with Stenstadvold’s chronology: As of 1788, one can find almost nothing but methods for five-single-string guitars being published in France (Lemoine, Porro, Gatayes, Phillis, and Porro again). These five-string guitars, judging from the illustrations in the method books, were simplifications of what was already at hand: ten-peg guitars with five pegs not being used. But in Italy, specifically in Naples, as seen Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

in Figure No. 2, something dramatically different had occurred already in the 1770s: a radical redesign of the chitarra spagnola for five single strings. I am inclined to agree with Mario Torta that such singlestring instruments acquired a new name in Italy—chitarra francese—to distinguish them from the old-Spanish fivecourse guitars still in circulation. There was also a wire-string version of the latter, especially popular in Italy, with bichords and sometimes trichords, called the chitarra battente—literally a guitar to be beaten or forcefully strummed. The emerging single-string guitar also had to define itself as something distinct from that.8 Why French? Why was the new single-string guitar, apparently invented in Naples, called a chitarra francese? The most obvious answer is that “French” was fashionable down there. Naples at the time was a Francophile kingdom, under control of the Bourbon dynasty. Ferdinand IV of Naples (b. 1751), also known as Ferdinand III of Sicily, ruled the Kingdom of Naples from 1759 to 1799, when all the significant guitar-related developments that we have been discussing (emergence of single string guitars, emergence of a six-string guitar) seem to have occurred.9 Theory usually follows practice; words usually follow deeds. The flowering of the term chitarra francese in print after 1800 occurs precisely during the era when prestige, power, and influence were in French hands throughout the Italian peninsula. Napoleon was not just the king; he was the emperor, and his court set the standard for fashion. The period of rule of Napoleon’s appointed governors in Naples, 1805-1815, came to be called the decennio francese, or French decade. Reading the Chronology at the end of this paper with these facts in mind will begin to clarify why all things new and different in Italy at that era were somehow connected with France, or benefited from a French association of some kind. The five-single-string guitar, needless to say, did not last long. Already by 1780, the principal luthiers in Naples were moving from making five-string toward building six-string guitars, still calling them “French guitars,” due to their defining characteristic—their single strings. Taking all these factors into consideration, along with the following Chronology, it should be clear to us now that Naples around 1780 was the place where the classical guitar was born. She was given a French name at birth, as a five-string instrument. Her maiden name, chitarra francese, became still more fashionable when she reached maturity as a six-string guitar during the decennio

19

francese—the Napoleonic era in Italy. Incidentally, French lyre guitars, with single strings, became enormously popular in France and Italy as well, during the same period. Like so many other Italians of her generation, the bella napolitana a sei corde was restless. She traveled abroad, sometimes calling herself francese, sometimes not. Whatever the case, through her numerous and fruitful descendants in every country, she must have made her old Spanish grandparents proud! Chronology Some Dated or Datable Occurrences of the Term Chitarra Francese While no list of this sort is ever complete, the following can serve as a useful demonstration of the fruits of collegial research,10 combined with the latest key-word searching in scholarly databases—resources that were not available even a decade ago.11 •1792. Aprile, Giuseppe. Sei canzoncine con accompagnamento di chitarra francese e violino … (Naples: Marescalchi, plate no. 283), dated in pencil “early 1792” (copy: Robert Spencer Collection, Royal Academy of Music). The Marescalchi firm existed in Naples from 1785 to 1799; the penciled date for this engraved edition appears consistent with its plate number. (For five-string guitar; thanks to M.T.) •1793. “Concert für Herrn und Madame Schlick, aus Gotha: ‘Auch spielten die Concertgeber ein Duett für Violoncello und französische Guitarre’,” referenced in Die Gitarre in den Konzerten des Leipziger Gewandhauses 1793 bis 1838, online chronology posted at •1796. January 21. Stevenson, “Professor of the French and English guitar,” advertises in the Morning Post. England. (Thanks to C.P.) •1798. “Uebrigens findet man auch zwey Kompositionen für die französische Guitarre in dieser Sammlung.” Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, vol. I, No. 4 (Oct 24, 1798), col. 56. •1798-99. Signorile, Nicola. Duettino notturno “Sorge la bella Aurora” con accompagnamento di chitarra francese, e basso … (Naples: Marescalchi, lithographic plate no. 229), dated: 1798-99.12 (copy: I-MC – Archivio di Montecassino) For five-string guitar; thanks to M.T. •1798-99. Lanza, Giuseppe. Sei arie notturne con recitativo, con accompagnamento di chitarra francese, e violin a piacere …

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(Naples: Marescalchi, lithographic edition, datable as above) (copy: I-MC) For five-string guitar; thanks to M.T. •1801. Gianelli, Pietro. Dizionario della musica sacra e profana (Venice, 1801): •Chitarra francese. This instrument is quite similar to the Spanish guitar, and has a raspy sound much suited to the accompaniment of the voice. It is widely used in Italy. •Chitarra spagnuola. Guitar used in Spain, particularly by ladies. It has five courses of strings, which are usually strummed in some way with the hand or plucked with the ends of the fingers, and is very similar to the chitarra francese. (Sean Ferguson, The Guitar Before 1900). •1801s. Scheidler, Johann David, mentions the französische Guitarre in “Etwas über die Sister,” Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, No. 4 (October 21, 1801), col. 60-63. •1802. “… die Form einer Zither (oder vielmehr der Sister, der kleinen französischen Guitarre, die der Lyra der Alten nachgibildet ist),” Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, No. 5 (May 26, 1802), col. 573. •1802k. Koch, Heinrich Christoph. Musikalisches Lexikon (Frankfurt a.M., 1802), col. 1395: “Die modern Sister … Ton und Spielart, so wie auch das Corpus dieses Instruments haben die größte Aehnlichkeit mit der französischen Guitarre.” •1803. “Essendo arrivato in questa Rispettabilissima Città e Porto-franco di Trieste il loro servo Mauro Giuliano napolitano Professore di Chitarra francese, Violoncello, e Chitarra francese con Arpa a 30 corde; per cui desidera di dare un’Accademia divisa in due Atti. Nel primo, dopo la Sinfonia, rappresenterà un Concerto di Chitarra francese con Arpa, ed un altro di Violoncello. Nel secondo, dopo la Sinfonia, rappresenterà un Concerto di Chitarra francese […].” L’Osservatore triestino, 5 sett. 1803.13 •1805. “… französische Guitarre” reference in a review of the Italian guitarist Paolo Sandrini. Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, No. 31 (May 2, 1804), col. 530 (thanks to E. S.). •1805 (?). “Sinfonia della Lodoviska arrangiata per Chittarre Francese da Niccolò Paganini.” Autograph ms. by Paganini. (copy: I-Rc – Biblioteca Casanatense/ 5621).14 •1806. “Herr Sandrini … spielte sodann auf der französischen Guitarre …” Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, No. 34 (May 21, 1806), col. 542. A similar reference is in Zeitung für die elegante Welt, Vol. VI, No. 41 (Berlin, April 5, 1806), col. 336. •1807. Simon Molitor, in the introduction to his Grosse Sonate, Op. 7 (Vienna: Artaria, p.n. 1856), writes “Bei uns ist sie [die Guitarre] unter der Benennung der französischen Guitarre bekannt, eine Benennung, die ihr vermüthlich die Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Illustration No. 1: Giuseppe Aprile’s Canzoncine … of 1792, for two five-course ( five-string?) “French” guitars.


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Franzosen selbst beigelegt haben, vielleicht um sie von der eigentlichen spanischen, welche doch die doppelte Besaitung hatte, zu unterscheiden.” (thanks to E. S.) •1808. Nava, Antonio. Le Stagioni dell’anno in quattro sonate a solo per chitarra francese. Composte e dedicate al Cavaliere Ferdinando Sartirana di Breme, Ciambellano di S. M. I. e R. Napoleone il Grande, da Antonio Nava. Op. 4, 5, 6, 7. Milano: Gio. Ricordi, p.n. 1 (1808). (copies: GFA Archive X0087; Codogno, L. Ricca collection, etc.) •1808. Nava, Antonio. Tema con variazioni per chitarra francese, composte e dedicate alla Damigella Paolina Merli da Antonio Nava. Op. 25. Milano: G. Ricordi, p.n. 111 (1808). (copy: Codogno, Biblioteca L. Ricca. British Library, St. Pancras.) OCLC no. 497670398 •1810? Nava, Antonio. Variazioni per chitarra francese … [Opera IX]. Milano: Presso Antonio Monzino, ca.1810. (copy: British Library, St. Pancras.) OCLC no. 497670447 •1810? Nava, Antonio. Sonata per chitarra francese … Opera X. Milano: Gio. Rè, ca.1810. (copy: British Library, St. Pancras.) OCLC no. 497670359 •1810. Morning Post (April 4, 1810) carries an advertisement for an opera in which Mr. Tramezzani will sing and accompany himself on the French guitar. (Thanks to C. P.) •1810. Pavesi, Stefano, and Antonio M. Nava. “Mi vien da ridere.” Cavatina ... ridotta coll’accompto di chitarra francese dal Signor Antonio Nava. Milano: Presso Gio. Ricordi, 1810. (copies in BL St. Pancras, and BSB Munich.) OCLC no. 498236932 •1810-11 Ferdinando Carulli, in his Methode complète …, op. 27[a] (Paris, 1810-11), interestingly states “La Guitare Française ou Italienne n’a que six cordes.”15 •1812. Boccomini, Alfredo. Grammatica per chitarra francese … (Roma, 1812). (See Stenstadvold2010, 43) •1814. The Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufacture and Commerce awards Mr. Levien ten guineas for his improvements to the harp guitar (the chairman of the adjudicators calling it an improvement to the “old French guitar”). (Thanks to C. P.) •1816. [Anon.] Cognizioni elementari teorico-pratiche di musica e di chitarra francese, compilato con nuovo ed utilissimo metodo da I. M. C., Accademico Professore delle Belle Arti (Florence, 1816). (See Stenstadvold2010, 22) •1816? Picchianti, Luigi (1787-1864), Regole elementari per imparar suonare la chitarra francese, ad uso dei principianti. Esposte e ragionate in compendio da Luigi Picchianti, allievo del Sigre. Giuseppe Boccomini (Florence: G. G. Chiari, 1816?). (See Stenstadvold2010, 166)

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•1817. National Messenger, Vol. I, Issue 25 (Georgetown, Dec. 22, 1817). Advertisement: “Just received, at the Snuff and Tobacco Store, Georgetown … An elegant French guitar, and a Cremona violin, with cases.” (cited in: America’s Historical Newspapers). •1817. “Primi elementi di chitarra francese coll’aggiunta de molte suonate ad uso di Moisé Aron, Gô. 1817.” (copy: I-PESc. Rari. Ms. I. 26: Ms. c. 35) (Music ms. cited in RISMItalia.) •1819. Rhode-Island American, Vol. XI, Issue 50 (Providence, Rhode Island, March 30,1819): [3]. Advertisement: “Francis Granella, musician, from Italy, respectfully offers to the ladies and gentlemen of Providence and its vicinity his services as a teacher of vocal and instrumental musick … either upon the Piano Forte, French Guitar, Flute, or Flageolet.” (cited in: America’s Historical Newspapers) •1820. Poulson’s American Daily Advertiser, Vol. XLIX, Issue 13561 (Philadelphia, May 15, 1820): [3]. Notice of concert by “Mr. Granella, from Italy,” in which the second number (by Granella) was “Will you come to the Grove, on the French Guitar” (cited in: America’s Historical Newspapers) •1822. Boston Commercial Gazette, Vol. 61; Issue 34 (May 9, 1822): [3]. Public notice: “The Columbian and City Museum, Tremont Street, Next the new Court House, will be illuminated This Evening, with excellent Music, by two foreign Amateurs, on the French Guitar, Clarionet, and Flute. Admittance 25 cents.” (cited in: America’s Historical Newspapers) •1822. Music ms. at Yale University, “Caroline Cavendish, Venice 1822” on cover, containing various songs with guitar accompaniment, including: •Canzonetta veneziana: La biondina in gondoletta, per chitarra francese. •Canzonetta veneziana: La dolce speranza: con accompagnamento di chitarra francese. •Canzonetta veneziana: Per vù mia cara Nina: per chitarra francese. •Canzonetta, Per te Nina pien d’affetto: per chitarra francese. •Canzonetta veneziana: Sto mazzolin dè fiori: con accompagnamento di chitarra francese. •Tema con no. 18. variazioni per chitarra francese, del Sigre Ferdinando Carulli. •182-? Music ms. at Yale University, “Caroline Cavendish, Florence, 182-” on title page. “Tre pezzi di musica del Sigr. Giovacchino Rossini, ridotti con l’accompagnamento di chitarra francese.” Contains: Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

•Cavatina, Chi sa dirmi o mia speranza : nell’ Aureliano … •Cavatina, Deh’ calma, o ciel nel sonno: nell’ Otello … •Cavatina, Ah che scordar non so: nel Tancredi. •1826. Pietro Lichtenthal’s Dizionario e bibliografia della musica (1826) seems to copy from Gianelli (1801): •Chitarra francese. This represents an improvement of the German sistro, and is somewhat similar to the Spanish guitar. It has a raspy sound which is much suited to the accompaniment of the voice. This guitar is widely used in Italy. •Chitarra spagnuola. Guitar used in Spain, particularly by ladies. It has five courses of strings, which are usually strummed in some way with the hand or plucked with the ends of the fingers, and is very similar to the chitarra francese. •1829. An allusion to “der französischen Guitarre” in Morgenblatt für gebildete Stände, Vol. XXIII, No. 81 (April 4, 1829), 322. •1831-32. Hector Berlioz travels to Italy in 1831-32, as a Prix de Rome winner of 1830. From his notes and diaries comes the book Voyage musical en Allemagne et en Italie: études sur Beethoven, Gluck et Weber: mélanges et nouvelles. 2 vols. (Paris: J. Labitte, 1844). Here we read (II, 134) that Berlioz was known in Italy as “questo signore chi suona la chitarra francese” (“that gentleman who plays the chitarra francese”).16

(Thanks to C. P.). •1830s(?) Variazione per chitarra francese del Ignazio Pleyel e Filippo Gragnani. Copyist’s ms. in the Otto Kinkeldey Memorial Collection, New York Public Library Catalog states that only pages 1-8 are notated in this 36-page manuscript book. OCLC no. 80122306. •1836. Charles MacFarlane and James Robinson Planché, The Book of Table-Talk (London: C. Knight, 1836), II, 192. “The barbers of Naples use an instrument called a mandolin much more commonly than the guitar, which they call (we know not why) la chitarra Francese. The mandolina is smaller than the guitar; its strings are of wire and not of gut; and they are played upon, not by the fingers, but by a piece of wood or a quill.” (Thanks to C. P.) •1839. Arte de muzica para viola franceza, com regras do acompanhamento … (Braga: Typografia Bracharense, 1839). Anonymous Portuguese guitar method, in Stenstadvold2010, 22. •1840. Aguedo, Manoel Nunes. Methodo geral para a viola franceza, com principios de musica, escalas, arpejos, e preludios … (Porto: [the Author ?], 1840). In Stenstadvold2010, 21. •1840. La Pirata: Giorniale di letteratura, varietà e teatri. Vol. VI, No. 22 (Sept 15, 1840). “VENEZIA. “D’un altro

Illustration No. 2: Evidence of an original five-string guitar of a very early date (Naples, 1774)


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The Enigmatic Miguel García, or, Padre Basilio Part II:

Newly Discovered Works and a Dilemma for the Modern Transcriber by Richard Savino

F

ame by association can lead to a rather interesting historical legacy. For years, the reputation and work of the late eighteenth-century guitarist Don Miguel García or “Padre Basilio” has been manifest through the repetition of two direct references: (a) the title “A fandango in the manner of Padre Basilio” that Luigi Boccherini attached to his first version of his famed “Fandango” quintet,1 and (b) a claim made by Dionisio Aguado, in his first method book of 1825, in which he states that his teacher, Don Miguel (i.e. Padre Basilio), as well as others, could not accurately transfer the music he played and composed into a presentable form of musical notation.2 From these, a legacy has developed that I would like to explore and re-evaluate. Following this, I present to the reader a recently discovered work, in both tablature facsimile and modern notation, that I believe is by Padre Basilio. Finally, for the purposes of this article, I am taking for granted that the reader has a general understanding of the types of guitars used in Spain during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, i.e. five and six double-course, six and seven single-stringed instruments. For those wishing to refresh their knowledge of this subject please see my article: “Essential Issue in Performance Practices of the Classical Guitar”3 and The Rise of the Modern Guitar in Spain by Javier Suárez-Pajares. 4 Don Miguel García, a.k.a. Padre Basilio, the person and guitarist. The title for this article, “The Enigmatic Miguel García,” (or Padre Basilio), Part II, came about only after I had become aware of a short article by Franco Poselli titled “L’enigmatica figura de Padre Basilio” that was published in il “Fronimo” in 1973.5 In this article, Poselli essentially restates what little had been known about Padre Basilio. The problem is that much of what he presents had been handed down from mostly—but not entirely—unreliable sources that have been re-quoted and reprinted for over 150 years. If we are to believe all that is contained in these sources, Padre Basilio: • was simultaneously a member of the Basilian and Cistercian orders, • was a famous singer, organist, and guitarist, • developed and played a seven-course, or -stringed guitar

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• established the tradition of playing punteado, • taught almost every important guitarist living in Spain at the end of the eighteenth century (Dionisio Aguado, Fernando Ferandiere, Federico Moretti) as well as members of the Spanish nobility including Manuel Godoy (the “Prince of Peace”) and Queen Maria Luisa, • developed the modern guitar notational system in which voices are indicated by separate stems, and • was a remarkable composer and player. Much, but not all of this comes from an initial entry on Basilio contained in Historia de la música española desde la venidad de los fenicios hasta el año de 1850 by Mariano Soriano Fuertes,6 who provides no documentation for any of these assertions. At the conclusion of this entry is the footnote: “Para dar una idea del gusto de este célebre tocador, véase una de sus composiciones en el No. 18 de la notas.” (To give an idea of the taste of this famous player, see one of his compositions at No. 18 of the notes.) Until very recently, this entry contained the only purported example of music by Padre Basilio. It is an extremely short excerpt that is clearly a mid-nineteenth-century engraving of a rather trivial work for what appears to be a seven-course or stringed guitar (see Example No. 1). A cursory examination of this excerpt reveals no compositional sophistication, no technical demands, and no suggestion of improvisatory prowess. How is it, then, that this could be the only extant example of music that influenced a composer as sophisticated as Luigi Boccherini and a guitarist as advanced as Dionisio Aguado? Frankly, I think that it is dubiously attributed to Basilio or, if it is his work, it has been taken out of context. Much of what Soriano Fuertes published, including this short musical example, was reprinted in 1920 by Rafael Mitjana in his article “La Musique en Espagne” from the Encyclopédie de la musique et dictionnaire du Conservatoire.7 Thirty-four years later, this article is then directly referred to by Emilio Pujol in the chapter on notation in his Escuela razonada: The oldest example [of modern guitar notation] we have is the reproduction of a work by Padre Basilio reprinted by


Rafael Mitjana. Padre Basilio, like modern composers for the guitar, wrote on a single stave, the treble stave, and distributed the tails of his notes according to the voices which they represented: that is, those with the highest voice have their tails pointing upwards; the bass voice has tails downwards.8

While his observations regarding the notation of the Soriano Fuertes/ Mitjana excerpt are essentially correct, I again assert that this is a mid-nineteenth century engraving, and that by that time most, if not all, guitar music was being published in such a manner. More to the point, in recent years many of the claims by the above authors have been proven false: • There is no evidence whatsoever that Don Miguel was a member of the Cistercian order or that he was the teacher of Moretti.9 In all likelihood they were rivals and had an adversarial relationship (see below). • Elementary modern (or mensural) notation for the fivecourse guitar was initially introduced in 1754 by Pablo Minguet e Yrol10 with additional publications being issued in Paris in the years 1755–1773 by composers such as Bailleux, Le Grand, and Gougelet. In many of these latter editions, tablature and mensural versions were engraved side by side. Clearly the audience for whom these were intended had yet to make the complete transfer to a more modern form of notation. To my knowledge the earliest example of mensural notation for the six-string guitar was introduced by Juan Antonio de Vargas y Guzmán in 1776. 11 • The true break from the mid-eighteenth-century five-course guitar rasgueado tradition, as described by Soriano Fuertes, was also initiated by Juan Antonio Vargas y Guzmán in 1773/1776. Example No. 2 is an example of a sonata by Vargas y Guzmán that is attached to the Mexico City copy of his Explicación de la guitarra (Veracruz, 1776). Clearly, this is a sonata for guitar and basso continuo; note the figured bass part on the lower staff. Furthermore, in another sonata there is a bass passage containing the indication “punteado,” which suggests that the rest of the work would be played “arco.” This leads me to conclude that this part was to be played on a bowed bass with another instrument providing harmonic support.12 Many of the other inconsistencies presented by Soriano Fuertes and Mitjana have been addressed and/or remedied to Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Example No. 1, from Soriano-Fuertes.

some extent by Javier Suárez-Pajares, who composed an entry on Padre Basilio in the Diccionario de la música española y hispanoamericana that was published in 2000.13 While not directly countering either, Pajares does call

Example No. 2 (Vargas y Guzmán).

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into question many of their claims. But, more importantly, he provides valuable insights, supported by a certain degree of documentation, that begin to illuminate the person and musician referred to as “Padre Basilio.” Beyond the well known references to Basilio that were published by Soriano Fuertes and Mitjana, Parajes tells us that: In the Diario de Madrid (13-X-1790) there is a reference to him regarding fire. And that according to Carmen García-Matos,14 Padre Basilio was one of a group of antiFrench intellectuals who used pseudonyms. Basilio’s was: Muchitango Abate.

Although there are no known sources that support this latter claim, in one of the publications of 1795, titled Libro de moda by Rojas Fernández, there is a reference to Abate Muchitango, secretary of the Academy Currutuca, who presented “new ordinances for contra dances” in order to create “appropriate steps for the entertainment of our more perfect partners.” The text continues with eleven humorous rules about his steadfastness in the fight against French style that was becoming established at the end of the eighteenth century. Pajares then continues to describe an interesting interaction between a certain P. Basilio and Federico Moretti that had to do with the pending Spanish publication of Moretti’s Principios de guitarra.15 He recounts that, after Moretti submitted his work to the board of government censors (the Inquisition), he realized that it was to be assessed by Padre Basilio. Upon being informed of this, Moretti successfully petitioned to have his work assessed by an alternate assessor. The petition was filed on September 11, 1789,16 Council of Castilla, File # 5562175, in the National Historical Archives. Clearly, there must have been a degree of competition or resentment between the two of them. He also states that, other than two announcements in 1788 and 1799, there were very few public advertisements of works by Padre Basilio.17 And that, at the time of his writing, the only piece attributed to Basilio is the one published by Mitjana and Soriano Fuertes. Later in his entry, he goes on describe an interesting announcement from the “guitar legacy” section of the Provincial Archives of Vizcaya (Basque) which contains a manuscript booklet that has attached to it an eighteenth century reference to Padre Basilio: On Carmen Street, in front of the botilleria, in the paper warehouse, is a teacher who gives guitar lessons in notation or tablature and sells these pieces in tablature.

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This is then followed by a list of music that includes, but is not limited to: •Principles of the guitar with fourteen strings (seven double courses?) with their positions in seven major and minor tones, written in cipher and music by the method taught by Padre Basilio. •14 reales: an Allegro on Padre Basilio’s fandango •16 (reales): four of the sonatas, thereof each •12 (reales): In the booklet of handwritten music: Principios de la guitarra 7 diapasones con sus posturas escritos en cifra y música según el método del P.B. (Principles of the Guitar of Seven Strings … Written in Figures and Music Based on the Method of P.B.)

These are then followed by a list of scale and harmonic exercises. Pajares concludes by stating: “Apart from the construct of chords, scales and fingering, the method of Padre Basilio remains unknown and contains no remarkable special features. It also seems likely that Padre Basilio’s own system of notation was in tablature, more than anything else.” What is clear from Pajares’ entry is that Padre Basilio: (a) was still using tablature notation; (b) likely played both a guitar of six and seven courses; and (c) that he was known to have played a fandango. The latter two of these two points conforming to our prior knowledge of the famed guitar-playing friar. But the lack of music composed by Padre Basilio presently available to modern performers and scholars does not necessarily reflect the true output of this enigmatic figure. This could be the consequence of the fact that eighteenth-century music for the guitar evolved from the improvisatory traditions of the seventeenth century, much of which was based on pre-existing dance and harmonic formulas.18 A cursory look at the music of Gaspar Sanz, Francisco Guerau, and the bailes of Santiago de Murcia confirms this. Therefore, might it not be likely that some of the kinds “compositions” offered by Padre Basilio were merely extensions of his improvisations and that he might have only notated fragments of these? This might certainly be the case with the short example published by Soriano Fuertes. Furthermore, the laws of the Inquisition severely restricted publishing, and music publishing in particular, in Spain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.19 It is no wonder that there were only three complete books of tablature for the Baroque guitar published in Spain. It was not until the seminal year of 1799 that this began to change. Within a year, there appeared important publications by Abreu, Ferandiere, and Moretti. Not so coincidentally, it is also the year that Francisco Goya published his famed Caprichos. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

But returning to the “myth” of Padre Basilio, there are two extremely important points presented by Soriano Fuertes and Mitjana that one cannot ignore: • Basilio obviously had a great reputation, as can be ascertained by contemporary accounts, not the least of which is Boccherini’s reference to him in his original Fandango Quintet, G. 341. • He was most certainly the teacher of Dionisio Aguado, and for pedagogical reasons alone this is extremely significant, as I feel that Aguado, through his highly detailed methods, establishes what will become the modern school of Spanish guitar performance practice. In light of the above, and given the reputation of this mythological figure, it has been my belief that there must be more to Basilio’s compositional output than the small example initially published by Soriano Fuertes. There are many still un-catalogued manuscript collections in libraries, as well in private hands, throughout Spain, and over the past few years I have had the opportunity to examine a number of these in detail. As a result, I have uncovered a number of hitherto unknown works attributed to Padre Basilio and a certain Del Padre Don Miguel who I believe are the same person. The Music Examples Nos. 3-4, above, are two pieces attributed to Padre Basilio that come from a private collection of an individual who wishes to remain anonymous—two simple minuets composed in primitive modern notation, the first bearing the attribution “Padre Basilio,” and the second simply “Basilio.” Could these be by our famed Padre? Essentially both are unremarkable works that are similar to the Soriano Fuertes example and show none of the inspiration that I was hoping to find. As a result they will likely become additional footnotes in the Basilio legacy. Again, if they are by Padre Basilio, I am not convinced that they represent his true compositional ability. Fortunately I have also uncovered a number of additional works attributed to a certain Del Padre Don Miguel, one of which I would like to present for your consideration. It is a monothematic work titled Sonata de Alamirre that was Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Examples No. 3-4 (above and below)

composed in binary form and, with the exception that it uses six-course guitar tablature, is not dissimilar to those found attached to the Vargas y Guzmán manuscript. It also contains certain Scarlatti-esque characteristics. I found this work (see the facsimile on pages 32-33) a few years ago bound within a late eighteenth century manuscript collection housed at the Biblioteca nacional in Madrid.19 Upon first glance, it was apparent that this would be a difficult manuscript to interpret. In my attempt to understand and perform this work (and others in the manuscript), I found it necessary to accept that it does not conform to conventional classical patterns and appears to document a bridge between eighteenth-century Spanish improvisatory traditions and compositional documentation. There are very few rhythm signs; at times, the bar lines do not conform to any set meter; and it contains certain undefined symbols that are unique to this tablature. What identifiable melodic motifs exist, shift and repeat in a manner that is not regular and, upon first listening, can be unsettling to our modern ears.21 Furthermore, as with many early editions and manuscripts, there are obvious mistakes throughout. It is as if we are looking at a work that came from an improvisation that had yet to be refined for publication. This is not to suggest that the latter could not possibly serve as a model for improvisation, only that it would have likely been presented in a more refined manner—the very issue that I believe Dionisio Aguado referred to in his criticism of his teacher. While it is certainly possible to perform this work directly from the tablature, it was my intention to create a legible per-

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forming edition for modern guitarists. Given the somewhat abstract nature of this manuscript, it was necessary to devise a method that would allow me to understand and notate the work in modern notation. The two-stage procedure that I followed is: First, I identified musical idiosyncrasies: There is not a single notated strum in the work; there are few full-voiced chords; and the intended instrument is a six-double-course guitar that appears to have octave stringing on the fourth, fifth, and sixth courses. The first two of these are easily apparent, and again conform to initial claims put forth by Soriano Fuertes. The third issue can only be determined if there is a tuning chart provided (which there isn’t) or by identifying passage work that would demand such a stringing. If one looks closely at the second part of this sonata it is clear that the author has employed campanella effect twice in this piece:

Example No. 5: Left: Ms. page 2, line 3; Right: Ms. page 3, line 2.

Without octave stringing on the fourth, fifth and sixth courses, the pitch sequences in these measures sound as follows:

fied melodic patterns, events, and elements “physical” execution (since it is in tablature this is a valuable form of analysis). I worked backwards from the obvious cadential points, and experimented with unfamiliar symbols. Without wishing to go into every detail in this narrative, I would like to describe a single example of the above. Note the obvious parallels between the opening of the first and second parts and how there are three “slurred” events followed by an arpeggio in the first few bars of each (Example No. 8). In the first part, these events clearly do not conform to the implied meter, whatever that might be, since it appears to alternate between quadruple and quintuple. A literal transcription (Example No. 9) is thus rendered completely illogical. But in the second part, the scribe—be it Padre Basilio or whoever—has adjusted the barline placement, which then illuminates the obvious intent of the composer (Example No. 10). After taking the above into consideration, I have come up with what I feel is a competent transcription of this work that can be found at the conclusion of this essay. It is by no means perfect, nor do I feel that it is absolute, there are many different ways that I could have interpreted this tablature, but I am confident that it is by the enigmatic Padre Don Miguel García. And, more importantly, it provides us with a deeper understanding of his music—the music that made an impression on both Luigi Boccherini and Dionisio Aguado.

Lineage BasilioFinale: excerpts

Ex. 6

With this as a backdrop, it is fascinating to trace the possible pedagogical lineage of Basilio. Even if we accept Aguado’s ∑ ∑ criticism of the∑ Padre, he nevertheless ∑ ∑ his Guitar muted calls Basilio maestro, as does Fernando Sor. And if what we are talking Ex. 6 about here is the foundation of a School of Modern PerforBasilio excerpts Example No. 6 Ex. 7 mance Practice for the Spanish Guitar, it is quite a remarkable 3 3 7 3 3 # # ##œ 3œ œ octave ## account But if we take into on the lower lineage that continued well into the twentieth century: 4 œœ œ œœstringing œ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ ∑ 4 Guitar Gtr. 4 & & three courses, the pitch sequences fall into perfectly logical œ œœ ˙™ ˙™ José Broca (1805–1882) (studied w/Aguado) scale passages:

### 3 œ œ œ 3 œ & 4 œ ˙™ œœ 3

Antonio Cano (1811-1897) (studied w/Aguado; possible teacher of Tarrega) 3 7 José Viñas (1823–1888) (was known to have performed ### œ œ œ œ œ3 works ∑ ∑ by Aguado and ∑ Broca regularly) ∑ ∑ œ œ Gtr. & José Ferrer (1835–1916) (studied w/ Broca) 13 Julian Arcas (1832–1882) (studiedœw/his father who stud### 4 ˙j ™ j j œ j œ œ œ œ ∑ œ œ œ No.œ œ7 œ œ œ œ œ œ#œj œ iedœj œw/Aguado) #œ œ Gtr. & 4 #œExample œ (studied w/Arcas and œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ (1852–1909) œ œ Francisco œ Tárrega possibly Cano) Second, I analyzed the work in a manner that allows for Miguel Llobet (1878–1938) (studied w/ Tárrega) the illumination of melodic and harmonic events. I followed Emilio Pujol (1886–1980) (studied w/ Tárrega) 13 # œ œ the bass, which will#usually outline harmonic motion. I identiœ œ j Segovia j (1893–1987) #4 j j j œ œ j Andrés Ex. 7

Gtr.

17

30

Gtr.

& # 4E#œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ # 3 j œœ j œ œ j œ œ œœ œ œœ œ & # 4 #œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ E

17

Gtr.

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∑ œ #œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ j œœ œ œ œ #œœSoundboard , Vol. XXXVIII, ∑ No. 4 œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ

#œ œj œ œj œ

*F# in original

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44

Basilio excerpts

Ex. 6

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Guitar

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∑

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Ex. 7

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7

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44

Above: Example No. 8; center: Example No. 9; below: Example No. 10.

13

Gtr.

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17

Gtr.

# # 3 #œj œ œj œ œj œ

œ œ œ

Notes

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In the manuscript of the Op. 40, No. 2, version of his famous Fandango for string quintet (1788) Boccherini gave the performance indication: “imitando il fandango che suona sulla chitarra il Padre Basilio” (“imitating the fandango played on the guitar by Padre Basilio”). 2 Dionisio Aguado, Escuela de guitarra (Madrid, 1825), 1. Here Aguado writes: “Buena prueba de esto son las composiciones que tenemos de Laporta, Arizpacochaga, Abreu, mi maestro el llamado P. Basilio (Don Miguel García, Monge Basilio), y otros: por ellas se conoce que sus autores llegaron á ejecutar mucho, y aun á conocer en parte el genio de este instrumento; pero que no fuerons tan felices en manifestar en el papel lo que practicaban con sus manos.” (“A good proof of this are the compositions that we have from Laporta, Arizpacochaga, Abreu and my teacher the so-called P. Basilio (Don Miguel García, the monk Basilio) and others. By these (compositions) we know that their authors came to perform a lot, and even to know in part the genius of this instrument, but they were not so lucky in manifesting on paper that which they practiced in their hands.” (Special thanks to Matanya Ophee for this specific citation and translation.) 3 Richard Savino, “Performance Practice on Guitar, Lute and Vihuela,” ed. by Victor Coehlo (Cambridge, 1997), 195-219. 4 Javier Suárez-Pajares, “Music in Spain During the Eighteenth Century,” ed. by Malcom Boyd and Juan José Carreras (Cambridge, 1998), 222-240 5 Franco Poselli, “L’enigmatica figura di padre Basilio,” il “Fronimo,” No. III (Milano, 1973), 27-29. 6 Mariano Soriano Fuertes, Historia de la música española desde la venidad de los fenicio shasta el año de 1850, (Madrid and Barcelona, 1855-59), IV, 209f. 7 Rafael Mitjana, “La Musique en Espagne,” Encyclopédie de la musique et dictionnaire du Conservatoire, Première partie, “Espagne et Portugal,” ex. XV (Paris, 1922), 2192. 8 Emilio Pujol, Escuela razonada de la guitarra (Barcelona, 1934), I, 85. 9 According to Ana Carpintero, Moretti was born in Naples in 1769 and did not settle in Spain until 1794. See: Ana Carpintero 1


j œ

j #œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

#œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

∑

#œ œj œ œj œ œ œ œ

*F# in original

Fernández, “Federico Moretti (1769-1839). I. Vida y obra musical,” Nassarre: Revista aragonesa de musicología, XXV (Zaragoza, 2010), 109-134. 10 Pablo Minguet, Reglas y advertencias generales (Madrid, 1754). 11 See Robert Stevenson, “A Neglected Guitar Manual of 1776,” Inter-American Music Review, I (1979), 205-210. For an in-depth discussion on the development of guitar notation see Erik Stenstadvold, “The Evolution of Guitar Notation, 1750-1830,” Soundboard, Vol. XXXI, No. 2-3 (2005). 12 Works for guitar with bowed bass became quite popular in late eighteenth century Spain. There are numerous examples of this ensemble in the works of Fernando Ferandiere and Isidro La Porta. Similar works also exist in the late eighteenth century “classical” repertoire for the Italian archlute and basso by Filippo della Casa and Melchiore Chiesa. For additional information on the former see: Luis Briso de Montiano, Un fondo desconocido de músicá para guitarra (Madrid, 1994). 13 Javier Suárez-Pajares, “García, Miguel (III)(padre Basilio),” Diccionario de la música española e hispanoamericana, (Madrid, 2000), V, 408f. 14 Carmen García-Matos, “Un Folklorista del siglo XVIII: Don Preciso,” Revista de musicología, Vol. 4, No. 2 (1981) 95-307. 15 Federico Moretti, Principios para tocar la guitarra de seis órdenes (Madrid, 1799). 16 This is an obvious typographical mistake, Suárez-Pajares must have meant 1798 or 1799. 17 In his entry, Suárez-Pajares does point out that in 1788 the Gaceta de Madrid announced some of his pieces, without prices, and, in 1799, Dos grandes minués nuevos con siete glosas para guitarra. 18 For a discussion on Spanish improvisatory traditions and music publishing see: Maurice Esses, Dance and Instrumental Diferencias in Spain During the 17th and Early 18th Centuries (Hillsdale, New York; 1994). 19 I would like to extend a special thank you to Carlos José Gonsálvez Lara, senior music librarian, and all the staff at the Biblioteca nacional in Madrid for their continued help in all of my research endeavors.

