Medieval Scotland
This is a one-volume history of medieval medieval Scotland, concentrating on the period per iod between the middle of the eleve eleventh nth century and the Reformation Refor mation and taking full account of recent scholarship. It is primar ily a political and ecclesiastical study, study, analysing the developdevelopment of the the institutions institutions of the the Scottish Scottish state, state, conflict and co-operation between between the crown crown and the nobility, nobility, relations relations with external powe powers, rs, the history of the church church in Scotland, Scotland, and the formation formation of a distinctiv distinctivee Scottish identity. identity. The Wars of Independence are examined in their historical context, context, and elements elements of continuity continuity and change are identified across the whole period. period. Particular Particular emphasis emphasis is placed upon upon relations relations betwe between en core and periphery in medieval Scotland and on the difficulties experienced by the crown crown in imposing ro royal yal authority authori ty in the north and a nd west. . . . is Lecturer in Later Medieval Medieval History, History, The Queen's
University of Belfast. His previous Univ previous publications publications include The Papacy, Scotland and Northern England, – ().
Cambridge Cambr idge Medieval Textbooks
This is a series of specially commissioned textbooks for teachers and students, students, designed designed to complement complement the mono monograph graph series Cambridge Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought by providing introductions to a range of topics in medieval medieval history. history. This series combines both chronochronological and thematic thematic approaches, approaches, and will deal with British Br itish and European European topics. All volumes volumes in the ser ser ies will be published published in hard cove covers rs and in paperback. For a list list of titles in the series, series, see end of book. book.
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MEDIEVAL SCOTLAND .
A . D. M . B A R R E L L
PUBLISHED BY CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS (VIRTUAL PUBLISHING) FOR AND ON BEHALF OF THE PRESS SYNDICATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 IRP 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia http://www.cambridge.org © A. D. M. Barrell 2000 This edition © A. D. M. Barrell 2003 First published in printed format 2000
A catalogue record for the original printed book is available from the British Library and from the Library of Congress Original ISBN 0 521 58443 4 hardback Original ISBN 0 521 58602 X paperback
ISBN 0 511 01720 0 virtual virtual (netLibrary Edition)
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CONTENTS .
List of fi gures Preface List of abbreviations Maps
page vi page vi vii ix xi
Early medieval Scotland Feudal Scotland The transformation of the Scottish church church The consolidation of the Scottish realm The Wars of Independence Independ ence The Stewart kings Crown and nobility in later medieval Scotland The road to Reformation Conclusion
Select bibliography Index
v
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FIGURES .
The Scottish royal house, – The Stewart dynasty The earls of Douglas and Angus The MacDonald lords of the Isles
vi
page
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PREFACE .
Writers Writer s of textbooks textbooks are are faced with many many challenges, not least that that of deciding which aspects of their topic should be included and which left on the sidelines. sidelines. In the case case of a volume volume on mediev medieval al Scotland which aims to cover cover sever several al centuries, it is inevitable inevitable that large areas of scholarly activity will be bypassed in an attempt to retain retain the the length length of the book book within within reaso reasonab nable le bounds. bounds. My approach approach to the subject has been a traditional one, and I have have concentrated on political and ecclesiastical history rather than on the economy economy and society, society, although I have have endeavoured endeavoured to retain an awareness of the eff ect ect of social and economic changes on the people people of Scotland. Scotland. Despite Despite the paucity paucity of Scottish Scottish sourc sources, es, scholscholars have increasingly found it possible to investigate the lives of those below below the political elite, and have have thereby thereby immeasurably enriched our view of medieval life, but it was was impossible to do their work full justice in this volume. Other areas, including relations with Scandinavia, Scandinavia, Germany and the the Low Low Countries, the development development of Scots Scots law law, and the flowering er ing of Scottish literature literature,, have have also been given given less attention than they they deserve. deserve. Political history, history, ho how wever ever,, provides one of the most accessible approaches to the past and to the lessons that we we can learn from it. If we we are to discover discover the the origins or igins and nature nature of Scottish identity, identity, we must must strive to understand the development development of the institutions of the state, state, the relations between between the crown crown and the nobility, nobility, the distinctive distinctive features of ecclesiastical e cclesiastical life in Scotland Scotland,, and the signi significance of the Wars of Independence. Independe nce. vii
viii
Preface
My debt to the work of other scholars will be apparent app arent throughout the book. Their challenging challenging new new interpretations and exploexploration of fresh areas areas of Scottish history have have led academics, students and the general public to question old orthodoxies and view the past with a diff erent erent perspectiv perspective. I hope that I have have not misconmisconstrued their arguments too griev gr ievously ously,, and that this volume volume will stimulate further debate about the history of Scotland and the country’s country’s place in the wider wider world. world. In a book of this this nature nature it is inappropriate inappropriate to footnote the discussion discussion in full, although I have have given references for some specific points, and hav have used the bibliography to list those works which I have found especially valuable. I have been fortunate to be able to develop courses in medieval Scottish history at The Queen’s Queen’s University University of Belfast, Belf ast, and have have learnt much from from the challenging questions and thoughtful insights provided provided by my students ov over several several years. I am greatly indebted to the university for granting g ranting me a semester s emester’’s study leave to enable me to complete this book. My research research on papal relations relations with Scotland has continued during the preparation of this volume and has informed the chapters on the church, church, and I am most grateful to the staff of the Department of Scottish History at the University of Glasgow Glasgow, especially Professor Professor James Kirk, for their hospitality on my visits to consult the Ross Fund collection of microfilms from the Vatican atican.. Finall Finally y, I off er er my thanks to William Davies and his colleagues at Cambridge University Press for their care and attention during the publishing process. process.
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ABBREVIATIONS .
APS
ASR Bar row Es Essays
BIHR Chro Chron. n. Bowe Bower r
Chron. Holyrood
Chron. Stephen
CPL
The Acts of the Parliaments Parliaments of Scotland , ed. ed. T. Thomso Tho mson n and C. C. Innes, Innes, vols. ols. (Edinb (Edinburg urgh, h, – ) Anglo-Scottish Relations Relations,, – , ed. E. L. G. Stones, nd edn (Oxford, ) Medieval Sc Scotland: Crown, Lordship an and Communit Communityy. Essays Essays Presented Presented to G. G. W. S. Barrow , ed. A. Grant and K. J. Strin ringer (Edinburgh, ) Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research Walter Bower, Scotichronicon, Scotichronicon, ed. D. E. R. Watt and others, ot hers, vols. (Aberde (Aberdeen en and Edinburgh, – ) A Sc Scottish Ch Chronicle cle kn known as as th the Ch Chronicle cle of of Holyrood , ed. ed. M. O. Anders derso on wit with h som somee additi additiona onall notes notes by A. O. An Anders derson on (Scot (Scottis tish h History Histor y Society Soci ety,, ) Chronicle cles of of th the Re Reigns of of St Stephen, Henry II II, and Richard I , ed. R. Howlett, vols. ols. (Rol (Rolls ls Series, – ) Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Papal Letters, Letters, ed. ed. W. H. Blis Blisss and and ot othe hers rs (Lo (Lond ndon on ix
x
List of abbreviations
and Dublin, –) Dryb. Lib. Liber S. Marie de Dryburgh (Bannatyne Club, ) EHR English Historical Review ES Early Sources of Scottish History, A.D. to ed. and tra trans ns.. A. O. Anders derson on,, vols. , ed. (Edinburgh, ) Howden, Chro Chroni nica ca Chro Chroni nica ca Roge Rogeri ri de de Hov Hoved eden ene e , ed. ed. W. Stu tub bbs, bs, vols. ols. (Roll (Rollss Series, Series, – ) Howden, Gesta Gesta Regis Henric rici Secundi Benedicti Abbatis, ed. ed. W. St Stub ubbs bs,, vols. ols. (Rolls (Rolls Series, Series, ) IR Innes Review Paris, Chro Chron. n. Maj. Maj. Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, Majora, ed. H. R. Luard, vols. ols. (Roll (Rollss Series, Series, – ) RMS Registrum Magni Sigilli Regum Scotorum, ed. J. J. M. Thomson and others, vols. (Edinburgh, – ) RRS , i Regesta Regum Scottorum:The Scottorum: The Acts of Malcolm IV, King of of Scots Sc ots,, – , ed. G. W. S. Barrow (Edinburgh, ) RRS , ii Regesta Regum Scottorum:The Acts Acts of William I, King of Scots, – rro ow , ed. G. W. S. Barr with the collaboration of W. W. Scott (Edinburgh, ) RRS , v Regesta Regum Scottorum:The Acts Acts of Robert I, King of Scots, – , ed. A. A. M. Duncan (Edinburgh, ) RRS , vi Regesta Regum Scottorum:The Acts Acts of David II, King of Scots, – ed. B. Webst ebster er , ed. (Edinburgh, ) SHR Scottish Histor ical Review TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society Vet. Mon. Vetera Monumenta Hiber norum et Scotorum Historiam Illustrantia Illustrantia, ed. ed. A. Th Thei eine nerr (Rom (Romee, )
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EARLY EARLY M EDIE VAL SCOTLAND .