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Appendix From Historia de la música española desde la venidad de los fenicios hasta el año de 1850 by Mariano Soriano Fuertes: El Padre Basilio, religioso profeso de la órden del Cistér y oganista en el convento de Madrid á últimos del pasado siglo, adoptó la guitarra como su instrumento favorito, cuando dicho instrumento no tenia otras pretensiones que las de acompanãr seguidillas y tiranas, caniciones que formaron moda en el siglo XVIII. La guitarra antes el Padre Basilio no tenia mas cinco órdenes, y se tocaba rasgueándola; él le puso siete y estableció el método de tocarla punteada. Este genio músico, gran contrapuntista y sobresaliente organista, fué llamado al Escorial para que SS. MM. Carlos IV y María Luísa lo oyesen tocar el órgano y la guitarra; y fúe tal lo que agradó en este instrumento, que quedó el la corte como maestro de S. M. la renia. Entre sus discípulos se cuentan D. Dionisio Aguado. D. Francisco Tostado y Carvajal, y D. Manuel Godoy, principe de la paz. El P. Basilio solia decir, que le gustaba mas modular en la guitarra que en el órgano. Su música era correcta, pero se resentia de su orígen, porque se asemejaba, mucho al cantollano. Su pasion dominante como guitarrista fué componer y tocar duos. No conoció los arpegios complicados; hizo siempre uso de las octavas y décimas, y abusó de la guitarra forzar á que diese mas tono del que naturalmente tiene.

Father Basil, a professed member of a religious order of the Cistercian order and organist at the convent of Madrid at the end of the last century, (he) took the guitar as his favorite instrument, when the instrument had no other pretensions than to accompany seguidillas and tiranas, songs that were formed in the fashion of the eighteenth century. The guitar before Father Basil had no more than five sets of strings, and was strummed, he put a seventh (string) on (the instrument) and established the plucked method of playing. This genius musician, great contrapuntalist, and outstanding organist, was called to the Escorial by their Majesties Carlos IV and (Queen) Maria Luisa so that they might hear him play the organ and guitar, and they were so pleased by (his playing of ) this instrument, that he remained at court as teacher to the queen. His pupils included D(on). Dionisio Aguado. D(on). Francisco Tostado y Carvajal, and D(on). Manuel Godoy, the Prince of Peace. Father Basil used to say that he liked modulating more on the guitar than the organ. His music was successful but its origin is resented because it strongly resembled simple (more primitive?) songs. His primary passion was (for) composing and playing guitar duos. He was not familiar with complicated arpeggios; he always made use of octaves and tenths, and pushed the guitar to have a stronger tone than it more naturally possessed.

Below and next pages: Sonata de Alamirre, facsimile and transcription.

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33

Sonata de Alamirre del Padre Don Miguel Edited by Richard Savino

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23

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34

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35

“A Considerable Attraction for Both Ears and Eyes:” Ladies’ Guitar and Mandolin Bands in Late Victorian London by Paul Sparks

F

or middle- and upper-class English women, the final decades of the nineteenth century were a period of quiet but determined rebellion against the restrictive domestic role that society had hitherto assigned to them. Those same years also witnessed a burgeoning fashion for communal musicmaking with plucked string instruments, culminating in the mixed-gender BMG (banjo, mandolin, and guitar) bands that became popular throughout the Edwardian era. Until now, however, the connection between these two social phenomena has been almost entirely overlooked, both by musicologists and by researchers in women’s studies. This article is a small step towards correcting that omission, recovering a small but significant area of exclusively female music-making, as well as drawing attention to a forgotten woman composer of considerable merit. In Victorian England, the profession of music was generally held in low esteem. Europeans regarded England as “the land without music,” and while such statements were a gross over-simplification, most English men of the mid-Victorian period would have cheerfully agreed with them.1 In general, music making was viewed as an activity that foreigners (mostly Germans and Italians) were paid to do in public, that respectable Englishwomen only did in private, and that middle- and upper-class Englishmen seldom engaged in at all, because they were too busy supporting their families and running an empire.2 With the notable exceptions of the parlor ballad, the music hall song, and Evensong, Victorian England imported most of its music, just as it imported its cotton and its tea, and saw little need to produce its own. The ability to play the piano and sing were useful social accomplishments for a respectable young English woman, but she was expected to perform only for guests and family at home, not in public, and certainly not for money. For most of the nineteenth century, it was almost impossible for an upper- or middle-class English woman to appear on a stage—thereby subjecting herself to the male gaze—without compromising her good name. She might sing in an oratorio, or in church, but appearing in a theater or a concert hall was

36

something best left to foreign women, such as the German pianist Clara Schumann, Jenny Lind “the Swedish Nightingale,” or the German-born guitarist Madame Sidney Pratten (née Catherina Pelzer). However, during the final decades of the century, middleclass women in London began to rebel against these social restrictions, and sought strategies by which they might get out of the house and into the wider world, without compromising their social status. The opening in 1876 of the National Training School for Music (which became the Royal College of Music in 1883) and the Guildhall School of Music in 1880 offered such an opportunity, and both institutions were immediately filled with young women, almost all studying singing and piano. Within a few years, London was awash with highly-trained musical young women, who had precious few outlets for their talents. Women without private means often became peripatetic (and poorly paid) music teachers, or governesses, while those who did not need to earn a living sought ways to display their talents without compromising their reputation. Initially, they had no overt political agenda, but their very existence, and the lack of available opportunities for their talents, eloquently demonstrated the unfairness of gender politics within Victorian society. In the mid-1880s, several significant musical events occurred in London. In 1885, an all-female professional orchestra from Austria spent six months in the capital, performing in Battersea Park to great acclaim. At that time, no English orchestra would allow women into its ranks, and violins and cellos had long been considered unsuitable for women, because playing them necessarily contorted the body.3 However, the high performance standards and popular success of the “Viennese Lady Orchestra”—together with the obvious moral rectitude of its conductor, Madame Schipek—gave credibility to the idea that respectable English women might also perform together in public, and perhaps even play the violin (but only in the seated position). Highly-acclaimed performances in London by the Moravian violinist Wilma Norman Neruda (later Lady Hallé) also fostered greater acceptance, her many Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

admirers including the fictional detective Sherlock Holmes, who broke off from a murder investigation (set in 1881) to hear her perform: “I want to go to Hallé’s concert to hear Norman Neruda this afternoon … her attack and her bowing are magnificent.”4 The year 1886 saw the first London visit of a Neapolitan mandolin virtuoso, Ferdinando de Cristofaro, whose successful annual concerts boosted the already fashionable status of his chosen instrument.5 The mandolin was regarded as particularly suitable for English women, because it was small, attractive, slightly exotic, and could be played in a seated position. Italian music and culture were already in vogue in London, and the knowledge that Queen Margherita of Italy was an expert player added further to the mandolin’s appeal for women. The year 1886 also marked a visit to London by “the Granados,” an offshoot of the original troupe of Spanish Students whose musical performances had thrilled audiences in Paris, London, and New York a few years earlier, and had increased popular awareness of plucked instruments.6 The nine male members of the Granados played “Spanish mandolins” (bandurrias) and guitars, and their performances further accustomed English ears to the natural affinity between these two instruments. It was against this background that a group of musical, aristocratic English women formed their own mandolin and guitar ensemble. The first “Ladies’ Guitar and Mandolin Band” On March 27, 1886, The “Musical Entertainments” column of John Bull magazine (p. 209) carried the following remark: “I have heard of a guitar and mandoline band of young ladies, among whom are Lady Mary Hervey and Miss Augusta Hervey, giving great pleasure.” This was a reference to the first public performances of what was initially called “The Ladies’ Guitar Band,” which, on March 25 and 26, performed “a charming selection of music … with Neapolitan songs” at a café chantant at 32 Cadogan Square in Kensington, as part of an International Fete (under the patronage of Princess Mary), in aid of an industrial home for young girls of Westminster.7 Because the band members were all from wealthy aristocratic families, they had no need to perform music for personal monetary gain, so their desire to appear in public could be presented as an altruistic wish to raise money for the poor, and did not compromise their respectability. After two years as “the Ladies’ Guitar Band” (and a brief incarnation as “Lady Mary Hervey’s Ladies’ Gipsy Guitar Band”),8 the group had, by 1888, become known as “the Ladies’ Guitar and Mandoline Band,” and was performing Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

regularly at charitable fund-raising concerts in fashionable parts of London. On March 4, 1888, the Observer (p. 3) noted that “St. George’s Hall was crowded on Tuesday evening … under the conductorship of Signor Sacchi, some charming selections were very artistically given by the Ladies’ Guitar and Mandoline Band, several of the numbers being encored.” Federico Sacchi was music teacher to two of Queen Victoria’s children, but soon gave way as conductor to Cristofaro, who directed several of the band’s concerts during 1889, also performing as mandolin soloist. On August 1, 1889, Le Follet (p. 200) observed that “Signor di Cristofaro’s annual morning concert at Steinway Hall was one of the greatest successes of the season, the presence of the Ladies’ Guitar and Mandoline Band (Amateur) and the ‘Ladies’ Choir’ from the London Academy of Music, proving a considerable attraction for both ears and eyes.” Note that the word “amateur” was used by the women themselves, to signify their social status, not their musical standard. At this time, the term “professional” carried negative social connotations, while “amateur” (in sport and music) could be worn as a badge of honor, conveying as it did the idea of people honing a skill purely for love. The English aristocracy’s fascination with these instruments was further increased by the huge popular success of the 1888 Italian Exhibition at Earl’s Court, which ran from May to November and featured a group of mandolin and guitar players from Naples. Two months after the exhibition opened, newspapers carried reports of the chef d’orchestre of the mandoline players at the Italian Exhibition sorrowfully admitting that ere long he will have no musicians left, as they are gradually being carried off by ladies in the ‘hupper suckles.’ In plain English, no fewer than five of these interesting persons have, during the past month, contracted matrimonial alliances in futuro with English ladies. In three of the cases the ladies are to be found in “Debrett,” and in all five the worldly position of the wives that are to be is far and away above that of the lords they have won.9

I have yet to ascertain whether all the proposed marriages took place, but this close association between Italian mandolinists and female members of the English aristocracy presumably gave further impetus to the band’s development, and an authentic Neapolitan edge to their playing. Most newspaper references to the band during these early years record little more than the fact that they had given a performance for a worthy cause, but occasionally more details were reported. A review of a concert given on July 15, 1889, “for the entertainment of the patients of the Brompton Hos-

37

pital” informs us that the band was now “composed as follows: Lady Dorothy Stewart Murray, Lady Emily Cadogan, Lady Sophie Cadogan, Lady Edith Ward, the Hon. Isabel Mills, Lady Forbes of Newe, Miss Mabel Forbes, and Miss Violet Mordaunt.” Items on the program included a pianoforte solo by Princess Christian (Queen Victoria’s third daughter, née Princess Helena), “but the guitar and mandoline band seemed to please most, and their accompaniment to Miss Angela Maxwell’s song, ‘Ricordo di quisisana’ gained a hearty encore.”10 Princess Christian (who supported many women’s causes at this time) would soon confer royal approval on the band by becoming its patron. Details of the band’s early repertoire are scarce, but we do know that Cristofaro composed for them a “Serenade for solo voice and chorus, with accompaniment of mandolins and guitars,” and had intended to conduct the band in London during the summer of 1890, but died suddenly from peritonitis in Paris on April 18.11 Reviews from later in the decade give a better idea of the diversity of their repertoire, which soon ventured beyond simple Neapolitan melodies, to include “Deh, vieni alla finestra,” (the mandolin serenade from Don Giovanni), Schubert’s “Moment musical No. 3,” the serenade from Pagliacci,” a selection from Aïda, a serenade by Clementi, the overture to Gounod’s Mireille, and the Introduction and Malagueña from Moszkowski’s Boabdil.12 How such orchestral pieces were arranged for a guitar and mandolin band will be dealt with below. The worthy causes for which the band performed were equally diverse, among them being the Hospital for Sick Children in Great Ormond Street, Ealing College for the Deaf, the Society of Women Journalists, the Girls’ Friendly Society, and Mrs. Dalison’s Guild of Impoverished Irish Gentlewomen. Meanwhile, the band was expanding and its personnel changing. Reviewing a performance in Shoreditch town hall, the Hampshire Advertiser for February 27, 1892 (p. 7) noted that “an excellent concert was rendered, among the executants being the Ladies Lilian and Mildred Denison, Lady Forbes, Lady Edwards-Moss, Lady Clayton, and other members of the Guitar and Mandoline Band.” By 1893, a harpist called Mrs. Perkins had joined, becoming the band’s director and amending its name, as in this announcement from 1893: “Ladies’ Harp, Mandoline and Guitar Band. These classes arranged by Mrs Perkins (under the patronage of H.R.H. Princess Christian). Resume practice Tuesday, October 10, at eleven. 77, Linden Gardens, W.”13 The inclusion of a harp followed the example of the earliest Italian mandolin orchestras, such as the Reale circolo

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mandolinisti Regina Margherita of Florence—of whom a reporter noted in 1883 that “a harp supplies the deeper bass sounds, and lends variety of tone-colour to the ensemble.”14 From 1893 onwards, performances by the London band frequently included at least one harp, and (occasionally) violins, and regularly included the word “amateur” in the billing. At a concert in aid of Great Ormond Street Hospital in 1894, they “greatly pleased the audience, especially in a preghiera by Mahlendorff, accompanied by the composer.”15 But after a concert at St. James’s Hall a year earlier (where they were conducted by Sacchi), they received a more equivocal review from author and music critic George Bernard Shaw. While noting that “the effect is pretty at first; and certainly the band is thoroughly drilled, and makes the best of itself,” he also observed that it consisted of “thirty-two damsels, of whom three played the harp, four the violin, six the guitar, and nineteen the mandolin. It is disquieting to find that there are nineteen people in England who can play the mandolin; and I sincerely hope the number may not increase.”16 Shaw’s hope was, however, a forlorn one, because—as the Pall Mall Gazette had noted earlier that year—the mandolin was already becoming “the favourite instrument of the English aristocracy.”17 And its popularity was spreading to other sections of London society, especially among women, who began emulating the aristocracy by forming their own bands. Other Ladies’ Bands Two of the earliest bands were formed in Kensington at the start of the 1890s. The Kensington Mandolinists were led by Clara Ross (of whom we will hear more shortly), and were already well established by 1891.18 Meanwhile, the Ladies’ Art Club (which opened in 1890 at 86 West Cromwell Road) soon had its own resident band, as noted in this report from 1891: “Madame Jeanne L’Estrange gave a pleasant little matinée … the Ladies’ Art Club Guitar and Mandoline Band also lent their services, as was to be expected, seeing that their present state of efficiency is due to the careful training of Mdme. L’Estrange.”19 Madame L’Estrange was a guitarist and guitar teacher, and her Art Club band had twenty-six members. She announced in 1891 that she would also be forming “a select amateur band of her own in Kensington.”20 In 1892, the Ladies’ Treasury reported that “Miss Lawber, the mandolin player, has lately formed a string band for ladies, called the ‘Amista.’ It consists of one violinist, and about nineteen mandolinists and guitar players. These ladies wear a picturesque costume, and attend Garden Parties or At Homes, and also sing choruses. They meet weekly at Halford Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

House, Richmond Surrey, and also once a week at Feltham.”21 The same year also saw a performance in Munster Square by Madame Zerega’s ladies’ guitar and mandolin band.22 Each of the next few years saw more bands being formed, many of them in fashionable Kensington. In 1893, the Mignonne Ladies’ Mandoline and Guitar Band performed during a benefit matinée at Terry’s Theatre in the Strand.23 At the Steinway Hall in 1894, “selections of music were given during the afternoon by Miss Lily Montagu’s Mandoline Orchestra (consisting entirely of ladies) which was very well received by the audience.”24 The following year, a concert for patients at the Brompton Hospital was given by Miss Bacon’s Mandoline and Guitar Band, while an advertisement noted that “Miss Emilie Chapman (Mandoliniste to the Royal Italian Opera) continues to give lessons, mandoline, mandola, and guitar. Ladies’ Band Wednesday mornings and Thursday evening. 2, Shaftsbury villas, Wynnstay Gardens, Kensington.”25 In 1895, the Viscountess Gage started a mandolin band, composed of sixteen ladies, to give concerts for charity.26 This may have been the same band whose formation was advertised in the Morning Post (November 11, 1895, 1): “Amateur Mandoline and Guitar Band (Ladies Only) now forming in South Kensington; practises at house of lady of title. Address Guitar, Wade’s library, 25 High Street, Kensington.” Although this article focuses on London bands, we should briefly note that the fashion spread beyond the capital. In Bristol, for example, the Clifton Ladies’ Guitar and Mandoline Band was led by Miss Mabel Downing in 1895, while the Ladies of the West of England Guitar and Mandoline Society were giving concerts during 1897. In Hove, “an excellent little concert” was given in 1896 by a Ladies’ Mandoline and Guitar Band (led by Mr. W. H. Plumbridge), while Madame Lister led a similar ensemble in Manchester in 1898. As for Edinburgh, there were several ladies’ bands in the city, including the Ladies’ Vocal, Mandoline, and Guitar Club, and Miss Jessie Murray’s Mandoline Orchestra.27 Although these bands were amateur, some English women during the 1890s sought to make a career from playing guitar and mandolin. In “Music as a Profession for Women” (The Woman’s Signal, August 26, 1897, 138), Lucie Heaton Armstrong noted that “there are several companies of lady glee singers, lady mandoline players, and ladies’ orchestras which get a good many engagements during the season at concerts, parties, and bazaars,” and mandolinists such as Ethel Beningfield pursued a successful career as soloist, and leader of her own quartet.28 However, other authors noted the difficulty of earning a living wage from performance alone, and, although Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

dozens of women musicians offered guitar and mandolin lessons in London throughout the 1890s, this was generally a poorly-paid profession.29 Clara Ross (1858-1954) So far, this has been a story about women performers, playing music by male composers, but we come now to one striking exception. Clara Louisa Ross (Illustration No. 1) was born in Brighton on July 1, 1858, into a prosperous family of shopkeepers.30 After studying music as a child, she was awarded a scholarship in 1877 (following an audition before Sir Arthur Sullivan) to attend the newly-created National Training School for Music, where she studied piano, singing, and harmony, leaving “with the highest honour” in piano in 1882.31 During the 1880s, she lived in Kensington, composing songs with piano accompaniment, several of which were published,32 a considerable achievement at a time when composition was generally regarded by Victorian society as an exclusively male activity, to which women were intellectually unsuited. On the 1891 census, she described her occupation as “composer of music.”

Illustration No. 1: Clara Ross

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The popularity of ladies’ bands gave Clara a new opportunity to express herself musically, and she seized it with both hands. She quickly achieved mastery over the mandolin, began teaching the instrument, and, in about 1890 (with her friend Mrs. Augustus Hart-Dyke, née Mercy Harris), she formed the Kensington Mandolinists. She also began composing music for them, as noted in this 1892 review:

sions: her original, for mandolin and piano, and an in-house arrangement for two mandolins and guitar. These latter versions are greatly inferior to Clara’s originals, and are certainly not the parts that her band used for performance.37 Clara’s band was moving in the loftier circles of English society, as demonstrated by this extract from the Times ( July 4, 1893, 12):

Miss Clara Ross and Mrs. Hart-Dyke gave a very interesting mandolin concert at Queen’s Gate Hall on the 14th inst. Miss Clara Ross has greatly distinguished herself in Kensington, and indeed elsewhere, as a very clever executant and teacher of the mandolin; and it reflects the greatest credit on her that she should have been able to get together an efficient band of some twenty young lady pupils, who divided their attentions between mandolins and guitars, the combination of the two producing a most effective result. Conducted by their able teacher, they played compositions, chiefly of her own, in which it was shown how well Miss Ross understands the effects that can be produced from these instruments … Perhaps the most appreciated number of the programme was the mandolin duet played by Miss Ross and Mrs. Hart-Dyke.33

The Prince and Princess of Wales, who were accompanied by the Princesses Victoria and Maud, opened a bazaar at the Westminster Town Hall yesterday afternoon in aid of the funds of the Alexandra Hospital for Children with Hip Diseases … Immediately below the platform, on which were gathered the ladies belonging to Miss Clara Ross’s Amateur Mandoline and Guitar Band, were placed two chairs of state for the Prince and Princess … On entering the hall the Royal party were received with loud cheers, and the lady orchestra played, while nurses from the institution sang the National Anthem and ‘God bless the Prince of Wales.’

Besides performing with her band, Clara achieved popular success with her mandolin compositions. Between 1890 and 1893, several pieces for mandolin and piano were issued by Phillips & Page, and George White. Then, in 1894, she began a lengthy association with John Alvey Turner (a London publisher and musical instrument retailer, specializing in plucked instruments) who, over the next decade, published forty-one of her compositions, the majority of which possess an originality and sophistication that sets them apart from the vast quantity of frequently banal mandolin music composed in England during this era.34 Her most successful composition was her Sicilienne,35 dedicated to “the members of Miss Clara Ross’ Ladies’ Mandoline & Guitar Band,” who performed it regularly: On Wednesday evening at Queen’s Gate Hall, Mrs HartDyke and Miss Clara Ross gave an evening concert at which their band of lady mandolinists, ‘The Kensington Mandolinists,’ was the chief attraction. We have noticed the performance of these young ladies before, and on Wednesday they again gave evidence of the good training they have received. Among other pieces they performed some clever compositions of Miss Clara Ross, one of which, ‘Sicilienne,’ is brilliant, melodious and excellently suited to the capability of the instruments.36

As was customary with mandolin music published by Turner, Clara’s compositions were (usually) issued in two ver-

40

Despite her success in London, Clara (now in her late thirties) moved in 1895 to the United States, to marry a man she had met fifteen years earlier. He was Richard Atkins Griffin, an Irish operatic bass (and brother of the noted Californian landscape painter, James Martin Griffin) who emigrated to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in the mid-1880s, changed his name to Riccardo Ricci, and pursued a successful singing and teaching career. The “society” page of the Pittsburgh Bulletin for March, 1895, carried this report: Her arrival was somewhat delayed by the February storms, but she finally came and went directly to Yonkers [New York], where she was married to Mr. Ricci on the fourth of March … Mr. and Mrs. Ricci were at one time fellow students at the Royal College of Music, London, where Mrs. Ricci (then Miss Ross) made piano music her principal study. For the past few years she has devoted a good deal of time to the mandolin, and is known on the other side as one of the leading composers of mandolin music. Her mandolin and guitar orchestra, consisting of twenty amateurs (all young ladies) was quite a feature in musical circles in South Kensington, and was favored with Royal patronage and approval.

Clara Ross-Ricci settled with her husband in Wheeling, West Virginia, and although she continued for several years to send mandolin compositions to London for publication by Turner, in America she devoted herself exclusively to the voice, composing songs and trios for women’s voices (including at least three settings of Shakespeare), and teaching.38 Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Leopoldo Francia The original Ladies’ Guitar and Mandoline Band continued its charitable performances in London throughout 1894 (when it was briefly conducted by Signor Guerra)39 and 1895, its artistic horizons widened by the appointment of Leopoldo Francia as conductor. Already regarded as one of the finest mandolin soloists of the day, the twenty-year-old Francia had previously conducted a mandolin orchestra in his native Milan in such challenging repertoire as The Damnation of Faust by Berlioz and a Lyric Symphony by Bazzini, and he demanded similar standards from his new band.40 During “Signor Francia’s Evening Concert” at Prince’s Hall on May 21, the band’s repertoire included the overture to La Traviata, a Spanish dance by Moszkowski, and several of Francia’s own compositions, the performance being well received by press and public alike. The Era (May 25, 1895, 7) noted that “there were forty-five lady mandolinists, conducted by Signor Francia, who is a professor of the Milan Conservatoire. Lady Forbes, Lady Clayton, Miss Sassoon, Miss Grenfell, Lady Mary Hervey, the Hon. Mrs. A Dyke, and other ladies well known in the world of fashion assisted at the mandolin or guitar, and two compositions by Signor Francia were received with great favour. One of them was encored.” The London correspondent of the Glasgow Herald (May 22, 1895, 7) added that there were “3 mandolas, 18 guitars and 1 bass guitar, played by Miss Augusta Hervey … These ladies played remarkably well … dressed uniformly in black, a fact which only tended to show off the diamonds with which they were liberally provided.”41 The Banjo World ( July-August, 1895, 81) observed that “Lady Clayton, the talented pupil of Signor Francia, is a very graceful mandolinist. The Ladies’ Mandoline and Guitar Band was very well under the control of the conductor, and rendered several numbers with much finesse.” Francia remained as the band’s principal conductor until 1898, and their concerts together always attracted attention. On May 13, 1896, for example, at Bridgewater House, St. James, the band “played a graceful selection of Italian melodies with great effect, and accompanied the popular tenor, Signor Guetary, in a song of his own composition called ‘Marie’ … Signor Francia joined Lady Clayton in duets for two mandolins … Lady Clayton, who is a pupil of Signor Francia, played admirably.”42 Two years later, during Francia’s recital at the (Small) Queen’s Hall, Langham Place, “The Ladies’ Guitar and Mandoline Band played with delightful verve, steady time, and beautiful gradations of light and shade” in music by Gounod and Clementi, while a Fantasia by Francia “was charmingly elicited from the mandolin of Lady Clayton and Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

the mandola of Mrs. Slade, whilst the orchestra attacked the coda with a vivacity which was rewarded by long applause.”43 Because of Francia’s international commitments as soloist, most concerts were still directed by Mrs. Perkins. Only a few of their many performances can be listed here, such as “the Women Journalists’ Birthday Party on Midsummer Night” in 1896, where “in the fine hall, the Ladies’ Amateur Harp, Mandoline, and Guitar Band played excellently, indeed vehemently, inspired by the patronage of Princess Christian.”44 A month earlier, they provided the music for a rubber of “Living Whist” at the Portman Rooms in Baker Street, where fiftytwo people dressed as playing cards: “The four kings and the four knaves were men. The other cards in the pack were the forty-four loveliest ladies in London.”45 Their 1897 concerts included a grand display at Chelsea House, Cadogan Square, on March 17 (where they played from behind a screen), and an appearance at the Royal Albert Hall on May 5, where the band “played well, and in their ranks were Lady Clayton, Lady Beatrice Kemp, and Mrs. Raphael.”46 In 1898, they played (among many others) at a benefit concert for the School of Art Needlework.47 Francia parted company with the band after 1898. When he gave a private concert in Kensington Palace, early in 1899, he performed with his own “orchestrina of six professionals,” and a few months later, expressed dissatisfaction with the large number of guitars in English bands: “What must be the effect of those ten guitars playing together? In a mandoline orchestra the guitar ought to take the part the harp takes in a violin orchestra, and there ought never to be more than one or two in a band of twenty or thirty players.”48 This leads us to the question of the composition of a guitar and mandolin band, and of how the music was arranged. Orchestration and Instrumentation English mandolin and guitar bands generally followed the Italian model, and usually included the following: first and second mandolins (corresponding to first and second violins in a standard orchestra, often supported by third mandolins); tenor mandolas (tuned like a viola, with music written in the treble clef, but transposed a fourth below actual pitch) and/ or octave mandolas (with music written as for mandolin, but sounding an octave lower); guitars (one or more, mostly playing block chords, but also florid, harp-like passages to accompany a mandolin melody, and occasional melodic passages, usually played on the bass strings); and a conventional orchestral double bass. How these instruments were typically used can be seen in two contrasting passages from Luna e

41

amore by Nicola Massa (Figures Nos. 1 & 2), the compulsory orchestral piece at the first Italian national mandolin competition (Genoa , 1892).49 Orchestras in Italy (and sometimes England) also included the five-course liuto, a large mandolin tuned like a cello (with an extra high e' string), and often replaced the double bass with types of bass guitar, such as the chitarrone (tuned like a double bass, and played pizzicato). Some English arrangers required guitarists to tune their gut-string instruments to a C chord, or a Bb chord, or recommended the use of a “mandolinguitar,” a wire-strung instrument (known as a “Pollmann”) that was tuned like a guitar, but was closer in timbre to the mandolin.50 When playing in the Italian style, instruments of the mandolin family used tremolo plectrum technique to sustain long notes, whereas the gut-strung guitar relied on single plucked notes. One arranger noted that “guitars are capable of arpeggio passages and detached chords … but the difference between the upper and the lower three strings has to be noticed when melodic passages are given to the guitar.”51 The Final Years of the Ladies’ Band For most of 1899 and 1900, the band was directed by Mrs. Perkins, but two Italian conductors were appointed to direct its most prestigious concerts: Enrico Marucelli, who had played in the mandolin orchestra in his native Florence before coming to London; and Edouardo Mezzacapo, an influential mandolinist and teacher, based in Paris. Their most important performance together took place on June 8, 1901, at the Royal Albert Hall, where (in aid of the East London Hospital for Children) the Ladies’ Amateur Harp, Mandoline, and Guitar Band gave a Grand Concert, during which they performed two of Mezzacapo’s compositions (Rêverie

42

and Tolede) under the composer’s baton, while Marucelli conducted them in his own Serenade, all three pieces having been written expressly for the occasion.52 The band continued to perform for several more years, but media reports of its concerts decline sharply after 1902. The last performance for which I have details took place on June 6, 1904, when they performed incidental music for a set of tableaux vivants

Figure No. 1 (above): Nicolo Massa, Luna e amore (1892), mm. 1-6. Figure No. 2 (below), ibid., mm. 60-66.


at the Imperial Theatre, in aid of the East-end parish of Bromley-by-Bow (“the tableaux will be repeated at the end of the month”).53 Why did the original ladies’ band disband during the Edwardian era? As with its formation, the reasons were a mixture of musical and social considerations. By the early 1900s, a greater liberalism within society, and a greater organization among radical sections of the women’s movement, meant that respectable women no longer needed to justify their desire to perform music in public, as had been the case twenty years earlier. Many English women were now playing the violin, and other orchestral instruments, and there were several all-women professional string bands in existence (although it would not be until 1913 that the first women violinists were hired—by Henry Wood—to perform alongside men in a professional London orchestra). Meanwhile, the guitar and mandolin band was losing the Italianate exclusivity that had initially made it so appealing to fashionable London society. Instruments were becoming more affordable, plucked string orchestras were flourishing among all sections of society, and their membership was now usually mixed gender. Furthermore, banjos were frequently being added to form BMG orchestras, and the music they played was increasingly influenced by American fashions. Although various ladies’ guitar and mandolin bands remained in existence until World War I (especially in the provinces), they no longer had the same social cachet that they had enjoyed in the 1890s when the original band—and its many imitators—had been at the heart of fashionable London musical life, playing a small but significant part in the fight for women’s emancipation. Notes The well-known expression “Das Land ohne Musik” was coined by the German writer Oskar Schmitz in 1904, by which time it was already ceasing to be true. However, similar disparaging observations can be found in the writings of other European visitors to England, such as Carl Engel in An Introduction to the Study of National Music (London, 1866), throughout the Victorian period. 2 Music-making (especially in brass bands and choruses) was, however, encouraged among working class men, for whom it was seen as a civilizing influence. 3 See Paula Gillett, Musical Women in England, 1870-1914 (New York, St. Martin’s Press, 2000), chapter 5, 109-40. 4 “An Orchestra of Women: An Interview with Mdme. Schipek,” Pall Mall Gazette (London), October 13, 1885, 11; Derek B. Scott, Sounds of the Metropolis (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 21-3; and Arthur Conan Doyle, A Study in Scarlet (first published in1887; a recent edition from London: Secker & Warburg, 1981), 34, 36. 1


Cristofaro’s first London recital (at St. James’ Hall on June 10 1886) was announced in Le Follet (London), June 1, 1886, 16. 6 A performance by the Granados was reviewed in the Era (London), March 20, 1886. For a history of the original Spanish Students, see Paul Sparks, The Classical Mandolin (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995), 23-7. 7 Morning Post (London), March 22, 1886, 1 and March 26, 1886, 5. A café chantant was an event that combined the performance of light music with the serving of refreshments. 8 Bury and Norwich Post (Bury Saint Edmonds), May 10, 1887, 5. 9 Whitstable Times and Herne Bay Herald, July 28, 1888, 3, taken from St. Stephen’s Review. 10 Morning Post, July 16, 1889, 5. 11 Daily News (London), July 1, 1890, 5; and Philip J. Bone, The Guitar and Mandolin (London: Schott, 1914, rev. 1972), 89. 12 Era (London), June 16, 1894, 11; May 25, 1895, 7; May 16, 1896, 8; Banjo World (London), April, 1898, 58. 13 Morning Post, October 7, 1893, 1. 14 “The Mandoline,” Musical Standard (London), December 1, 1883, 337. 15 Era, November 24, 1894, 12. Paul Mahlendorff was a singer and composer, resident in London throughout the 1890s. 16 Times (London), December 12, 1893, 1; and Bernard Shaw, Music in London 1890-94 (New York: W. H. Wise), 122 (entry dated December 13, 1893). 17 January 19, 1893, 6. 18 Musical Opinion & Music Trade Review (London), May 1891, 287. 19 Country Gentleman (London), July 4, 1891, 914. 20 Morning Post, June 27, 1892, 1; and September 21, 1891. 21 September 1, 1892, 575. 22 Morning Post, June 9, 1892, 2; and July 25, 1888, 6. 23 Era, July 29, 1893, 9. 24 Morning Post, March 10, 1894, 3. 25 Ibid., March 15, 1895, 3; and June 12, 1895, 1. 26 Hearth and Home (London), June 17, 1897, 235. It is noted that the Viscountess Gage had formed her band two years previously. 27 Bristol Mercury and Daily Post (Bristol), March 23, 1895, 4; Woman’s Signal (London), April 1, 1897, 206; Hearth and Home, February 27, 1896, 596; Manchester Guardian (Manchester), February 5, 1898, 5; Hearth and Home, March 9, 1893, 498; April 30, 1896, 976. 28 Banjo World, January, 1899, 37. 29 “What to do with our Daughters,” Hearth and Home, July 23, 1891, 319; “New Employments for Girls,” Girl’s Own Paper, March 5, 1892, 362. 30 I would like to thank Andrew Ross of Perth, Australia, for providing me with many biographical details about his grandfather’s aunt. 31 Information provided to me by Maira Canzonieri, librarian of the Royal College of Music (where records of the NTSM are held). 32 The earliest of her songs that I have so far located is The Rainy Day (a setting of a poem by Longfellow), published by Marriott & Williams (London) in 1885. 5

43

Musical Standard, December 24, 1892, 507-08. Queen’s Gate Hall was situated at 42 Harrington Road. 34 I would like to thank Barry Pratt of Deddington, for providing me with copies of several of these pieces from his own collection. 35 Turner’s Mandolinist, No. 111. The Sicilienne was listed in the “new music” column of the Musical Standard on July 7, 1894, 10. 36 Musical Standard, December 16, 1893, 489. 37 Guitarists and mandolinists wishing to perform her music together would be well-advised to return to the piano part, and make a guitar transcription that reflects the harmonic richness and voicing of the original. 38 Following the death of Professor Ricci in 1905, Clara stayed in the United States for several decades, returning to the United Kingdom prior to World War II, to live in the Brighton area. She had no children. I am currently preparing a biography of Clara’s life, and a catalogue of her compositions, the best of which deserve to be played, sung, and heard anew. Many of her letters and documents are now in the possession of Andrew Ross, who is preparing them for publication. 39 Morning Post, June 14, 1894, 4. 40 Banjo World, December, 1896, 21. 41 This correspondent also claimed that there were “18 first and 22 second mandolins.” This would give a total of 62 perform33

ers, far larger than the 40 or 45 reported elsewhere. I suspect that the “18” is a misprint, and that there were only 22 mandolins in total. 42 Era, May 16, 1896, 8. 43 Banjo World, April, 1898, 58. 44 Star (Saint Peter Port), July 16, 1896 (unnumbered page). 45 Pall Mall Gazette, May 18, 1896, 3. 46 Le Follet, April 1, 1897, 8; Hearth and Home, May 27, 1897, 112. 47 Standard (London), June 8, 1898, 5. 48 Banjo World, March, 1899, 74; May, 1899, 113. 49 I would like to thank Ugo Orlandi for making this music available to me, and John Mackenzie for preparing the examples. 50 “Mandoline Orchestras,” Musical Opinion & Music Trade Review, December 1, 1892, 164; Lilian and Ashmore Russan, “Miss Mandoline and her Sisters,” Boy’s Own Paper, June 6, 1896, 572. The instrument referred to was made in the U. S., probably by Augustus Pohlmann. 51 “On Mandoline Bands,” Musical Opinion & Music Trade Review, November 1, 1895, 105. For further details about the instrumentation of mandolin bands, see Sparks, 1995, passim. 52 Times, June 5, 1901, 1; Bone, op. cit., 224, 239. 53 Times, June 7, 1904, 12.•

Heck, “Chitarra francese,” continued from page 24 Bonaparte (and in 1808 with his brother-in-law, Joachim Murat), thus starting what has come to be known as the “French decade” (1805-1815). Ferdinand was restored for a third time following the fall of Napoleon and the Austrian victory over Murat at the Battle of Tolentino (March 3, 1815). Ferdinand (who became Ferdinand I, King of the Two Sicilies in 1816) died in 1825, while Giuliani was in Naples. 10 This chronology could not have attained its current state of (never-quite) completeness without contributions from several scholars who were aware of my work in the field over the last few months and generously passed their findings to me. Thanks in particular Mario Torta (M. T.), Christopher Page (C. P.), and Erik Stenstadvold (E. S.), whose contributions are duly noted. I would like to especially thank Mario Torta for his seminal work on this topic. See in particular Ch. 1.2.4, “La chitarra a cinque corde e la chitarra ‘francese” in his dissertation, Ferdinando Carulli (1770-1841): Profilo biografico critico … con cenni sulla formazione della chitarra esacorde … (Roma: Università degli studi “La Sapienza,” 1989). 11 In an ideal world, these databases would be accessible to everyone. But such is not the case, alas. They mostly remain restricted to large universities that can pay the high access fees demanded by the vendors.Vendors such as Gale Research (Cengage Learning), Chadwyck Healey, ProQuest, Lexis/Nexis, and Ebsco Publishing make their full text databases available only by contractual arrangement with major libraries and universities. One must have an affiliation with such institutions to gain access to them. Other databases, like Google Books and WorldCat (the consumer version

44

of OCLC), are fortunately free to all at this time. 12 The dating of 1798-99, proposed by Giovanni Insom, Il fondo musicale dell’Archivio di Montecassino (Cassino, 2003), is reasonable given that this is a lithographed edition, so could not have existed before 1798. 13 Cited by Bruno Tonazzi in il “Fronimo,” No. 37 (ott., 1981), 33-34. In English, “Your servant the Neapolitan Mauro Giuliano, Professor of the guitar [chitarra francese], the violoncello, and the harp-guitar [chitarra francese] with thirty strings, having arrived in this most respectable city and free-port of Trieste, wishes to give an Accademia consisting of two parts. In the first, after the overture, he will present a Concerto for harp-guitar [chitarra francese con arpa], and another for violoncello. In the second, after the overture, he will play a Concerto for Guitar [chitarra francese].” 14 “The ‘Symphony of Lodovisca’ (original version ca. 1801) is considered the first work by Paganini for solo guitar …” according to Giuseppe Gazzelloni, “Paganini and the Guitar: An Analysis of Some Unpublished Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Casanatense, Rome,” Soundboard, Vol. X, No. 4 (1983-84), 352. 15 Torta dissertation (1989), 44. Here, Carulli effectively equates the “French guitar” with the “Italian” one—a perfectly reasonable observation that fits the facts. 16 Perma l i n k = ht tp : / / g a l l i c a . b n f . f r / a rk : / 1 2 1 4 8 / bpt6k103071s/f136.image 17 “Venice. We should mention another special musical talent: Mrs. Emilia Giuliani Guglielmi of Vienna. She brought to such perfection her expertise on the chitarra francese, that equaling her has been possible for very few.” •


General Thompson’s Enharmonic Guitar by James Westbrook

“Nothing so utterly breaks me down, as lots of concerts. Even one is for the most part a burthen. The truth is, I have little or no music in me ...” 1

H

ow can someone with “little or no music” in him be worthy of an article in a journal dedicated to the guitar and its music? The answer, as we will discover, is that the author of the quotation above, Thomas Perronet Thompson, worked in league with the leading guitar-maker of nineteenth-century London and developed ideas, some of which may have had a long-term influence on the design of the guitar. General Thomas Perronet Thompson (Hull, 1783 –1869) Thomas Perronet Thompson’s unusual middle name came from his mother’s side of the family. More commonly known as General Thompson, he was active in the armed forces and also as a Member of Parliament. He was also concerned with the antislavery campaign and the anti-corn-law league. The date of his portrait (Figure No. 5) is not known, but he was forty-five years old when he embarked upon a mathematical journey to revisit the old problem of playing musical instruments with fixed intervals in tune. He addressed this question in several treatises and pamphlets, including Instructions to my Daughter (1829), Description and Use of the Enharmonic Organ (1834) and Theory and Practice of Just Intonation (1850).2 The first of these, his Instructions to My Daughter, is the main concern of this article. 3 Playing a guitar tuned in equal temperament was unacceptable to Thompson, partly on the grounds that it was such a rudimentary method of placing the frets: The common [regular] Guitar is a perfect example of the Equable Division into twelve; and the process by which a guitar-maker applies this division to strings of any length, is of amusing simplicity.4

At the beginning of 1828, Thompson met Thomas Turton, the Lucasian Professor of Mathematics in the University of Cambridge and subsequently Regius Professor of Divinity. He and Thompson had been contemporaries at Queens’ College Cambridge, whence Thompson had graduated in 1802.5 On March 9, 1828, in correspondence with his wife, Thompson wrote: “I was talking about Figure No. 1: The only known enharmonic guitar by Panormo (the bridge is not original). Musikinstrumenten-Museum of the University of Leipzig (Inv.-Nr. 566).