An observer of the political con figuration of the island of Britain in the sixteenth century would be aware of the existence of two welldefined and long-estab long-establishe lished d kingdoms. kingdoms. The peoples peoples of England and Scotland were were often suspicious of one another, another, sometimes even even at war, war, but both realms could boast a sequence of monarchs stretching back back far into the the mists of time time.. Fr From om such a vantage vantage point, point, the development of the two kingdoms might seem an inevitable consequence of historical processes centuries centuries earlier, but in fact there there was nothing nothing inevitable inevitable about it, especially in the case of Scotland. Rather, Rather, the creatio creation n of the medieva medievall realm was was a remarkabl remarkablee achiev achievement in view view of the political, political, cultural cultural and geographical geographical factors which conspir conspired ed against it. Other Celtic Celtic lands, lands, most notably notably Wales and Ireland, never never achieved achieved unity under a single line of rulers as Scotland did, did, nor did circumstances ever ever exist there there in which which warring warr ing tribes and dynasties could be assimilated into a single political entity, entity, even even though the ethnic and linguistic diversity diversity of Ireland and Wales was less marked than in Scotland. The Scottish achieveachievement was all the greater for being realised in a land of which large parts are mountainous and suff er er very very heavy rainfall, rainfall, rendering them inconduciv inconducive to settled patterns patter ns of agr ag r iculture and incapable incapable of sustaining a large population. population. Land communications communications between between diff erent erent regions of Scotland were seriously impaired by the existence of extensive extensive areas of barren bar ren upland and long firths and sea-lochs, sea-lochs, while
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the relative ease of seaborne travel tended to encourage contact with outsiders rather than fellow-inhabitants of another part of Scotland. Scotland. One of the principal principal themes themes of this book book is an exploraexploration of how these problems problems were were ov overcome, ercome, what impact cultural and physical barriers continued to have on the course of Scottish history, history, and the extent to which an identifiable Scottish nation was born in the later Middle Ages. The people people known known as the Scots Scots originated in Ireland. Ireland. Some had had presumably already crossed the North Channel by the time that Fergus Mor mac mac Erc, Erc, king of Dalriada, mov moved his pow power base from the coastal region of what is now County Antrim to Argyll sometime around . The old Irish Irish territories terr itories of Dalriada contin continued ued to be ruled from Scotland until the middle of the seventh seventh century, century, but the future of the Scots was to lie in the geographical area to which their name was was ultimately to be given. Their cultural dominance dominance from the middle of the ninth century onwards onwards must not, how however ever,, conceal the fact that Dalriada was but one of the territorial and political divisions divisions of early Scotland, and rarely rarely the most important or most pow powerful. Indeed, Indeed, the word word‘Scot ‘Scotland’ land’is is somewhat somewhat inapproinappropriate when used in connection connection with the early early medieval medieval period, for writers of that time normally use the word word ‘Scots’ ‘Scots’ to refer refer generally generally to the inhabitants of Ir Ireland, eland, and by extension to Irish colonists elsewher where. Even Even the the Lati Latin n Scotia, often tak taken en in a twelfth twelfth-- and thirthirteenth-century context as referring to the whole area north of the marshy isthmus between the long firths of Fo Forth rth and Clyde, Clyde, was was capable of of a more more restricted meaning, not necessarily including the territory terr itory of the old kingdom of Dalriada where the Scots had originally inally settled. settled. Although Although in in this this volum volumee the word ‘Scotland’ ‘Scotland’ is used used in its familiar modern sense, it was was not until the the thirteenth century that the whole area ruled by the king of Scots came to be called ‘Scotland’, while the idea that the Scots Scots were were a distinct distinct race rather than being a people of Irish origin was first fully articulated only during the crisis cr isis of the Wars of Independence. When the kingdom of Dalriada was establishing itself on the western seaboard sea board in the early years years of the sixth century centur y, most of the landmass north of the Forth and Clyde, Clyde, and probably probably Orkney Orkney and parts of the Hebrides too, too, were occupi occupied ed by the the Picts. Few Few peoples peoples in the early Middle Ages have engendered more controversy than
Early medieval Scotland
the Picts, and hardly hardly any aspect of their society can be established on an indisputable indisputable basis. Their principal material remains consist of a fine series ser ies of stones with distinctiv distinctive, if now now largely impenetrable, impenetrable, symbols incised i ncised or sculptured scu lptured in relief on them. We also have several several lists of their kings with indications of how long each reigned, although in their present present form they date from from a later per period. iod. The deeds, deeds, and more more especia especially lly the deaths, deaths, of many many of these these kings kings are are recorded recorded in Irish annals, which enables enables historians to place what is essentially a bare list of names into a chronological context. How However, ever, although the Picts appear usually to have have been been territoriterr itorially and militarily militarily superior to their neighbours, neighbours, their cultur culturee and political organisation e ff ectively ectively disappeared after the sudden overthrow throw of the nativ native rulers by Kenneth MacAlpin, king of Scots, in around . Later sources suggest that Pictland was divided into seven provinces. It would would be conv convenient if these could be made to cor cor respond to the historical earldoms, earldoms, which which were were clearly clearly of ancient origin, but the connections have have never never been fully and satisfactorily satisf actorily established. From the evidence evidence of other Dark Age societies, it would be reasonable to suppose that the rulers of the Pictish provinces were semiindependent potentates potentates or perhaps perhaps tribal chiefs, albeit owing owing some allegiance to a high king; by this theory the names in the regnal regnal lists would broadly constitute a series ser ies of over-kings over-kings with the addition in some versions versions of riv r ival al claimants to that dignity. dignity. There is, how however ever,, no evidence that the Picts had firm political divisions of this sort. Although the Roman writer Ammianus Marcellinus and the Northumbrian Northumbr ian monk and historian Bede draw an apparent apparent distinction between between the norther northern n and southern Picts, all the Pictish kings mentioned in foreign sources sources also appear in the regnal regnal lists, and so arguably the rulers of individual provinces, provinces, later sometimes called great stewa steward rds, s, were, ere, as that that title title implies, implies, merely merely ro royal mormaers or great officials with little eff ective ective independence of action. The geographical realities of Scotland must, must, how however ever,, have have militated against against a united united Pictish kingdom. kingdom.The The Mounth, Mounth, the great eastward extension of the Highland massif which almost reaches the coast near near Stonehav Stonehaven, was was a formidab for midable le obstacle obstacle,, and even even as late as the early thirteenth century royal control over the areas to the north of it was fitful. It is surely surely possible possible that in practice practice a distincdistinction between between the the northern northern and southern southern Picts, Picts, perhaps perhaps ev even
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