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some of my old “Maggots” on musical ratios to Turton … I think I shall blow up Temperament.”6 Instructions to My Daughter was written to carry through a project he had described to Professor Turton. The Treatise Although General Thompson always referred to this work as a “book for the use of young ladies,” he gave the title Instructions to My Daughter to disguise what is really a complex mathematical treatise.7 The age and identification of the daughter for whom he wrote is not known, for although there is much information available about Thompson, the biographical details are rather sketchy. He had three sons and three daughters following his marriage in 1811, so if one assumes the first child arrived in 1812, then the oldest would have been sixteen when he wrote his Instructions. Since his fifth child was born in Dublin in 1828, the year of his main involvement with his enharmonic treatise, perhaps the title and his intensions were written “tongue in cheek” and with his new baby in mind. General Thompson’s motive, taken from his memoirs, but relayed by Johnson, was to prove from the Greek writers on music that the Enharmonic of the ancients was an unsuccessful attempt of obtaining correct harmony.8

To achieve this, he set out to produce a guitar which would play as perfectly in tune as the strings would allow, based upon the octave scales of Western music. This entailed dividing the octave into fifty-three parts and, allowing for all keys, Thompson showed it was necessary to include fifty-nine

46

Figure No. 2: Plate II from Thompson’s Instructions

micro-intervals along the six strings. Thompson’s treatise met with mixed success. An anonymous review, published in an issue of the Harmonicon for Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

at the impracticality of Thompson’s design and the sacrifices it entails.9 Similarly, a review in the Examiner praised Thompson’s clear account when compared to previous attempts to discuss enharmonic issues and temperament, but pointed out its limitations considered in relation to the readership of the Instructions as envisaged by the full title: Under this rather learnedly repulsive title (for we will venture to say that scarcely one daughter, or even son, in a thousand, and but very few processed musicians, comprehend the application of the term enharmonic) ... The book will be thought too profound by guitar players, who are generally females; and much too obtrusive by set musicians.10

Figure No. 3: Plate I from Thompson’s Instructions

1830, described it as “a work of great learning, and no small importance,” and the reviewer agreed with the need to design fretted instruments that could play in tune, although he hints Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

The Giulianiad reviewed the treatise in 1833, when it must have been re-issued in one volume, declaring that “it must be a text-book for every professor in the kingdom ….”11 However, since Thompson’s “own” journal, the Westminster Review, had praised the Giulianiad, we may wonder whether this is an objective comment. 12 There was, however, at least one staunch critic who challenged some of Thompson’s calculations, especially concerning two intervals whose ratios are respectively 24:25 (the chromatic semitone) and 15:16 (the diatonic semitone). Letters followed in the Harmonicon, dated September 14, 1830, written by an author only identified as “P. K.”13 This discussion continued until at least June 6, 1831; neither Thompson nor P. K. was wrong; they simply approached the same point in two different ways.14

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The making of the enharmonic Guitar (Louis Panormo’s involvement) John Tallis, the English cartographer and writer, who knew of General Thompson’s scientific attainments, said this of Panormo’s involvement in the manufacture of the enharmonic guitar: We must say, in justice to Mr. Panormo, the manufacturer, that, being convinced his own simple guitars on the Spanish model have more tone in them than any other, we regret he should have employed so much labour in the construction of this very ingenious, learned, and impractical invention.15

The cost of the guitar is given on Plate II in the frontispiece of the Instructions (see Figure No. 2) as follows: “Price, in common wood 10 Guineas.” Louis Panormo’s standard guitars, in the same year, ranged in price from two to fifteen Guineas. They were probably subsidized in order to stimulate the market. Furthermore, it appears that the Instructions were originally sold in two “divisions,” at two shillings each, the first of which was issued on November 12, 1829.16 Just how many of Panormo’s enharmonic guitars were made is unknown, and currently only one, made in 1829 and now housed at the Musikinstrumenten-Museum of the University of Leipzig, survives (Inv.-Nr. 566; see Figure No. 1). It is quite likely, however, that some prototype enharmonic guitars were made before Thompson’s treatise was published, perhaps towards the end of 1828, as a way to test his theories.17 Furthermore, there is evidence of interest in this instrument as late as 1836 and, perhaps more intriguingly, signs that Thompson himself was selling the guitars. This is suggested by the following letter from R. Cocks & Co. (a London music warehouse) to Thompson, dated May 24, 1836: Sir, Please do let us know if you can supply us with some copies of your most ingenious instruction book for the Enharmonic Guitar — we cannot get a single copy at D’Almaines. What is the last price you could let us have 2 of the instruments? We are Sir [unreadable signature] R. Cocks & Co., 20 Princes Street, May 24 1836, Hanover Square.18

Princes Street was very much in the heart of the area inhabited by guitar-makers, Edward Panormo and R. & W. Davis having workshops there at one time. There may be a possible reference to at least one more guitar, seen in a Sale by Auction advertisement in the Melbourne Argus (1869) and sold with a “100 Tons of Colonial Guano”:

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Spanish guitar, Panormo fecit 1832, mathematically constructed to play the most scientific and intricate compositions.19

By 1850, however, Thompson’s treatise on the enharmonic guitar was no longer in print.20 Organology The only extant example of Thompson’s enharmonic guitar was made in Louis Panormo’s workshop at 46, High Street Bloomsbury, London, in 1829, and was assigned the serial number 1766. It is by far the largest bodied Panormo guitar known, measuring an unprecedented 370 mm across the lower bout compared to 289 mm of a standard one. The tuning machines are not original. The unusually thick head was designed to accommodate machines which probably had a larger side plate, for the cogs of the tuning machines, according to Thompson’s treatise, were to be increased in diameter by one half, and the number of teeth increased from twelve to eighteen. Perhaps the originals were replaced because they were found to be impractical. However, there is one Louis Panormo guitar from 1833 (LP20030) which has a larger than average body and tuning machines with sixteen-toothed cogs instead of the usual twelve (Thompson recommended eighteen), which may give some impression of the originals. The reason for increasing the size of the cog and the number of teeth was to make tuning more positive and reliable.21 The guitar was designed to accommodate a profoundly cambered cello-like fingerboard made from natural colored boxwood. The fingerboard is double layered, using the same kind of wood as the neck, the layers hidden when viewed from the side. The fingerboard thickness gradually increases, starting at the nut, reaching its thickest point around the neck juncture and then tapering off again towards the sound hole. Unlike a cello fingerboard, the underside of the cedar is not hollowed but is left flat along its whole length. The nut and bridge were made correspondingly cambered to complement the convex fingerboard. Although the concept of individual frets would have been Thompson’s starting point, it is possible that other London-based inventors such as Mordaunt Levien, with his improved harp-guitar with hoop-like frets, manufactured in the 1820s but sold by Clementi &Co. from 1824, gave him the confidence to approach Panormo, London’s most famous guitar-maker.22 The holes to accommodate the frets, or “hoops” as Thompson called them, were bored right through both layers of the fingerboard. However, before the holes were bored, the Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

positions of the “feet” had to be marked out, and Thompson and third, four times as many of the second and eight or ten recommended first making a steel marking implement, as times as many of the first). There should also be “paper for shown on Plate I (Figure No. 3). The hoops are shown on as correction,” a material similar to sand-paper for correcting “Fig. 3” on the same Plate. The key positions were stained an false gut strings by making them more uniform.27 The guitar represented in the Instructions (Figure No. 2) orange color by the application of aqua-fortis.23 Thompson mentions that the frets for the first instru- was set in the key of A, and an ivory plaque was provided on ments constructed, and the bore-holes in the finger-boards, which to pencil the key in use. Correspondingly, the ten musiwere made by a Mr. G. Rivington, Engine and Lathe Manu- cal snippets provided begin in A major and take the student facturer, 192 High Holborn, London, and the graduation of through simple key changes. Philip Bone claims that Philippe the fingerboards was executed by a Mr. I. Aston, Rule-maker, Verini contributed exercises to the treatise, but his name only 25, Compton Street, Soho, London (see Figure No. 4 for a appears next to one of them, and this short exercise may have comparison between Thompson’s Instructions and the Leipzig been taken from an earlier published work.28 One of the drawbacks of Thompson’s enharmonic guitar Panormo).24 He also explains how to graduate the fingerboard, which is perhaps useful advice both to adept musicians as well is that individual frets have to be added to the existing ones as to other instrument-makers wishing to produce their own for each diatonic change of key. Any deviation to other keys enharmonic instruments. involved studying a diagram supplied with the treatise which The majority of hooped frets were made of blue tempered could mean moving over one-hundred hoops. Then there was steel and, according to Thompson’s treatise, each guitar would the question of actually tuning the guitar. The Leipzig guitar be provided with 150 frets including provision for losses. In is currently unplayable with a mixture of the different kinds addition to these, twenty frets of “white” metal for notes of frets placed in an equal tempered system; because of this, belonging to “mutations,” plus twenty more of brass with a small hollow filed in the upper surface, “to be employed in the contracted dissonances,” were provided.25 This is to allow some string clearance when the string is stopped just below the brass one, and thus prevent the string from “buzzing” against the brass fret. According to the Instructions, the length of the first string was set at twenty-five “English” inches (635 mm.) with no compensation. However, compensation was gradually introduced across the remaining strings so that the sixth-string was one fourth of an inch longer than the first.26 Thompson also mentions that one should keep “a tin” in the string compartment within the guitarcase, divided into compartments for the spare frets, bridge-pins, a tuning-fork, spare strings (an equal number of the sixth and Figure No. 4. Comparing the 1st and 12th positions of Plate I fifth, twice as many of the fourth (see Figure 3) to an actual guitar. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

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and with no written indication left on the ivory plaque, all clues as to the last enharmonic key used on this guitar have been removed. At the base of the Leipzig guitar are six evenly spaced and plugged holes. Historically, it is common for nineteenth century guitars to undergo the transformation of having a tailpiece added to accommodate steel strings. However, the fact that there are six holes, all too large for the usual screws used for such alterations, suggests that they may have been created for bridge pins to anchor the strings to the base. Whether this was an original feature, perhaps some sort of post Instructions design, and part of his “sliding bridge saddle” device (see below), is not known. General Thompson’s obsession with mathematical musical problems never ceased, and in 1834 he produced a

pamphlet on the enharmonic organ. One example was built by T. Robson in the same year.29 A later model was exhibited in the Great Exhibition of 1851, and a later “improved” 1856 model is housed at the Science Museum in London.30 This monumental effort almost certainly overshadowed Louis Panormo’s enharmonic guitar, which was also exhibited in 1851, but that nevertheless did not go unnoticed. Tallis was quick to praise Thompson’s reasoning and exactitude,31 and there seems to be at least one additional feature to the guitar made in 1829. The Great Exhibition catalogue mentions that the guitar exhibited in 1851 had strings that could be lengthened separately at the bridge ‘to correct the defects of the depression [of the strings] to the neck, or of false or worn strings’.32 This innovation is described in some detail in Thompson’s 1850 publication, mainly covering the enharmonic organ: Each string pass[es] over a distinct piece of ivory approaching to a pyramidical form, and in size to that of a human tooth, sliding in a separate groove in the wooden bridge.33

By 1850, Thompson was proposing the construction of three guitars in the keys of A, E, and C, with fixed frets, save for one or two, instead of one guitar capable of playing in all keys.34 Although much of the internal construction in the enharmonic guitar that Panormo built is consistent with other Panormo guitars from the same year, notably with the seven symmetrical fan braces, it seems that whenever a new invention was tried it invariably brought innovation with it, as we will see later with Carden/Lacote’s version of an enharmonic guitar. Thompson also put forward many important principles and ideas that may have influenced subsequent guitar-makers, and guitarists, which include:

Figure No. 5: A portrait of Thomas Perronet Thompson; the portrait was published in The News, September 30, 1838, but it may have been drawn earlier.

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•How to correct false gut strings; •How to compensate the string-length on any guitar, by •Angling the saddle; •The proposal that strings could be lengthened separately at the bridge; •The use of cambered fingerboards to assist with barré technique; •How to tie strings and repair broken ones; •The proposition that the cogs of the tuning-machines should be increased in diameter by one half and the number of teeth increased from twelve to eighteen for greater precision and stability of tuning;35 •An increase in body size for greater resonance.


A Brief Comparison to Lacote’s (Later) Temperament-Corrected Guitar As we saw earlier, R. Cocks, the music importer and sometime dealer of guitars by the Paris luthier PierreRené Lacote, was keen in 1836 to purchase two copies of Thompson’s Instructions for the enharmonic guitar. Who were these copies for? It is clear that Lacote was drawn to the idea of a “French” version of an enharmonic guitar, albeit designed by another Englishman, Henry Carnegie Carden, living in Paris. Unlike either Thompson or Panormo, Carden patented his design which was filed in Paris on May 9, 1843, with a supplement on May 6, 1844 which added nine aspects to the original Brevets d’invention pour un manche de guitare. The design included a guitar support and resonance table, much like the idea of Dionisio Aguado’s tripodion and Jean-François Salomon’s piédestal. The primary objective of this design, however, like Thompson’s, was to improve the intonation of the guitar while playing in different keys. Carden’s solution, superior to Thompson’s, was to slide the individual frets into their required positions. At least three examples of Lacote’s Guitare à tempérament réglable survive, from ca. 1845 (No. 2), ca. 1845 (No. 5) and 1852 (no serial number).36 There were, and still are, many subsequent experiments concerning the design and making of guitars for playing in tune, by adjustments of frets and/or bridge. If Thompson really believed his book was for the use of young ladies, then he was clearly deluded, and the overlycomplex design, so unhelpful to the player in all respects save the highly refined one that the guitar was designed to promote, was doomed from the beginning. However, at least the treatise must have sold well, for it seems that the publishers sold all the copies, despite (or because of ) the contention that it inspired. Furthermore, later in life Thompson wrote: A professor of the guitar who would take up the subject, and exhibit the power of the enharmonic instrument both in solos and in accompanying the voice, would take a step among scientific musicians, and be exceedingly likely to secure the attention of the public. In accompanying, he would have something like a monopoly.37

So, perhaps Thompson was thinking as much of the professional guitarist as of the mathematician, and it is likely that he reached both constituencies, hence the sales of both the treatise and Panormo’s instruments. If this were the case, his ideas and invention may have achieved much more than Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

is usually credited to him, by highlighting the problem of equal-tempered tuning while attempting to tackle many other issues in the set up of the instrument. Many nineteenthcentury guitar methods commonly consisted of a page or two of rudiments followed by some simple minuets, songs, or arrangements from the opera; Thompson’s proposals, however, were a genuine attempt to improve the instrument, both in technical and musical terms. With this in mind, Instructions to My Daughter, for Playing on the Enharmonic Guitar, published in 1829, must have been as exciting to read in its day as the 1832 translation of Sor’s Method for the Spanish Guitar and Aguado’s 1837 Hints to Guitar Players. I would like to thank: Wolfson College Cambridge, for the Donald and Beryl O’May Studentship; the Musikinstrumenten-Museum of the University of Leipzig; the University Library, Cambridge; the University of Edinburgh’s Centre for Research Collections; Hull University Library; Ian Watchorn; and the organizer and participants of the First Cambridge Conference on the Nineteenth-Century Guitar. Endnotes Taken from a letter, published in Leonard George Johnson, General T. Perronet Thompson: 1783–1869, His Military, Literary and Political Campaigns (London: Allen & Unwin, 1957), 138. 2 Enharmonic is the small difference in pitch between two notes such as A b and G # , not present in instruments of equal temperament such as the modern piano, but significant in the intonation of stringed and wind instruments. 3 T. Perronet Thompson, Instructions to My Daughter, for Playing on the Enharmonic Guitar (London: Goulding and D’Almaine, 1829), 16. 4 T. Perronet Thompson, Theory and Practice of Just Intonation: With a View to the Abolition of Temperament … (London: Effingham Wilson, 1850), 72. 5 Johnson, 36. 6 Ibid., 136–7. For the now obsolete sense of “maggot” here, see the Oxford English Dictionary, sv “maggot”, sense 2(a): “A whimsical, eccentric, strange, or perverse notion or idea.” 7 Johnson, 139. 8 Ibid., 157–8. 9 Harmonicon (1830), 35. 10 Examiner, January 29, 1832. 11 Giulianiad, No. 4, 1833, 51. 12 Thompson became joint-owner and editor of the Westminster Review, see Johnson, 158. 13 Harmonicon, No. 8, (1830), 401. 14 I am grateful to Dan Tidah for his expertise on temperament. 15 John Tallis, History and Description of the Cristal Palace and the Exhibition of the World’s Industry in 1851, I (London: London Printing & Publishing Company, 1854), 118. 16 Examiner, November 15, 1829. 1

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Thompson says, in Part I of his treatise, “The frets for the first instruments constructed …,” but there is no mention of who made them and they could have been adapted instruments. See Thompson, Instructions, 16. 18 Hull University Library, DTH 3/9. R. Cocks & Co. was also a music publisher that published John Abraham Nüske’s Easy Method for the Guitar in 1832 and, in the same year, the English translation of Sor’s Method for the Spanish Guitar. 19 Argus (Melbourne), March 20, 1869, 2. 20 Thompson, Theory and Practice, 77. 21 Thompson, ibid., 77. 22 See Harmonicon, January, 1824, for Clementi &Co.’s advertisement for Levien’s Harp-guitar. 23 The light-colored box-wood was necessary in order to receive the stain and lettering; however, it is liable to warp, and thus two layers were to combat this. Aqua-fortis was a solution of nitric acid in water, also used to give a tortoise shell-like appearance to canes. Thompson, Instructions, 16. 24 Ibid. 25 “Mutations” is a term derived from Medieval and Renaissance music theory where it principally meant a change from one hexachord to another via a shared pitch to annex a further set of pitches or intervallic relations. Thompson employs it here to mean a change of key during playing, without stopping to alter the arrangement of the frets. 26 Thompson also included in his treatise a scale drawing of an enharmonic violin fingerboard with a first-string length of “one French foot” with a compensation extending to the fourth-string of one fifth of an inch. 27 Thompson, Instructions, 15–16. 28 Philip Bone, The Guitar and Mandolin (London: Schott & Co., 1914), 297. 29 Even in 1829, in his Instructions, 19–21, Thompson includes applications of the enharmonic principle for other musical instruments, including the organ, and instruments from the brass and string families. 30 Science Museum, Museum (London), Inventory Number: 1876–602 and technical file, T/1876 602. 31 John Tallis, History and Description, 118. 32 Peter and Ann Mactaggart, eds., Musical Instruments in the 1851 Exhibition (Herts: Mac and Me, 1986), 77. 33 Thompson, Theory and Practice, 77. 34 Ibid. 35 It seems that this recommendation was not heeded; apart from (presumably) the enharmonic guitars and one other instrument from 1833 (LP20030), all Panormo guitars from the very first one, from 1822, to the last one in 1872 by George Lewis Panormo, had tuning machines with twelve teeth. Today, however, one of the most successful manufacturers of tuning machines, Rogers, uses fifteen teeth in their cogs, whether their “Baker,” “Hauser,” or own model. 36 Respectively: Private collection, England; Musashino Museum, Tokyo; and Cité de la musique, accession number: E.1043. 37 Thompson, Theory and Practice, 77. • 17

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Stenstadvold, “Schulz,” continued from page 16 (Plate 15) and Pieters, 19. 27 Brian Jeffery, Fernando Sor, Composer and Guitarist, 2nd ed., (London, 1997), 47. 28 Morning Chronicle, March 29, 1817, referred to by Jeffery, op. cit. 29 Giulianiad, Vol. I, No. 5 (1833), 46-7. 30 Athenæum, No. 28, May 7, 1828. The concert was also reported in Revue musicale, quoted in Pieters, 19. That report more bluntly stated that “these three estimable artists would produce a very pleasant result in a salon, but those who engaged them to play at the Philharmonic concert have misled them.” (“Ces trois estimables artistes doivent produire un effet très agréable dans un salon; mais ceux qui les ont engagés à se faire entendre au concert philharmonique les ont induits en erreur.”) 31 Literary Gazette, June 21, 1828, 391 (also mentioned by Button, 94). The concert had been announced on June 14 in the Morning Post; here it was stated that the Schulzes “have had the honour of performing eight times before his Majesty.” 32 “…wir hören vollständige Harmonien in chromatischen, enharmonischen und contrapunktischen Akkorden und Umwendungen, Coloraturen und Cadenzen mit einer Kraft, Klarheit und Fertigkeit dargestellt, wie auf der Harfe und Geige, auch Milde und Lieblichkeit fehlt dem Vortrage nicht, so dass dieser sechzehnjähriger Künstler höchste Bewunderung erzwingt.” (Didaskalia oder Blätter für Geist, Gemüth und Publizität, No. 257, Sept. 14, 1830) 33 Bone also claims that several of Schulz’s compositions were published by Meissonnier in Paris. That seems not to be correct, however; no Paris editions of his music are known, and the known catalogues of Antoine and Joseph Meissonnier do not list any such publications. 34 As support for this claim, Button, 94, quotes some critical remarks from a review in the Philharmonicon, May, 1833. However, with the exception of a report of the same concert in the Giulianiad, Vol. I, No. 5 (1833), 50, which paraphrases that of the Philharmonicon, no other negative reviews have come to light. 35 Morning Post, June 16, 1846. 36 A report from a concert at Brighton on Feb. 1, 1848, states that “Mr Schulz was announced, but did not arrive.” (Era, Feb. 6, 1848). 37 A preliminary list appeared in David E. McConnell, “Leonard Schulz,” Classical Guitar, Vol. 11, No. 9 (1993), 31-33; and David E. McConnell, “The Great Leonard Schulz, Addendum to the List of Works,” Classical Guitar, Vol. 13, No. 10 (1995), 18-20. 38 This scordatura tuning was quite common in the nineteenth century in both France and England. 39 Makaroff, “The Memoirs of Makaroff,” Part 3, Guitar Review, No. 3 (1947), 56. 40 Voiced by Stauffer; cited in the opening paragraph of this article. •


An Essay of 1824 on the Guitar by Christopher Page

T

he place of the “Spanish” or gut-strung guitar in England during the first half of the nineteenth century forms one of the most obscure corners in the history of modern musical instruments.1 In contrast to the rich literature on the guitar in nineteenth-century Italy, Spain, France, and now Germany,2 very little attention has been given to the English context. It therefore comes as a surprise to discover, for example, that the number of guitar methods published in London before ca. 1850 is nearly twice as large as the tally for Vienna.3 Perhaps this is not entirely explained by the fact that the English capital was more than twice the size of the Austrian. The figures suggest that there was a very active guitar culture in London during the first half of the nineteenth century, so it is encouraging that there are signs of renewed interest in the guitar scene of the capital, and of some provincial British cities, between approximately 1800 and 1840, when the fashion for the guitar began to subside. There have also been some increasingly searching glances into the eighteenth century, largely unknown territory for the history of the gut-strung guitar in the British Isles.4 For the era of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834), whose life encompasses the period of the guitar craze in England and America from the very first stirrings to the zenith, or better still the age of Washington Irving (1783-1859), who observed the fashion on both sides of the Atlantic and lived to see it recede somewhat, the materials with which to write a social and musical history of the Spanish guitar in England are abundant. The textual evidence includes a great many references and reviews in newspapers (both metropolitan and provincial), advertisements, novels, short stories, poems, and many other writings that resist any simple classification. Electronic databases, though often incomplete and always fallible, now permit much of this material to be explored with a degree of thoroughness previously unattainable.5 Engravings, mezzotints, lithographs, and paintings, notably portraits, abound with images of men and women (usually women) holding or playing guitars, and the musical legacy comprises compositions for Spanish guitar, both in printed versions and in manuscript, that are predominantly cast as accompanied songs, solos, or duets, running to many hundreds of items. To be sure, there are no unrecognized masterpieces here, but Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

there is a wealth of companionable music that should not be judged too sweepingly, perhaps, save by those who have played and sung it together. Such sheet music was widely collected and often carefully preserved. To take an example almost at random, the library of Killerton House, near Exeter in the county of Devonshire, contains a collection of songs for voice and piano assembled by Lydia, Lady Acland, after 1808. It is a fine country house collection assembled by a woman of the lesser aristocracy with a wide range of musical interests. One soon discovers, turning the pages, that substantial amounts of accompanied song for voice and Spanish guitar are interleaved with the piano forte items, some marked with what is probably a contemporary cross at the top of the page in pencil, perhaps to note songs that looked promising, or which had caught the ear when they were tried.6 Such music was published in substantial quantities. A striking case is provided by the twenty-four numbers of Bartolomeo Bortolazzi’s Periodical Amusement for Spanish guitar, a cornucopia of music for the guitarists of later-Georgian London, much of it issued before 1810.7 The collection includes arrangements of current Italian opera favorites such as “La pena ch’io sento,” sung by Madame Catalani in Portogallo’s Semiramide, staged at the King’s Theatre in December, 1806, complete in Bortolazzi’s version for voice and guitar with the graces that Catalani added. This article presents an annotated text, probably the best example in English, of a genre that developed during the first decades of the nineteenth century and might be called the “guitar review-essay.” The rise of the guitar as a parlor favorite inspired many observers to write discursive reviews of some recent concert, a new issue of sheet music, or a published tutor, and they often considered the ascendancy of the guitar as a social as well as musical phenomenon. These pieces, of which there is currently no systematic inventory or catalogue, reveal one of the ways in which the guitar phenomenon of the earlier 1800s developed in symbiosis with the dramatic expansion of printed material, notably newspapers, periodicals, and serialized fiction, leading to a process that might be termed “debating the guitar.” Our example is a wide-ranging review of music by the guitarist George Derwort that originally appeared in the last

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issue of the Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review for the year 1824. This journal, which ran from 1818 to 1828, is a rich source of information about concert life, musical practice, and opinion in Britain, but mostly in London, during that decade. Much of the material was written by the founder, the newspaper editor and music critic Richard Mackenzie Bacon (1776-1844), albeit anonymously, and his daughters, notably Louisa, also made a major contribution to the work.8 As the editorial annotations given below will show, the essay is written in leisurely prose that emphatically genders the implied reader as male and then implicitly flatters him for sharing a common literary culture, and a judicious interest in polite pursuits, with the author. The background to this essay, and many others like it in a number of European languages, lies with the peculiarly complex and idiosyncratic position of the guitar in the European and American musical system of the earlier nineteenth century. Despite the notable efforts of some composers, the guitar only intermittently progressed from what might be called its perpetual and always potentially unruly adolescence to a more constrained adulthood, the mature state where sophisticated works for chamber ensembles and orchestras defined the responsibility and associative range of the participating instruments, not accumulated centuries of custom and storytelling in verse and prose. Despite the wave of amateur and (to a much lesser extent) professional interest in the guitar by the 1820s, there was no consensus about the musical value of this modest plucked instrument. Its pizzicato maigre was inimical to the developing ideal of legato performance, as indeed to the strongly masculine ethos of the “great work,” rising in the shadow of Beethoven, that was deemed to require, for example, the strength of the male arm to wield the violin bow in the necessarily forceful manner. Above all, critics of the guitar associated the instrument, and understandably so, with the wearisome arpeggios of the salon rather than with anything more stimulating or developed. The guitar was therefore a natural target for the musical acumen, the literary flair, and the misogynistic impulse of music critics who regarded orchestral performance (by exclusively male ensembles) as the supreme musical resource, and who were just becoming configured as a species when our essay was written. Whatever their view of the guitar as a musical instrument, the more balanced critics, of whom our author was one, were interested in the social ascendancy of the instrument and in the complexity of its associations, which were indeed intriguingly paradoxical. Lying on a table or a sofa, as so often in contemporary engravings or portraits, the guitar was a family

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pet, quite at home in the garden-room of a country vicarage or in the house of Charlotte, Princess of Wales (d. 1817) whose family life was widely regarded as a model for households throughout Britain. Yet, the guitar could also be the means to give a sexually alluring performance, almost always gendered as a female art in a tradition of English writing that reaches back to the Corinnas of Restoration verse with their guitars and diaphanous shifts. The author of our essay observes, with real or affected appetite, how a “white round arm may fall carelessly” upon the guitar and how “taper fingers may wanton among the strings.” It was a further paradox that guitars could be purchased quite cheaply, and were in that sense banal, but nonetheless brought with them a decidedly romantic imagery of Spanish villages, elderly dueñas nodding over their books of hours as vesper bells ring, serenades, balconies, and garden arbors. Serialized fiction and poetry of the period leave us in no doubt about the depth of these layers of association. Indeed, part of what makes the early-nineteenth century fashion for the Spanish guitar so fascinating is that it was both a musical and a literary phenomenon, a collective work of the imagination as well as a developing amateur musical fashion. The guitar was read as well as played into popularity, valued by many amateurs for precisely the penumbra of associations that oral and literary tradition, supplemented by new writing, could confer upon its harp-like sound.9 As usual, it is the poets who speak most eloquently for their times. A letter of John Keats, written from the Isle of Wight to his sister Fanny in 1819, connects the guitar with popular novels and serialized novellas, romantic in several senses of the word with their stories of intense emotion in exotic settings.10 For Lord Byron, in the first canto of Childe Harold (lines 559-60), the guitar is a potent image of the Spanish temper as the English commonly imagined it during the Napoleonic wars and long after—passionate and yet melancholic, languid and yet bellicose in the defense of political liberty. Shelley, in Poem With a Guitar, to Jane, celebrates the gentle sonority of an instrument that distils the sounds of Nature who gave the materials of her wooded hillsides to make the Italian guitar—now in the Bodleian Library, Oxford—that Shelley gave to Jane Williams as a gift. As the compilers of the Giulianiad, the first niche magazine for guitarists in English, asked in 1833, “What instrument so completely allows us to live, for a time, in a world of our own imagination?” Berlioz would have understood the question; he found the sonority of the guitar to be mélancolique et rêveur (melancholy and dreamy). Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

It was yet another paradox of the guitar that its ethos was both feminine and yet also, especially after the Peninsular War of 180714, curiously soldierly. To say that the instrument was feminized is not simply to maintain that the Spanish guitar was curvaceous, although some portrait painters made much of that, or that there were more female players than male, at least until the 1830s, which appears to have been the case. The point is rather that many contemporary critics set the horizons of the guitar in much the same way as they defined the social and cultural horizons of their wives, sisters and daughters. A woman, like a guitar, should not be pushed to attempt anything too ambitious and her sphere of action should remain resolutely domestic. Our author, as we shall see, is quite emphatic about these details. And yet, for all these attempts to feminize the guitar, it retained a somewhat military air, partly reflecting the experiences of British and other troops who had encountered it in the war to wrest control of Iberia from Napoleon. On April 21, 1814, for example, the Caledonian Mercury announced a grand celebration in Edinburgh to mark the “delivery of Europe from the tyranny of Bonaparte,” planned to include music because a foreign officer on parole had agreed “to sing several French Plate No. 1: The Minstrel. Lithograph by L. Haghe from an original portrait by C and Spanish Patriotic Songs, which he will Tomkins. Published by Goulding and D’Almaine, January 1, 1832. accompany on the Spanish Guitar.” As late as From The Musical Bijou: An Album of Music and Poetry for 1832. 1830, the distinguished guitarist Ferdinand Proof copy in the possession of the author. Pelzer still speaks of the guitar as a soldierly instrument that belongs among warriors “in the Camp,” as then moves swiftly to praise Fernando Sor, giving one of the much as among women “in the Closet.”11 most detailed and specific assessments of his playing that we The essay edited below begins with a dryly humorous possess, followed by a tribute to the guitar for being easy to allusion to the rigors of the British climate where serenad- learn, portable, and a seductive adornment to the musicianing with the guitar is decidedly unwise. This is less facetious ship of handsome women. There is then a brief history of the than it sounds, for the ethos of the guitar in early-nineteenth guitar, a subject that seems to have exerted a particular fascinacentury fiction and poetry from Britain persistently reflects tion at this date, and incorporating the unexpected news that a longing for soft musical sounds heard in the context of a the writer possesses an Indian sitar. This ends with a further gentle climate and a Mediterranean ecology. “Here we are, commendation of the guitar, this time for its “cheapness embowered amid citrons, oranges and myrtles … with the and elegance”—a combination of qualities not often found moon gently trembling over the ocean and the ancient turrets together, and giving succinct expression to the paradoxical of our chateau …,” runs a passage in one serialized novella of nature of the Spanish guitar’s appeal. 1811 in which guitars are heard on the night air.12 The account Next, the writer alludes to the associative richness of the Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

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guitar: “the romantic ideas usually attached” to it. Here, he extends the range of association beyond anything encountered above to encompass a fascination with the arts of the Middle Ages. Many in the nineteenth-century remained both attracted and troubled by the historical memory of a vanished and Catholic England, rude in its manners and prey to popish superstition, but sustained by the work of dignified artisans in shops, not in factories where dehumanizing machines left “the pale spinner, prematurely bowed.” It seemed that Medieval men and women, for all their licentiousness and violence, had known how to value a hero or arrange an opulent ceremony, for theirs was not a “staid and reasonable time” such as the sonneteer John Hanmer discerned his own to be in 1840 under Queen Victoria. Hence the attraction, concentrated in the guitar, of “the gaiety, softness, tenderness, and chivalry, which we associate with the troubadours, the gay squires, and sprightly dames, of the early ages of poetry and music.” (c.f. Plate No. 1, above).13 The guitar craze of the 1820s and 30s was a kind of parlor troubadourism, often quite self-consciously so in a way that attracted satirical comment. “The guitar is the instrument to make a sensation in the drawing room,” wrote one humorist in 1830, “but we do not recommend it to men weighing more than fifteen stone from the difficulty of assuming an appropriate troubadour air.”14

Fernando Sor

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We could give you stupendous quotes from various famous critics and recommendations by the great icons of music and the guitar. But we feel that you, the listener can decide for yourselves on the qualities of these recordings. Visit our website and audition over 45 minutes of complete pieces and/or movements in mp3 and streaming audio format. Also included are rare recordings and sound samples of music by Fuenllana and Segovia.

(And for those who are interested; reviews, interviews, essays on Sor and the use of period instruments in 19th century guitar music, libraries which currently own our recordings and links to other music and guitar related sites.)

From here, the discussion in our essay takes a familiar turn. The guitar is well enough in simple music, but nothing ambitious should be attempted, for “the powers of the guitar are little adapted to any thing beyond an accompaniment, and this too of the simplest kind.” Even the experience of hearing Fernando Sor play was not enough to unsettle this opinion in our author’s mind; indeed, it only confirmed it. Although he/she had heard Sor perform material that figures prominently in his Méthode pour la guitare of 1830, namely an arrangement of “the chorusses in Haydn’s Creation … in a manner so full and vivid as to induce us for the moment to believe the instrument itself far more capable than we could ever find it in other hands,” Sor is nonetheless sharply criticized for having arranged several Mozart airs for voice and guitar. “Even in the hands of Mr. Sor himself, the prevailing sensation his performance excited was wonder that he should have so overcome the natural imperfections of the instrument, and regret that such talent and industry should have been so misapplied.” There is praise, however, for Sor’s arrangement of the much-loved “Deh vieni alla finestra” from Don Giovanni, partly no doubt because it is a serenade. The writer gives a similarly mixed assessment of Sor as a teacher. He finds shortcomings—amazing as it may now seem—in Sor’s approach, which he astonishes us by saying that he has seen in Sor’s “Instruction Book,” six years before the Méthode pour la guitare appeared.15 More extraordinary still, our author prefers the much more routine pedagogy of Charles Sola’s Instructions for the Spanish Guitar, published in London in 1820. But that, in its way, is wise, and a fit conclusion to a wide-ranging and appealing essay. Not everyone can learn from a genius. In conclusion, the essay edited here offers an important conspectus of some contemporary opinion about the Spanish guitar in late-Georgian England: its rise, strengths, and limitations. In prose of calculated urbanity and irony—as if there were some pervasive discrepancy between the manner of treatment and the nature of the subject in hand—it shows that the guitar in 1824 could be admired (albeit in a strongly qualified way), censured, or disdained. There was clearly much uncertainty and disagreement about the rising fashion for the instrument, notably in London. Only one thing, perhaps, was clear: the Spanish guitar could no longer be ignored. Text Footnotes in bold are those of the original text. All others are editorial. The original paragraphing, spelling, and punctuation have been retained. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

A Collection of admired Italian, French, German, Spanish, and English Songs, with a progressive accompaniment for the Spanish Guitar; by George Hervey Derwort. Nos. 1 to 13. London. Gow and Son. From: The Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, VI (1824), 543-8.

A

fter taking the air in a stiff North-east wind in January, we are feelingly persuaded that ours is not a serenading climate, at least not at all seasons of the year—and also that a lover who should be sufficiently ardent to hope to win his mistress by the sounds of his guitar at this season, would stand much the same chance as the unfortunate swain, who, according to one of our early poets, “Caught his death standing under a spout, Awaiting till midnight till Nan should come out.”16

Such considerations will help to account for the disrepute into which the guitar had fallen amongst us till of late, when it has been brought into notice by Mr. Sor’s extraordinary performance and Mr. Sola’s publications.17 We have indeed heard the former artist play wonderfully—the chorusses in Haydn’s Creation for instance, in a manner so full and vivid as to induce us for the moment to believe the instrument itself far more capable than we could ever find it in other hands.18 About two centuries ago it was low enough, probably because it was easy and popular. Things must exist in a certain state of scarcity, as my Lord Lauderdale says in his book on National Wealth,19 and be difficult of attainment to continue in very high vogue: for though fashion is “every thing by turns,” she is as surely “nothing long”.20 But still the guitar has many recommendations. It is easily learned, easily played, easily transported from place to place. It may be managed gracefully; a white round arm may fall carelessly upon it; taper fingers may wanton among the strings—it relieves by variety and prevents the disturbance of an animated and intense circle, by the facility with which it can be introduced. See how delightfully the author of “Bracebridge Hall” has employed it—he has brought it to harmonize with the warm bewitching tone of his conversation pieces.21 Nay, it is only just twelve months ago since we ourselves felt the reality of his refinement, in hearing two highly-accomplished amateurs play national airs, responding to each other under the soft lights and floating draperies of the drawing-room, at — House, though it was January, in the country. The gods may have made us perhaps a little poetical, or it might remind us of the Eastern tales we read in our boyhood, or of our fonder dreams, when the “bosom was young”22—or it might be the mere novelty of the whole scene, or the ladies—the reader is quite at liberty to Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

choose any one or to take all of these reasons. We are content to declare we have seldom been more sensibly affected. And if he be imbued with any of these sympathies, and can fall in with two such Syrens, he may repeat our experiment. We therefore recommend the guitar to young ladies—not as a substitute, but as an alternative amusement to relieve the graver parts of their musical studies. Now then for something of its history. “This instrument, according to Mersennus, (we quote Sir J. Hawkins) is but little used, and is held in great contempt in France, as indeed it has been till very lately in this country. The true English appellation for it is the Cittern, notwithstanding it is by the ignorant people called the guitar.” As a proof of the low estimation in which it was formerly held in England, the historian cites the fact, “that it was the common amusement of waiting customers in barbers’ shops.”23 It would appear, however, about fifty or sixty years ago to have risen in estimation, as the copies of the fashionable airs and ballads of that period contain an arrangement for one or two guitars. But these arrangements were little adapted to the genius of the instrument, for they contained merely the air itself, transposed into the most convenient key.24 The origin of the guitar is unknown—it is ascribed to the Spaniards,25 who probably derived it from the Moors. It is still much in use amongst the Turks and Persians, who received it from Arabia, where it has been known from a remote period. The Negroes have also their guitar, formed of a gourd covered with wood, on which are stretched four or six strings, or of a piece of hollowed wood, covered with leather, with two or three strings of hair—and we have in our possession an East Indian cetar, of very singular shape and structure, which is now in use in Hindostan. The guitar is the last branch of the numerous family of the ancient lutes. It has succeeded the lute, theorbo, sistre, angelica, mandora, pandora, chelis, mandoline,26 and lyre of every species. It has of late years been much used in France; and the performance of the artists we have before mentioned has rendered it fashionable in England. Its introduction has, too, been aided by the cheapness and elegance of the instrument, by the romantic ideas usually attached to it, and by the very circumstance that formerly brought it into disregard—by the small degree of labour the practice of it demands. We mean of course that degree only which will suffice for the purposes of

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accompaniment, for the powers of the guitar are little adapted to any thing beyond an accompaniment, and this too of the simplest kind. Upon this point we cannot do better than translate the opinions of a modern French author:27 Some musicians, who are certainly too severe, appear annoyed that the guitar has continued to exist. I do not agree in their opinion; on the contrary, I think the guitar may not be despised. A cavatina, notturno, romance, or duettino, may be properly accompanied on this instrument. Its soft and low sounds give masses of harmony very favourable to the voice, which they sustain without extinguishing. A perfect knowledge of the inversions of chords is necessary, to give them regularity of progression, and to avoid the confusion but too often observable in compositions for the guitar. This instrument differs from others in the circumstance, that it gives a good deal of tone in accompanying, and is almost reduced to silence if it be made to perform a solo, or the single notes of a melody.28 The reason is, because its force consists in the multiplied vibrations of several strings, struck either in succession or simultaneously. As soon as we quit arpeggios for unison, and pass from the sonorous base to the highest octave, which is composed of sounds produced from a thin string of few vibrations, the the [sic] feeble and languid air, deprived of the resources of harmony, becomes nothing more than a meagre and dry pizzicato.

It has of late been so much the fashion to tax voices and instruments with redundant execution,29 that we cannot wonder the simple and unpretending guitar should have shared the same fate. However association and romance may raise the value of this instrument, we must allow that it is absolutely insignificant when compared with almost every other. This insignificance is reduced to positive meanness, when it is made to perform the difficulties—we might almost say the extravagancies—to which it is too often subjected. Even in the hands of Mr. Sor himself, the prevailing sensation his performance excited was wonder that he should have so overcome the natural imperfections of the instrument, and regret that such talent and industry should have been so misapplied; for the same quantity of labour would have given him great, perhaps unrivalled superiority upon an instrument in every way more worthy of his genius, and in him we might have hailed another Kiesewetter, Lindley, or Dragonetti. He has too been greatly mistaken in arranging such airs as Vedrai carino and Batti, Batti (the latter having a difficult violoncello obligato accompaniment,) for the guitar.30 On the contrary, in Deh vieni alla finestra, he has, both in the style of this air and its accompaniment, consulted the intentions of the composer, and the character of the instrument, and manifested his own

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power over it. We have not Mr. Sor’s Instruction Book before us at this moment, but if we recollect right, it gives the learner the means of overcoming the difficulties Mr. Sor has himself overleaped, rather than the useful processes leading to the end pointed at by the French author we have quoted above. Mr. Sola, on the contrary, has produced a book of instructions which will inculcate nearly all that is necessary for accompaniment, and this has been done clearly and concisely. In fact the guitar is not worth more time than the attainment of such principles as those laid down by Mr. Sola will cost. When these are firmly fixed in the mind, a player may adapt any little air to his own accompaniment, for one of the best qualifications of the guitar is its portable nature, and thus (as is so often the case) in travelling any national air, romance, or chanson, may be immediately fixed on the memory, or committed to paper. Mr. Sola’s canzonets are of the same unpretending kind with his instructions; they are simple airs, with accompaniments as various as the nature of the arpeggio will permit.31 He has also arranged the most favourite airs in the national melodies for the guitar, and some of them with very good effect. Amongst the many songs which have been composed during the last few years for the instrument, M. Begrez Guarda che bianca luna, and Tramezzani’s Che non me disse un di,32 are two of the most elegant. The latter has as much character as any air we ever heard. But perhaps the best airs are those of Italy (particularly the Venetian), and Spain. Many of the French are very piquant, and excellently adapted to the instrument, but the English are in general of too sedate, too deeply sentimental a cast. The bolero, the barcarole, the canzonetta, and romance, have all the gaiety, softness, tenderness, and chivalry, which we associate with the troubadours, the gay squires, and sprightly dames, of the early ages of poetry and music. Mr. Derwort’s collection contains a good many new airs; most of them are arranged with a different accompaniment for each verse, progressive in difficulty, chords and varied arpeggios being the forms chiefly employed. Some of the pieces are already popular, such as Partant pour la Syrie, Cest l’amour, The boatie rowes, and the Venetian barcarolle. The French romances predominate. From the foregoing remarks it will be seen, that the writers for the guitar must limit their imagination to the capabilities of the instrument; that they degrade it when they would make it perform wonders, because they thus most effectually expose its insignificance; and players who really wish to excel may best do so by attending to the production of good tone, and neatness in the execution of those passages allotted to it by judicious composers. We need hardly say that the guitar Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

is almost useless, except in the hands of singers. The use of the Capo d’Astro, or moveable bridge, fitted to the strings, enables the performer to transpose at pleasure, and is a most convenient addition for singers of limited compass of voice. Notes I follow the common usage of eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury English writers and use the term “Spanish guitar” to mean the instrument with an octoform body, frets (generally passing from tied gut to fixed in the later eighteenth century), and strung with gut, or—by the closing decades of the eighteenth century—with gut and overspun silk. 2 See P. W. Cox, Classic Guitar Technique and Its Evolution as Reflected in the Method Books ca. 1770-1850 (Ph.D. diss., University of Indiana, 1978); T. Heck, Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer (Columbus, Ohio, 1995); T. Hindricks, Zwischen “leerer klimperey” und “wirklicher Kunst”: Gitarrenmusik in Deutschland um 1800 (Münster, 2012); P. Pérez Díaz, “Los tratados de Dionisio Aguado y Fernando Sor como fuentes para la interpretación del repertorio de la guitarra clásico-romántica”, Vº Congreso de la Sociedad española de musicología (Barcelona, October 25-28, 2000), ed. by B. Lolo Herranz (Madrid, 2002), 683-698; D. Ribouillault, La technique de la guitare en France dans la première moitié du 19e siècle (Thèse de doctorat, Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1981); R. Savino, “Essential issues in performance practices of the classical guitar, 1770-1850”, Performance on Lute, Guitar and Vihuela: Historical Practice and Modern Interpretation, ed. by V. Coelho (Cambridge, 1


1997), 195-219; E. Stenstadvold, An Annotated Bibliography of Guitar Methods, 1760–1860 (Hillsdale, New York, and London, 2010); P. Valois, Les guitaristes français entre 1770 et 1830: Pratiques d’exécution et catalogue des méthodes (Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l’Université Laval, 2009). See also the Early Romantic Guitar Homepage http://www.earlyromanticguitar.com/. For the instruments themselves see J. Tyler and P. Sparks, The Guitar and Its Music: From the Renaissance to the Classical Era (Oxford, 2002); D. Martin, “Innovation and the Development of the Modern Six-string Guitar”, GSJ, li (1998), 86-109; and J. Westbrook, The Century That Shaped the Guitar: From the Birth of the Six-string Guitar to the Death of Tárrega (Hove, 2005). 3 Stenstadvold, Annotated Bibliography, 1-2 and 9. 4 See S. W. Button, The Guitar in England, 1800-1924 (Guildford, 1984), which was a pioneering study, and A. Britton, The Guitar in the Romantic Period: Its Musical and Social Development with Special Reference to Bristol and Bath (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 2010). There is much valuable material in Kenneth Hartdegen, Fernando Sor’s Theory of Harmony Applied to the Guitar: History, Bibliography and Context, 3 vols., (Ph.D. diss., University of Auckland, 2011). James Westbrook’s current work on the first London guitar makers promises to transform the historical picture. For the eighteenth century, see C. Page, “The Spanish Guitar in Eighteenth-century England: A Checklist of Material from Newspapers, Novels, Drama, and Verse.” Forthcoming. 5 I refer especially to (1) three of the Gale (Cengage Learning) databases, namely (a) Nineteenth Century Newspapers, (b)

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Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Burney Collection, and (c) Eighteenth Century Collections Online. (2) The British Newspaper Archive, under the auspices of the British Library. (3) Bath Chronicle Georgian Newspaper Project. (4) Google Books, chronologically filtered searches. (5) English Poetry 600-1900 (Chadwyck Healey). (6) Eighteenth Century Journals, and (7) the Retrospective Index to Music Periodicals. 6 At the time of writing, this volume is being catalogued, together with the rest of the music collection of Lady Acland, and has no currently active shelfmark. 7 Royal Academy of Music Library, Robert Spencer Collection, Rare Books XX(157344.1) 8 See the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography from the Earliest Times to the Year 2000, ed. by H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison, 61 vols. (Oxford, 2004), “Bacon, Richard Makenzie.” The complete run of the magazine has now been lavishly indexed; see R. Kitson, The Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, 18181828: Répertoire international de la presse musicale, 2 vols. (Ann Arbor, 1989). There is an important discussion of this periodical, with special reference to the guitar, in Britton, The Guitar in the Romantic Period, 89-92. 9 Most composers, as Berlioz recognized, could only hope to bring into the sonority and narrative sense of an orchestral work under carefully controlled circumstances, if at all. See H. Berlioz, Grand traité d’instrumentation et d’orchestration modernes. Nouvelle edition (Paris, n.d.), 83-6, on the use of the guitar, especially p. 86. 10 Keats, describing cottages and landscape in Bonchurch, Isle of Wight, imagines the cottages full of “romantic old maids fond of novels or soldiers. If I could play upon the guitar I might make my fortune with an old song and get two blessings at once: a Lady’s heart and rheumatism.” H. E. Rollins, ed., The Letters of John Keats, 1814-1821, 2 vols. (Cambridge, Mass., 1958), II, 125. 11 Ferdinand Pelzer, Instructions for the Spanish Guitar (London, 1830), 4. For this method, see Stenstadvold, Annotated Bibliography, 161-2. 12 La Belle Assemblée; or, Bell’s Court and Fashionable Magazine (London, June 1, 1811), 293. 13 Thus I believe we are licensed to use the term “early-romantic guitar” for the instruments of 1800-1840, despite the fact that a romantic musical style is arguably not found in the repertory of the instrument until the close of that period. 14 Hull Packet and Humber Mercury, December 7, 1830. 15 On this matter see C. Page, “New Light on the London Years of Fernando Sor,” Early Music, forthcoming. 16 From Matthew Prior (d. 1721), On Hall’s Death, An Epigram, lines 1-2. 17 The publications of Charles Sola (d. 1857) include Instructions for the Spanish Guitar (London, 1820), in addition to a substantial number of songs, many for guitar. For the tutor, see E. Stenstadvold, Annotated Bibliography, 180-1. Sola was also known as a flautist, a singer, and a teacher of singing. From a vantage point in 1827, a critic writing for the Quarterly Musical Magazine and Review, IX, 254-5, mentioned him in the same breath as “Messrs. Sor, … Huerta, and other professors”, thanks to whom “the guitar instead of remaining an almost unknown instrument, or at least

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considered only as proper to the romantic cavaliers of Spain, and Spanish serenades, has gradually made its way into the circles of fashion, and is now pretty generally to be found in the saloons of her fair votaries.” 18 See Sor’s Méthode pour la guitare, 68-75, with example 84. 19 James Maitland, 8th Earl of Lauderdale (1759-1839), Inquiry into the Nature and Origin of Public Wealth (1804 and 1819). 20 The phrase is from Lord Byron’s conversation as reported by Marguerite, Countess Blessington. E. J. Lovell, Jr., ed., Conversations of Lord Byron (Princeton, 1969), 221. 21 Bracebridge Hall, or The Humorists, by Washington Irving (d. 1859), under the pseudonym Goeffrey Crayon, is a collection of short stories and sketches published in London in two volumes in 1822. There are numerous references to the guitar in the story entitled “The Student of Salamanca”, I, 246-393. 22 A phrase found in numerous poems by minor poets of the period 1800-1820, e.g., “The Soldier’s Dream” by Thomas Campbell (d. 1844), published in The Poetical Commonplace Book (Edinburgh, 1822), 51. 23 Sir John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music, 5 vols. (London, 1776), V, 113. Hawkins is referring to the wire-strung “English” guittar, so popular in England (and America) during the second half of the eighteenth century, and not to the gut-strung guitar with a figure-of-eight body. 24 Many eighteenth-century printed copies of currently fashionable songs, notably those in favor at the pleasure gardens of Vauxhall or Ranelagh, and usually scored for voice and piano forte, include (usually at the end of the print) a version “for the guit[t] ar” transposed into the instrument’s home key of C Major. Vast numbers of these prints were in circulation and it is no surprise that an author writing in 1824 has seen them, or that s/he regards them as old fashioned. 25 “Few nations have a greater passion for music than the Spaniards. There are few of them that do not play on the guitar, and with this instrument at night they serenade their mistresses. At Madrid, and in other cities of Spain, it is common to meet in the streets young men equipped with a guitar and a dark lanthorn, who, taking their station under the windows, sing and accompany themselves on their instrument—and there is scarce an artificer or labourer, in any of the cities or provincial towns, who when his work is over does not go to some of the public places and entertain himself with his guitar.” Taken, with some adaptation, from the fourth edition of the Encylopædia Britannica (Edinburgh, 1810), X, sv Guittar, Guitarra, or from some intermediary source. 26 “The mandoline has been brought again into notice during the last few years, by the marvellous execution of Signor Vimercati.” This is the mandolin virtuoso Pietro Vimercati (1779-1850), who toured widely in Europe. See P. Sparks, The Classical Mandolin (Oxford, 1995), 1-3 and 7-8. 27 Castil-Blaze, De l’opéra en France, I (1820), 338-40. 28 The text here is “si on le fait chanter,” but we do not apply the verb “to sing” to instruments. We have taken therefore the spirit rather than the literal sense of the sentence. 29 That is to say with an inordinate emphasis upon the (perhaps

Continued on page 75 Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

The Influence of Germans in the Development of “This Favourite Instrument the Guittar” in England by Panagiotis Poulopoulos

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lthough the manufacture and distribution of the guittar1 has been typically associated with English entrepreneurs such as Preston or Longman & Broderip, little attention has been given to the fact that, especially in its early days, the development and promotion of the instrument was principally in the hands of immigrants.2 As evidenced by numerous written sources, published music and surviving instruments, the guittar’s introduction and establishment in England relied, to a great extent, on the contribution of professionals of German, Italian, French, Dutch, Portuguese and Irish origin.3 Among these foreigners, the Germans4 were unquestionably the most influential, being the first to design, make and sell guittars,5 but also being equally energetic in performing, teaching, composing, and publishing for the instrument. During the course of the eighteenth century, Germans gradually adopted leading positions within the local music industry, a fact aided by the occupation of the English throne by a royal family originating from Hannover and the subsequent arrival of German nobility in England. Along with them, crowds of artists and craftsmen from all over Europe, particularly from the German-speaking regions, were drawn to London, which was the thriving metropolis of the British Empire. This article investigates the influence of German instrument makers and dealers in the creation of a market for the guittar from the appearance of the instrument in London in the mid-1750s to the end of the 1760s. It also examines the role of German performers, music teachers, composers, and publishers in the support of a guittar fashion that, emerging from London, became a widespread phenomenon across Britain. Furthermore, the article discusses the changes occurring in the guittar trade in the 1770s with the involvement of English manufacturers in the production and marketing of the instrument. Finally, it evaluates the work of Germans after this transitional period and until the decline of the instrument in the early nineteenth century. The Pioneers There is sufficient evidence to suggest that an instrument maker of German origin, John Frederick Hintz,6 was the earliest maker, if not the inventor, of the guittar.7 The earliest

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known reference to the manufacture of guittars is contained in an advertisement of 1754 where Hintz8 announced: Frederick Hintz, At the Golden Guittar, in Little NewportStreet, facing Newport-Market, Leicester-Fields, Makes and sells all sorts of Guittars in the best Manner; as also the Æolian Harp, an Instrument play’d by the Wind […].9

Interestingly, one year later Hintz advertised himself as the “Original maker” of the guittar: Frederick Hintz, at the Golden Guittar, the Corner of Ryder’s Court, Leicester Fields is the Original Maker of that Instrument call’d The Guittar or Zittern, who has for many Years made and taught that Instrument, and has lately made a great Improvement on it, so that it may in a Moment be set to any Instrument or Voice. He teaches after common Notes in the best and easiest Manner […].10

It is possible that Hintz had developed the guittar from the Moravian cittern11 with which he must have been familiar during his early career as a member of the Moravian church.12 Further confirmation for Hintz’s above statement comes from outside London. In 1759, the Edinburgh musical instrument maker and dealer Neil Stewart offered for sale several guittars, including “a parcel made by the famous Frederick Hintz, who was the first maker of that instrument in London, and is at present guittar maker for the Royal Family, and most of the nobility in England.”13 So, by the end of 1750s Hintz was already recognized as the “first maker” of guittars in London14 and, most importantly, was the supplier of guittars to the palace and many respectable houses of England. Hintz’s privileged connection to such esteemed patrons continued in the early 1760s as evidenced in various newspaper advertisements.15 Even as late as 1766, Hintz still claimed to be the “first Inventor”16 of the guittar, while by the time of his death in 1772 he was regarded as “one of the best Guittar-makers in Europe” and “his instruments in general were very excellent.”17 Although the earliest reference to the manufacture of guittars comes from Hintz, the two earliest extant guittars, both dated 1756, are by Reinerus Liessem.18 Liessem, a stringed inSoundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

strument maker of German or Austrian origin who had settled in London sometime before 1750,19 started building guittars probably around 1755. Like Hintz’s instruments, guittars by Liessem also had a good reputation outside London, since in 1759 his “very best ones” were sold by Neil Stewart in Edinburgh “at five guineas.”20 When he died in 1760, his widow offered for sale his stock-in-trade, which included “Guitars,” mentioning that “The Tone and Neatness of his Work are too well known to need Recommendation in a Publick Paper.”21 Two other significant guittar makers of German origin were Michael Rauche and A. C. Hoffmann. In the late 1750s these two makers worked in partnership, a fact confirmed by two extant instruments signed “Rauche & Hoffmann”.22 However, their partnership was dissolved in 1758 as evidenced in the following announcement: A. C. HOFFMAN, Maker and Dealer in all sorts of Musical Instruments, begs leave to inform the Public, that the Partnership between him and Mr. RAUCHE being dissolved, he continues to carry on the Business in Chandois-Street, Covent Garden. […] Gentlemen and Ladies may be immediately supplied with Guittars, Lutes, &c., of the best and truest Make.23

After this date, Hoffmann’s production probably declined or stopped since, apart from a guittar by him dated 1758,24 no other guittars by Hoffmann25 are known to have survived. In contrast to Hoffmann, Rauche continued producing guittars until the end of the 1770s, becoming, like Hintz, one of the most important and influential guittar makers in London. Rauche, who may have been originally trained as a lute maker,26 had probably started building guittars before he became a partner of Hoffmann around 1757,27 and continued his own business after the end of their collaboration in 1758.28 Notably, Rauche is the only known guittar maker apart from Hintz to be listed in Mortimer’s London Universal Directory from 1763, described as “RAUCHE, Michael, Chandoisstreet, Covent-garden.”29 The majority of surviving guittars by Rauche date from the 1760s and the early 1770s, indicating that this was his most productive period. Despite the fact that in 1778 Rauche went bankrupt and was imprisoned in King’s Bench Prison, the main prison for debtors,30 he was soon released and remained active as a guittar maker at least until 1779.31 It is worth mentioning that, during the late 1750s, when all the above-mentioned German makers began constructing guittars, the only known English maker of guittars who was working in London was Edward Dickenson.32 Interestingly, Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

his only surviving guittar,33 dated 1759, is very similar to those produced by Rauche, with whom Dickenson was briefly in partnership, probably during the early 1760s.34 Additionally, there are two extant guittars by another English instrument maker, the harpsichord manufacturer Thomas Haxby, who was working in York. Curiously, both guittars closely resemble those typically made by Hintz and, although they are undated, they must have been made in the mid or late 1760s.35 These facts show that, by the early 1760s, the various guittar models introduced by German makers had already prevailed in the musical instrument market. It is important to point out that the early German makers, such as Hintz, Liessem, and Rauche, produced guittars in a wide variety of body shapes and sizes, and with diverse scale lengths, fingerboard and fret designs, and stringing arrangements.36 This suggests that they were experimenting with the instrument, trying to come up with new ideas in order to satisfy the changing musical requirements, as well as the need for novelty, in the consumerist society of Georgian England. For instance, in 1760, Neil Stewart (mentioned earlier) offered for sale, among other items: A Large Assortment of Guitars, From two guineas and a half to seven guineas. Guitars to play with the Bow. Small Guitars of two sizes; the smallest may be managed by young ladies from seven to ten years old and the others by ladies from ten and upward. Mandolins and Mandolines, to be played in the same manner as the Guitar, All made by the famous Frederick Hintz.37

The references by Stewart to guittars of various designs and sizes are confirmed in two suriving trade cards by Hintz in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (see opposite page).38 Both trade cards depict a variety of stringed and wind instruments, including several guittars. Notably, the first card shows a young woman playing a guittar in the center, with a boy, probably her son, holding a smaller similar instrument on her left, and a gentleman, who could be either her teacher or husband, holding another guittar on her right. This clever advertising of the instrument by Hintz suggested that, although the guittar’s main audience was fashionable ladies, the instrument could be enjoyed by the whole family. Likewise, an auction sale in 1766 offered “a Lyre by Raucher, an Instrument that imitates the Harp as well as Guittar”.39 Apparently, Rauche was not the first to experiment with additional bass strings to increase the lower range of the guittar; this concept had been tested earlier by both Liessem40 and Hintz,41 but not with particularly successful results.

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It is also remarkable that these early makers produced both flat-back and bowl-back guittars, probably due to their lute-making background.42 In addition, their instruments are characterized by a high-quality craftsmanship, having been typically manufactured with fine woods and with expensive decorative materials such as ivory, tortoiseshell, and motherof-pearl, used for inlays and veneers on the soundhole rose, fingerboard, and finial, suggesting that they were intended as luxury items for affluent customers.43 In the early 1760s, the reputation of these German makers was great in and outside of London. For instance, around 1761, Ann Ford mentioned in her guittar tutor that “The neatest Work, and the best toned GUITARS I have hitherto seen, have been made by Rauche,”44 although in her famous portrait by Thomas Gainsborough45 she is depicted holding a guittar similar to those

made by Liessem. In addition, in Edinburgh in 1761, Neil Stewart, who sold guittars by Liessem, Hintz, and Rauche, argued that the last two were “reckoned to be the best makers of this instrument in London.”46 The Followers Following the success of Hintz, Liessem, and Rauche, more of their London-based compatriots joined the profitable guittar trade in the early 1760s. One of them was Jacob Tripell, who,

Two trade cards by Frederick Hintz, probably dating from the late 1750s or early 1760s, in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford (©Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford, reproduced by permission).

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in 1764 having settled in New York, announced that he “makes and repairs all sorts of Violins, Base and Tenor Viols, English and Spanish Guittars, Loutens, Mentelines, Mandores and Welsh Harps, at reasonable rates, as neat as in Europe, having work’t at the business nine years, with the best hands in London since I left Germany.”47 Although there is no other known reference to his training, an extant guittar by Tripell made in London and dated 176148 verifies his statement, further suggesting that he had been working in London since 1755, possibly in the workshop of Hintz or Liessem. Another guittar maker whose work suggests German origin was George Lucas, who had his shop “at the Golden Guittar” in Silver Street, Golden Square. Three guittars by Lucas are known to have survived, the earliest dated 1761,49 while “a Guittar by Lucas” was auctioned in 1782,50 but had probably been made before that date. Although little is known about his background, it is noteworthy that Lucas used the same shop sign of a “Golden Guittar” as Hintz, though at a different address, while the features of his guittars are also very similar to those made by Hintz. These facts strongly suggest that Lucas may have been trained or employed in Hintz’s workshop in the late 1750s.51 It seems that, in the mid-1760s, the image of the guittar was so powerful that even harpsichord makers, who were reportedly hostile to the guittar due to its increasing popularity over the harpsichord as a domestic instrument,52 were using it to attract more clients. For instance, the shop sign of Joshua Shudi, nephew of Burkat Shudi, the renowned harpsichord manufacturer in London, was also “at the Golden Guitar, in Silver-street, Golden-Square.”53 Interestingly, this is the same address as that of Lucas mentioned above, implying that the two makers were sharing the same premises, or that Shudi took over Lucas’s business. Another well-known German instrument maker who used the sign of a “Golden Guittar” when he opened his own workshop in 1761 was John Zumpe.54 Although he became famous through his role in the development and production of square pianos, Zumpe had apparently started his career as a guittar maker.55 As evidenced in a newspaper announcement, already in 1759 guittars by Zumpe were offered on sale in Bath.56 Two bowl-back guittars by Zumpe are known to have survived, both dating from the early 1760s, and being quite similar to guittars made by Hintz, Hoffmann, or Rauche, suggesting that Zumpe was familiar with their work.57 A fourth instrument maker of German origin who built guittars in London during the early 1760s but, like Zumpe, later made his name as a square piano manufacturer, was FredSoundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

erick Beck.58 The earliest written evidence of Beck’s business activities indicates that he was involved in the manufacture of guittars as early as 1763,59 while “a Guittar by Beck” was auctioned among other household objects in 1766.60 However, the earliest surviving instrument bearing Beck’s name is a guittar signed “Beck & Pinto / London 1764.,”61 while there are five more surviving guittars by Beck alone, all produced between 1765 and 1766, with features that strongly recall the work of Hintz and Rauche.62 The Supporters The effect of German makers and dealers, such as Hintz, Liessem, and Rauche, in the foundation of a market for the guittar has so far been described. However, apart from constructing and selling guittars, these artisans also taught, composed, and published music for the instrument, as confirmed in various advertisements and surviving guittar books from the late 1750s and early 1760s.63 For example, as early as 1755 Hintz stated that he “has for many Years made and taught that Instrument,”64 but later also composed music for it.65 Rauche also taught the guittar; when his successor Joseph Buchinger announced that he made guittars in the style of his predecessor, he added, “The Guittar taught agreeable to the manner of the late Mr. Rauche.”66 It seems that, for some guittar makers, the combination of making instruments and teaching was used to attract more clients as evidenced in the following announcement: MUSIC taught Gratis on the Violin, German Flute, or Guittar, by A. B. and C. D. […] Ladies and Gentlemen are only requested to buy their Instruments, &c., of them, who being the Makers, are determined to sell as cheap as anywhere in London. They not only teach for a Month as reported by their Enemies, but Persons are attended till they are able to play any Common Tune at Sight, on their respective Instruments, the Truth of which will be testified by any Pupil now under their Tuition. N. B. Those Gentelemen or Ladies who are provided with Instruments, may be taught six Tunes on the Violin, German Flute or Guittar, in Twelve Hours, on reasonable Terms.67

Although no guittar tutors or lessons by Rauche himself are known to have survived, it is noteworthy that he published several significant works for the instrument, as will be shown below. Likewise, between 1757 and 1760, Liessem advertised and published several works for the guittar, particularly compositions by the Italian Santo Lapis.68 The rising approval for the guittar among members of the royal circle and the upper-class in the late 1750s soon

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motivated numerous German musicians to play the guittar on stage, and also to teach and compose for the instrument, thus having a significant role in the dissemination of a guittar culture to the fashionable London society. However, in contrast to guittar makers and dealers who were concentrated in London for practical reasons,69 the activities of German musicians were not constrained to the English capital, but also expanded to the provinces. For instance, on January 1, 1759, the famous German lutenist Rudolf Straube performed “several Lessons upon the Arch-lute and Guittar in a singular and masterly Manner” during his concert in Wiltshire’s Rooms in Bath.70 Similarly, during her visit to Exeter in 1760, Gertrude Schmeling, a multi-talented child from Germany, demonstrated her skills on playing the guittar, as mentioned in the following report: Exeter […] Miss Schmeling, a native of Hesse-Cassel, in Germany […] though but ten years old, not only readily speaks several languages, the English among the rest, and sings charmingly in concert, &c. but also plays surprisingly well on the violin and guittar.71

In the early 1760s another German, Frederic Theodor Schumann, was a master of the “Musical Glasses” but also taught “the Harpsichord, German Flute, and Guittar.”72 Schumann was an eminent guittar composer73 and teacher to several respectable pupils, such as Ann Ford,74 herself one the most famous performers on the guittar and author of a comprehensive guittar tutor.75 As the guittar’s popularity grew considerably, a parallel demand for teachers of the instrument developed across England, Scotland,76 and Ireland. Consequently, many foreign music teachers, among them several Germans, seized this opportunity.77 For example, as early as 1758, a “Mr. Roche, Music Master, just arrived from Germany” announced in an Aberdeen newspaper that he “proposes to teach the following instruments, vis., the Fiddle, the German Flute, Hautboy, Bassoon, Violincello, French Horn, etc. He likewise teaches Singing and the Guittar.”78 In 1762 in Dublin, Miss Schmeling, already mentioned, informed the public that she performs and teaches the guittar: Grand Concert of Vocal and Instrumental Music for the benefit of Miss Schmeling from Hesse-Cassel in Germany, at the Great Musick-Hall in Fishamble-Street, on Monday 15 February 1762. Miss Schmeling will sing some select Italian and English Songs, and perform on the Violin and Guitar […]. N. B. She purposes teaching Ladies to play on the Guitar.79