between between individual individual pro provinces, would hav have been meaningful meaningful in political terms, although pow powerful rulers might be able to dominate on both both side sidess of the the Mounth Mounth sim simult ultane aneous ously ly.. Even Even if it it is, on balance balance,, unlikely unlikely that separat separatee lines of of kings emerged emerged,, the experiexperience of contemporary Dalriada would suggest that rival dynasties, each claiming descent from from a common ancestor, ancestor, could easily have have developed developed in Pictland, and our sources are are so exiguous that it is very dangerous to assume that semi-independent rulers did not hold sway sway in some areas, areas, as they certainly did in the north and west west of Scotla Scotland nd in later later centu centuries. ries. Even Even if a mormaer was theoretically a royal royal agent, he was surely the eff ective ective lord of his province under all but the most powerful kings. One of the striking features of the Pictish Pictish king-lists is that, at least until the ninth century, century, no king was the son of a previous previous king of the Picts. Picts. Bede state statess that successi succession on was was matrilineal, matrilineal, at least least when the identity of the next ruler was in doubt; in other words words the claim to the throne was was passed through females rather than males,although males, although it is noteworthy that the names of very few Pictish women have come down down to us. Some elaborate genealogical diagrams hav have been constructed to show how this unusual system might have worked, but other scholars have have challenged the whole concept of matrilineal matr ilineal succession succession,, noting noting that in most early early medieva medievall societies societies it was was unusual for a king to be succeeded immediately by his son because the latter tended to lack the experience exper ience and personal following necessary to become an eff ective ective warlord in a predominantly martial society. society. The controve controversy rsy need not concern us here, here, except that matr iliny may explain how some Pictish kings appear appe ar to have have come from ruling dynasties elsewhere elsewhere in the Celtic Celtic world; world; the principle of matrilineal succession may, may, therefore, therefore, have have had the eff ect ect of encouraging contact between diff erent erent peoples, thereby thereby perhaps facilitating the the later consolidation of diff erent erent ethnic groups into a single kingdom. The union of the kingships of the Picts and Scots by Kenneth MacAlpin has traditionally been regarded as the beginning of the Scottish realm, and there has been a tendency (by (by no means always always followed) to give regnal numbers to the kings from Kenneth onwards. onwards. The conven convention tion that Kenneth’s Kenneth’s reign marked marked a fresh beginning is a very very old one, for the king-lists clearly regard him as having been the first of a new regime, regime, even even though he was probably probably not the first king of Dalriada D alriada to exercise exercise lordship ov over the Picts. The
Early medieval Scotland
previous previous three centuries had seen many fluctuations in the respective tive fortunes of Pictland and Dalriada, and of the the dynasties within the Dalriadan ruling house house,, and although although the great mountain mountainous ous spine of Druim Dr uim Alban served as a physical barrier barr ier between wester western n and eastern easter n Scotland there can be no doubt that the Picts and Scots came into contact on many occasions through both marriage and battle battle.. What What made made Kenn Kenneth eth MacA MacAlpi lpin n diff eren erentt is, is, ther therefo eforre, unclear, unclear, except that he founded founded what was was to be a permanent patrilineal dynasty, dynasty, which with the benefit of hindsight hindsig ht may have have seemed significant to the compilers compilers of the king-lists. king-lists. Several Several years years elapsed before before Kenneth Kenneth subdued subdued his his remaini remaining ng Pictish Pictish rivals, rivals, but the the changed political con figuration brought about by his achievement was to prove permanent. From the last decade of the eighth century Britain and Ireland came under assault from from Scandinavian Scandinavian raiders, and it is possible that this provided the circumstances for Kenneth’s takeover of Pictland. Opinions diff er er as to the intentions of the Vikings and over whether their raiding was more violent than that of other contemporary bands of warr warriors, iors, but there there can be no doubt doubt that the Norse invadinvaders caused sev severe material material destruction, destruction, particularly particularly to the the island monasteries of western Scotland which were both temptingly wealthy and peculiarly exposed to attack from a seafaring foe. Equally it is certain that many Scandinavians settled in the British Isles and indulged in the peaceful activities a ctivities of agriculture agr iculture and trade. trade. Shetland, Orkney and the north-east corner of the Scottish Scottish mainland were were colonised by by Norwegians Norwegians in considerable numbers, as is seen by the disappearance of all but a handful of non-Norse place names; settlement in these areas was was understandable because the climatic and agricultural conditions were similar to those in Norway itself, Orkney Orkney and and Caithness Caithness being being particular particularly ly fertile. fertile. Norwegians Norwegians also settled settled on the western western seaboard, seaboard, probab probably ly to a much lesser lesser extent, although place-name evidence does not conclusively conclusively reveal reveal whether the Gaelic language survived the initial onslaught of Viking Viking incomers incomers or made a comeback comeback in the Hebrides only later. later. The arrival of the Vikings put pressure on both the Scots of Dalriada and the the Picts, Picts, especially especially those those north north of the Mounth Mounth.. The appearance of Norwegians on the western seaboard may have encouraged the Scots to move move eastwards, which would would explain why why Norse settlers settler s seem to have have established themselves on the west coast
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
so easily. easily. The Picts may hav have collapsed under the joint threat, threat, especially if (as seems likely) the Dalriadan Dalr iadan dynasty known as the Cenél Loairn attacked northern Pictland at the same time as the Cenél nGabráin under Kenneth Kenneth invaded invaded the the more southerly regions. Irish annals report that in a fierce battle was fought between the Norse and the Picts (or at least those south of the Mounth), Mounth), and this may have have weakened weakened the Pictish Pictis h establishment establish ment to such an extent exten t that it could be eclipsed by by the Scots within a few years. years. How However ever,, later tales of how how treachery assisted Kenneth’s Kenneth’s destruction destr uction of the Pictish nobility tell us little about what happened to the Picts as a whole. It is surely surely likely likely that many survived, survived, albeit now now under diff erent erent rulers; it was was not until around around that the notion of a Pictish realm disappears from contemporary sources to be replaced by by the Gaelic name of Alba.1 The kingdom of the Picts did not become Scottish overnight. The souther n part of the later Scottish realm had not, except fleetingly, been under the close control of either the Picts or the Dalria riadan Scots. The Brit ritish kingdom of Strathclyde or Cumbria ria was still still in exis existen tence ce in the the nint ninth h cent century ury,, stret stretch chin ing g so sout uthw hwar ards ds from from the northern end of Loch Lomond; from the middle of the tenth century it probably included the English Lake Distric rict, but earlier kings rul ruled over a much smaller, though fluctuat uctuating ing,, area. area.2 In language guage and and poli politi tica call organ organis isati ation on its its clos closes estt para parall llel elss were ere inWal inWales,and es,and it was esse ssentiall ally a relic of the once more extensive territ rritorie ries of the ancient Brit ritons, who had been forced westwards by the AngloSaxo Saxon n inv invader aders. s. Of the the Angl Angloo-Sa Saxo xon n king kingdo doms ms,, the the most most north norther erly ly was Northumbr ia, stretching from the Humber to the Forth, alth althou ough gh at time timess it was divi divide ded d betw betwee een n Deir Deiraa (rou (rough ghlyY lyYor orks kshi hirre) and and Bernic Bernicia ia.. North Northum umbria brian n expan expansi sion on north northw wards ards was chec check ked by the Picts at Dunnichen in Angus in , but in the eighth century the the Angl Angles es atta attain ined ed at leas leastt a meas measu ure of su sup premac emacy y in Gall Gallo oway, the the extr extrem emee so sout uthh-w weste estern rn corne cornerr of the the Scot Scotti tish sh main mainla land nd.. The early history of Gallowa Galloway y remains obscure obscure,, despite a very very important important series of archaeolo archaeological gical excava excavations tions at Whithorn, Whithorn, an ancient ecclesiastical site traditionally associated with St Ninian. 11
12
D. Broun, Broun, ‘Defining ‘Defining Scotland Scotland and the Scots before before the Wars of Independence’ Independence’,, in D. D. Brou Broun, n, R. J. Finl Finlaay and and M. Lynch ynch,, eds. eds.,, Image and Identity:The Making and Re-making of Scotland Through the Ages (Edinburgh, ), . ’, in Barrow Essays , – . A. Macquarrie, Macquarrie,‘The ‘The kings kings of Strathc Strathclyde lyde,, c . –
Early medieval Scotland
Anglian control of the area may date from the third quarter of the seventh seventh century, century, when Northumbria was still extending its sphere of influence, although it has been suggested suggested that the great crosses at Bewcastle in Cumberland Cumberland and Ruthwell Ruthwell in Dumfriesshire, erected perhaps arou a round nd , were primarily symbols of propagan propaganda da which demonstrate Northumbrian Northumbr ian aspirations rather than real power. power.3 An Anglian bishopric was established at Whithorn around , and a number of eighth-century bishops bishops are known, known, although religious religious life at the site can be traced back to about and possibly even earlier earlier.. Place names names indicate indicate an enclav enclavee of Anglian Anglian settlement settlement around around Whithorn, but it must have have come under threat from Norse raiders and also possibly possibly from from Irish adventurers, adventurers, to say nothing of the local native native inhabitants. There was was a serious ser ious fire at Whithorn in about , and although limited limited contact with with Northumbria continued for a few years, it was greatly g reatly diminished even before York fell to the Danes in . Strathcly Strathclyde de also came came under Norse Norse attack. attack. In the great rockfortress of Dumbarton fell after a four-month four-month siege, siege, a very very unusual event event in Dark Age Britain. Aggressive Aggressive actions by by the Vikings in southern souther n Scotland may have have been aimed at securing secur ing a route between between Ireland and eastern England via the waterways of Clyde and Forth, a more obvious line of communication to a seafaring people than might seem seem likely likely today today. Norse successes posed a threat to the descendants of Kenneth Kenneth MacAlpin, but also pro provided opportunities for southward expansion at the expense of the emasculated kingdoms of Strathclyde Strathclyde and Northumbria. Although both Constantine I in and Idulb in met their deaths in battles against the Vikings,and Vikings, and many raids are noted in near-contemporary near-contemporary sources,the sources, the way was now open for the Scottish kings to enlarge their territory and they may have entered into alliances with the Scandinavian rulers of York and Dublin in order to further this ambition. Expansion southwards was both easier and potentially more lucrative lucrative for the kings of the MacAlpin dynasty than consolidation of the old Pictish and Scottish kingdoms. Norse settlers were were no now well established in the north and west, west, and it is likely that the rival rival Cenél Loairn was dominant in Moray. Moray. It was nor nor mally the rulers of Mora Moray, someti sometimes mes termed termed kings kings by by contem contempor poraries, aries, who made made 3
AD – (Edinburgh, ), . A. P. Sm Smyt yth, h, Warlords and Holy Men: Scotland AD
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
alliances with other northern powers such as the earls of Orkney, while the MacAlpin kings turned tur ned their eyes towar towards ds Northumbria. Northumbr ia. Kenneth I is said to have invaded the lands south of the Forth on no fewer fewer than six occasions, burning Dunbar and seizing Melrose, Melrose, and many of his successors were to follow follow this policy of aggrandiseagg randisement, terrorising terror ising neighbouring neighbouring peoples and rewar rewarding ding their own follow followers with the spoils of victory victor y, although the sources do hint also at more more constructiv constructivee activities activities on the the part of the kings, such as lawmaking and the establishment of ecclesiastical institutions. Nonetheles Nonetheless, s, the Scottish Scottish kings kings took advantage advantage of the the fact that the most pow powerful remainin remaining g English English kingdom kingdom was was that that of Wessex, essex, which which was both both distan distantt and, and, moreo moreov ver, er, separa separated ted from from northern Northumbria Northumbria by the Danes’ possession possession of York. Although Although the the prec precis isee chr chron onol olo ogy is im impo possi ssib ble to ascert ascertai ain, n, the the in influence of the Scots Scots in Lothian Lothian was was probab probably ly well well establ established ished by the middle middle of the tenth century century,, when Edinbur Edinburgh gh was was abandoned abandoned to them, although later rev reverses erses such as the failure of Malcolm II to take Durham in may have served to revive the fortunes of the English aristocracy in the area. The need to establish establish relations relations with the house house of Wessex,whose essex, whose authority authority was was steadily steadily spreading spreading northnorthwards, wards, led to both military confrontation and political agreements which which left the the Scottish Scottish king king in eff ective ective control of the area north of the Tweed in return for an acknowledgement of the Anglo-Saxon monarch monarch’’s superior power power.. The disintegration disintegration of Northumbria Northumbria under Scandinavian Scandinavian pressure pressure had, therefore, therefore, enabled both both the rulers of Wessex and the descendants descend ants of Kenneth MacAlpin MacA lpin to fill a political vacuum, vacuum, and the scene was set for the twelfth-century twelfth-century struggles str uggles over the location of the border with England. The fate of Strathclyde is is much disputed. The fall of Dumbarton must have weakened the British kingdom as a viable political unit, and the expulsion of Eochaid son of Rhun in has been regarded regarded as marking marking the end of of the line of of nativ native British kings. Rhun had had married marr ied a daughter daughter of Kenneth Kenneth MacAlpin, MacAlpin, and it has been argued argued that from around Strathclyde was bestowed on the heir to the Scottish kingdom as a means of recognising his claim and thereby (at least in theory) avoiding bloodshed between rival lines of the royal dynasty.4 This theory theory is, how however ever,, based on very very tenuous tenuous and 4
, – . Ibid., –
Early medieval Scotland
much later evidence evidence,, and in any case it is not clear why why the Scottish kings would have have wanted to preserve Strathclyde Strathcly de as a separate separa te realm, even for the purpose of its forming an appanage for their chosen successor, successor, when other British Br itish kingdoms had disappeared disappeared on being being absorbed into a larger political political unit. It seems rather that an obscure obscure line of native native rulers, rulers , probably probably now now based at the ancient centre centre of Govan Govan rather than Dumbarton, Dumbarton, continued until Owain Owain the Bald died around . Even Even there thereafter after Strathclyde Strathclyde was perhaps perhaps not not totally totally subservient to the Scottish Scottish kings, kings, for in the early twelfth twelfth century the future David David I, inv invested as ruler of southern Scotland during his elder brother Alexander’s Alexander’s lifetime, seems still to have have regarded Govan as a threat. All these early kingdoms had at some point come under the influence of Christianity Chr istianity,, for Dark Age Scotland had received received religious instruction from a number of di ff erent erent sour sources ces.. In the the fifth or sixth century St Ninian evangelised the people of parts of what is now now southe southern rn Scotlan Scotland. d. St Colum Columba’ ba’ss monaste monastery ry on Iona, Iona, founde founded d in or or shortly shortly after after , was was to becom becomee the fulcrum of a community community of of religious religious houses houses across across northern northern Britain Br itain;; he and other Irish missionaries visited and probably converted the Picts, while St Aidan brought brought the Christian faith f aith from from Iona to the people people of North Northumb umbria. ria. In the the s the Northumbrian Northumbr ian church established established an episcopal see among the Picts at Abercorn. Although the bishop had to withdraw after the Anglian defeat at the battle of Dunnichen, the Pictish king Nechton sent to Northumbria around for detailed guidance about the controv controversy ersy over the date of Easter, and his espousal of Roman customs probably probably led to a church among the Picts which owed more to Anglian organisation than to Columban traditions traditions;; certainly certainly Nechton saw saw fit to expel the Iona clergy from eastern eastern Scotlan Scotland. d. Other Other holy holy men, men, such such as St Kenti Kentigern, gern, the tradi tradi-tional founder of Glasgow Glasgow, St Maelrubha of Applecross Applecross and St Donnan of Eigg all played played their part in bringing br inging Christianity Chr istianity to the peoples peoples of the future future kingdo kingdom m of Scotland. Scotland. Religious beliefs beliefs and practices practices had, therefor therefore, e, been imported imported from from a variety of places, and the traffic was by no means all one way. The vibrancy of the Christian Chr istian church in eighth-century Scotland is not in doubt, doubt, but the the cultural cultural milieu milieu which which produc produced ed the Lindisfarne Gospels and the Book of Kells was greatly harmed by the beginning of Viking raids on the British Isles in the s.