Likewise, in 1765, D. Ritter, after arriving in London from Berlin, offered guittar lessons to ladies and gentlemen promising quick and satisfactory results: MUSIC. MR RITTER, lately arrived from Berlin, who has been musician to a certain great Prince in Germany, well known for his particular attachment to music, takes this method of making his addresses to the nobility and gentry in offering his services. As the German flute and the guittar are his principal instruments, he, without vanity, has confidence enough to dare say, that he excels in playing on the said two instruments; and his method to play the guittar is entirely new, on gut strings, like a lute. Those ladies and gentlemen who will do him the honour to take lessons of him, may depend upon his utmost application to fulfill his engagements in the easiest and most profitable manner to themselves; he engaging himself to bring these who have yet no notion of music, in a short time to perfection. His terms are two guineas for twelve lessons, each of an hour […].80

A London publication for guittar by Michael Rauche

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The reference to gut strings in the above advertisement is a hint that Ritter may have also taught the Spanish guitar, although he composed music for the wire-strung guittar.81 Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Ritter’s guittar-teaching abilities must have been known in London, since one of his students, John Andrew Stevenson, who in 1796 advertised himself as “Professor of the French and English Guitar,” did not forget to add that he had been “formerly a Pupil to the celebrated RITTER”.82 Many prominent musicians of German origin composed music for the guittar, and probably taught it as well.83 These include Charles Barbandt,84 a composer and instrumentalist from Hannover, John Frederick Zuckert,85 Carl Friedrich Weideman, a flautist and court musician,86 Johann Christian Bach, son of Johann Sebastian Bach and music master to Queen Charlotte,87 and Rudolf Straube, mentioned earlier, who in the late 1760s would write some of the most idiomatic and advanced music for the guittar, published by his compatriot Rauche.88 Additionally, simple arrangements of works by German composers, such as Georg Friderich Händel, were often included in the guittar repertoire.89

which enabled the more accurate and permanent tuning of the guittar, described in the following announcement: JOHN PRESTON, Of Banbury-Court, Long-Acre, London, GUITTAR and VIOLIN-MAKER, BEGS Leave to acquaint the Nobility, Gentry, and others, That he has lately found out and invented a new Improvement, or Instrument, for Tuning of Guittars; and which is greatly approved of by all Masters and Dealers in this Branch of Business, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, by many Years Practice and Industry, which never could as yet be found out, though various Attempts has been made for that Purpose, but to no Effect. The Manner of Tuning the above Guittars is by a small Watch Key, which is done instantly, and will keep the tune in that Order for a Month together, unless altered […].93

Preston supplied this device to other guittar makers, including Germans, since, for instance, some extant guittars by Hintz or Rauche are equipped with watch-key machines bearing the inscription “PRESTON*INVENTOR” on the front.94 However, the original idea of a watch-key tuning machine for the guittar may have been developed earlier by a German, as indicated in an advertisement from 1758:

The Competitors By the end of the 1760s and the beginning of the 1770s, the guittar had been deeply integrated in the musical and cultural life of England, attracting a broad, primarily female, This is to acquaint the Ladies and Gentlemen, that there is audience.90 Around this time, the guittar trade began to be to be sold at Mr. Richter’s, Musical Instrument Maker, in dominated by English musical instrument manufacturers and Tower-street, near the Seven Dials, next Door to the Sign of dealers such as Preston, Longman & Broderip, Simpson and the Tower of London, a large Number of very fine and good Guittars of new Invention, which keeps extremely well in the Thompsons. These London firms took their first steps in the guittar market by imitating the designs already established by the Germans, but soon came up with new ways of making the instrument more accessible to a larger clientele. It is worth noting that the type of guittar popularized in the late 1760s by John Preston, who was by far the most prolific and successful guittar manufacturer, was largely influenced by the work of early German makers.91 However, Preston’s success was probably in simplifying and standardizing a guittar model,92 a fact that facilitated the faster, easier, and more systematic production, rendering his instruments more affordable and thus attractive to middle-class customers. Moreover, in 1766, Preston Music for two guittars intended for an amateur clientele. This is a piece from introduced a watch-key machine Twelve Divertimenti, Op. 3, by Thomas Thackray (c. 1775). Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

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Tune, and the Strings not liable to crack, very suitable for a Lady to tune herself, cheaper than any in London. At the same Place is Instruction for the above Guittar [...].95

No guittars by Richter, whose name suggests German origin, are known to have survived. However, a guittar by Liessem dated 1756,96 as well as one by Hoffmann dated 1758,97 are equipped with watch-key tuning machines which, although similar to those manufactured by Preston, are much less standardized and refined,98 suggesting that an early version of this device was already in use in the late 1750s. The Latecomers Although, during the 1770s, the Germans were slowly losing their supremacy in the guittar trade, their contribution in the development of the guittar lasted at least until the early 1780s, when Christian Claus invented a keyed hammer mechanism for the instrument. Claus, probably a native of Stuttgart,99 had settled in London sometime before 1783, the year he was granted a patent for his invention.100 That year, in an advertisement of his “GUITTAR FORTE PIANO”, Claus stated that he had “twenty years close application and practice,”101 suggesting that his career began in the early 1760s, when the guittar vogue was at its peak. Although Claus’s keyed guittars were later greatly advertised as “PATENT PIANO FORTE GUITARS,”102 they enjoyed only a brief popularity, mainly due to their rather poor function, as well as due to a long legal dispute between Claus and the firm of Longman & Broderip.103 Meanwhile, in 1786, Preston introduced a new type of a keyed hammer mechanism which could be easily mounted on the body of any guittar.104 Instruments furnished with this “new improvement of the Piano Forte Box” were advertised by Preston as “PATENT PIANO FORTE GUITTARS” and sold “at half the price usually paid for Piano Forte guittars.”105 The same year, Longman and Broderip also acquired the rights to produce keyed guittars,106 which they similarly advertised as “PATENT Piano Forte Guitars.”107 As if this fierce rivalry against the English manufacturers was not enough for Claus, he also faced problems with his own partners, which eventually forced him to move to America after going bankrupt in 1787.108 Claus’s invention obviously intended to reinforce the guittar in its struggle against the rapidly evolving pianoforte, but keyed guittars did not prove commercially successful. What is, nevertheless, more important to note is that Claus’s instruments reflect Preston’s manufacturing philosophy; they are typically made of rather cheap materials, using, like Pres-

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ton, always the same mold for the body, and being decorated with painted ornaments in uniform patterns, rather than with time-consuming and costly inlays and veneers. In addition, the neck and head are made of two or more parts joined together, rather than carved from a single piece of wood.109 Moreover, similar to guittars by Preston, Thompsons, or Longman & Broderip, Claus’s instruments are typically stamped on visible areas on the soundboard or back. Considering the case of Claus, and comparing it to the conditions in the guittar trade during the early 1760s, it is clear that now the reverse was happening; a German was adapting to the manufacturing standards set by the English. Interestingly, a surviving legal document from 1786 reports that Claus regularly paid “Mr Foglar” (most likely Vogler) “for guittars.”110 Being of German origin, like Claus, John and Gerard Vogler were active as instrument makers, music publishers, and sellers in London during the late 1770s and early 1780s.111 It is quite possible that the Voglers, working at Glasshouse Street, not far from Claus’s shop in Soho, may have indeed supplied Claus with common (i.e., not keyed) guittars, since three surviving guittars, all undated, bear their name. Two of them,112 decorated with elaborate veneers and inlays, are reminiscent of Rauche’s work, while the third113 is rather plain and almost identical to those produced by Preston, Longman & Broderip, or the Thompsons, providing another indication of the influence of English manufacturers in the guittar market during the last quarter of the eighteenth century.114 Another guittar maker of German origin whose work corresponded to the radical changes of that time was Joseph Buchinger,115 mentioned earlier. In the mid-1780s, Buchinger, who had previously been in partnership with Elizabeth Carr until September 1782,116 moved to No. 443 Strand, taking over the business of Rauche, as evidenced in the following advertisement: MUSIC. BUCKINGER, No. 443, Strand […] being the only successor to the late Mr. RAUCHE, whose Guittars ever justly bore the preference, he continues to make them of the same pattern, having purchased his tools and utensils. He also begs leave to observe from experience, the Guittar in its original state will be found to excel such as are offered to the public with additions, called improvements. N. B. The Guittar taught agreeable to the manner of the late Mr. Rauche […].117

Buchinger must have been apprentice to Rauche as confirmed by a printed label in a violin bearing the inscription “Joseph Buchinger / late apprentice to Michl Rauche.”118 Interestingly, one of the two surviving guittars by Buchinger Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

is equipped with a watch-key tuning machine similar to Preston’s with the inscription “BUCHINGER*MAKER”119 engraved on the front.120 Therefore, although trained by Rauche, a representative of the old German guittar-making tradition, Buchinger was quite aware of the marketing methods initiated by Preston, the new principal exponent among the English manufacturers of the guittar.121 Nevertheless, his comment that “the Guittar in its original state” is superior to that “with additions, called improvements” in the above advertisement indicates that Buchinger did not want to enter the competitive and risky market of the recently introduced keyed guittars, thus avoiding a direct confrontation with the major English companies. By the end of the eighteenth century, Buchinger would abandon the guittar entirely and, in partnership with his son-in-law, Alexander Meek Barry, he would turn his focus to new gut-strung plucked instruments122 which were becoming popular at that time, mainly through the efforts of another Englishman, Edward Light.123 Conclusions So, after a long musical tour in the streets of Georgian England, it is time for some conclusions. As has been presented in this article, the guittar appeared around 1754 in England, most likely developed by Hintz, a maker of German origin. Accordingly, a market for the instrument was initiated and manipulated by Hintz and other German makers, such as Liessem, Hoffmann, and Rauche. From the mid 1750s and until the late 1760s, the production of guittars was almost exclusively carried out by German makers working in London,124 although, as already been pointed out, the tuition and performance of the instrument by many of their compatriots and other foreigners took place in several cities across the British Isles. However, from the 1770s and until the decline of the instrument in the early nineteenth century, the guittar trade was under English control. Large-scale manufacturers such as Preston or Longman & Broderip, realizing the strong marketing potential of the guittar as a popular instrument for middle-class ladies, introduced new models based essentially on the designs already established by Germans, but with features that were more standardized, and relatively cheaper and easier to produce. It was mainly this dynamic and creative competition between these two different groups that was responsible for keeping “this favourite Instrument the Guittar”125 in fashion during the second half of the eighteenth century and, consequently, for establishing a Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

tradition in the manufacture and use of plucked instruments in England in the years to come. Author profile: Panagiotis Poulopoulos is an organologist and musical instrument conservator. After completing a B.A. in Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Arts and an M.Mus. in Musical Instrument Research, in 2011 he was awarded a Ph.D. in Organology from the University of Edinburgh for his thesis “The Guittar in the British Isles, 1750-1810.” In 2012, he was “Scholar-in-Residence” for six months at the Deutsches Museum, Munich; his project “New Voices in Old Bodies: A Study of ‘Recycled’ Musical Instruments” investigated modifications on historic stringed instruments. Panagiotis is the author of various articles in organology and has also worked for several years as a curatorial assistant and conservator for the Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments and the National Museum of Scotland. He is currently working as a scientific assistant for the redesign of the permanent exhibition in the musical instrument collection of the Deutsches Museum. Endnotes

The “guittar,” now commonly known as the “English guittar,” is a plucked-stringed instrument which was popular in the British Isles during the second half of the eighteenth century. The instrument is characterized by a wide variety of design, construction, and decoration features; however, the majority of surviving guittars typically have a round or oval body with a flat back, a movable bridge, twelve or more metal frets fixed on an arched fingerboard, and a head equipped with wooden pegs or a watchkey tuning machine. The guittar, which usually had ten wire strings, with two single strings for the bass and four double for the treble courses, was normally tuned to an open major chord and plucked with fingers rather than a plectrum. During the second half of the eighteenth century, when the instrument was developed, it was usually called “guittar” (and more rarely “guitar”), and, therefore, this former term has been used throughout this article in all references to the instrument. For a comprehensive analysis of the historical and technical features of the guittar, see Panagiotis Poulopoulos, The Guittar in the British Isles, 1750-1810 (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011), 78-186 and 279-371. 2 See, for example, Robert Spencer and Ian Harwood, “English guitar,” in Stanley Sadie (ed.), The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments (London: Macmillan Press, 1984), I, 706-707. This dictionary entry mentions three English representatives of guittar-making, namely Preston, Smith, and Longman & Broderip, but only one foreigner, the German-born Christian Claus. 3 Details about the role of professionals of non-British origin in the guittar trade have been extensively presented in Panagiotis Poulopoulos, The Guittar in the British Isles, 67-186 and 221-278. 4 The term “Germans” has been used throughout this article to refer to the natives of the states or principalities of the Holy Roman Empire during the eighteenth-century. It is important to note that many of these states or principalities extended to lands that presently lie outside of the modern borders of Germany. 5 Some new, although rather limited, details about German guittar makers have been recently included in James Tyler, “English Guittar Makers in Eighteenth-Century Britain: A Directory”, FoMRHI Quarterly, No. CXIII (2009), “Comment 1876,” 11-18. 6 For more details on the life and work of Hintz, see Peter Holman, Life After Death: The Viola da Gamba in Britain from Purcell to Dolmetsch (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2010), 135-161. 7 The earliest known source where the instrument is referred to as 1

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“guittar” is an announcement in the Public Advertiser (London) of March 2, 1754, in which “Ladies or Gentlemen desirous to learn to play on the Citter, otherwise Guittar” were informed “of a Person who teaches that Instrument.” 8 Hintz, who was born in 1711 in Greifenhagen, was also mentioned as “Hinz” or “Hints.” It was a common practice for many immigrants to anglicize their names for social and professional motives after settling in England. The names of the instrument makers presented hereafter in this article are normally given as found on surviving instruments, while those of musicians and composers as mentioned in written sources or published music. 9 Whitehall Evening Post or London Intelligencer (London), August 1-3, 1754. A similar advertisement appeared in the London Evening Post, August 6-8, 1754. 10 Public Advertiser (London), November 17, 1755. The use of the phrase “Original Maker” in this advertisement implies that Hintz was competing with other makers already by 1756. Hintz also announced that he “makes and teaches the Guittar” in the Public Advertiser of October 2, 1756 and in the London Evening Post of November 6, 1756. 11 For more information on the Moravian cittern and its relation to the guittar, see Poulopoulos, The Guittar in the British Isles, 61-66. Some details concerning the similarities between the guittar and other plucked instruments originating from Germany have been discussed in Peter Holman, “A Self-Portrait by Angelica Kauffman,” Lute News: The Lute Society Newsletter, XCVII (2011), 11-14. 12 For more details on Hintz and his association with the Moravian Church, see Lanie Graf, “John Frederick Hintz, Eighteenth-Century Moravian Instrument Maker, and the Use of the Cittern in Moravian Worship,” Journal of Moravian History, V (2008), 7-39. 13 Caledonian Mercury (Edinburgh), November 14, 1759. 14 The earliest surviving guittars by Hintz are two instruments, both dated 1757, in the Edinburgh University Collection of Historic Musical Instruments (EUCHMI), Edinburgh [Inv. No. 1066], and in John Wesley’s Chapel, Bristol, respectively. However, as will be mentioned later, the two earliest extant guittars are by Reinerus Liessem, both dated 1756. 15 Hintz is mentioned as “Guittar-maker to her Majesty and the Royal Family” in advertisements in the Caledonian Mercury of August16, 23, and 30, 1762, in which he proposed “to send to any Lady or Gentleman in Scotland or Ireland […] Extraordinary Fine Guittars, both in workmanship and sound. The best sort for five guineas, another sort for four, and another for three guineas, carriage included […].” Hintz is similarly described in an advertisement in St. James Chronicle or the British Evening Post (London) of October 27-29,1763, as well as in Mortimer’s London Universal Director from 1763, as quoted in Lyndesay Langwill, “Two Rare Eighteenth-Century London Directories,” Music and Letters, XXX, No. 1 (1949), 42. 16 Public Advertiser (London), March 13, 17, and 22, and May 9, 1766, quoted in Graf, “John Frederick Hintz”, 20. 17 See Hill Family, Archival Material and Biographical Notes on English Violin Makers [in two volumes: WA 1992.643.1 and WA 1992.643.2], Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. The 1772 announcement regarding the sale of Hintz’s stock-in-trade after his death is included in Hill Family, Archival Material, WA 1992.643.1, 163. I am obliged to Jon Whiteley for allowing me to examine this document. 18 The first guittar is in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London [Inv. No. 230-1882], while the second was listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogue of October 9, 1981 (lot 156), 50, but its present whereabouts is unknown. For this and any following references to instruments that have appeared in auctions, I am grateful to Arnold Myers at the University of Edinburgh for allowing me to have access to his private collection of auction and exhibition catalogues. 19 A surviving violin bears a label inscribed “Reinerus Liessem fecit

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Vienna 1743,” while a violoncello is labelled “Reinerus Liessem fecit Londini. 1750,” as mentioned in the Hill Family, Archival material, WA 1992.643.2, 7. 20 Caledonian Mercury, November 14, 1759. Advertisements by Stewart mentioning Liessem’s guittars appeared in the same newspaper also on January 23 and March 26, 1760. 21 Daily Advertiser (London), April 23, 1760. See also Hill Family, Archival material, WA 1992.643.2, 7. 22 The earliest guittar by Rauche & Hoffmann, dated 1757, is in the Robert Burns Birthplace Museum, Alloway [Inv. No. 3.4565], while the latest, dated 1758, in the Royal Northern College of Music, Manchester [Inv. No. S 16]. For more details of the second instrument see Anna Wright (ed.), Royal Northern College of Music: Collection of Historic Musical Instruments [Catalogue of the Collection compiled by William Waterhouse] (Manchester: Royal Northern College of Music, 2010), 200. 23 Public Advertiser, May 30 and June 3, 1758. In the same newspaper of December 2, 1758, Hoffmann similarly offered for sale “Guittars, Lutes, &c. of the best and truest Make.” 24 This guittar is a bowl-back instrument in the collection of Taro Takeuchi, London. I am thankful to T. Takeuchi for allowing me to examine this guittar. 25 Although little is known about Hoffmann, he may have been related to Johann Christian Hoffmann, of the famous lute-making family in Leipzig. 26 Apart from several surviving bowl-back guittars by Rauche, there are three extant arch-lutes bearing his signature, thus confirming his training in lute-making. The earliest of the three is dated 1762, in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, [Inv. No. 9/1871]. The second is dated 1767 and currently owned by Anthony Bailes, as mentioned in Peter Holman, “The Lute family in Britain in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries,” Lute News: The Lute Society Newsletter, Vol. LXXXIV (2007), 13, while the third, also dated 1767, is in a private collection in Basel, Switzerland. I am thankful to Lynda Sayce for sending me information on this instrument. 27 A guittar, signed “Rauche 1757,” is listed in Phillips’ auction catalogue of December 15, 1977 (lot 45), 8. This is the earliest surviving instrument signed by Rauche alone. 28 This is confirmed by a guittar signed “Rauche London 1759,” listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogue, March 20, 1980 (lot 232), 77. 29 See Thurston Dart (ed.), “An Eighteenth-Century Directory of London Musicians,” Galpin Society Journal, II, (1949), 31. 30 Rauche’s imprisonment is announced in the London Gazette of June 6, 1778, which mentions “Prisoners in the KING’s BENCH Prison. in the County of Surry. […] First Notice […]. Michael Rauche, formerly of Chandos-street St. Martin’s in the Fields; late of Tufton-street Lumleystreet in the City of Westminster, both in the County of Middlesex, Musical Instrument-maker.” Similar announcements are included in same newspaper of June 9 and 16, 1778. 31 A guittar in the Birmingham Conservatoire, Birmingham [Inv. No. 11.2], signed “1779 Michael Rauche Stagnate Street Stangate Surry,” is the latest extant guittar by Rauche. No other instruments by Rauche after this date and until his death in 1784 are known to have survived. 32 A second English maker of guittars who may have been working in London in the late 1750s is C. Mason, of whom very little is known. However, two guittars by Mason have survived. The first instrument, in the Vintage Instruments Collection, Philadelphia, [Inv. No. 27455], is similar to early guittars by Hintz, while the second was listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogue of May 16, 1978 (lot 79), 26, but its present location is unknown. 33 In the Victoria and Albert Museum [Inv. No. 222-1882]. 34 A trade card in the Hill Family, Archival material, WA 1992.643.2, 73, reads “Guittars, Mandores, Lutes, Mandolins / Violins, Basses &c. / Made and Repair’d by Rauche & Dickenson / at the Music Warehouse /


at the Guitar and Flute / in Chandois Street / London.” 35 For more details of the first guittar by Haxby, see Andreas Michel, Lena Schmidt, and Jonathan Dentler, Zistern: Musikinstrumentensammlung Herbert Grünwald. Sonderaustellung Suhl 2011 Katalog (Suhl: Waffen Museum Suhl, 2011), 10-11. This instrument was also listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogues of March 27, 1981 (lot 8), 20, and of November 4, 1998 (lot 297), 58. The second guittar by Haxby was listed in Phillips auction catalogue, December 14, 1978 (lot 56), 11, but its present whereabouts is unknown. This instrument has been mentioned in René Vannes, Dictionnaire universel del luthiers (Bruxelles: Les Amis de la musique, 1951), 152, and has also been included in the Illustrated Catalogue of Music Loan Exhibition by the Worshipful Company of Musicians at Fishmongers’ Hall, June and July 1904 (London: Novello & Co, 1909), 139, where it is listed as a “cittern” dated 1770 in the possession of A. F. Hill, with the description “Made for King George III. In its original leather case, with the Royal crown and initials G. R. stamped upon it.” 36 For instance, the examination of surviving examples has shown that, although Hintz and most other guittar makers produced guittars with ten strings, Liessem typically made guittars with nine strings, while Rauche with nine, ten, or eleven strings. 37 Caledonian Mercury, March 26, 1760. This is one of the earliest, if not the earliest, references of a guittar played with a bow, most likely referring to a cither viol or “sultana.” Notably, a cither viol by Hintz survives in the Musikinstrumenten-Museum, Berlin [Inv. No. 5394]. I am indebted to Heidi von Rüden for sending me details of this instrument. According to Thomas MacCracken, to whom I am thankful for exchanging information, this is the same instrument as the one listed in Christie’s auction catalogue of April 6, 1983, (lot 302), 13. In addition, the two different guittar sizes for children mentioned in the above advertisement may explain the presence of surviving small-sized viols by Hintz. 38 Both trade cards are included in Hill Family, Archival Material, WA 1992.643.1, p. 164. 39 Public Advertiser, January 13 and 15, 1766. One wonders whether this instrument was a precursor of the various hybrid instruments combining elements of the harp, lute, cittern, and guitar which were introduced in England during the early nineteenth century by Edward Light. 40 An unusual festooned-shaped guittar with five open bass strings, made by Liessem and dated 1757, survives in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston [Inv. No. 17.1749]. 41 In an advertisement in the St. James Chronicle or the British Evening Post of October 27-29,1763, Hintz claimed to have introduced around 1760 “a new-invented Guitar with eight Strings more in the Bass.” In his advertisement, Hintz mentioned that he “invented and made this Kind of Guittars 3 Years ago; but, as he found that the Ladies were not at that Time disposed for them, from some Circumstances of Inconvenience which they thought attended the additional Number of Strings, he did not make them publick: But has, nevertheless, found it necessary always to keep by him a certain Quantity ready-made, and finished in the best Manner.” In the same advertisement, Hintz also listed three other guittar types including a “Guitar called the Tremulant,” a “De L’Amour Guittar, with a Lute Stop,” and “a Guittar to be played with a Bow, as well as with the Fingers,” all of which “were invented by him.” The description of the guittar with a bow almost certainly refers to a cither viol or “sultana.” Additionally, the guittar “called the Tremulant” may refer to a type of trumpet marine, as has been pointed out to me by Rachael Durkin, Ph.D. student at the University of Edinburgh, currently researching the history of the viola d’amore, to whom I am thankful for exchanging information. If this is the case, it means that Hintz named several stringed instruments as “guittars,” probably in order to exploit the guittar’s rising marketing power. 42 Many instrument makers of German origin were commonly trained in the construction of lutes and violins. For example, the region of Allgäu in


southern Germany had a long tradition of making lutes and violins, dating back to the fifteenth century. Some of the most famous lute-manufacturing families working in Venice, Bologna, and Padua during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries originally came from Allgäu, while numerous makers from his area had emigrated and worked all over Europe. For more details, see Adolf Layer, Die Allgäuer Lauten- und Geigenmacher (Augsburg: Verlag der schwabischen Forschungsgemeinschaft, 1978), 3-107. 43 It is noteworthy that the workshops of most German guittar makers were located in London’s west end which, during the eighteenth century, was inhabited by many members of the aristocracy. 44 See Ann Ford, Lessons and Instructions for Playing on the Guitar (London, ca. 1761), 9. 45 See Ann Ford by Thomas Gainsborough (dated 1760), in the Cincinnati Art Museum, Cincinnati [Inv. No. 1927.396], presented in Benedict Leca, ed., Thomas Gainsborough and the Modern Woman (London: D. Giles in association with the Cincinnati Art Museum, 2010), 19. 46 Caledonian Mercury, January 17, 1761. Hintz and Rauche are mentioned in Stewart’s advertisements in the same newspaper, also on July 29, 1761, and April 28, 1762. 47 New York Gazette, November 12, 1764, as quoted in Doc Gregory Rossi, “Citterns and Guitars in Colonial America”, in Monika Lustig, ed., Michaelsteiner Konferenzberichte, Band 66: Gitarre und Zister-Bauweise, Spieltechnik und Geschichte bis 1800. Musikinstrumentenbau-Symposium Michaelstein, 16. bis 18. November 2001 (Blanckenburg: Stifung Kloster Michaelstein, 2004), 157. 48 In the Gemeentemuseum, Hague. I am indebted to Michael Latcham for informing me about this instrument. 49 The earliest of the three known guittars by Lucas is a bowl-back instrument, currently owned by Enzo Puzzovio in Lincoln, bearing a paper label with the inscription “George Lucas 1761.” I am grateful to E. Puzzovio for sending me information on this guittar. The other two guittars, in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford [Inv. No. D.1:4] and in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston [Inv. No. 17.1746] are both undated, and, in contrast to the 1761 guittar, they have a flat-back body with a circular bell-top shape. 50 Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser, January 19, 1782. 51 Another maker who may have worked with Hintz is J. C. Elschleger. Almost nothing is known about him; however, a surviving guittar in the Royal College of Music, London [Inv. No. 21], possibly dating from the late 1750s, has construction and decoration features quite similar to those on early guittars by Hintz. For more details of this instrument, see Elizabeth Wells and Christopher Nobbs, Royal College of Music, Museum of Instruments Catalogue, Part III: European Stringed Instruments (London: Royal College of Music, 2007), 94. 52 The amusing story of Jacob Kirkman, the known harpsichord maker, who, after purchasing a number of guittars, gifted them to girls of low reputation and street musicians in order to impair the guittar’s status among the polite society, has been quoted in Phillip Coggin, “This Easy and Agreeable Instrument: A History of the English Guittar”, Early Music, XV (1987), 206. 53 Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (London), January 22 and 2 February 2, 1767. 54 See Michael Cole, The Pianoforte in the Classical Era (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 51. 55 Zumpe’s activities as a guittar maker have been extensively presented in Panagiotis Poulopoulos, “A Comparison of Two Surviving Guittars by Zumpe and New Details Concerning the Involvement of Square Piano Makers in the Guittar Trade,” Galpin Society Journal, LXIV (2011), 49-59 and 180-183. 56 See Bath Journal, October 29, 1759. I am thankful to Matthew Spring, who is currently preparing an article on Benjamin Milgrove and the guittar in Bath, 1757-1790, for bringing this source to my attention.

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57 The earlier of the two guittars, in the Historisches Museum Frankfurt, Frankfurt am Main [Inv. No. X16650], is dated 1762, while the latest, in EUCHMI, Edinburgh [Inv. No. 1731], is dated 1764. A thorough description and comparison of the two instruments is included in Poulopoulos, “A Comparison of Two Surviving Guittars by Zumpe,” 51-54. 58 Beck, who was born in Württemberg, had probably moved to England sometime after 1756. For more details on Beck, see Margaret Cranmer, “Beck, Frederick”, in Stanley Sadie (ed.), New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments (London: Macmillan Press, 1984), I, 199-200. 59 A small drawing showing Beck’s signature “Fk Beck / London 1763” on a guittar is included in the Hill Family, Archival material, WA 1992.643.1, unmarked page. 60 Public Advertiser, January 13 and 15, 1766. 61 In the collection of Ulrich Wedemeier, Laatzen. I am thankful to U. Wedemeier for providing me with details of this instrument. 62 Four guittars by Beck, all dated 1765, survive in the Kunitachi College of Music, Tachikawa-shi, Tokyo [Inv. No. 926], in the Musée de la musique, Paris [Inv. No. E.2081], in the Stearns Collection of Musical Instruments, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor [Inv. No. 1565], and in the York Castle Museum, York [Inv. No. DA7697]. In addition, a guittar by Beck, dated 1766, was auctioned by Gardiner Houlgate on July 3, 1998 (lot 104); unfortunately its present whereabouts is unknown. 63 The details of many publications that contain music for the guittar, some of which are presented hereafter in this article, can be found in (accessed August 11, 2012). A comprehensive list of music for the guittar published in Britain between 1756 and 1763 has been recently included in Jürgen Kloss, The “Guittar” in Britain, 1753-1800, 50-70. For more details, see (accessed August 19, 2012). 64 Public Advertiser, November 17, 1755. 65 In the early 1760s, Hintz wrote A Choice Collection of Psalm and Hymn Tunes set for the Cetra or Guittar (London: Bremner, ca. 1760) and A Choice Collection of Airs, Minuets, Marches, Songs and Country Dances &c. by Several Eminent Authors Adapted for the Guittar as also a Book of Psalm & Hymn Tunes (London: Hintz, ca. 1762). 66 Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser (London), January 20, 1785. 67 Gazeteer and New Daily Advertiser (London), October 13, 1764. 68 Santo Lapis composed Il Passa tempa della guitarra in twelve Italian Airs for the Voice, accompanied by the Guitar or Harpsichord. Composed by Sig. Santo Lapis. M. D. of Italian music (London: Liessem, 1757); Guittar in Fashion; containing twelve double Sonatas for all Sorts of Guittars, with Minuets, and six Duettos and two Guittars, and an Italian Song, compos’d by Santo Lapis. Sold by R. Liessem (London: Liessem, 1758); Miss Mayer. A new Guittar Book in 4 parts viz Italian, French, English Airs, and Duets for the voice accompanied with the Guittar and a Thorough Bass for the Hapsichord. Composed by Santo Lapis […] Opera XVI. MDCCLIX (London: Liessem, 1759); and A libro aperto. Light Airs with Minuets for the Harpsichord and for all sorts of Guittars [...] Composed by Mr. Santo Lapis […] (London: Liessem, 1760). Interestingly, in an announcement in the Public Advertiser of October 6, 1757, Lapis mentioned that he lived at Liessem’s “Music Shop, in the first Floor”, suggesting that they had a quite close collaboration. 69 London had the advantage of being a major port, enabling the constant supply of timber and other raw materials which were vital for instrument making, while allowing the exportation of finished products to continental Europe and the British colonies. At the same time, London was the heart of commerce and industry in Britain, and a centre for fashion, science, literature, and the visual and performing arts, providing a large market where instrument makers could easily advertise and sell their products. 70 As quoted in Peter Holman, Life after Death: the Viola da Gamba in Britain, 153. 71 London Magazine, Or, Gentleman’s Monthly Intelligencer. XXIX

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( January, 1760), 489. 72 As quoted in Peter Holman, “Ann Ford Revisited,” EighteenthCentury Music, I (2004), 174. 73 Frederic Theodor Schumann wrote A Collection of the Most Celebrate[d] Songs, set by several authors and adapted for the guitar by Frederic Schuman (London: M. Rauche, 1763); A Second set of Lessons For one and two Guittars, Opus II (London: Johnson, ca.1765), and Thirty-eight Lessons, with an addition of Six French and Italian Songs, for the Guittar, composed by composed by F. Shuman, op. ist, London, printed for and sold by Michael Rauche & Co., at the sign of the Guittar and Flute, in Chandois Street, near St. Martin’s Lane (London: Rauche & Co, ca.1770). 74 See Holman, “Ann Ford Revisited,” 173-174. 75 Ann Ford, Lessons and Instructions for Playing on the Guitar (London, ca.1761). For more details on Ford and the social background in which she lived and worked, see Leca, Thomas Gainsborough and the Modern Woman, 43-140; Holman, “Ann Ford Revisited”, 157-181; and Michael Rosenthal, “Thomas Gainsborough’s Ann Ford,” Art Bulletin, LXXX (1998), 649-665. 76 For the role of the guittar in Scotland, see particularly Rob MacKillop, “The Guitar, Cittern and Guittar in Scotland: An Historical Introduction Up to 1800” in Monika Lustig, ed., Michaelsteiner Konferenzberichte, Band 66: Gitarre und Zister-Bauweise, Spieltechnik und Geschichte bis 1800. Musikinstrumentenbau-Symposium Michaelstein, 16. bis 18. November 2001 (Blanckenburg: Stifung Kloster Michaelstein, 2004), 121-148. 77 The only foreigners who were comparably as active as the Germans in the performing, teaching and composing for the guittar in the British Isles, although they had a minor role as makers or dealers, were the Italians. This is vividly reflected in the satirical article “A Portrait of the Present Mode of Female Education,” in the London Magazine, Or, Gentleman’s Monthly Intelligencer. For the Year 1776, XLV (1776), 397. In this article the author, commenting on the usual education of a young lady, mentions that “[A] n Italian instructs her on the guittar.” Some of the most important Italian composers and teachers of the guittar included Santo Lapis, Giovanni Battista Marella, Pascualini De Marzi, Francesco Geminiani, Felice Giardini, Giuseppe Passerini, Giachomo Merchi, Tomasso Giordani, Giovanni Battista Noferi, Cesare Mussolini, and Chillini di Assuni, to name but a few. It is also important to note that guittar works by Italian musicians were often advertised, published, and sold by German guittar makers and dealers, as in the cases of Lapis and Liessem (mentioned earlier), Marrella and Hintz, Chillini di Assuni and Rauche, and possibly others. 78 Quoted in Henry George Farmer, A History of Music in Scotland (London: Hinrichsen, 1947), 325. 79 Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, February 9-13, 1762, as quoted in Thomas Lawrence, The History of the Guitar in Ireland, 1760-1866 (Ph.D. Thesis, University College Dublin, 1999), 13. 80 Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, May 10, 1765. 81 There are two known guittar works by Ritter titled Lessons for the Guittar … Consisting of rondeaus, allemands, minuettes and variations, likewise English & French songs with accompaniments (London: Rutherford, ca.1770), and A Choice Collection of xii of the most favorite Songs for the Guittar sung at Vaux Hall and in the Deserter ... with an addition of the Overture in the Deserter [by P. A. Monsigny], two favorite Rondeaus & six Cotillons properly adapted for that Instrument with an easy Bass throughout by D. Ritter (London: published by Ritter and also by Rauche, 1774). Notably, in his Lessons for the Guittar, Ritter mentions that “the GUITTAR may be played in an easier & more compleat manner when the second string in the BASS is Tuned in D instead of E;” however, this tuning method was probably rarely used. For more details, see Stuart Walsh, “D. Ritter and other English Guitar Things”at (accessed August 7, 2012). 82 Morning Chronicle (London), January 21, 1796. 83 It is important to note that several French sources from the 1770s


refer to the guittar as the “English or German guitar,” possibly indicating the influence of Germans in the development of the instrument. For example, the Bibliographie parisienne … Année 1770, I (Paris, 1771?), Table alphabétique, xi, reads, “Méthode très facile pour la Guitarre Angloise ou Allem.;” likewise, the Almanach musical, V, (Paris, 1779), 202, reads, “Cistre ou guitarre allemande ou Angloise.” I am grateful to Christopher Page for drawing my attention to these sources. 84 Charles Barbandt, Mr Barbandt’s Yearly Subscription of new Music to be delivered Monthly. 10 Mar. 1759-10 Feb. 1760 (London, 1759). The music included “A lesson for the cittera or guittar” (for June, 1759) and “Two lessons for the guittar or cittern” (for December, 1759). 85 John Frederick Zuckert, Six Sonatas or Solos for the Guitar and Bass (London: Zuckert, 1759). 86 Carl Friedrich Weideman, Weideman’s Favorite Minuet, for the Harpsicord, Two German Flutes or Two Guittars (London, ca. 1770). 87 Johann Christian Bach, A Sonata for the Guitar with an Accompaniment for a Violin (London: Longman & Broderip, ca.1775) and Sonata in two movements ( Jean Kirkpatrick Guittar manuscript, Buccleugh Collection, MC.2.9 Northamptonshire Council). Recordings of Bach’s A Sonata for the Guitar are included in James Tyler, Paul Elliot, Monica Huggett, Jane Ryan and Robert Spencer, The Early Guitar (Saga Records: Saga 5455, 1978), track 7; in Doc Gregory Rossi, La Cetra galante: Solos and Duets for Eighteenth-Century Cittern (Cetra: CD002, 2008) track 2; and in Taro Takeuchi, Judy Tarling and Terence Charlston, Affectuoso! Virtuoso Guitar Music from the Eighteenth Century (Deux-Elles: DXL1146, 2011), tracks 5-7. 88 Rudolf Straube’s compositions for the guittar, essentially reflecting his lute-playing background, include the Lessons for Two Guittars with a Thorough Bass (London: Rauche, 1765) and Three Sonatas for the Guittar with Accompaniments for the Harpsichord or Violincello Composed by R. Straube. With an Addition of two Sonatas for the Guittar Accompanyd with the Violin. Likewise a choice Collection of the most Favourite English, Scotch and Italian Songs for one or two guittars of different Authors Properly adapted for that Instrument. Also, Thirty two Solo Lessons by several Masters (London: Rauche, 1768). A facsimile version of the second work, edited by Jan Smacny, was published in 2010 by Chanterelle (ECH202). Moreover, recordings of the Three Sonatas for the Guittar have been included in John Williams, Rafael Puyana, and Jordi Savall, Music for Guitar and Harpsichord (CBS: 72948, 1971), although Williams performed the pieces on a Spanish guitar instead of a wire-strung guittar. Recent and more authentic recordings of pieces from Straube’s Sonatas can be heard in Takeuchi et. al., Affectuoso! Virtuoso Guitar Music, tracks 1-3. For these recordings Takeutchi has used an original long-scale guittar by Perry of Dublin, tuned to A major. 89 See, for instance, A Collection of Favourite Italian and English songs from Galluppi, Hasse, Handel […] Arne &c. compiled and adapted for the Guittar by Miss Stevenson (London, 1762); Handel’s Favourite Minuets from his Operas and Oratorios, with those made for the Balls at Court, for the Harpsichord, German Flute, Violin or Guitar (London: Walsh, 1762); and A Collection of the most favourite Oratorio Songs, Composed by Mr. Handel, properly set and adapted for the Guittar and Voice by Signor Ghillini di Asuni (London: Rauche, 1763). See also “Handel’s Water Piece” in The Ladies Pocket Guide or The Compleat Tutor for the Guittar (London: Rutherfoord, ca.1755); a recent performance of this piece by Duo Marchand can be heard at (September 7, 2012). Another example is the guittar arrangement of the Minuet from Händel’s Water Music in John Preston’s Complete Instruction for the Guitar (London: Preston, ca.1780). A recording of this piece is included in Takeuchi et al, Affectuoso! Virtuoso Guitar Music, track 8. 90 For more details on the incorporation of the guittar into the female culture of England during the late eighteenth century see Panagiotis Pou-


lopoulos, “‘A complete Accompanyment to the Female Voice’: The Guittar and its Role in the Culture of Georgian England” in Phoibos: Zeitschrift für Zupfmusik, Ausgabe “Gender”, 2012/1 (2012), 105-112. 91 The earliest known reference to Preston’s instrument-making activities comes from a directory for 1765, included in the Hill Family, Archival Material, WA 1992.643.2, 67, which mentions his address at “9, Banbury Court, Long Acre.” While working at this address, Preston must have been constructing guittars, since a surviving guittar, listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogue of March 16, 1971 (lot 23), 10, bears the inscription, “J. N. Preston, Maker, Banbury Court, Long Acre” on the back of the pegbox. Interestingly, according to the catalogue description, this instrument is a bowl-back guittar, similar to those manufactured by German makers, such as Hintz, Rauche or Hoffmann. Unfortunately, the present whereabouts of this instrument is unknown. 92 The majority of surviving guittars by Preston typically have a distinctive flat-back, “teardop”-shaped body, with spruce used for the soundboard and maple for the back and sides, an arched fingerboard with twelve brass frets, and a brass watch-key tuning machine mounted on a sickle-shaped head, terminating with a square finial. These features are commonly found on numerous surviving guittars by other makers, as well as on unsigned examples, indicating the effectiveness and popularity of Preston’s model. It is also important to point out that, in contrast to guittars made by German makers such as Hintz or Rauche, Preston’s guittars are less decorated and, although they are usually stamped with his name, they are never dated, possibly so that they could be stocked and sold anytime as new.

An English publication of music by Giacomo Merchi, an important Italian who taught and composed for both guitar and guittar.

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93 London Evening Post, January 7-9, 1766, and Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, February 3, 1766, as quoted in David Lasocki, “New Light on Eighteenth-Century English Woodwind Makers from Newspaper Advertisements,” Galpin Society Journal, LXIII (2010), 130-131. 94 A guittar by Hintz in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London [Inv. No. 37-1870], bears a watch-key machine engraved “PRESTON*INVENTOR” on its top. Likewise, a guittar by Rauche in private ownership is signed “Rauche / in Chandois Street / London. 1761” on the back. However, the head is stamped “PRESTON” on its front, just above the nut, and “PRESTON MAKER / LONDON” on its back. Moreover, the guittar is equipped with a watch-key tuning machine engraved “PRESTON*INVENTOR.” A description of this guittar is listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogue of November 22-23, 1989 (lot 145), 45. A close inspection of the instrument revealed that the sickle-shaped head and the watch-key machine have been added at a later stage, possibly after 1766, in a manner that is observed on another guittar by Rauche, dated 1767, in the Horniman Museum, London [Inv. No. 216-1906], and several other extant guittars. This modification typically involved cutting the neck between the nut and the first fret, removing the old pegbox, and attaching a new sickle-shaped head to the neck using a tongue-and-grove joint, as well as the addition of a watch-key machine for tuning the strings. 95 Public Advertiser, March 3, 1758. 96 In the Victoria and Albert Museum [Inv. No. 230-1882]. 97 In the collection of Taro Takeuchi, London. I am thankful to T. Takeutchi for allowing me to examine this instrument. 98 Another noticeable difference, observed during the examination and comparison of surviving devices, is that on the early watch-key machines the thread ends usually protrude from the top of the brass plate, while on machines produced later by Preston and other makers the threads are enclosed entirely inside the plate, possibly to protect them from twisting or breaking. 99 See Nancy Groce, Musical Instrument Makers of New York: A Directory of Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century of Urban Craftsmen (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1991), 31. 100 “An improvement upon the musical instrument commonly called the guitar” (October 2, 1783, Patent No. 1394). For a brief description of this patent see Bennet Woodcroft, Patents for Inventions, Abridgements of Specifications Relating to Music and Musical Instruments, A.D.1694-1866 (London, 1871) [Facsimile: London: T. Bingham, 1984], 14. 101 Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser, July 3, 1783; also in the Morning Post and Daily Advertiser of the same date. 102 See, for example, the advertisement by Claus in the Morning Post and Daily Advertiser, May 22, 1784. Many similar advertisements by Claus appeared in the London press over the next months. 103 For more details, see Jenny Nex, “Longman & Broderip”, in Michael Kassler, ed., The Music Trade in Georgian England (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2011), 29-30. 104 This device, commonly known as “SMITH’S PATENT BOX,” was patented in 1784 by William Jackson for “The British Lyre” (August 20, 1784, Patent No. 1449), which was a type of guittar with an external keyed hammer mechanism. Details of this patent are included in Woodcroft, Patents for Inventions, 15. Initially, instruments equipped with this mechanism, described as “THE BRITISH LYRE, or new improved GUITTARS,” were manufactured and sold “by JACKSON and SMITH” at “No. 409, Oxford-street, near Soho-square,” as mentioned in an advertisement in the Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser of November 16, 1785. Notably, a guittar by Thompsons listed in Sotheby’s auction catalogue of July 19, 1968 (lot 44), 14, now in the Hamamatsu Museum of Musical Instruments, Sizuoka, is equipped with a keyed hammer mechanism bearing the inscription “Jackson & Smith / Patent Box / London.” However, after the partnership between them was dissolved on January 24, 1786, Edward Smith continued to make and sell British Lyres alone, as reported

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in an announcement in the Morning Herald (London) of March 1, 1786. Shortly after this date, Smith apparently started supplying Preston, as well as other makers, with Jackson’s patent invention using, however, only his name, since the keyed devices on many surviving guittars are stamped “SMITH’S PATENT BOX.” 105 Morning Post and Daily Advertiser, July 26, 1786. 106 In 1785, John Goldsworth, a partner of Longman & Broderip, received a patent for a removable keyed hammer mechanism titled “Entire new improvement upon the musical instrument called the guittar” ( July 23, 1785, No. 1491); a short description of this patent is included in Woodcroft, Patents for Inventions, 15-16. Several extant keyed guittars by Longman & Broderip are equipped with the mechanism invented by Goldsworth. 107 Public Advertiser, May 12, 1786. This is the earliest known reference to “PATENT Piano Forte Guittars” by Longman & Broderip. An earlier advertisement by this company in the Times of April 22, 1785, announced the sale of “Piano Forte Guitars,” without, however, mentioning a patent. 108 For more details on Claus, and for a thorough analysis of the invention and development of keyed guittars, see Poulopoulos, The Guittar in the British Isles, 439-549. Some new details on the invention of keyed guittars were also discussed by Daniel Wheeldon in his paper “The Piano-Forte Guitar,” presented at the 41st Annual Meeting of the American Musical Instrument Society at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, May 15-20, 2012. 109 An interesting account of Claus’s manufacturing methods is included in a report titled “For the Diary.–To Justitia,” included in The Diary or Loudon’s Register (New York) of November 14, 1793. The author of this article accused Dodds and Claus of using low-quality materials to construct their instruments, such as “horsebones being used for the keys, or rough iron instead of polished metal for pins, or shingles for bellies,” claiming that “the instruments manufactured by them have not given much satisfaction.” The author also mentions that Claus “did not leave the fairest name behind him in Europe, particulary at Paris,” while in London his employees were “never being paid for laboring at his inventions.” I am indebted to Daniel Wheeldon for bringing this source to my attention. 110 Christian Claus against Joseph Levy (1786) in the National Archives (PRO C12/154/35). I am grateful to Jenny Nex for sending me details of this document. 111 John and Gerard Vogler were “probably related to Johann Georg Vogler, a German violin maker who flourished at a rather earlier period” as mentioned in Frank Kidson, British Music Publishers, Printers and Engravers (London: W. E. Hill & Sons, 1900), 133-134. 112 In the Gemeentemuseum, Hague [Inv. No. MUZ-1933-0379], and in the Vintage Instruments Collection, Philadelphia [Inv. No. 27456], respectively. 113 In the Hobgoblin Museum, London [Inv. No. 25]. I am thankful to Pete McClelland for providing me with information on this guittar. 114 Apart from their influence in the guittar market, some of the English manufacturers also played an important role in the development of the Spanish guitar in England. For instance, it is noteworthy that, by the end of the eighteenth century, the firm of Longman produced small-sized gut-strung Spanish guitars with seven or eight tuning pegs. These guitars were most likely tuned in open C major, like the wire-strung guittar, as has been pointed out by James Westbrook, Ph.D. student at the University of Cambridge, in his paper “Who Was Behind the Making of the First Spanish Guitars in London?” presented at the 41st Annual Meeting of the American Musical Instrument Society, cit. Basing his results on the examination and comparison of several extant London-made Spanish guitars made ca.1800, Westbrook maintained that, contrary to their long-standing attribution to Preston, these instruments were actually produced by Longman, sharing many similar construction and decoration features with guittars manufactured earlier by Longman & Broderip.


115 For more details on Buchinger, see Peter Holman, “Dorothy Jordan, Joseph Buckinger, ‘The Blue Bells of Scotland’ and the ‘Lute”,’ Lute News: The Lute Society Newsletter, Vol. XCVI (2010), 7-8. 116 The dissolution of the partnership between Joseph Buchinger and Elisabeth Carr, “Widow and Executrix of the late Mr. Benjamin Carr, Musical Instrument-maker, of Old Round court, in the Strand, deceased” was announced in the Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser of May 17, 1782, when Buchinger and Carr informed the public that their partnership was “to be dissolved at Michaelmas” (September 29) of that year. For more details, see Charles Humphries and William Smith, Music Publishing in the British Isles From the Beginning Until the Middle of the Nineteenth Century: A Dictionary of Engravers, Printers, Publishers and Music Sellers, With a Historical Introduction (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1970), 91. 117 Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser, January 20, 1785. 118 See Hill Family, Archival Material, WA 1992.643.1, 58. 119 In the Royal Northern College of Music, Manchester, [Inv. No. S1]. For more details of this instrument see Wright, Royal Northern College of Music, 201. The other guittar, signed “Joseph Buchinger / London 1775,” in the Landesmuseum Württemberg, Stuttgart, has been listed in Vannes, Dictionnaire universel des luthiers, 46. 120 Since the inscription is not placed on a fixed part of the instrument, but on a movable component, it is not certain whether Buchinger made the whole guittar or only the watch-key machine. 121 Preston’s marketing methods have been discussed by the author in his paper “Identification Marks on Historic Plucked Instruments: What Do They Reveal?” presented during the 41st Annual Meeting of the American Musical Instrument Society, cit. 122 A gut-strung instrument by Buchinger with a large, egg-shaped, flat-back body, fixed bridge, brass rose, twelve ivory frets on a flat fingerboard, and seven fretted and six open bass strings survives in EUCHMI, Edinburgh [Inv. No. 307]. A description of this instrument by Darryl Martin, classified as “arch-cittern,” is included in Arnold Myers (ed.), Historic Musical Instruments in the Edinburgh University Collection, Vol. 2, Part B, Fascicle ii: Lutes, Citterns and Guitars (Edinburgh: EUCHMI, 2003), 27. A similar instrument by Buchinger, as well as an Apollo lyre by Barry & Buchinger, survives in the Danish Music Museum, Copenhagen ([Inv. No. C 22] and [Inv. No. C 173] respectively). Moreover, a harp-lute by Buchinger was auctioned by Christie’s on April 6, 1983 (lot 39), possibly the same as that later auctioned by Sotheby’s on March 30, 1989 (lot 185), while a harp-lute by Buchinger & Barry was auctioned by Christie’s on June 18, 1985 (lot 267). 123 For more details on the involvement of E. Light in the development of hybrid plucked instruments during the early nineteenth century, see Robert Bruce Armstrong, English Musical Instruments, Part II: English and Irish Instruments (Edinburgh: Constable, 1908), 25-128. The invention and evolution of these instruments was extensively analyzed by Hayato Sugimoto, Ph.D. student at the University of Edinburgh, in his paper “British Harp-Lutes and the Influences of Neoclassicism,” presented at the 41st Annual Meeting of the American Musical Instrument Society, cit. According to Sugimoto, these instruments “borrowed” many characteristics of the harp and gut-strung Spanish guitar which were becoming popular in Britain in the early nineteenth century, but retained several features of the wire-strung guittar, which was already in decline by that time. 124 It is interesting that, apart from two instruments by Claus made around 1791-1793 in New York and stamped “DODDS. &. CLAUS. NYORK.,” the first in the Luigi Cherubini Collection, Florence [Inv. No. 1988/76], the second in the Saco Museum, Maine [Inv. No. 2001.124.1], there are no surviving guittars by German makers produced outside London. 125 Public Advertiser, March 13, 1766, as quoted in Graf, “John Frederick Hintz,” 20. •


Page, “Essay of 1824,” continued from page 60 ostentatiously) fast performance of difficult material. See T. Busby, A Musical Manual or Technical Directory (London, 1828), 70: “taken in its higher and more particular sense, it means a volatability of voice or finger; the power of giving with distinctness and facility the most rapid and difficult passages.” 30 For these arrangements of airs, for voice and guitar, and the next, from Mozart’s Don Giovanni, see the catalogue in B. Jeffery, Fernando Sor, Composer and Guitarist, revised ed. (Penderyn, South Wales: Tecla Editions, 1997), 184. 31 This may refer to some or all of the various sets published by Sola before 1824, as for example Five Canzonets and a Cavatina with an Accompaniment for the Spanish Guitar, Composed and Humbly Dedicated to Mrs. Gaussen by C. M. Sola. 6th set (London, 1823). 32 Pierre Begrez (1787-1863), Guarda che bianca luna: An Italian Song with an Accompaniment for the Piano, Harp or Spanish Guitar Composed and Respectfully Dedicated to Miss Burroughs by Begrez (ca. 1815). London, Royal Academy of Music, Robert Spencer Collection, XX(147237.1). I have not been able to trace any copy of this setting of a text from Pietro Metastasio’s libretto L’Olimpiade, Act II, Scene 4. Diomiro Tramezzani was the “reigning tenor” at the King’s Theatre in the Haymarket, the London home of Italian opera, from 1809. Like some other Italian singers in early-nineteenth century London (such as Carlo Rovedino and Giuseppe Viganoni) Tramezzani could accompany himself on the guitar. See T. Fenner, Opera in London: Views of the Press, 17501830 (Carbondale, 1994), 170. He returned to Italy in 1814, and can be traced there until 1817. It is now known that he was back in London by the spring of 1818 (Morning Chronicle, April 4, 1818) and was soon giving singing (and guitar?) lessons there. •

75

Commentary

Some More About Sor and the Russians by Matanya Ophee

I

n his article “Sor in Trouble with the Spanish Inquisition (1803 to 1806),”1 Brian Jeffery presents an intriguing testimony of a Spanish parish priest about Sor. Then comes a big surprise. The Inquisitors interrogated the parish priest of the parish of San Luis in Madrid, who replied that he knew nothing about Sor because “por su destreza en la música le había tenido en su casa el Embajador de Rusia” (the Russian ambassador had lodged him in his house because of his skill in music). The Russian ambassador! This is the first we have heard of this. No wonder that, later on, Sor had such good relations with Russia that he was able to actually go there. This is indeed a new angle about the relationship of Sor and the Russians which was not known to me when I wrote my article on this subject.2 The testimony does not tell us what exactly was the nature of this relationship—if Sor was invited by the ambassador for one evening’s musical performance, or if he stayed in the ambassador’s house for any extended period of time. Be that as it may, it is important to note who exactly was this diplomat. Count Grigori Alexandrovich Stroganov (1770-1857) was the Russian ambassador to Madrid from 1804 to 1808. Russian sources provide the information that, on the approach of Napoleon’s army, Count Stroganov decided on his own initiative to quit his post in Madrid and return to Russia, a move that did not please his boss, Tsar Alexander I. Stroganov is reputed to have explained his move in the fact that his commission was specifically as ambassador to the Spanish court, and not to any new government imposed on Spain by the French. The explanation was accepted by the Tsar. The significance of this identification is this: While residing in the Spanish capital, Count Stroganov was closely associated with Manuel Godoy, the so-called Prince of the Peace, and, together with Godoy, was plotting an alliance of Spain, Portugal, and England against France. General histories of the time, and Godoy’s personal memoirs in particular, provide a wealth of information on this plot, usually giving the Count’s name as “Strogonoff.”

76

As I discussed in another article, the Prince of the Peace, Manuel Godoy, was the presumed dedicatee of Fernando Sor’s Sonata, Op. 22, although in all probability he would have cancelled this dedication upon the fall of Godoy from royal favor. Obviously, not only was Sor personally familiar with Godoy’s political ally, the Russian ambassador Count Stroganov, but it now stands to reason that he may also have been personally acquainted with Manuel Godoy himself. The discovery of this little testimony of an unknown parish priest opens up a whole gamut of questions. We do not know if Count Stroganov had any connection to the invitation Sor and his companion Felicité Hullin-Sor received from the Russians. During Sor’s sojourn in Russia, Count Stroganov was abroad (from 1822 to 1826) and was not present in Russia. That does not preclude the possibility that he was still able to use his vast connections in the Russian capital, and his influence in the Tsarist court to help an old acquaintance. Also, I am intrigued by the coincidence of Sor’s departure from Russia in the same year that Count Stroganov had returned home from his foreign travels. Such research would require extensive work in sources such as various libraries, archives, period newspapers, published diaries of important figures, private correspondence, published or preserved in archives, and most importantly, concentrating on Russian sources. So far, very little research was actually carried out in Russian archives, and the difficulty for Western scholars to do so is well known. Of one thing we can be sure: If Fernando Sor had the same disposition for food as he had for wine, women, and song, he must have have been more than familiar with this delicious concoction called Beef Stroganoff. Notes Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 3 (2012), 15. 2 “Sor and the Russians,” in Luis Gásser, ed., Estudios sobre Fernando Sor, Colección música hispana. Textos. (Madrid: Publicaciones del Instituto complutense de ciencias musicales, 2002), 81. 1


Renaissance Lute Music for the Guitar Selected and Transcribed by Richard M. Long

Nicolas Vallet

N

icolas Vallet (ca. 1583–after 1642), a French lutenist active in Amsterdam in ca. 1614-1633, composed some of the most interesting and attractive lute music of his age; he was known to have been an associate of several English musicians in the Netherlands, and the Gaillarde du comte Essex presented here—taken from Vallet’s Le Secret des muses (1615)—is obviously freely based on John Dowland’s The Right Honourable Robert, Earl of Essex, His Galliard, also known as “Can She Excuse.” Dowland (1563-1626) dedicated many lute pieces to famous figures of the Elizabethan court, but none more controversial than Robert Devereux, the second Earl of Essex (1566-1601). As a young gentleman at court, Essex had became a favorite of the middle-aged Queen, but he became increasingly known for his quarrelsome behavior and his foolhardiness as a military leader. After a disastrous expedition to Ireland in 1599, he (once again) lost the Queen’s favor and then foolishly conspired against her in an ill-conceived uprising in favor of King James of Scotland (one of his accomplices in this affair was the Earl of Southampton, famous as Shakespeare’s patron). Essex was imprisoned in the Tower and beheaded there in 1601. Diana Poulton (in John Dowland, 1972, rev. 1982) suggested that the song “Can She Excuse My Wrongs” might have been commissioned / intended by Essex to reach the ears of the Queen, perhaps to atone for one of his periodic offenses. It was originally published in Dowland’s First Booke of Songes or Ayres (1597). Elizabeth died in 1603, and in 1604 Dowland (who was living in Denmark from 1598 to 1606) included the tune in his Lachrimæ or Seven Teares, this time Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

giving it the title “Earl of Essex Galliard.” By 1604, it was no longer problematic for Dowland to be associated with Essex, because both Essex and Elizabeth were dead and the new King of England was James of Scotland, who also restored the Essex lands and titles to the family. On the other hand, it is also possible, within this chronology, that “Can She Excuse” never had anything to do with the second Earl of Essex, and Dowland’s 1604 dedication of a previously-composed piece referred to the newly restored third Earl of Essex. In 1610, Dowland’s son Robert published his father’s famous lute solo The Right Honourable Robert, Earl of Essex, His Galliard in his anthology Varietie of Lute Lessons. Five years later, on the continent, Vallet published the present lute solo based on Dowland’s theme. Although there are striking similarities between the two, the changed title (Essex has been demoted!) and the musical differences suggest that Robert Dowland’s book was not Vallet’s source. Vallet may have learned the piece by listening to another player—one of his English colleagues or perhaps even Dowland himself. Both solos are effective and challenging, but with clear sylistic differences. Dowland’s seems somehow quintessentially English, and Vallet’s is distinctly French. In Dowland’s, the 3/4 rhythm of the galliard changes here and there to 6/8; the same is true of Vallet’s, but to a far greater degree, and he makes more use of style brisé and unexpected accents. Dowland’s is technically easier (except for that rapid final cadence); Vallet’s is longer and more elaborate. Although Vallet calls for a ten-course lute, his solo can be played on a six-string guitar, but will be better on an eight- or ten-string guitar. The lower bass notes are indicated throughout this transcription. •

77

Gaillarde du comte Essex

Transcribed from the lute tablature and arranged for guitar by Richard M. Long

œ

3 & 4 œ˙. ˙ œ. #œ#œœ œ & œœ Jœ œ J

5

j œ. # œ œ œ œ œ œ “

œ

œ “

œœ œ œ “

œ œ œœ œ œœ œ

Nicolas Vallet (1615)

œœ œœ

#˙˙˙... ˙˙..

j nœœ. œ œ œœ.. œ œœ œœ œ œ œ œ#œ. œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ. #œ œ ˙ œ œœ œ Jœ œ. œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ “ J “

œ œ œ œ #œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ#œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ #˙˙˙... œ Œ œ & œ ≈ œ œ œ l.v. œ . J. œ l.v. ˙. ˙. “

9

≈ œ#œ œ œ. œ œ œœœœœ & œ#œ œ œ nœ œ œ œ œ œ #œ ˙˙ .. n œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ Œœ “Œ œ œ œ ˙˙.. “

13

≈

Œ ˙˙ œ . & #œœ. œ œ œœ œœ œ J

17

nœ & œœ.

21

26

&

j #œœœ

œœ œœ

œœj œJ

n˙ œœ œ œœ œ œ œ #œ nœœ. . œœ œ œ œ #œ n œ.

œj œœ œ. n˙˙ nœ œ œ “

˙ #˙ œœ œ ˙œ œ œ œ ˙˙... œ ˙.

˙ œœ œœ œ. œ œ ‰ œ # œ Jœ œ. Œ ˙ J nœ œ. #œœ. œ#œ œ œ œœ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ.

œ œ œ œ œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ #œœœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ # œ œJ œ. œœœœœ ˙ ‰ nœ ˙

nœ#œ œ œ œ œ nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ#œ#œ œ œ œ œ œ #˙˙.. œ ˙. œJ œ & œ œJ œ ˙ œ n ˙ œ œ œ. ≈ J ˙.

29

78


œ œj & œ. #œ nœ œ.

33

œ œ œj œ. œ œ. œ œ œJ œ œ. ˙ œ

Œ. œ. œ œ œ. œ œ & #œœ.. œ.

37

œ. œ. & n œœ œ œ#œ œ œ œœ. . .

41

œj œœ œ œj #œœ. œ œœ œj #œ œ ˙ J œ #œœ.. œ œ œ.. œ J

Œ. œ. . œ œœ œ œ #œœ #œœ... œ œ œ œ. œ œ #œ œJ œ œ.

œj œ J

#œj œ #˙˙.. œ # œ œ œJ œ œ

œ “ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ. œ ##œœ. œ œ œ œ œœ. œ #œœ.œ œ œ œ œ œœ. œ œ œ œ. œ ˙ œJ œ. œJ œ J œ œ

œ. œ. œ nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ #œ œ œ œ œ œ œ & #œœ #œ œ œ œ œ œ œ “ œ

45

#œœ.. œ. œ.

j œ œ #œ œ # œ œJ

œœ #œ #˙˙.. œ œ œ œ “

œ œ#œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œnœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙. & œ œœ œ œ #œ #˙˙.. œ œ ˙˙.. œ œ l.v. œ . œ ˙. J “

Seconde partie

≈ œ#œ œ œ œ nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ #œ. #œ œ ˙˙ œœ œJ & œ œ œ œ J ˙ œœ œ œ œ “ 57 œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ ≈ œ & ≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ l.v. œœ. œ l.v. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ 53

60

& #˙˙œ.. œ œ œ #œ œ œ œ œ

63

& œœ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ


nœ œ œ nœ œ. œ ˙˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ. n œ œ œ œ ≈ œ #œ œ œ nœ œ œ. œ œ œ ˙. œ Œ œ œ “

˙˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ#œ œœ œ œ . #œœ. œ œ œ œœ . J œ ˙. . “

79

œ

œœœœœœ œ œ œ œ œ ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ . . & œ œ œœœœœ ˙ #œ œ nœ #œ œ œ nœ. œ œ œ œ˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ. J ˙. nœ œ J < œ> J “ “

67

& œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ #˙˙.. ˙. ˙ œ ˙.

œœœœœœœœœ œ œ œ. œ œ œ # œ # œ # œ œ. œ œ œ œ œ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ .

˙. & œ œ œnœ#œ œ œ œ œ #˙˙˙... n œ. n œ. œ œ œ ˙˙..

nœ œ#œ œ œ nœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œJ œ œJ œ J œJ œ

71

75

œ #œnœ œ œ #˙˙.. ≈ ˙. & œ œ#œ œ œ œ œ J œ œJ ˙. “

79

l.v. l.v. ≈ ≈ œ ≈ œ ≈ œ œ œ ‰œ œ#œnœ œ ‰œ œ œ œ œ ‰œ œ œ œ ‰œ œ œ œ œ . . . .

≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ # œ œ # œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ ‰ #œ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ œ œ & ‰œ. #œ œ œ œ œ. œ. œ. œ. œ.

83

œ œ & œœ. œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ#œ J

86

#œœ.. œ. œ.

j œ œ #œ œœ #œ œ # œ œJ œ

#˙˙.. ˙. ˙. “

œ ≈ œnœ œ œ œœœœœœ n œ. œ.

l.v. l.v. ≈ #œ œ œ ≈#œ œ œ œ. œ œ. œ œ œ ≈ # œ œ œ œ & œ. œ œ n œ œ œ œ œ#œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ.

90

U j l.v. ≈ # œ ˙ œ œœœ #œœ.. œ œ. œœ.#œ œ #œ. œ œ & ≈œ.œ#œ œ œ œ ≈ #œ œ œ œ œ # œ . œJ œ ◊ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ. œ # œ œ œ œ œ # œ . # œ œ. œ u

93

80


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The Transcriber’s Art, No. 57

Frank Lawes (1894-1970)

Cute an’ Catchy & Got a Happy Feelin’

Transcribed for Guitar by Richard Yates I want another banjo. Sure, I own two banjos already, but the world is a sad place these days and I think extra precautions are needed. – John Kavanagh

M

usic written for plucked string instruments has always been a logical and rewarding source of transcriptions for the classical guitar. The lute, in both its Renaissance and Baroque configurations, has given us a wealth of music that predates the guitar. A couple of issues ago, in this series, I found that harp music may be a needlessly overlooked trove from more recent times. Extending my foray into the plucked strings, I stumbled across the banjo. Reams of bluegrass music from the last few decades had almost obscured a golden age of the banjo—the “classical banjo”—a century ago. The banjo has a large repertoire, most of which is highly accessible to the guitar. It has more than just nostalgic chestnuts; there is genuine compositional artistry and an immediate and compelling appeal in this music. You will smile when you begin playing the two pieces that accompany this article. History In the seventeenth century, West African slaves in the New World brought with them a gut-stringed instrument with a skin-covered, gourd body. Writing about slaves on his own plantation, Thomas Jefferson said, “The instrument proper to them is the Banjar, which they brought hither from Africa.” Modifications stemming from a growing acquaintance with European instruments—such as a flat fingerboard and frets—continued until the final form was reached near the beginning of the twentieth century. Playing technique originally consisted of various types of strumming, but a second type evolved, one that included “finger-picking” in a manner similar to the classical guitar. Beginning about 1890, there was a rapid expansion in the popularity of the banjo as a parlor


instrument. Many manufacturers appeared, along with a large repertoire of music composed specifically for the banjo, first to accompany songs and later for solo performance. The solo music was often composed by virtuoso players, who toured the country and were celebrated by members of banjo clubs and orchestras that had sprung up. The banjo was prominent in the rise of ragtime music, vaudeville, and the early recording industry. Its popularity overflowed this continent and was picked up in England. The title of a widely read publication, BMG Magazine, gave first billing to the banjo and second to the mandolin. (You can deduce the placement of the guitar in that list.) BMG Magazine continues to be published today, just about a century later, by the Clifford Essex Music Company Limited of Norwich, England. People The list of skilled composers of solo banjo music is quite long. Most notable and prolific were: Alfred D. Cammeyer (1862–1949), Joe Morley (1867–1937), Sylvester “Vess” L. Ossman (1868–1923), A. J. Weidt (1866–1945), Parke Hunter (1876–1912), Fred Van Eps (1878–1960), Emile Grimshaw (1880–1943), and Frank Lawes (1894–1970). The Englishman Frank Lawes began learning the banjo at age sixteen, inspired by the recordings of Ossman and Van Eps. By the early 1930s, he had acquired a refined playing technique and compositional facility, as shown by the publication by Clifford Essex of his earliest pieces, including the two that accompany this article, Cute an’ Catchy and Got a Happy Feelin’. By this period in its evolution, the banjo had become primarily a rhythm instrument with just four strings

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played with a plectrum, but Lawes’ compositions helped keep the solo tradition alive. Transcription The solo banjo repertoire shows a remarkable degree of inventiveness and variety within the instrument’s limited resources. It has idiosyncrasies that affect its music and playing technique and so, inevitably, any transcriptions for guitar. The four strings that follow the entire length of the fingerboard are tuned to an open G major chord: d.g.b.d'. The guitar can match these exactly by lowering the first string one full tone. A frequent alternate is to lower the fourth string to c, similar to the guitar’s common “drop D” tuning. The most unusual feature is the reentrant tuning of the fifth string, that is, the one farthest toward the bass side. It extends from the bridge to only the fifth fret, and is tuned to the note g' a perfect fourth higher than the first string. As we saw with other reentrant tunings, for instance, the theorbo (see Soundboard, Vol. XXXI, No. 1), there inevitably are characteristic fingerings and chords that are more difficult with the guitar’s configuration. Sometimes this precludes a reasonable transcription altogether, but more often, the needed adjustments are feasible. The closer tuning and smaller number of strings does mean that the pitch span of simultaneous notes is more limited. Somewhat compensating for this is the length of the fretboard. Standard size banjos have 22 frets that are easily accessible on the neck compared to the guitar’s 12. This enlarges the range but leaves vacant space in the bass tessitura. However, much of the music of this period includes optional parts to fill out the lack of lower pitches. It was common for a banjo “solo” to be published with a second banjo part that used the lowest notes in a chordal accompaniment, and a piano part that included a true bass line. The excellent banjo player, Mike Moss, comments on this: It was a very common practice back then for all banjo solos to be published with the second banjo (accompaniment) and piano parts available for an additional fee, as can be seen in the old catalogues. Some pieces even had banjeaurine, mandolin or guitar parts available for ensemble playing. The composer either provided his own second banjo and piano parts, or, if he didn’t, the editor would provide them …. In most cases, the first banjo part is a true solo and the second banjo or piano parts are optional—though a good second banjo part will greatly enrich any performance. But some were clearly written as duets in which the first and second banjo parts are equally important and sometimes printed on parallel staffs. Furthermore, some pieces require the piano part and are incomplete without

82

it, though it is possible to work around these passages if the piano is not available.

Mr. Moss has recorded many banjo solos from this period as videos that are readily available on the Internet. They provide excellent and accomplished references for the technique, style, and spirit of this music. The common practice of playing at positions far above those that are convenient on the guitar means that transcriptions must nearly always involve transposition to a lower key. After experimenting with many of these pieces, I have found that the best choice is often the key a third lower than the original. One consequence of this is that notes on the top two banjo strings, which are a third apart, find comfortable positions on the guitar’s second and third strings—also a third apart. Both of the transcriptions with this article used this method. The guitar’s extended lower range relative to the banjo suggests providing the solo part with additional support. The bass line in the left-hand piano part, when one is available, can be commandeered for this purpose. The result is music that has a more full-bodied texture that is well-suited to the guitar. Cute an’ Catchy was transcribed in this way, with only a very few octave transpositions of the bass line to make it playable. The second piece, Got a Happy Feelin’, consists of the solo banjo part with no additional bass. While it can give you a feel for what the solo banjo music was like, I also think it stands pretty well by itself, despite never needing to touch the sixth string. I suppose you could even program it between pieces that use standard and “drop D” tuning to allow the sixth string time to settle into the pitch you need next. Notation and performance The banjo’s popularity spread at the same time as ragtime music and the two are intimately entwined. “Rag” is short for “ragged,” a description of the characteristic syncopation that you will find throughout banjo music of this era. While the scores are filled with figures notated as dotted-eighth plus sixteenth notes, in practice there is a wide range to the duration of the dotted note. Based on contemporary and current recordings these are often performed as a triplet rhythm, especially in rapid tempos or where full, written-out triplet figures are interspersed. See Figure No. 1 from Joe Morley’s Shuffle Along, to which I have added a banjo tablature staff that uses g'.c.g.b.d' tuning. Figure No. 1 (next page) shows several common features of published banjo music from the early twentieth century. Even when two voices are implied, or a bass note should be Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

5PB 3 1 1 4 1 0 0 . . . +

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Figure No. 11 Figure

allowed to ring through, the notes are often combined on one set of beams without attempting to separate voices, although there are exceptions, such as when a melody is placed in the bass. This is consistent with much of the guitar music published in this period. For the transcriptions on the following pages, I have separated the implied voices to clarify the texture. Left- and right-hand fingering symbols are both used. The left-hand symbols are 0 (open string), 1, 2, 3 and 4, the same as they are in guitar music. For the right-hand, a plus sign (+), dot (.) and double dot (..) are used for the thumb, index and middle fingers, respectively. Except in rare, fournote chords, the ring finger was not used in this technique. Barrés are shown by “PB” and positions by “P.”