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Whatever the ultimate inspiration was for the Scandinavians’ voyages to the west, west, there can be no doubt that many religious religious settlements suff ered ered as a result. Iona had already been been attacked attacked at least three times when in Abbot Blathmac was martyred for refusing to divul divulge ge the wher whereab eabout outss of Columb Columba’ a’ss shrine. shrine. Some Some of Columba’s relics were later transferred to Dunkeld by Kenneth MacAlpin,a MacAlpin, a move move which reflects his own new-found authority author ity over over the Picts and perhaps marks a further stage of cross-fertilisation between diff erent erent Chr Chr istian traditions, but which which also demonstrates demonstrates the vulnerab vulnerability ility of of Iona. Norse settlement settlement sev severed ered the lines lines of communication which had helped to bind together the di ff erent erent strands of Celtic Christianity Christ ianity,, and it is difficult to assess either the spirituality or the organisation of the church in the very obscure period which followed. There is, howe howev ver, er, no doubt doubt that the the institutions of the church church continued continued in existence, existence, since many many religious religious communities which are attested in the twelfth twelfth century were were clearly clearly very very ancient. Some of the most prominent consisted of groups of Culdees or célidé ,who , who owed their origin to an eighth-century Irish monastic reform movem movement, ent, although there there were were also churches churches of secular secular priests which are broadly broadly comparable to Anglo-Saxon minsters. There was was an albeit hazy tradition tradition of some sort of episcopal episcopal organisation, especially in the former Pictish kingdom, as well well as sequences of abbots. Many communities communities doubtless fell under the in fluence of individual kin-groups, whose members used the endowment endowment for their own own ends, but this this does not necessarily necessarily imply imply that they they performed no pastoral pastora l function. We know nothing of how churchmen were were perceived by their flocks, but worshippers worshippers surely cared cared much less than fervent fervent reformers reformers about matters matters such as irregular irregular ordinatio ordination. n. The strength of these ancient communities can be gauged by noting how long they survived and how much their presence in fluenced the twelfth-century twelfth-century ecclesiastical reforms which will be discussed in a later chapter. The eleventh-century kingdom of the Scots was a somewhat uneasy amalgam of several several diff erent erent peoples, languages and cultures. cultures. It had been drawn together by a combination of circumstances and was to pro prove remarkably resilient resilient as a political entity, entity, despite its internal div diversity. ersity. How However ever,, probl problems ems of geograph geography y made made land
Early medieval Scotland
communications di fficult and gave some of its people a maritime outlook outlook which which br brought them into into contac contactt with Ireland, Ireland, the Scandinavian lands and other parts of the Irish Sea and North Sea worlds. A virtually independent line of rulers in Moray Moray continued continued to be a thorn in the side of the Scottish monarchs and, despite the Dalriadic origins of the dynasty dynasty,, roya royall influence west of Druim Alban and in Gallowa Galloway y, to say nothing of the Western ester n Isles, was virtuall tually y nonnon-ex exis iste tent nt.. On the the oth other er han hand, d, the the line line of of Ken Kenne neth th MacAlp MacAlpin, in, albeit albeit in di diff erent erent branches, was well established as the ruling house in at least the southern part of the former Pictland, and there had been substantial territorial gains south of the Forth, including fertile areas in the Tweed valley and the coastal strip of Lothian. The kingdom of Scotland Scotland familiar to later ages was beginbeginning to emerge from the early medieval mists.
FEUDAL FEUD AL SCOTLAN D .
Shakespeare’s Scottish play has given some of the characters of eleventh-century eleventh-century Scotland a celebrity celebr ity which they would not otherwise have have been accorded. Like many many other dramatic reconstructions of the past, how however ever,, Shakespear Shakespeare’ e’ss portrayal portrayal of MacBeth leav leaves es much to be desired when viewed from the standpoint of sober history history.. Shakespear Shakespeare, e, of course, course, relied relied on the sources sources of information available available to him, and they were unsympathetic towar towards ds a ruler who, although of roy royal al lineage, had usurped the throne when Duncan I was killed at Pitgaveny near Elgin in , but but yet yet had had not not sucsucceeded in establishing establishing a ruling dynasty. dynasty. Because subsequent Scottish kings were were all descend descended ed from from Duncan, Duncan, it is not surprising that MacBeth’s MacBeth’s reign came to be seen as an unfortunate unfortunate interlude, a regrettable reversion towards barbarism in what was otherwise an age of progress. progress. In fact MacBeth was a successful ruler. 1 By contemporary standards the length of his reign was was highly respectable, respectable, and Scotland was sufficiently peaceful for him to be confident enough to leave it in to make make a pilgrimage pilgr image to Rome. Rome. A Latin poem describes describes his reign as a fertile period, per iod, which suggests favourable favourable weather weather but also points to an absence of the civil strife str ife which always always brings hardship in a rural society. society. There is no hint in contemporary contemporary sources that he 11
Moray: Province and People See E. E. J. Cowa Cowan,‘The n,‘The historical MacBeth’,in MacBeth’,in W. D. H. Sellar,ed., Sellar,ed., Moray: . (Edinburgh, ), –
Feudal Scotland
was a tyrant, and it is inconceivable inconceivable that he would have have reigned for so long if he had been. been. His branch branch of the Dalriadan ro royal house house,, the Cené Cenéll Loai Loairn, rn, had had domi domina nate ted d Mora Moray y for for two two cent centurie uries, s, and and MacBeth appears as an intruder only because, unusually, unusually, he was able able to exercise authority south of the Mounth at the expense of the descendants of Kenneth Kenneth MacAlpin.That a northern nor thern potentate could temporarily usurp the position of the established dynasty was due to a numb number er of of factors factors.. MacBet MacBeth’ h’ss marr marriag iagee to Gruoch, Gruoch, grandgranddaughter of Kenneth III, enabled him to combine his own own claim to the throne, throne, strengthened by by the fact that his mother was was probably probably Malcolm Malcolm II’s II’s sister, sister, with that that of his wife wife,, while while the succession succession of of Duncan I, grandson of Malcolm II through through the latter’s latter’s daughter, daughter, may have have disturbed disturbe d not only the Moray kindred but also others othe rs who feared that the establishment of the principle of primogeniture would permanently exclude their families from from the throne. throne. Little is known known of Duncan’s Duncan’s reign, but his failure to take Durham in must have have caused his riv r ivals als to question whether he had the military prowess requisite in a Scottish king and encouraged them in their oppositio opposition; n; it is possibl possiblee that his fatal expediti expedition on north of the the Mounth was in part an attempt to reassert his authority. Circumstances thus combined in MacBeth’s MacBeth’s fav f avour our,, but he was still surrounded surrounded by by enemies, enemies, both in the the earldom of of Orkney Orkney and in English Northumbria, to say nothing of the representati representativ ves of the line of Malcol Malcolm m II. II. In Crinan, Cr inan, abbot of Dunkeld and Duncan’ Duncan’ss father, father, was killed killed in battle battle,, and Earl Earl Siward Siward of of Northumbria Northumbria may have have launched an unsuccessful invasion invasion of Scotland. Scotland. Nine years years later a great battle battle was was fought betw between een the Scots Scots and English English,, with Siward Siward now supporting Duncan’s Duncan’s son Malcolm; this time MacBeth was on the losing side, side, although it was was not until that he was killed at Lumphanan in Aberdeenshire. Aberdeenshire. He was brie fl y succeeded by his stepson Lulach, whose inadequacy inadequacy as a ruler enabled Malcolm III to recov recover his heritage, her itage, but Moray Moray remained a problem problem for the Scottish monarchs until well into the thirteenth century. It is tempting to see the accession of Malcolm III as heralding a new era. era. His descendants descendants are are sometimes referred referred to as the ‘House ‘House of Canmore’ after the by-name traditionally bestow bestowed on Malcolm III, and their success in consolidating royal royal power power in Scotland Scotland and introduc introducing ing social, social, administrati administrativ ve and ecclesiastical ecclesiastical changes changes has made it convenient convenient for historians histor ians to look to t o their common ancestor
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
as the instigator instigator of a new new age. age. By his second second marriage marr iage to Margaret Margaret,, granddaughter of the English king Edmund Ironside but exposed to continental in fluences during her family’s exile in Hungary, Malcolm can be portrayed as having begun the process whereby Scotland was drawn from Celtic introspection into the international inter national family of European European states. An apparent apparent reaction reaction after his death in in , when his English adherents adherents were were driven driven out of Scotland by by his conserva conservativ tivee brother brother Donald Donald Bán, can be seen as pro proving Malcolm’ Malcolm’ss credential credentialss as an outward outward-look -looking ing reformer reformer.. By this interpretatio interpretation, n, Donald’ Donald’ss usurpation was was merely merely a last desperate attempt by the old order to resist the inevitable advance of new ideas. There There is good reason to suppose that religious religious reforms, and in due course changes in the structure structure of society, society, would have have reached Scotland whateve whateverr the attitude of her her kings, such was was the cultural unity of the ancient ancient Northumbria. But Malcolm Canmore’ Canmore’ss role in these developments developments must be critically reassessed. The importance of his marriage to the saintly Margaret must not be overemphasised. While she was undoubtedly undoubtedly pious, her subsequent reputation reputation largely rests on the work of her chaplain chapla in and biographer, biog rapher, the monk Turgot, who almost certainly credits her with much greater in fluence over her husband than is credible credible in a male-dominated, male-dominated, martial society. society. His sons by Margaret bore names which were novel in the Scottish ruling ruling house house,, but but Malcolm Malcolm was, was, and rema remaine ined, d, a warlo warlorrd. He emuemulated his predecessors by launching several devastating raids into English English Northumbria, Northumbria, awar awaree that roya royall authority in elev eleventhcentury centur y Scotland largely l argely depended depen ded on the king’s king’s ability to reward reward his follow followers with military success in the form of booty. booty. The influence of his wife doubtless brought Englishmen into Malcolm’s Malcolm’s court, but their expulsion in should not be seen in racial terms, for Donald inevitably sought to displace those of Malcolm’s adherents who wished the late king to be succeeded by one of his sons rather than his brother. brother. Although primogeniture came to prevail prevail in Scotland for the next two two centuries, the concept was was still unusual unusual in , when kingdoms throughout Europe still required adult rulers of proven worth in war. war. Donald failed in his attempt to retain retain the throne, throne,being being defeated by Malcolm’s son from his first rst marri marriag agee, Du Dunc ncan an II, II, in and the then, n, afte afterr his his temp tempor orary ary resto estora rati tion on,, by Edg Edgar ar,, so son n of of , and Malcolm Malcolm and Margar Margaret, et, in . Donald’s Donald’s rivals were were supported by
Feudal Scotland
the Norman kings of England, England, and this link link prove proved d crucial in the introduction of administrative and social changes in twelfth-century Scotland, Scotland, but in in the immedi immediate ate context context of the s too much significance should should not be be accorded accorded to this. this. Fo Forr them, as for Donald Donald and his elder brother Malcolm in , it was was a question question of seeking seeking allies,or allies, or at least sanctuary, sanctuary, where they they could be found; even even MacBeth used Norman mercenaries in . We must must not view view the the late eleventh eleventh century centur y from the standpoint of our knowledge of what was to happen in David I’s I’s reign, for Malcolm Canmore’ Canm ore’ss policies were in most respects respects traditional. traditional. Court poets during the reigns reigns of future future kings had every incentive to praise Malcolm and his pious wife and to stress Margaret’s Margaret’s bene ficent influence on her sons, and the emphaemphasis placed on the supposed contrast between Malcolm on the one hand and MacBeth and Donald Bán on the other was useful propaganda for as long lo ng as there were were riv r ival al claimants claiman ts to the throne capable of winning support in northern Scotland.
The development development of Scotland from a traditional Celtic Ce ltic society to a kingdom which could take its place among the states of western Europe Europe is the principal pr incipal theme of Scottish history in the twelfth and thirteenth thirteenth centuries. centuries. Some of the the changes changes came in the the ecclesiastiecclesiastical sphere, sphere, others were were marked marked by by territorial terr itorial consolidation within Scotland and by more closely defined relationships with the rulers of England. England. These issues issues will be be analysed analysed in subsequent subsequent chapters. chapters. It is necessary first to examine the development development of feudal practices in Scotland, Scotland, the impact impact of the arrival of of settlers from from England England and France,and France, and the administrative and institutional changes which were introduced introduced broadly broadly contemporaneously. contemporaneously. The key key figure in these developments developments was David I, youngest youngest son of Malcolm and Margaret, who became king in . Feudalism is a problematic problematic concept. In popular usage it is is often equated with backwardness, backwardness, brutality and the domination of one class ov over another. another. Even Even in historical works works the term often appears with an underlying assumption that its meaning is both clear and familiar. familiar. Some, Some, by contr contrast, ast, argue that that the wor word d should should not be used at all, but it remains an appropr appropr iate means of describing a particular form of social organisation which was found widely throughout western ester n Europe and came increasingly into prominence prominence in Scotland in the twelfth century.