The “g” notes with an upstem and sixteenth note flag indicate that the note is to be played on the open fifth string. Frank Lawes’ music contains very few of these, as he wrote primarily for the four-string banjo—hence his nickname, “Fifthless Frank.” In this style, the notation can take you only so far in producing a convincing and authentic performance. There is jauntiness, punchy articulation, cunning accenting, and perhaps even an attitude that can be acquired only by listening to good players who are well-versed in the classical banjo tradition. See the internet resources section below for places to start. Continued on page 97

For more information, go to www.guitarfoundation.org and click on Conventions > 2013 Ensemble Showcase.


83

Cute an’ Catchy Frank Lawes (1894–1970)

Transcribed for guitar by Richard Yates

6 =D

Fox trot tempo

1 24 1 3 2

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5

14

II

III

4 3 2 3

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3

26

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85

Got a Happy Feelin’ Transcribed for guitar by Richard Yates

II3

1 4

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5

9

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3 4 4 2 2

3 4

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-2

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-4

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1

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- 2 4 3

Frank Lawes (1894–1970)

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87

Return With Us Now …

Selected & Introduced by Robert Coldwell

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Andreas Schulz Sept Variations, Op. 2

rik Stenstadvold’s article elsewhere in this issue outlines biographical information on Andreas Schulz and goes into detail on his concert activities with his sons. Because of the information provided in that article I will focus more on his music. The work presented here in facsimile is Sept Variations, Op. 2, from the Nakano Collection at Doshisha University in Kyoto, Japan. Nakano signed or stamped his name on the title pages of almost all the items in his collection, as can be seen in the title page of the facsimile. I first found this work in the collection perhaps in 1995, and at the time it was the only work I knew by Andreas Schulz. Of course, the works by his son Leonard had survived the years, and still seemed fairly well known. I had been looking for an opportunity to share this work by the elder Schulz for many years, and am very pleased that it can be presented alongside an article on Leonard. Gerhard Penn, Stefan Hackl, and Matanya Ophee provided information for the list of works presented here, and I have filled in details through additional research. The source abbreviations are RISM sigla. There is some discrepancy between the titles in the Weinmann Artaria book and the Wiener Zeitung advertisements themselves. Digital scans are available online at the source libraries of the editions located in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek as well as the Hudleston Collection in the Royal Irish Academy of Music. Digital scans are available online at the source libraries of the editions located in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek and Hudleston Collection in the Royal Irish Academy of Music.

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“André Schulz.” The engraver’s name is unclear, but the date is clear as 1827. Picture Archives of the Austrian National Library.

Some Works by Andreas Schulz

•Sei / Variazioni / con Finale d’un Tema originale / per / La Chitarra / Composte e dedicate / Alla Sig.ra Giuseppa Dieffenbach nata Lutz / da / Andrea Schulz [Traeg, 18111] (D:Mbs2). •Sept / Variations / pour la / Guitarre / composées et dediees / A Mr. Charles Vincent Grienwald / par / André Schulz / Oeuvre 2. [Artaria, 1811, p.n. 2151] ( J:Ku,3 GB:Lam,4 GB:Lbl,5 A:Wst,6 DK:Km(m).7 •6 Walzer for guitar, flute & violin [Artaria, 1811, p.n. 2202].

Continued on page 110



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90



91

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GUITAR STUDIES

With Robert Trent, DMA Department of Music

http://grad-music.asp.radford.edu 94


The GFA Contemporary Music Series, No. 81

Two Miniatures for Guitar

by Matthew Dunne

M

atthew Dunne, guitarist and composer, has performed and taught throughout the United States and Mexico in both the classical and jazz genres. The San Antonio Express News has called his playing “beautiful … elegant, superb, well crafted, and sophisticated.” He was the first guitarist to receive the DMA degree from the University of Texas at Austin. He has been on the faculty of the University of Texas at San Antonio since 1992, where he currently directs the Guitar and Music Marketing programs. He has been a frequent collaborator with the LAGQ, having composed music for three of their Telarc CDs, including the Grammy winning Guitar Heroes. Dunne was the winner of the Tobin Grand Prize for Artistic Excellence from the Artist Foundation of San Antonio, as well as a grant award that funded the composition of the Twenty Miniatures. His guitar works are published by GSP international and have been performed extensively throughout the U.S. and Europe. These include Jazz Etudes for guitar, recorded by Bill Kanengiser on his GSP recording Classical Cool, and Appalachian Summer, composed for the 2005 GFA International Competition and recorded on a Naxos CD by Jérôme Ducharme. Dunne has recorded four compact discs: Forget the Alamo, a collection of his compositions for jazz combo; Music in the Mission, a recording of mostly twentiethcentury Latin American music for classical guitar recorded in the historic Mission San José in San Antonio; The Accidental Trio, Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

an acclaimed recording featuring vocalist Joan Carroll and accordionist Mark Rubinstein; and the CD included in the Twenty Miniatures publication. In addition to teaching, performing, and composing, Dunne organized the Southwest Guitar Festival in San Antonio biennially from 1995-2009, along with the GFA Convention in 2000. This festival has included collaborative projects with many arts organizations in San Antonio and has garnered considerable critical acclaim and international recognition. It included Leo Brouwer’s sole U. S. conducting appearance since the Cuban revolution; the world premier of Sergio Assad’s Interchange for guitar quartet and orchestra; and James Scott Balentine’s Triqueta for guitar, horn, and chamber orchestra; the U. S. premier of a children’s guitar orchestra from Paracho, Michoacán (Mexico); and the development of an international guitar competition for students of any age or level. In addition to the guitar works listed above, Dunne composed a programmatic piece for the guitarist Mary Akerman. This piece, titled Through the Halocline, was inspired by scuba diving in caves (cenotes) in Mexico’s Yucatán peninsula. The “halocline” is a layering effect generated by stratification of fresh and salt water within the Mexican cave system. It produces strange optical effects, including the illusion that divers descending immediately ahead disappear or dissolve, and unpredictable reflections of light emanating from both divers’ lights and from the occasional vent to

95

the jungle above the cave system. Matthew Dunne’s compositional training and output was originally primarily in the jazz idiom, and he brings a jazz vocabulary to many of his guitar compositions. He continues to arrange and compose in jazz styles, particularly within the setting of an innovative chamber music series in San Antonio that involves collaborative efforts between professional symphony and jazz musicians. This series has had a twenty-year successful history and has developed a strong local following. Dunne composed the Twenty Miniatures for guitar in the summer and fall of 2009, as a result of winning a grant from the Artist Foundation of San Antonio. He writes: Most of my prior guitar works for guitar were commissioned by virtuoso performers and ensembles. Consequently, I wanted to write some music that many guitarists could enjoy playing, including serious students, amateurs, and professionals. I found it invigorating to try to write short, accessible pieces that have musical depth and focus, and include some technical challenges, while maintaining a level of playability that does not exclude all but professional guitarists. The compositional style of the Miniatures reflects my jazz influences, interest in harmonic development, and admiration for implied counterpoint. I have tried to stay quite focused with regard to textural and rhythmic settings, relying on those to provide continuity while … allowing melodic and harmonic development to provide variety. There are bits of milonga, jazz waltz, folk music, even a touch of Celtic influence. Programmatically, the set opens with a group of five pieces that are musically and technically the most accessible of the twenty, and concludes with a theme and four variations which explore differing moods on the same melody. My edition is purposely somewhat sparse in its musical indications and fingerings. As an educator, I feel that fingering in guitar music is extremely important, but can also be personal. While I have indicated many of the fingerings I use, I invite guitarists to explore other options. Similarly, I feel that interpretation, dynamics, tempi, and phrasing should be guided not only by the composer but also by the performer. I am often delighted when I hear a performance of my music that includes new expressive ideas. The indicated tempi are suggestions, not specific requirements. I also prefer to write note durations, particularly in the bass, that are easy to read and reflective of musical intent. It is frequently impossible to sustain bass notes for their full duration, and I advise performers of my music to assuage any frustration they might feel about this reality of guitar music by remembering that one of the charms of our instrument is its organic, less-than-perfect consistency. Miniature 9: This piece began life as a lullaby of sorts that I improvised on a requinto. It’s a simple AABA form with a countermelody

96

that adds some textural interest and makes the piece a bit more challenging. Miniature 12: This is sort-of a small rondo structure with a fairly extensive central section of less harmonic stability. Although some of the vocabulary includes chord extensions and alterations, this piece was more inspired by Baroque gigues than by jazz styles.

The Twenty Miniatures are published by Guitar Solo Publications; Nos. 9 and 12 are presented here by kind permission. •

Yates, "Frank Lawes," continued from page 84 I have posted mp3 recordings of Cute an’ Catchy and Got a Happy Feelin’ on my website to give you some idea of how these transcriptions sound. Go to www.yatesguitar.com/ Soundboard/banjo.html. Internet resources I highly recommend the Classic Banjo website at http:// classic-banjo.ning.com. There you will find a large library of free, downloadable, public domain banjo music. The site, run by an individual known only by his online persona, Ian “thereallyniceman,” also has photos, instruction, and discussion forums inhabited by friendly and helpful aficionados. You will also find videos and sound recordings by Mike Moss and others with far more skill than I have picked up in my brief ramble through the world of the classical banjo. The Clifford Essex Company, publisher of BMG Magazine can be found at www.cliffordessex.net. The Banjo Hangout, at www.banjohangout.org, has instruments, music, discussions and more. Please send comments, suggestions or your transcriptions to: Richard Yates [email protected] www.yatesguitar.com Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

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It takes more than just determination to be a performer. It takes more than just practice. You need someone who cares, a community that understands. You need mentorship and guidance, someone to say, “Try that again, but this time...” At The Boston Conservatory, we have faculty to guide you, programs to support you, and a community of students and teachers who understand not only what it means to be a performer, but also what it takes. This is The Boston Conservatory community. Prepared to perform.

www. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

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conservatory.edu/guitar 101

Matteo Bevilacqua (1772-1849)

Variations sur les Folies d’Espagne for Two Guitars ed. by Richard M. Long

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atteo Paolo Bevilacqua (1772-1849) was born in Florence, and probably trained there; he moved to Vienna where he established himself as a singer, flautist, guitarist, and composer. Fétis (I, 400) cites over sixty publications in Vienna

and Rome (the last he mentions is Op. 63), including a guitar method. He also notes that none of Bevilacqua’s music was published after 1827. Bevilacqua wrote for flute, clarinet, with piano or guitar, guitar solo and duo, etc. Zuth (p. 39) Continued on page 116

Variations … sur les Folies d’Espagne for two guitars Matteo Bevilacqua Op. 48

Ed. by Richard Long

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Coldwell, “Schulz,” continued from page 88 •Sept Variations … for guitar, violin & flute, Op. 3 [Artaria, 1811, p.n. 2203] (A:Wst.8) •Walzer for guitar, flute & violin [Artaria, 1811, p.n., 2252]. •Air varié pour le violon par Mr. Rode avec accompagnement de la guitare par André Schulz [Artaria, 1813, p.n. 2271] (GB:Lbl,9 A:Wn,10 A:Wst.11) •Sei variazioni con finale, d’un tema originale, Op. 1 [Cappi & Diabelli, 1823) •Douze écossaises for guitar, Op. 6 [Cappi & Diabelli, 1823, p.n. 1226](A:GÖ,12 A:Wgm.13) •12 / Ländler / für die / Guitarre / componirt und dem / Herrn Baron Rudolph / von Brandau / zugeeignet / von / Andr. Schulz / 7tes Werk [Cappi & Diabelli, 1823, p.n. 1227] (IRL:Dam,14 A:WIL,15 Diabelli.) •Original Theme / with / Six Variations and Finale, / for the / Spanish Guitar, / Composed & Dedicated to / F. del Busto Esq.e / by / André Schulz [ Johanning & Whatmore] (IRL:Dam.16) •“It is a Pleasure Dear to Me,” / Serenade, / with Accompaniment for the / Spanish Guitar, / Composed & Dedicated to / Miss Zoe King, / by / André Schulz [ Johanning & Comp.], (IRL:Dam.17) •“Oh! Breathe Not a Word of our Love:” Song / the Poetry Written by E. V. Rippingille; the Music Composed & Dedicated to His Friend Mr Sigmont by M. André Schulz; Sung by Mr Wood, Mr Phillips, Mr Huckel, Mr Wilson & Mr Sigmont [G. Walker & Son] (GB:Lam.19) Endnotes Approximate dates are from Alexander Weinmann, ed., Vollständiges Verlagsverzeichnis Artaria & Comp. (Vienna: Musikverlag Ludwig Krenn, 1952), and Handbuch der musikalischen Litteratur (Leipzig: Anton Meysel & C. F. Whistling, 1817-1828. 2 Munich: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 2 Mus.pr. 2833. 3 Kyoto: Doshisha University, Nakano Collection, GS40-1P. 4 London: Royal Academy of Music, XX(143653.1). 5 London: British Library, h.259.jj.(3). 6 Vienna: Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, Mc-13892. 7 Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet–Musikhistorisk Museum og Carl Claudius samlings. 8 Vienna: Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, Mc-13892. 9 London: British Library, h.259.o.(28.). 10 Vienna: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, L18.Kaldeck MS41986-4°. 11 Vienna: Wienbibliothek im Rathaus, Mc-13894. 12 Göttweig (Austria): Benediktinerstift, 1626. 13 Vienna: Archiv der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, X 6468. 14 Dublin: Royal Irish Academy of Music, Hudleston Collection, H.IV.24.(151). 15 Wilhering (Austria): Zisterzienserstift, Kat.Nr. 1418. 16 Dublin: Royal Irish Academy of Music, Hudleston Collection, H.IV.23.(143). 17 Ibid., H.XXXV.57.(233). 18 London: Royal Academy of Music, McCann Collection. • 1

Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4 “The trees of the wood sing out for joy before the Lord” - I Chronicles 16:33

INTERVIEWs Clarice Assad

C

Exclusive Interview by Patrick Durek

larice Assad is the daughter of the revered composer and guitarist Sergio Assad, as well as niece of both Odair (the other half of the Assad Brothers) and the singer, songwriter, and guitarist Badi Assad. Her compositions are attracting the attention of some of the world’s finest performers, including guitarists. She agreed to discuss her art and her burgeoning career … PD: Your music has a distinctive improvisational essence to it, almost as if you were composing it on the spot. Talk about your personal compositional process. CA: My approach to music has always been very free. I don’t think too much when I’m actually creating, that takes away from the whole process of it. A lot of times I just record what I do, playing, singing. Later on I try to place it into a form, which is so important. I organize everything later. Freeform compositions come easy for me. PD: Talk about your composition Ad Lib, for piano, two guitars, and scat singing. How much improvisation takes place in this piece? CA: For the longest time everything I did in Ad Lib, even the solo, was always the same, which is funny because “ad lib” means improvised. But at the time, when I was 24, I was not confident enough to actually get on stage and just improvise. I didn’t dare! The element of fear was too great. I played everything that was written on the score. I don’t do that anymore [laughs]. I like that element of fear, now that I’m older. It’s so weird, it’s like I don’t care so much anymore [laughs]. Now it’s really ad lib. Now, I like the idea of something actually going wrong and having to catch it and not let it fall apart. I wonder what it’s going to be like in ten years. PD: In the article you wrote for the “Hidden World of Girls” project, you talked about growing up in post-dictatorship Brazil, where the air was filled with ideological arguments, and that the only way for you to express yourself was through singing. Talk a bit about that. CA: I had a great extended family and a lot of people around me. But children at that time were not brought up in the same way that children are brought up today. I would say that children, today, have so many rights: to speak, to do anything they want; they are spoiled, they almost run—rule—the house. It was not like that for me growing up, it was, “You are a child so you have to respect whoever is bigger than you.” For that reason there wasn’t a lot of arguing. Talking back was not an option at all, so you were very much inside of Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

yourself, and that’s the place I went to because that’s just me. My father, at the time, had just left. It was a confusing time for me. Because he was the closest person to me—my father was a stay-at-home dad, he practiced all day and he taught private students in the house. But the Assad Brothers finally—and thank God they did—had a major break in Europe, so they had to go where the work was. So he was gone a lot, and I lost that way of communication with music that I had with him. I was about six years old. My mother worked outside, I stayed a lot with cousins, so it was chaotic. I was always very creative and did a lot of singing. PD: It sounds as if you began developing your individual artistic voice very early on, during your formative years. Was expressing yourself musically a natural thing for you? CA: I had a hard time finding my own voice for a long time. Voice is identity, so if you absorb too much of what’s around you, then it’s a big mess. And opinions, everyone gives you

111

opinions. I think it’s a lifelong process, finding your own voice. As an artist you’re always in search of something to fill your artistic needs. It’s important. I like the challenge. I don’t want to do everything exactly the same all the time. I just don’t do that, that’s not me. What’s the fun, what is it that makes you tick, makes you want to get up and want to do that first thing in the morning? Otherwise, there’s no point. PD: Your music is immediately compelling. Is captivating the listener’s attention something you aim toward? CA: It’s not really my job to move the listener. You can’t control that. What I can do is be a conduit of sound. I have something like an antenna that is tuned in to the sound of the world. I get these ideas and I don’t know where they come from. They are completely pure when they come to me. That’s why I like to record myself; sometimes my ideas go someplace where I would not have gone to if I was conscious of it. It’s an amazing exploration. My job is to be a mediator—sometimes those unusual places that your mind is taking you to are places that are truly from a deep emotional state, and I don’t like to play around with those too much. I hope that the listener feels something—anything, even anger. I’d rather they feel anger than to not feel a thing. No reaction is the worst. PD: Talk about the challenges of being a composer in the twentyfirst century. CA: Most new music in the classical music world only goes as far as the premiere. That’s all you get. Hopefully, if you’re lucky, you get a good recording. It really makes me sad to think of that, but that’s the way it is. These days you have to do everything, you have to be your own editor and publisher, et cetera. I like being able to control what’s mine. Now, I want to help other composers, especially in Brazil, with my publishing company, Virtual Artists Collective, which publishes music and poetry. I co-founded it with Steve Schroeder, who does an amazing job with the poetry part of the company. I didn’t do so much with the music part until now. I want it to grow, and help publish more music by Brazilian composers. String orchestras, choruses, and guitarists are all looking for new music. There’s some great music out there that’s undiscovered because of paperwork, and that’s not right. PD: As you are a composer from Brazil and a member of the world’s most famous guitar-playing family, I must ask you about your thoughts regarding Villa-Lobos. CA: Wow! He was inspired. I love the guy, I think he’s fabulous! The Études are beautiful. It’s hard to believe they’re études. They

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are so enjoyable that you forget you’re playing studies …. Believe me! I grew up listening to them a lot, ad nauseam. Not only my family—my father, my uncle, and my aunt—but also my father’s students. I know all of them by heart. I just can’t play them. I cannot play the guitar. PD: You have written quite a bit for guitar, though—for the Assad Brothers, LAGQ, Cavatina Duo, Aquarelle Guitar Quartet, and others. Valsas do Rio, a guitar duo you wrote in 2001, is as expressive and weightless as any duo written for guitar. Bluezilian, for guitar quartet, is as light as a helium-filled feather, not being weighed down by four guitars, as many quartets are. Clearly, your guitar compositions are written by someone who deeply understands the guitar. How does a composer who doesn’t play an instrument write so sensitively for that instrument? CA: It’s not easy to write for guitar if you have no idea of what the instrument really is. If you’re in college studying to become a composer, you study a lot of new music, classics, but you never see a line written for guitar. It’s rare. So, composers who are walking around don’t even think about it. In orchestration classes, there is only a sad, limited portion about the guitar. It’s not emphasized, so it becomes a monster with seven heads for people who want to write for it but don’t know the sound of the guitar. I know where the fingers are if I hear an arpeggio because I heard it too many times. It’s part of my musical vocabulary; I grew up listening to it. But for most composers it’s ridiculously hard to write for guitar. Even though I don’t play the guitar, I do try out the positions and see, in slow motion, if everything is playable. If I can do it in a slow speed, someone who can play can do it at full speed. PD: Did you ever ask, as a child, to play the guitar? CA: My father didn’t let me play the guitar. Of course I wanted to learn—all my family played it. But he thought it was a limiting instrument for creating music, and wouldn’t be good for my development as a composer. He was right, in a way. When you look at the piano, all the intervals are there, you have a much wider range. But I love the guitar. PD: You have recently collaborated with your father Sergio. Talk about some of the music that you have composed with your father, particularly “Leaving,” from Back to Our Roots Suite, and what the process is like. CA: We wrote “Leaving” together. He wrote the melody and I wrote the ostinato underneath. We sent the score back and forth, but we were never actually in the same room together as we composed it. It was really cool! Collaborating with my father works, it’s not just something that’s a dream. We love that


musical dialogue. We don’t have problems communicating. We challenge each other in a good way, not offensive. Sometimes he’s so brutal with my ideas (laughs). I’m actually thankful for that. He’s so real that way. He won’t lie. If he doesn’t think something’s exceptional he will say so. His expectations are so high. I don’t think anyone can top what he’s written for guitar. It would be horrible if he was not as honest as he is. I think it’s great. It’s helped me grow as a musician. He’s been right every time. The whole concept of this piece came from my father. My great-grandfather emigrated to Brazil from Lebanon, married an Italian woman, and started a family. We carry no traditions from Lebanon, whatsoever, except for our last name and our curiosity. But, somewhere in us is another heritage, and my father wanted to explore that history. We are immigrants, and it’s about immigration. There are four movements: “Leaving,” “Hope,” “Saudades” (meaning longing), and “Happiness.” It’s a cool piece. I’ve arranged every version of the piece—there’s a new one they are doing with Yo Yo Ma. There’s the main version with vocals, and also an instrumental chamber version. The work is based on the idea of Arabic music, but there are also a lot of Brazilian elements. It’s us! PD: Do you have any plans for future collaboration? CA: I have a secret desire to co-write a set of études and preludes for guitar with my father—sort of what Bartók did with Microcosmos for the piano, in which the pieces get gradually harder. We’ve talked about it, and haven’t started it, but it’s definitely on my dream list. I think that would be a good thing for us. PD: It’s evident that you have a strong bond with your father. Were you two always so close? CA: Fifteen years ago, when I came to this country to live with my father, I got closer to him again. He had so much to say. Sometimes, he would rewrite things that I did, and show me ways to work out ideas. That way I would learn so much from him. Sometimes I would get mad [laughs]. He’s the first person I send anything to, even if it’s not polished—I like to get his opinion. He helped me with the order of pieces on my new CD. He’s fantastic that way! He’s a huge presence in my life. It’s beautiful.


PD: A career as a fulltime musician has never been easy. What is it like for you? CA: A lot of people are afraid. To many people it is not even considered a profession. “You’re a musician? What do you do for a living?”—I get that so many times [laughs]. And sometimes musicians ask you that question, too. It’s almost insulting because that’s my life. We all have to be flexible, though, and take care of ourselves. Sometimes I want to do a project and I need time to do it, but I can’t; I have to take a commission. I’m a freelance musician, I do a lot of things: I do arrangements, I do composition, I play, I record, I sing. There is a right time for everything. I couldn’t have done the scat piano concerto last year. In one year I grew so much. It’s amazing how everything has a right time to happen. I have to practice—seriously, I have so much to do for this premiere. It’s going to be fun! PD: The recording environment has changed so much over the past decade, with online file sharing, YouTube, and the demise of the recording industry. How have you adapted? CA: Everyone’s giving out music for free. But who’s paying for the recording? The price for top-level recording is higher than ever. And you pay all of this money but it’s not recovered in sales. In order to be taken seriously, you have to have professional sound these days. I remember when the internet came out and all the music stores collapsed. Brazil is the country of music piracy. I yelled at some of my friends—they all steal music on the internet. It’s awful! Think about it. It’s awful! Yet, people are still making music and giving it out for free. They listen to compressed mp3 sounds on their iPods. All the money you put out into recording, and editing, and mixing, and mastering, and manufacturing. And all of that ends up inside of a phone as a file that has been compressed to lose all the qualities that you spent so much money to get in the first place.

Clarice Assad

PD: What music are you working on now? CA: I am writing a two-guitar concerto for my father and uncle, premiering in October. I’m basing the entire piece on regional Brazilian music from the area where they are from, São Paulo—the music is so peculiar there. It’s going to be very personal for that reason. •

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evEnTS The 2012 JoAnn Falletta International Guitar Concerto Competition: The Modern Guitar Concerto at Center Stage

A

by Karen Izbinski

critical aspect of classical guitar music is the active search by its listening audience for new music and for performers who have the unquestionable skill and ability to perform without distraction. One such platform is the JoAnn Falletta International Classical Guitar Concerto Competition, held every two years in Buffalo, New York. The Artistic Directors of the competition, Joanne Castellani and Michael Andriaccio (the Castellani Andriaccio Duo), along with Co-Presenters, Donald K. Boswell (President and CEO of the Western New York Association for Public Broadcasting; Dan Hart, Executive Director of the Buffalo Philharmonic Orchestra; and JoAnn Falletta, Maestro of the same orchestra, have created a leading-edge competition that elicits global recognition and respect. This competition brings international guitarists to Kleinhan’s Music Hall for a guitar competition unlike any other in the world. JoAnn Falletta observed that “The competition developed at a time when there was no major classical guitar concerto competition.” A judging panel is invited and presented with the task of listening to eight performers before a “live” studio audience, and the guitarists must execute the musical performance of their lives. This panel has keen eyes and ears for talent, and the competition’s creators are unquestionably raising the bar for the guitar concerto format. University of Denver’s Ricardo Iznaola, Department Chair of the Guitar and Harp and a judge for the 2012 competition, stated, “This new competition standard cannot be ignored.” The competition, in its fifth biennial edition, clearly presents itself in a category of its own. Background Don Boswell, President, and CEO of WNED, came to Buffalo about ten years ago and, at that time, initiated the Buffalo Niagara Guitar Festival. The

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festival dedicated the stage to showcasing local and internationally known guitarists of all styles throughout a four-day event. Sharon Isbin was the first classical guitarist to perform at the festival that later included a lineup of guitar performers such as Christopher Parkening. It became clear to Boswell very early on that the classical guitar portion of the Buffalo Guitar Festival was the most popular part of the festival. Boswell was very involved with the Van Cliburn International Piano Competition and he began to consider a program for a guitar concerto competition. The first person he contacted was JoAnn Falletta, Music Director of the Buffalo Philharmonic Orchestra. Eager to begin a blueprint that could change the guitar concerto forever, Falletta contacted Joanne Castellani and Michael Andriaccio, one of the world’s foremost classical guitar duos. Michael Andriaccio noted that, “The timing was right for each and every person involved and once this happened, everything was set in motion.” The JoAnn Falletta International Guitar Concerto Competition began in 2004, and WNED and the BPO present the event. It is named in honor of JoAnn Falletta, the BPO’s Music Director.   The Blind Audition One of the first steps in the application process is for the Artistic Directors and several judges to listen to the applicants’ performances (on CD). Joanne Castellani revealed that, “There is no discussion between judges and we never see the name of the performer during this stage of the CD auditions. Each judge gives the performance a total number of points and the performers with the top eight scores are invited to the semi-finals.” The performance requirements change each year to keep the competition fresh. JoAnn Falletta & Celil Refik Kaya Maestro Falletta added, “It was Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

relatively rare to see the classical guitar with an orchestra and each year we see new performers playing new material. This year it was Roberto Sierra’s Folías, a piece that is now a part of the BPO repertoire. The emphasis on new music becomes a challenge for the guitarists and for the orchestra.” The Semi-Finalists The semi-finalists are notified, and the next challenge is to bring these international performers to Buffalo. This year the eight finalists were (in alphabetical order): Petrit Çeku (Croatia), András Csáki (Hungary), Mark Edwards (U.S.A.), Tariq Harb (Canada/Jordan), Ekachai Jearakul (Thailand), Celil Refik Kaya (Turkey), Nemanja Ostoich (Serbia), and Sanel Redžić (Germany). Many have already won other international competitions, some are on touring rosters, and others study guitar in the United States. Organizing the competition to run smoothly is extremely important, and Castellani noted that “once the competitors come to Buffalo and see how this competition is organized, when they see that they are interviewed, photographed for publicity, and their performances are televised, they begin to understand how select and competitive this competition truly is.” Petrit Çeku acknowledged that he wanted to compete “because it is JoAnn Falletta, a conductor and fellow classical guitarist. She went on to become a great conductor and she did not forget about the guitar.” The Judges For the first time in the Falletta Competition history, all of the judges were performing classical guitarists. The panel of judges consisted of Joanne Castellani, Michael Andriaccio, Eduardo Fernández, Berta Rojas, Adam

Holzman, Tony Morris, and Ricardo Iznaola, along with Dan Hart of the BPO and David Dusman, critically acclaimed recording engineer for the Preliminary Round. The Semi-Finals. The public received its first view of the competition at the semi-finals that were held on June 6, and 7, 2012. The Semifinals were broadcast “live” on television on WNED-TV, as well as live streaming over the Internet. The two-night event then began with four of the eight performers playing their selected works. Castellani points out, “The goal is for each performer to perform the concerto with his or her own interpretive skill. It is twenty-five minutes of non-stop performance, so they have to be up to the task.” Fernández added, “it is the complete interpretation of the work [music] that is presented in the now that makes a performance successful.” Iznaola indicated that, “There must be something in the performance that I cannot ignore … something unexpectedly beautiful.” Laura Oltman and Michael Newman of the Newman & Oltman Duo, an international guitar duo based in New Jersey, were present in the audience for the Semi-finals. Oltman, a judge in a previous edition of the competition, made it clear, “The Falletta Competition brings guitar competition to a new level.” Newman said, “The number of competitors, its visibility in the U.S. and the rest of the world, makes this perhaps the most refined competition there is in the world today.” JoAnn Falletta recognizes the impact that the competition has had in the western New York region; “Buffalo has embraced and gotten behind this competition, and we are particularly happy about it. For many of the young people who come to the United States,

Top: Celil Refik Kaya, Petrit Çeku, JoAnn Falletta, Ekachai Jearakul, Joanne Castellani, & Michael Andriaccio; below: the Judges perform in ensemble. From left: Ricardo Iznaola, Adam Holzman, Berta Rojas, Eduardo Fernández, Tony Morris, Joanne Castellani, & Michael Andriaccio.


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their first impression of the U.S. is Buffalo, New York. They arrive in Buffalo at a very beautiful time of the season, they are welcomed as artists, and they are treated as professionals.” During the semi-finals, the guitar concertos are performed with piano accompaniment. The semi-finals resulted in the elimination of five of the eight competitors. The three who advanced to the Final Round of the competition were Petrit Çeku (Croatia), Ekachai Jearakul (Thailand), and Celil Refik Kaya (Turkey).

would perform on the D’Addario Pro Arte Series at Carnegie Hall. Castellani graciously thanked the orchestra, the judging panel and guitarists, and JoAnn Falletta for “the atmosphere that is created in the competition from their participation.” When Andriaccio was asked about the future of the classical guitar in the performance arena he stated, “We are passing through a new period of hopefulness for inclusion of the guitar as a featured instrument with the orchestra. Anything is possible.” •

The Finals. The stakes are high in the finals at the Falletta Competition. The winner receives a cash award of $10,000; a handmade guitar by Gabriel Hernández-Jiménez of Paracho, Mexico; the distinguished opportunity to perform with the BPO and the Virginia Symphony Orchestra; and at the Round Top Festival and elsewhere. The program began with all of the judges performing as an ensemble. These recording artists brought a delicate approach to Ernesto Nazareth’s Brejeiro and Stepan Rak’s Rumba. This unique opportunity to hear these stellar performers on stage at once added to the already brilliant format of the competition. JoAnn Falletta is now the turn-to conductor for classical guitarist requests. “Now that other music directors know about this competition,” she said, “I’m able to recommend these superstars to other orchestras. This makes the competition a sort of touchstone.” … “This year was also a turning point for us,” Falletta said. “To make it to our fifth edition— which is ten years for everyone who has devoted an enormous amount of time to it—it really was like an anniversary for us.” Audience participation is an added feature of the competition with the presentation of the Audience Favorite Award. Falletta continued, “I think that [from] the reaction of our audience and for everyone that was involved, that this was the best year yet. We are seeing people come to the competition who may not even consider themselves classical music lovers, but they love the guitar.” The BPO musicians chose their own winner of the competition and the BPO 2012 Musicians’ Favorite Award went to Petrit Çeku. Çeku was also granted the Audience Favorite Award through the ballot system. The first place winner of the competition was Celil Refik Kaya. Petrit Çeku placed second ($3,000), and Ekachai Jearakul won third prize ($1,500). The Artistic Directors are very creative and modify the competition year after year to keep it fresh and challenging. Michael Andriaccio announced that the winner of the next JoAnn Falletta International Guitar Concerto Competition

Long, “Bevilacqua,” continued from page 102 says he was a tenor at the Esterházy chapel, and published his music between 1807 and 1827, and that he died in Vienna on January 24, 1849, at the age of 77. Bone (p. 37) repeats these but provides the names of publishers, so many of the publication dates can be checked. Bevilacqua’s works for guitar include solos (Opp. 33-34), duets (Opp. 21, 35, 48), and works for guitar and flute (Opp. 10-11, 19, 24, 62-63), guitar and violin (Op. 9), guitar and piano (Opp. 12, 14, 50), a quartet for flute, violin, cello, and guitar (Op. 18), and music for guitar and voice(s) (Op. 28 and several without opus number). I am not aware of any extant copies of the quartet. Bevilacqua arrived in Vienna in the first decade of the nineteenth century, and became a member of the small but significant indigenous guitar community there. Tranquillo Mollo was already publishing Bevilacqua’s Principes et méthode nouvelle pour pincer le guitare in 1808, the year Mauro Giuliani arrived in the city. The Folías theme, said to have originated in Portugal, evolved in the Baroque period and became closely associated with the guitar. By the seventeenth century, the best known version of Folías was not so much a theme as a ground bass/ chord progression (i–V–i–VII–III–VII–i–V), and the Baroque guitar—essentially a strummed instrument—made it ubiquitous in western Europe, even as far as England, where it was called “Farinelli’s Ground.” Curiously, the frenetic dance of the sixteenth century slowed to a stately sarabande, upon which Baroque composers (notably Marais, Corelli, and Handel) invented endless variations. In the eighteenth century, the guitar evolved into an instrument for accompanying voice, and the guitar methods of the period emphasized arpeggio patterns upon chords; the Folías progression continued to be a staple. In the early nineteenth century, a new generation of guitarists revisited the Folías once again, this time as a theme upon which to base virtuoso variations. Bevilacqua’s Variations pour deux guitarres sur les Folies d’Espagne …, Op. 48, was published by Artaria in 1807; it seems to me to be a transitional work, rising above the repetitive arpeggios of the eighteenth century, but not yet aspiring to the virtuosity of Carulli, Giuliani, and Sor. •

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BOOKS Donn LeVie, Jr.: Instrumental Influences. Austin: Kings Crown Publishing, 2011. ISBN-13: 978-0-9814857-3-7. Softbound. 294 pp. No price marked. One of the most vital qualities that an aspiring guitarist needs to cultivate is the ability to “think like a musician,” along with the habit of doing so. One way of developing this is to peek into the minds of established artists to see how they approach problem-solving, practicing, selfawareness, and performing. Many of the guitar’s periodicals present interviews with performers and composers, but there they rarely have sufficient space to probe very deeply. Here, Donn LeVie has collected the thoughts and considered reflections of a number of the instrument’s notables, giving them free rein to discuss a wide variety of topics that will be (or certainly should be) of interest to anyone in the field. The twenty general subjects addressed range from abstract concepts such as attentiveness, imagination, and independent thinking to more concrete elements like finger independence and performance anxiety. LeVie introduces each subject with a short essay of his own and then gets out of the way to allow one or more of the “guest essayists” to comment. The luminaries who contributed segments are Lily Afshar, Denis Azabagić, Nicholas Ciraldo, Margarita Escarpa, Eliot Fisk, Kevin Gallagher, Gerald Garcia, Anthony Glise, Matthew Greif, Matthew Hinsley, William Kanengiser, Susan McDonald, Jeffrey McFadden, Ronn McFarlane, the Newman and Oltman Guitar Duo, Christopher Parkening, Charles Postlewate, Berta Rojas, Marco Tamayo, David Tanenbaum, Marc Teicholz, Scott Tennant, Ben Verdery, Jason Vieaux, and Stanley Yates. Naturally, there is a wide variety of writing styles and approaches to presenting information, but all the essays are well worth reading, and many will be thought-provoking. This offers a valuable opportunity to observe the thinking habits of many artists who have spent a lot of time developing their art and now have generously shared some of the lessons and insights that have been important to them. —David Grimes Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

T h e

1 3 T h

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M a n n e s

Be a PLaYeR: exploring entrepreneurship and the Business of Music July 9 – 14, 2013 Featuring: sharon Isbin, eliot Fisk, Carlos Barbosa-Lima, antigoni Goni, Richard Patterson, Zaira Meneses, Lawrence del Casale, The Castellani-andriaccio Duo, newman & Oltman Guitar Duo, Mariano aguirre, Carlo Valte, Francisco Roldán and others. 150 W. 85th street, nY, nY 10024