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Feudalism Feudalism was was essentially essentially a system of personal relationshi relationships. ps. At the upper levels of society these normally took the form of a grant of land land by a superior superior lord, lord, often the king, king, to someon someonee termed a vassal, who did homage homage and swore swore fealty to the the lord, in eff ect ect promising to to ‘be his his man’ and to be faithful faithful to him, him, and undertook undertook to to perform specified services which were normally (though not always) always) of a military nature, nature, such as service in war and the performance mance of garrison garr ison duty duty in castles. castles. In Scotland Scotland many many of the reciprecipients were trained knights who had already served in a noble household, and the land is commonly termed a knight’s knight’s feu or fief. As well well as giving the vassal title to land, often on an hereditary hereditary basis, the lord lord promised promised to protect protect him. The arrangement was usually marked by by the issue of a charter, char ter,and and because many such documents have survived we can study feudalism much more fully than the landholding structures which preceded it. Many of those who obtained land from from the king in turn tur n granted some of it to others, others, a process process kno known as subinfeudat subinfeudation, ion, although although the holder of the feu f eu remained answerable answerable to his lord for the whole of it. The structure structure thus thus resembled resembled a pyramid, pyramid, with the king king at the apex, although it was not uncommon for an individual individual to hold some land directly from f rom the crown crown and other estates es tates from f rom one of the king’s king’s vassals. In entering entering into into recipr reciprocal ocal arrangements, arrangements, the lord lord surrensurrendered some of his authority and undertook to meet certain cer tain responsibilities, but in return he receiv received ed specified services as well as the right to relief (a payment made when the holding passed to the vassal’s vassal’s heir) and a nd wardship (the control of heirs he irs who wh o were were under age ag e when they they succeeded). Although strictly the lord lord had not not alienated the land land itself, but mere merely ly granted the use use of it, the vassal vassal enjoy enjoyed security of tenure tenure,, and could could forfeit forfeit his lands only only if he failed to meet his obligations or broke broke his oath of fealty. fealty. Feudalism therefore therefore conferred advantages on both parties. In Scotland the arrival of feudal practices was closely connected with the influx of foreign foreign settlers. settlers. Many Many of the immigrants immigrants were were of French origin, orig in, and were were recruited recruited either directly directly from from France, France, especially cially from from Normandy Normandy,, Flande Flanders rs and Brittany Brittany,, or from from families families which had settled in England in the wake of William the Conqueror’s triumph in and after . They They were were already already accustomed to the institutions institutions of feudalism, and were were instrumental in
Feudal Scotland
encouraging the use of feudal patterns of landholding in Scotland, but this does not explain why they sought lands in Scotland in the first place. It is generally accepted that the eleventh and twelfth centuries witnessed a period of population pressure. pressure. In the upper echelons of society, society, many younger younger sons had little prospect of obtaining obtaining estates at home commensurate with their status, and were were thus encouraged to seek their fortune elsewhere. elsewhere. This helps to explain the enthusiasm for crusading and the establishment of Latin principalities in the Holy Land, Land, and it also accounts accounts for the remarkab remarkable le migration of Normans to Sicily, Sicily, England England and ultimately ultimately Scotland. Scotland. In this respect respect Scotland, like the the kingdom of Jerusalem, was a land of opportunity, opportunity, off ering ering the chance of extensive estates and the political and economic po power which went with them. Encouragement from the Scotti Scottish sh kings kings was, was, how however ever,, of critica criticall importan importance ce.. The sons sons of of Malcolm and Margaret had become familiar with the Norman rulers of England, and drew drew upon Nor Nor man military might to secure secure their throne. throne. After he received received the earldom of Huntingdon around around Christmas the future David I became a major English magnate, and he continued to have have a close personal per sonal relationship with Henry I, who had married his his siste sisterr. It is is hardly hardly surprising surprising that that David David became steeped in the culture culture of the Anglo-Norman court, and it was from from England that he deriv der ived ed most of his ideas on go g overnmental reform, his belief in the value value of feudalism as a means of ordering aristocratic society, society, and many of the settlers themselves. themselves. It is understandable that the lands of the earldom of Huntingdon provided provided a ready ready source of potential potential settlers, many of them well known to David I and possessing the knightly skills which were essential for the military feudalism which he wished to introduce introduce to Scotland. The importance of Huntingdon must must not be ove overstated, rstated, for some of David’ David’ss closest associates, such as Robert de Brus (more familiar as Bruce), Hugh de Moreville Moreville,, Ranulf de de Soules and Robert Robert Avenel, were probably probably recruited directly from Normandy, Normandy, where Henry I may hav have granted g ranted David a modest estate, and perhaps owed owed their lands in the English Midlands to their prior connection with the Scottish king rather than the other way round. 2 But while a 2
G. W. S. Barro Barrow, The Anglo-Norman Era in Scottish History (Oxford, ), .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
substantial number of immigrants to Scotland had no direct connection with Huntingdon, Huntingdon, the earldom was was still an important recruitrecruiting ground in David David I’s I’s reign, becoming less significant only when political vicissitudes interrupted interr upted his descendants’ possession of their English estates and the personal connections that would have accompanied it. One of the most important sources of settlers was Yorkshire. There are are a number of reasons for this, one of which is the cultural and historical connection provided by the old kingdom of Northumbria, which had stretched stretched from from the Humber to the Forth. Forth. Lothian, as the Scottish portion portion of this extensiv extensive area, was therefor thereforee particularly attractive to the leading English families of Yorkshire, many of whom retained their social status in the wake of the Norman Conquest more successfully than their counterparts further south. south. But French Frenchmen men too mov moved into into Scotland Scotland from from Yorkshire Yorkshire,, some of them following following Robert Bruce into the great lordship of Annandale which David David I had bestow bestowed upon him. It is significant that many Flemings settled in south-west south-west Scotland, probprobably ably recruited recruited from from the Bruce estates in Clev Cleveland, which which had earlier attracted Flemish immigrants.3 French settlement in Scotland added another element to the alr already eady comp compllex raci racial al mi mixt xtur uree, alth althou ough gh the the net net resul esultt of im immi migr graation was probably to anglicise Lowland Scotland and and to accentuate ate the contrast with the Gaelic-speaking north rth and west, rather than to imbue it with a culture that was definably French. This was becau ecause se of the the Engl Englis ish h adh adheren erents ts who mov moved nort north h with with thei theirr lord ords or on their own initiative, and the increased contact between Scotland and England through the development of a baronage which had interests sts in both realms. The att attitud tude of successiv sive kings demo demons nstr trat ates es how how Scot Scotla land nd was dra drawn into into a wide widerr, pred predom omin inan antl tly y Frankish, aris ristocratic world. David I’s years at the court of Henry I made him familiar with that world, but his gra grandsons were even keener to absorb chivalric ric culture. Malcolm IV, who succeeded David in , had an almost plaintive wish to be knighted, while his brot broth her Willia lliam m was an enth enthus usia iast stiic parti artici cip pant ant in tou tourname rnamen nts and and was reno enowned wned amon among g cont contem empo pora rary ry chr chronic onicle lers rs for for his his parti partial al-ity to Frenchmen; it has been writ ritten that‘no at‘no king of Scots did more than than Willi illiam am to Norman ormanis isee his count ountry ry’’.4 In order to play a fitting 3 4
. Ibid., , – Ne ighbours in the Middle Ages (London, ), . G. W. S. Barro Barrow, Scotland and Its Neighbours
Feudal Scotland