212-580-0210 x 4883 www.newschool.edu/mannes/guitar

PuBLICATIONS Jorge Ritter: Three Pieces. San Francisco: GSP Publications, 2011 [GSP 267]. 7 pp. $9.00. Here is a very good three-movement suite by the Mexican composer Jorge Ritter. The opening “Preludio” (rápido) sets the mood nicely, with flourishes quite reminiscent of Ponce’s Sonatina meridional or Turina’s Sonata en re. There’s a motive in here which seems to nearly be a direct quotation of Sir William Walton’s Bagatelle No. 5, with a slurred half-step in the bass and repeated notes, which is then repeated an octave higher, with several more repetitions at other note values. It was effective then, and is effective now. The second movement, “Con sabor” (moderato), is a charming song which, in the beginning, is offset with minorsecond harmonies, before settling into a more traditional vein. The concluding “Jaleo” is a boisterous dance that moves along in a compound 6/8–3/4 pulse. Not much going on melodically here, but the solid underlying pulse keeps it all going forward. This is really fine music, written for probably a Grade 4 or 5 standard. Total time is about eight to nine minutes. It’s definitely worthy of a recording by one of the many A-list guitarists around. Until that happens, and I’m certainly not holding my breath for that to happen anytime soon, a commendable YouTube recording of the suite (by Miguel Antonio García Rangel) is readily available. —David Norton Castilla-Avila, Agustín: Presentimiento (Habanera) & Laura’s Song. Vienna: Doblinger, 2011 [D 35 938]. 6 pp. $22.00. The composer was born in Spain in 1974, and has a creditable list of professional accomplishments both as a guitarist and as a composer. He describes these two brief works as “early pieces of mine which exhibit clear influences of a Spanish guitar’s tonal language.” The Habanera opens with a brief introduction, which also serves as a coda in a slightly altered form, before launching into the well-known rhythmic pattern. My concern here is that the piece has frequent bursts of 64thnote arpeggiated chords which will either badly interrupt the overall flow of the music, or require a highly precise left-hand

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shifting mechanism. In a couple of spots, these speed-bursts are labeled molto rubato or morendo, but not all the time. So there are some interpretive decisions to be made. Laura’s Song is a counting nightmare. In a total of 120 bars of music, there are 63 changes of rhythm (often consecutive measures). The first six bars alone of the main theme are written in 3/4, 7/8, 3/4, 7/8, 3/4, 11/8. Uh, hello? The internal rhythm of each measure is in eighths or sixteenths, and there is a sort of pattern which evolves, but my head hurt by the end of the first page. These could be good pieces for those who enjoy solving the New York Times Sunday Crossword, but otherwise I am —David Norton not very impressed. Atanas Ourkouzounov: Extension. Saint-Romuald: Éditions Doberman-Yppan, 2011 [DZO 756]. 10 pp. $9.00. The Bulgarian composer Ourkouzounov has some excellent guitar credentials, having studied with several well-known French masters of the instrument. His Extension, subtitled Illusion No. 2, is firmly cast in 7/8 meter almost all the way. Sometimes this means 4+3, other times the accent is 3+4. It is certainly a composition of Middle Eastern origin, relying on a mesmerizing rhythm to makes its musical case. There are some elements of oud music here, and anything resembling a whistleable melody is purely coincidental and probably unintended. But as an exciting, high-energy display piece, it works very well. Not for the faint of heart or fingers; this is —David Norton Grade 8 easily. Nick Fletcher: Shadow Lands. Saint-Romuald, Les Productions D’Oz, 2011 [DZ 1655]. 6 pages. $8.00. Shadow Lands by Nick Fletcher is a tonal exploration through the dark key of b minor. As a composer, Fletcher works out his musical ideas in a sensible way that unravels as the piece develops. After the first major phrase-group, we are quickly moved into a secondary theme that introduces some chromaticism (in the way of passing tones) that gives the piece its unique flavor. In the B section of the piece, the motifs are continued in a quasi-development. In the description of the Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

piece, Fletcher says, “Despite the composition being firmly rooted in the tonality of b minor, the use of many chromatic notes, occasional dissonant chords, and whole tone scales gives the piece a slightly unsettled feel.” Although I avoid making comparisons, this piece is slightly reminiscent of Nikita Koshkin’s Usher Waltz. Shadow Lands is dedicated to Russian virtuoso Irina Kulikova, so there might be a bit of that “Koshkin” sound within this composition. The only problem I found was in m. 32. The composer has “X”s on the notes F #, D, and A#, but fails to mention anywhere how to execute these notes. I highly recommend this piece because of its overall appeal. It is always welcoming to get a piece that is interesting melodically and harmonically, while giving the intermediate player a technical challenge. A player of a higher caliber could perform this piece in a recital and give it color and contour that would make it quite appealing. —Michael Anthony Nigro

Michel Dalle Ave: Iglesia. Saint-Romuald, Les Productions D’Oz 2012 [DZ 1751]. 3 pages. $5.00. French guitarist and composer, Michel Dalle Ave (b. 1958) immerses himself in the musical worlds of jazz and fingerstyle guitar as well as classical. I personally find this to be trite and underdeveloped. If it was intended for students, I believe there are far more interesting pieces to choose from in the repertoire. Perhaps it would be better represented in a collection of pieces at a student level rather than published as a stand-alone solo. This piece has straightforward rhythms that should be easily read by any second-year guitar student. It is in triple meter that alternates between quarter- and eighth-notes. Much of the piece has the standard Boom (played with p) Chuck (im) Chuck (im) rhythm with the melody played occasionally with the a finger on the first beat. I think that much of the interest here is in the harmonic progressions. This piece would best serve a pre-college student working towards a recital or second-year students looking to sharpen their sight-reading skills. —Michael Anthony Nigro

PuBLICATIOnS RECEIvED COMPILED BY DAVID GRIMES from Anthony Glise Glise, Anthony (text) and Wyeth, Megan (photos): I Speak. St. Joseph: Aevia Publications, 2012. ISBN-10: 0-9854220-0-9. Hardbound. CD included. 88 pp., No price marked. from Midshelf Music Publications P. O. Box 567 Moorpark, Ca 93020

from Theodore Presser 588 North Gulph Road King of Prussia, PA 19406 www.presser.com

Morris, Scott: Classical Guitar Complete. Los Angeles: Middle Shelf Music, 2010. CD included. 98 pp., $25.00.

Emery, Dan: Guitar for Absolute Beginners. New York: New York City Guitar School, 2009. 95 pp., $17.95.

Morris, Scott: Classical Guitar Complete. Moorpark, 2012. CD included. 122 pp., $25.00.

Molotov, Lenny: Finger Style Basics for Guitar. New York: New York City Guitar School, 2011. 111 pp., $15.95.


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RECORDInGS Hemmo, Philip. The Twentieth Century Guitar. Works by Rodrigo, Edwards, Brouwer, Albéniz, and Villa-Lobos. Project Aurora Recordings PAR 12.01, 2012. Philip Hemmo’s disc of twentieth-century works is a wellchosen recital surveying a relatively conservative slice of the repertoire. He begins with one of Rodrigo’s loveliest works, Junto al Generalife. He has a generally good feel for the work, but his performance is marred by a few wrong notes in the tremolo section (F n for the printed F #) and some dynamics and articulations which are ignored. (Of course, he may have some other version of the score, but these sound like wrong notes whatever their provenance.) Australian composer Ross Edwards’ Blackwattle Caprices is a fine work, possessing that ineffable “Australian-ness” which distinguishes so many of the works from the continent. Another superb choice is Brouwer’s El Decamerón negro. While Hemmo never achieves the supreme fluidity of figuration of the very top recordings, he is never less than satisfying. The program closes with the five Preludes of Villa-Lobos. While they are generally successful, the second is marred by Hemmo’s ignoring the composer’s clearly marked indication of rubati in the principal melody of the A section, and some right hand imprecision in the central section. He doesn’t do the complete repetition of the third Prelude, a choice which I don’t mind at all, but also ignores the slides in the fourth, which is regrettable, since they make the piece more evocative. The artist supplies fine liner notes, and recorded sound is excellent. —Al Kunze James Reid (with Diana Schaible, guitar, and Ferenc Cseszko, violin). Guitarra americana. Works by Carlevaro, M. D. Pujol, Walker, and the artist. Lost Trail Music Company CD 1009, 2011. Including music for solo guitar and guitar duo, as well as a duet with violin, this recording by James Reid presents a refreshingly unique combination of music from Argentina, Uruguay, and the United States. This is Reid’s eighth CD. A longtime professor of music at the University of Idaho who clearly knows his way around

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the guitar, Reid plays with a clean, strong technique. Reid’s own Five Homages, originally conceived as studies, are miniatures written in the style of composers including Barrios and Castelnuovo-Tedesco. Some are more successful than others, especially the ones devoted to Bryan Johanson and Jeffrey Van. The writing in the movement dedicated to Federico Mompou is quite evocative of the composer but, though well-written, pleads for a more expansive palette of color and phrasing to achieve its expressive potential. Abel Carlevaro’s Microestudios, presented in their entirety, are a welcome resource for both students and teachers from a composer well-known for flawless technique in performance. Reid plays these with a mature sense of timing and control, but fails to bring out much variety of timbre, with a few exceptions, such as No. 13, where his varied coloration and rubato achieve a solid musical effect. Occasionally, as when hearing the distracting string noise in No. 10, this writer is reminded of a masterclass taken with Carlevaro, where the maestro always began his insightful comments with “Hay un problema. …” Máximo Diego Pujol’s Tango, milonga, y final for two guitars is recorded with one of Reid’s former students, Diana Schaible. All the notes are there, but some of the music is missing. The accompaniment often outweighs the melody in volume, a situation which may or may not have been the fault of the performers, but one which should have been addressed at some point during the recording process. In the romantic phrases of the second movement, the accompaniment could use a more collaborative approach, with a touch more rubato and dynamics to help shape the middle of the phrases. More successful in terms of ensemble is a live recording of the Five Pieces of Gwyneth Walker, performed with violinist Ferenc Cseszko. Likely due to the live concert atmosphere in which this music was made, the duo achieves excellent balance, both acoustically and musically, while playing with a refreshing energy. The sound on this recording is always clean, but often dimensionally flat, with a close-miked quality that sounds almost compressed, especially in some of the Micropiezas. The classical guitar’s delicate sound needs more space in order to breathe and sound realistic. In mastering the CD, this reviewer would have appreciated more silence inserted between the major works than between the moveSoundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

ments within each work. The listener needs more time to process what has just been heard, especially at the end of a multi-movement work. —Jim McCutcheon Nicholas Ciraldo. Coming of Age. Works by Bach, Sor, Moreno Torroba, and Brouwer. No label or number, 2011. www.ciraldomusic.com Nicholas Ciraldo’s fine Villa-Lobos disc was reviewed in Soundboard about a year ago (Vol. XXXVII, No. 4). Here we have a more wide-ranging recital which is equally satisfying. Recordings of Bach’s fourth ’Cello Suite are appearing more often these days, and Ciraldo’s version is a fine contribution to its adoption in the mainstream of Bach transcriptions. After a free and flowing prelude, the next two movements have a very dance-like flow. The “Allemande” has nice rhythmic pointing, and the impressive “Courante” is a showpiece. Both benefit from well-chosen, discrete ornamentation. The texturally sparse “Sarabande” is brought to life by lovely phrasing of its melody and a delicate and warm tone. I would have liked a more sharply sculpted rhythm in the two “Bourrées,” but the “Gigue” makes for a strong finale to the work. Following the suite is Sor’s Op. 30, Septième Fantasie. This work needs perfect control of dynamics, articulation, and tone, and Ciraldo delivers in every regard, playing with admirable sensitivity. The lengthy concluding “Allegretto” is a fine display of the artist’s ability to balance notes in chords and across textures. This is a particularly valuable trait here, because the section can otherwise be rather tedious. Overall, I have not heard the piece played better. Moreno Torroba’s Piezas características are not played as much as they deserve to be. As the title implies, they are musical depictions of aspects of Spanish life (specifically in Castile). Ciraldo gives each movement a fine performance. The disc concludes with an excellent traversal of the Brouwer Sonata. All three movements are done well, but I particularly liked the last, done with real fire! (Well, not real fire, but you get the idea.) The fine sound on the recording is partly due to post-production work by Frank Wallace, a name well known —Al Kunze to aficionados of the GFA. Izhar Elias. Hommage à Debussy. Works by Falla, Rodrigo, Sauguet, Turina, Poulenc, Tansman, and Villa-Lobos. Brilliant Classics 9246, 2011. Izhar Elias’ last recording reviewed in Soundboard was the utterly unlikely but remarkably successful arrangement of RosSoundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

sini’s opera Semiramide. Now we have something completely different. It is a far more conventional, but quite satisfying, recital of works in some way associated with Paris, but covering quite a wide stylistic swath, and including in fact only two works by French composers. The disc opens with Falla’s Hommage to Debussy. It is played well, though it is a bit leisurely for the underlying habanera form. (Most recordings, actually, are too slow.) Rodrigo’s Invocation and Dance is also a bit leisurely at times, but again very well played. This avoidance of virtuoso tempi works well for Elias, though it should not be understood as a definitive way of performing several of the pieces included here. I very much like Henri Sauguet’s neglected and wonderfully atmospheric Soliloque. It is followed by a very fine perfomance of the Turina Sonata. This work can easily go musically astray, but Elias never lets that happen. The slow movement is exceptionally beautiful: I have never heard it played better. Only some clumsy and imprecise rasgueado passages lessen the overall effect of his performance. (Micro-sermon: classical guitarists really, really should master a flamenco piece or two just to make the frequent instances of rasgueado in the standard repertoire more effective. It’s also great exercise for the extensor muscles in the right arm.) The Poulenc Sarabande in Elias’ hands is no mere trifle, but an exquisite miniature making its uniqueness in Poulenc’s output all the more regrettable. I love the Tansman Cavatina, which, for the most part, Elias plays exquisitely. Happily, he includes the “Danza pomposa” as its conclusion, but unhappily here the tempo is really too slow; at no time is there sufficient forward movement for the piece to be effective. And, not to belabor the point, Villa-Lobos’ Etude No. 7 gives the distinct impression of being technically constrained. The recorded sound is —Al Kunze lovely and notes and presentation are fine. Renato Samuelli. Guitar Works. Works by CastelnuovoTedesco. Newton Classics 8802106, 2012. There is a wealth of music by Castelnuovo-Tedesco which is seldom, if ever, heard, so it is wonderful to have this fine disc by Renato Samuelli to showcase mostly unknown works. And as it turns out, they are not deservedly unknown! The opening work, Variations through the Centuries, is sometimes programmed, and has been recorded before, but Samuelli does a first-rate job musically and technically, and it makes a wonderful opening for the disc. The real novelty of the disc comes next, music from two books of the Appunti, listed on the disc sleeve as Notes from Notebook I and Notes from Notebook II, an inelegant rendering at best. Luckily, the

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music and performance do not share the awkwardness of the translated title. (In identifying the pieces, it would have been much better to have maintained the actual numbering from the published music.) The pieces originated from a request made by Ruggiero Chiesa for (quoting from William Yeoman’s excellent liner notes) “a collection of pedagogic pieces of moderate difficulty for solo guitar.” While their provenance may suggest a limited technical scope, the works do not betray any real æsthetic limitations, being lovely and sophisticated and very much identifiable as the work of their composer. Very “Tedescan” (a word I just made up), in other words. All of the works are charming, but I especially liked the “Song of Reapers,” the murmuring tremolandi of “The Rose in the Rain,” and the gorgeous “Ave Maria” in Notebook I. In Notebook II (literally, book two, part two), which focuses on dances of the 1800s, my favorites are the “French Waltz” and the impressive “Polonaise,” which Samuelli plays exceedingly well. The disc finishes with the familiar Tonadilla on the Name “Andrés Segovia” and Capriccio diabolico, both played in an exemplary fashion. Recorded sound is wonderful, both clear and warmly flattering, and notes—except for the confusion of nomenclature mentioned above—are good, except for including nothing about the artist! This is a re-release of an album from 1999 on the Rivoalto label, and Newton Classics is to be congratulated for reviving it. —Al Kunze Thanos Mitsalas. Guitar Classics in the Italian Tradition. Works by Tárrega, Legnani, Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Regondi, and Domeniconi. Clear Note 74575, 2012. Greek virtuoso Thanos Mitsalas has hopped the pond—in this case the Ionian Sea—for a diverse program of music by Italian composers. It is a fruitful journey, for he brings to this nicely varied program flawless musicianship, winning musicality, and beautiful tone. In fact, my only cavil with the disc is the first work, the Tárrega Variations on the “Carnival of Venice.” In a piece like this, which we must admit does not plumb any musical depths, a sense of abandon is really needed, and at times Mitsalas seems a bit constrained, not technically, but in the necessary sense of playfulness without which the piece is less effective. But from the Legnani Fantasia which follows to the end of the disc, we are fully in the hands of a top-flight player. The Legnani, for instance, displays Mitsalas’ wonderful sense of balance among voices. It is something which should always happen, but often does not. Castelnuovo-Tedesco’s Capriccio diabolico gets an exemplary performance distinguished by exquite phrasing, variety

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of tone and articulation, and well-chosen use of agogic accents. Good job, Thanos! He also has a fine way with two of Regondi’s greatest hits, Nocturne “Rêverie” and Introduction and Caprice. Not to detract from the merits of his performance, these pieces always leave me wanting not more, but less. They seem to substitute rhetoric for real drama. But that’s me—you may love them. Mitsalas is doing everything he can. Carlo Domeniconi is Italian but the Turkish roots of Koyunbaba are a bit out of the “Italian tradition.” No matter. It is a fun piece, very well played here. We’ll just assume that he hopped an alternate pond. Recorded sound is excellent. —Al Kunze Barrios Guitar Quartet (Antje Asendorf, Ulf Borcherding, Stefan Hladek, and Martin Wentzel, guitars, with Alexander Hladek, percussion). El Calor del día. Works by Falla, Santiago de Murcia, Boccherini, Vivaldi, Goss, York, Metheny and Mays, and Kanengiser. AureaVox 20121, 2012. The first things that reach the beholders’ eyes on the cover of this CD are the initials for the Barrios Guitar Quartet, BGQ, in the largest font present there. It is worth noting that there are at least two other BGQs out there, including the ones from Barcelona and Brazil. The subtitle of the CD, Outstanding Music, seems unnecessary and self-serving, and actually rather unprofessional. After all, if you are going to be an artist, you do need to believe in the quality of your work, but in this reviewer’s mind, if your work is really good, you shouldn’t need to state it overtly. And this CD is quite good. Opening with a lively group of familiar dances from Manuel de Falla’s El Sombrero de tres picos, the quartet exudes solid musicality, demonstrating a firm command of the full range of the guitar’s energy spectrum. The arrangements were obviously made by musicians with an intimate knowledge of both music and the guitar, preserving the original with few compromises and making excellent use of a quintbass. The players draw on a tonal palette of many colors, from harsh, energetic rasgueados, to sweet sul tasto melodic passages, all executed with a well-prepared sense of balance between the parts. This is a very spirited performance. In the “Danza del Molinero,” the buzzing bass notes are distracting, even though buzzes are common in the flamenco tradition. Imitating castanets, fingernail clicks on the side of a guitar in the “Danza del Corregidor” is a very nice idea, but a little more presence is needed. Antiphonal phrases in this movement are particularly effective, achieved with clarity, thanks to excelSoundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

lent stereo separation and balance. The set concludes with a very strong arrangement and performance of the “Danza de la molinera.” Here, the quartet shows a clear understanding of the music, adeptly delineating sections of music by varying tone, texture, and dynamics. Two fandangos follow, the first by Santiago de Murcia using reproductions of Baroque guitars. The sound of these instruments gives the listener a welcome contrast in a substantial arrangement which implies some improvisation on the part of the arranger. These period instruments also enhance a sonata by Antonio Vivaldi. A second fandango, this one by Boccherini, from his famous guitar quintet, is a tour de force—an expert arrangement and virtuosic performance. The first half of the CD contains music from the Baroque, Classical, and Romantic eras, while the second half presents music from composers born after 1950, and the chosen pieces reflect a wide diversity of styles, creating a celebratory tribute to the vast possibilities of the guitar. New to this reviewer’s ears is Gnossiennes after Erik Satie by English composer Stephen Goss. These are excellent arrangements of five of Satie’s Gymnopédies and Gnossiennes. Expanding upon the piano’s comparatively limited tonal resources, Goss uses the guitar’s inherent sonorities and techniques, including bending strings, ligados, glissandi, and an exquisitely delicate conclusion with harmonics. Following that, Andrew York’s rhythmic Bantu achieves a drastic change of mood, complete with a variety of percussive effects for all four guitars. More percussion follows as the quartet is joined on the title track, written by Pat Matheny and Lyle Mays, by a fine percussionist, Alexander Hladek, endowing the performance with an unforgettable driving energy. Concluding the CD is Gongan by William Kanengiser, a striking piece which imitates the sound of a Balinese orchestra with prepared guitars sounding like gongs, bringing the recording to a more restful conclusion. The recorded quality is generally pristine, with occasional background noises which do not distract from the music. Liner notes are informative and generally well written. One curious statement is that “guitarists owe a debt of gratitude to Pat Metheny, who established the guitar as a solo jazz instrument in the 1970s.” The writer of this, though appropriately aware of Metheny’s eminence in the world of jazz, gives him too much credit, for even though he has played a few solo pieces, he never took solo jazz guitar playing to the level of, say, Joe Pass, and to this writer’s knowledge, avoided playing entire concerts as a soloist. Overall, this is an excellent CD featuring a winning combination of excellent repertoire, arrangements, program Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

sequencing, and excellent recorded quality. These performers have achieved a significant level of artistry, and deserve to be heard. —Jim McCutcheon Oregon Guitar Quartet (David Franzen, Bryan Johanson, Jesse McCann, and John Mery, guitars). Covers. Works by Rodgers, Newsom, Kern, Kosma, Hancock, et al. Cube Squared Records C2R603, 2012. Let me first state the obvious: some people may like this disc. I didn’t. For me, these are more like “diss” covers, since so many of the arrangements seem totally and almost wilfully at odds with the æsthetics of the original songs. It is as if they are not looking at what to do “with” these songs, but what to do “to” them. Bryan Johanson arranged all of the pieces, and his notes for All the Things You Are illustrate an approach which, while more extreme than in the other songs, permeates the disc. I will spare you the artistic perambulations involved in coming up with this, but Johanson states explicitly that he was going for “All the Things You Aren’t.” He succeeds all too well, in an epically overwrought arrangement completely distorting the song. In any case, the problem begins with the first work on the album, the jazz and cabaret staple “My Funny Valentine,” given a rhythmically over-complicated setting with some exceedingly unpleasant and gratuitously dissonant passages. I know the song can easily become treacly, but this is too far to another extreme. A very few songs come through somewhat unscathed. Herbie Hancock’s “Watermelon Man” is pleasant enough, but you are still far better off with the original (which includes delicious work by Freddie Hubbard and Dexter Gordon). I know that composers and arrangers have license to do their “takes” on songs, but this—unlike Johanson’s original works—leaves me cold and a bit distressed. Production is excellent, with good sound and an impressive booklet, but even here there is sometimes an almost narcissistic divulging of information most of us will be reluctant to have learned. —Al Kunze Quaternaglia Guitar Quartet (Chrystian Dozza, Fabio Ramazzina, Sidney Molina, guitars on all tracks; Paola Picherzky and Thiago Abdalla, guitars on selected tracks). Jequibau. Works by Bellinati, Tiné, Pereira, and Gismonti. QGQ07, 2012. Quaternaglia are at the top of their game in this fine recording of Brazilian quartets. A few are familiar from other quartets’ performances but several were new to me, and I am very happy

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to have encountered them. Paulo Bellinati’s Frevo e fuga and the more-familiar Baião de gude, respectively, begin and end the album most successfully. I particularly enjoyed hearing a pair of works by Paulo Tiné written for the quartet. The first of them is Rabichola de cabra which effectively balances typical motoric passages (some quite fugal!) with slow and lyrical sections. Near the end of the program is Sibéria, a very peculiar and fascinating slightly deranged jazz waltz. The reliable Marco Pereira is represented by three works, my favorite of which is the exciting Dança dos quatro ventas. Another of my favorite cuts on the disc is A fala da paixão by Gismonti, a movement of Leo Brouwer’s Gismontiana, a “concerto for guitar quartet.” It is regrettable that they did not include the entire work. Boo hoo. The disc includes a video of Bellinati’s Frevo e fuga featuring what seems to be a very young dancer cavorting in fragmentary images shared with the guitarists. Rather unnecessary. —Al Kunze Trio Corelli (Elisabeth Zeuthen Schneider, violin, Viggo Mangor, archlute and theorbo, and Ulrik Spang-Hanssen, continuo organ). Works by Corelli. Bridge Records Bridge 9371A/B, 2012. This is an outstanding recording, although the contributions of the perfectly competent plucked instrument player (Viggo Mangor on archlute and theorbo) are not particularly dramatic. What makes the set so special is the astounding playing of violinist Elisabeth Zeuthen Schneider. Although I am not generally a fan of “authentic” Baroque performance practice—vibrato-less performances make me a tiny bit homicidal—I was immediately captivated by her sound. I assume this is partly due to the relatively low pitch standard (A = 415), a low tension bow, and, as it sounds to me, the use of a very gentle E string. At any rate, it sounds magical, sometimes almost romantic, and often superhuman, given the effects of the double-stopping required. The two-disc set includes the twelve sonatas of Corelli’s Op. 5, for violin and continuo. The first disc is devoted to six “church” sonatas, having sometimes a rather grave mien but with a winning exuberance as well. The second disc is the six “chamber” sonatas, consisting mainly of dance movements. The continuo is provided by Mangor, as mentioned above, and Ulrik Spang-Hanssen on a small continuo organ. The latter instrument sometimes sounds like a very happy and musical coffee percolator! I will not single out each of the 55 tracks on the discs. Each is simply wonderful, but guitarists may especially enjoy the last sonata, Corelli’s take on the famous

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folía melody which occurs often in our repertoire. (See the DVD review below, for instance.) Recorded sound is pristine and notes are excellent. Bridge Records is to congratulated on —Al Kunze a most impressive achievement. DVDs Thomas Viloteau. Recital. Works by Mertz, Legnani, Sor, Ponce and D. Scarlatti. Mel Bay Publications MB22259DVD, 2011. (2006 GFA Winner) Let me say at the outset what a treat it is to have such a monumental work as Ponce’s “Folías” variations and fugue on DVD. We must be thankful to Viloteau and Mel Bay for bringing it to us. No performance of this work can justly be described as definitive, but Viloteau is very musical and technically sound, the latter no small feat in such a lengthy and difficult work, and while I have favorite variations from other players, as a complete performance this young artist holds his own with anyone. Just a word of caution to listeners: if you customarily listen to recitals which are “grab bags” of brief works, this piece will perhaps challenge your attention span. But it is worth it; this is one of the relatively few guitar pieces which stand as unequivocally great works on a par with the best works in the repertoire. Of course the rest of the program is very fine as well. Three capricci by Mertz and Legnani quickly establish the artist’s virtuoso credentials. By way of contrast, the Élégie by Mertz and Fantasie élégiaque showcase his deeper, more romantic musical side, with many moments of exquisite lyrical beauty. The recital concludes with two crisply performed Scarlatti sonatas, the very familiar K. 380, and K. 53, which I have not heard on guitar before. An interview with the artist is included and may appeal to some viewers, but can be skipped since nothing of great import is conveyed. Recorded sound is very good and the simply-staged video is clear and very watchable. Only the completely indiscernible navigation cues (if they exist at all) and the order of works (which is different on the disc from the case) make the disc a bit of a trial. The tens of thousands of DVDs which are mastered in a successful fashion make one wonder why they can’t get this fundamental thing right. Or maybe my player —Al Kunze is just possessed—a very real possibility.


RecordingS RECEIvED COMPILED BY Albert Kunze

Solo Guitar and Related Instruments

Bobadilla, Luz María (with numerous assisting artists on selected tracks). Barrios Hoy. Works by Agustín Barrios. No label or number, ca. 2012. (The CD comes inserted in a full color hardbound book.) Bogunović, Nemanja. The Soundtrack. Works by Legrand, Marchetti, Morricone, Jarre, Williams, et al. No label or number, 2012. www. nemanjabogunovic.com Bulat, Srđjan. Recital. Works by Rodrigo, Regondi, Tárrega, Šulek, Albéniz, and Britten. Naxos 8.573026, 2012. Duhagon, Magdalena (with Eddie Matus, violin and viola). Eleven Thousand Steps. Works by Mores, Piazzolla, Hand, Ponce, Jobim, et al. No label, number or date, ca. 2011. www. duhagon.com Fowler, François. Sonata. Works by Barrios, D. Scarlatti, Huet, C. P. E. Bach, and J. S. Bach. Clear Note Publications 74481, 2010. Glise, Anthony. I Speak. Works by Giuliani, Glise, Sor, Tárrega, Poulenc, and Diabelli. Eclipse Recordings (France) ECL 2012, 2012. Lahring, Ben. My Stage. Works by Bach, Morel, Cardoso, Lauro, the artist, et al. No label or number, 2012. www.benlahring.com Lemay, Marlène. Vingt-cinq compositions. Works by Raymond, Tisserand, M. D. Pujol, Dyens, Roux, et al. Les Productions d’Oz DZ 1625, 2011. (Works commissioned by the publisher and dedicated to the artist.) Montfort, Matthew. Sympathetic Serenade for Scalloped Fretboard Guitar. Work by the artist. Ancient-Future.Com Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

Records, EP AF-2012, 2012. (A “mini EP” with just one work included.) Paine, Bruce, see DVD listings Sheu, Connie. The Woman’s Voice [:] Original Music for Guitar by Female Composers. Works by Giuliani-Guglielmi, Kavanagh, Presti, and Kruisbrink. No label or number, 2012. www.conniesheu.com Załęczny, Arkadiusz. Gitarowe Opowieści [:] Guitar Stories. Works by the artist. Wydawnictwo Muzyczne ABsonic, 2011. (This is a sheet music/CD combination product.) Guitar and Lute in Ensemble Bobadilla, Luz María, see solo listings ChromaDuo (Tracy Anne Smith and Rob MacDonald, guitars). Hidden Waters. Works by Goss, Pierce, and Dyens. Naxos 8.572757, 2012 (Previously issued privately, 2010, listed and reviewed in Soundboard XXXVII/3.) Duhagon, Magdalena, see solo section. Duo Montagnard (Matthew Slotkin, guitar, and Joseph Murphy, saxophone). Messengers. Works by John Anthony Lennon, Stolte, Endsley, Walters, Crowley, and Daravelis. No label or number, ca. 2012. Healy, Eddie (solo and multiple guitars). Direction. Works by the artist. No label or number, 2012. Large, Duane (guitars, mandolin, lute). Plucked String Theory. Works by Prokofiev, Ponce, Vivaldi, Sor, Dowland, VillaLobos, Visée, and Barrios. No label or number, 2012. www. duanelarge.com

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Oregon Guitar Quartet (David Franzen, Bryan Johanson, Jesse McCann, and John Mery,guitars). Covers. Works by Rodgers, Newsom, Kern, Kosma, Hancock, et al. Cube Squared Records C2R603, 2012. Papandreou, Elena (with Angelos Liakakis, ’cello, New Hellenic Quartet, Singapore Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Lan Shui). Concert Program. Works by Nikita Koshkin. BIS Records CD-1846, 2012. Quaternaglia Guitar Quartet (Chrystian Dozza, Fabio Ramazzina, Sidney Molina, guitars on all tracks; Paola Picherzky and Thiago Abdalla, guitars on selected tracks). Jequibau. Works by Bellinati, Tiné, Pereira, and Gismonti. QGQ07, 2012. Red Cedar Chamber Music ( John Dowdall, guitar, Jan Boland, flute, et al.) Spillville & Gilead. Works by Harvey Sollberger. Fleur de Son Classics FDS 58016, 2012. Tampalini, Giulio (with Haydn Orchestra of Bolzano and Trento; Quartet of the Haydn Orchestra; Coro Polifonico Castelbarco; Luigi Azzolini, conductor). Concerto. Works by Castelnuovo-Tedesco. Musicmedia Edizioni Musicali CD 2027, 2012.

DVD Bay, William. Guitar Images [:] Contemplative Acoustic Guitar Solos. Composers not credited. Mel Bay Publications MB22193DVD, 2011. Fletcher, Nick. The Creative Dialogue. Works by the Artist. Les Productions d’Oz DZ 1603, 2011. Los Angeles Guitar Quartet ( John Dearman, Matthew Greif, William Kanengiser, and Scott Tennant guitars, with Philip Proctor, actor). The Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote: Words & Music from the Time of Cervantes. Works by Narváez, Mudarra, et al. Mel Bay Publications MB22253DVD, 2012. (Includes “mini-recital” of works by Rossini and Bizet.) Möller, Johannes. Recital. Works by Albéniz, Barrios, and the artist. Mel Bay Publications MB22254DVD, 2011. (2010 GFA Winner) Paine, Bruce. Alberton [:] A Music and Film Tribute. Works by the artist. BNP DVD 01, 2011. (This contains a CD – CD 05 – and DVD – DVD 01.) Viloteau, Thomas. Recital. Works by Mertz, Legnani, Sor, Ponce and D. Scarlatti. Mel Bay Publications MB22259DVD, 2011. (2006 GFA Winner) •

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WORKS IN PROGRESS/Completed COMPILED BY THOMAS HECK

G

uitarists, students, and others seriously engaged in guitar-related research or seeking elusive music or books are welcome to insert an announcement of their activity, whether under way or recently completed, in this column. Please send all such communications to Thomas Heck, preferably by e-mail, to [email protected]. Some repetitions may occur in these listings in order to keep new readers informed of ongoing projects. Reinsertions and updates are identified with a parenthetical reference to an earlier Soundboard entry (vol./no.). In Progress

Completed

Sonata Form in Guitar Music Marco Riboni continues to publish installments in his ongoing series, “Lo stile classico: La forma sonata e i chitarristi dell’Ottocento” (“The Classical Style: The Sonata Form and Nineteenth-Century Guitarists”), in Italian. The articles explore how various nineteenth-century guitarists responded to and used sonata-allegro form in their compositions. The six parts currently completed, all published in il ‘Fronimo,’ are listed below:

A New Dissertation on Sor Kenneth A. Hartdegen is the author of “Fernando Sor’s Theory of Harmony Applied to the Guitar: History, Bibliography, and Context” (Ph.D. Thesis, Music, University of Auckland, New Zealand, 2011), xvii & 1008 pp., ill. (some color), music, facsimiles. Knowledgeable friends have described this dissertation as a significant contribution to knowledge about Fernando Sor. It may be consulted online at https://researchspace.auckland.ac.nz/handle/2292/11142. The author’s abstract appears below:

Prima parte. No. 153 ( Jan., 2011), 34-50 Seconda parte. No. 154 (Apr., 2011), 46-52 Terza parte. No. 155 ( July, 2011), 21-35 Quarta parte. No. 157 ( Jan., 2012), 25-34 Quinta parte. No. 158 (April, 2012), 16-26 Sesta parte. No. 159 ( July, 2012), 42-47 Settima parte. No. 160 (Oct., 2012), 36-48

Giuliani: A Life For the Guitar (38/1) Thomas Heck , editor of this column, kindly invites readers with new information on the life and works of Mauro Giuliani to contact him, since he is currently completing an update of his book, Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer (Editions Orphée, 1995). This new book is projected to be an e-publication (available worldwide from Amazon.com and other vendors) with the title Mauro Giuliani: A Life For the Guitar. It will include or reference the new factual material published in Italian by Marco Riboni in his book, Mauro Giuliani (2011). It will also put into context many newly discovered letters and documents, notably the four “lost” Giuliani letters now in the Bavarian State Library. Thanks in advance must go to Marco Riboni, Andreas Stevens, and Gerhard Penn for their enthusiastic and generous support of this update and revision. Soundboard, Vol. XXXVIII, No. 4

In February, 1820, Fernando Sor revealed his guitar works to be the product of a “system”, which he explained in his Méthode pour la guitare in 1830, also announcing his treatise On Harmony Applied to the Guitar. Sor’s “system” may be imagined as an infinitely extensible grammar for guitar, based on the alfabeto principle subjected to thoroughbass conventions. His exploration of the harmonic resources and scordature of the new six-string guitar began in 1796, generating exemplars that he continued to develop in his later works. The application of thoroughbass conventions to alfabeto chords by Santiago de Murcia, in his 1714 Resumen de acompañar la parte con la guitarra, was a precedent for Sor’s “system.” Bordones on the fourth and fifth courses are a defining characteristic of the Spanish guitar, traceable to the vihuela de cinco ordenes of Miguel de Fuenllana in 1554 and continued by Murcia to satisfy the “rigorous” polyphonic style of the Spanish harp, organ, and vihuela continuo. After 1750, the exclusion of the harp from the church led to the development of a seven-course continuo guitar (later the sixcourse guitar) as the Spanish concomitant of the archlute in Italian opera, which used Murcia’s treatise for its grammar. Unaware of this tradition, Sor composed many works for six-string guitar in Spain, including his Grande Sonata [Op. 22], first advertised in June 1807. When the war in Spain drove him into exile, performing and publishing became his

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