part in the world of chivalr y, the Scottish kings had to have a knight ghtly following commensurate ate with their rega egal status, and this partl artly y expl explai ain ns the the conti ontin nued ued enco encou urage ragem ment ent of im immi migr gran ants ts in the the seco second nd half half of the the twel twelft fth h centu entury ry.. Ther Theree was litt littlle bull ullion ion in cir circuculation in Scotland, so the obvious means of reward was land, hence the feudalisation of Clydesdale under Malcolm IV and of Gowrie rie, Angus and Mearns rns under his younger brother. Settlement was a delibe deliberat ratee royal policy policy.. How However ever,, unlik unlike England in the the aftermath of the battle of Hastings, Scotland was was not a conquered conquered country country.. Despite their newnewfangled ideas, ideas, the twelfth twelfth-centu -century ry kings of Scots Scots succeed succeeded ed to the throne throne because because they were were direct direct descendants descendants of earlier earlier rulers, and they had to marry feudalism with the older forms of landholding and social structure which still prevailed throughout the realm. There could could not be a major major expropriation expropriation of native native lords or widesp widespre read ad disp displac laceme ement nt of of the the peasan peasantry; try; even even in in Loth Lothian ian,, which which was was probab probably ly the most heavily heavily feudalised feudalised region, region, the nativ native Northumbrian Northumbrian aristoc ar istocracy racy was was by no means eliminated. eliminated. Although Although the population of Scotland in the twelfth century was only a few hundred thousand, it was was widely spread spread throughout throughout those parts of the land which which could could sustain agriculture. agriculture. Scotland Scotland was was not virgin territory terr itory,, and both kings and settlers therefore therefore had to tread war warily ily.. The evidence for bishops of native native stock and the numerous numerous examples of royal officials and attendants with Gaelic names in David I’s reign, reign, doubtless doubtless inherited inherited from the the court of his predecess predecessors, ors, demonstrate a realisation on the king’s part that successful governance depended on the assimilation of new ideas ideas into old structures, and this was surely true of landholding la ndholding as well. The impact of Anglo-Norma rman immigra gration on the peasantry is almo almost st imp impossib ssible le to asse assess ss.. Lan and dho hold ldin ing g gav gave th thee new lor lords power over their tenants, but it is doubtful whether the replacement of one lord by another created major upheavals at the level of local society, at least in the shor t ter m. It is unclear to what extent a manor ial system on the classic English model was feasible in Scotland, where pastoral farmi rming was proportionately more significan cant; some some till tiller erss of the soil soil wer eree undou doubte ted dly bound tigh ightly tly to their lords, and could be sold or g iven away in the manner of chattels, but we do not know whether the creation of knights’ feus in itself altered the status of such individuals. Although some specialist workers, rs, such as cooks and scrib ribes, came to Scotland in the
Medieval Medieval Scotland
households of immigra grants, it is unlikely that the twelfth century saw peasant immig ration into Scotland on more than a ver y limi limite ted d scal scalee. The extent to which the new feudatories displaced the native lords depends on the source of the land which was granted to them. If the king king used used his demesne demesne estates, namely namely those that that were were exploited in his own own interest, or other lands which were were temporarily in his his possession, possession, then eff ectively ectively he was rewarding settlers from his own own resources. resources. If, how however ever,, he chose to bestow lands lands which were were under the contro controll of others, then he faced the prospect prospect of serious opposi oppositio tion. n. Altho Although ugh some some highl highly y favour favoured ed suppo supporters, rters, such such as Bruce, received received vast tracts of land – Annandale was was held for the service of ten knights – most of the settlers were were granted fairly f airly small estates, many of them consisting of merely merely one or two two villages. It is reasonable to assume that many of the newly created feus coincided with with earlier secular divisions, and this raises the issue of shires and thanages. Early medieval medieval kings were were not not sedentary. sedentary. They had estates in diff erent erent parts of their realm and travelled between them, spending some some time at each administering justice and demonstrating lordship in the personal manner which was necessary at that period. Their subjects within these estates were were required required to render goods or services to the king and his extensive household under the supervision of a local o fficial. cial. In eastern eastern Scotl Scotland and thes thesee administrative and socioeconomic units were usually called shires, and the principal pr incipal royal royal officer was was called a thane, thane, although in some some places he bore the title of of sheri sher iff . It should should be be noted noted that these terms terms had a rather diff erent erent meaning meaning in England, England, and that that sheri ff s in this context must not be confused with the more powerful o fficers of the same name who emerged in the twelfth century, century, even even though the latter performed perfor med broadly similar functions. functions. The thane’s primary task was to administer a specific unit of demesne on behalf of his overlord. overlord. Within it he had responsibilities for supervising justice, collecting rev revenues and leading leading the inhabitants in in war war,, but his role role was was essentially essentially managerial; managerial; although although his his position position was was often heredita hereditary ry,, he was was not a proprietor proprietor.. In theory theory a shire controlled by a thane could be granted as a knight’s feu to a new settler, settler, who could (if he so wished) leav leave the existing social structure essentially untouched and simply replace the previous previous lord as the local figurehead and chief beneficiary of the shire’s produce.
Feudal Scotland
The use of royal demesne in this way would have enabled the Scottish kings to grant land to incomers on a feudal basis without running the risk of displacing displacing existing proprietor proprietors, s, and Barrow Barrow has argued forcefully forcefully that this was was exactly what happened, especially in southern Scotland, where David I surrounded the ro royal castle castle of Edinbur Edinburgh gh with a ring of close friends and and adherents, adherents, bound bound to perform military service and fill administrative o ffices in return for their land.5 The problem with this theory is that the crown relied on its demesnes demesne s for much of its revenue revenue.. Twelfth-century welfth-centur y kings received rende renders rs from from thei theirr demesn demesnee tenant tenants, s, usuall usually y in kind kind,, and thes thesee would cease if the land was granted away away.. Other Scottish lords,faced lords, faced with a similar situation, appear to have have been markedly reluctant reluctant to rewar reward d their followers followers from the demesne, and to have drawn drawn a distinction between between their traditional hereditary lands and those which had come come into their their possession possession more more recently recently.. The lords lords of Gallowa Galloway y, for example, maintained control of their patrimonial patr imonial lands in the extensive exte nsive uplands of norther nor thern n Galloway Galloway,, but were were much more ready to create create feudal holdings holdings in Desnes Ioan, the area east of the river Urr which had probably come into their possession only in the s. A similar policy policy was was adopted by by the earls of Strathearn, who likewise granted only peripheral lands to settlers and kept a upland parts of their territory, territory, especially especially around around firm hold of the upland Loch Earn.6 There is some evidence that the crown too preferred to grant lands which had fallen f allen into its hands relatively relatively recently. recently. In Moray, Moray, for instance, instance, feudal settlement began in the wake wake of the defeat defeat and death of Earl Angus in . The earldom remained dormant from David I’s I’s reign until , and it is reasonable reasonable to conjecture conjecture that the the new settlers in Moray, Moray, such as the Fleming Freskin, were rewar rewarded ded from the estates previously previously controlled controlled by Angus rather than out of whatever royal demesne there may have been in that province. Further south, south, the earldoms earldoms of Gowrie Gowrie and Mearns were were both both vacant in the twelfth century, century, although they do seem to have have existed as political political units units at an earlier period. Here Here too the king had had lands at his disposal which had come into the crown’s possession fairly 15 16
Ibid., – . R. D. Oram, Oram, ‘A family business? business? Colonisatio Colonisation n and settlement settlement in twelfthtwelfth- and thirteenththirteenthcentury Galloway’, SHR , (), – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland
recently and could either be bestowed bestowed on his supporters or retained as royal royal demesne;some demesne; some of the area area became a hunting hunting reserve. reserve. Rather than reviv reviving ing the earldoms, earldoms, therefor therefore, e, David David I and, and, more more particuparticularly, larly, his successors successors chose chose to partition the the former earls’ estates into into knights’ knights’ feus. Even Even in Angus, Angus, where where there was was a succession of nativ native earls, there are are indications of of a similar process. process.The The first recorded recorded earl of Angus, Angus, Gillebrigte, Gillebrigte, appears appears at the end of David David I’s I’s reign, and later evidence suggests that the earldom was poorly endowed and that there was was much royal royal demesne in the area. It may be that Angus too had been in royal royal hands and a nd that only part pa rt of the ancient a ncient lands lan ds were were bestow bestowed on Gillebrigte, the remainder remainder being either kept kept by the the crown or granted to feudatories.7 The lands of the earldom of Fife in the twelfth century centur y were were also less extensive ex tensive than might hav havee been anticipated. Their personal names suggest that the earls of Fife were were closely linked with the royal royal house, house, probably probably as descendants of King Dub, Dub, who ruled ruled in the the s, hence hence the the name name MacDu MacDuff which is peculiarly associated with this family. family.8 In any ev event, it can be concon jectured that Fife was in crown crown hands in the late tenth, if not the eleventh eleventh century, century, and that some lands there t here were were retained by by the king and later granted to knights. The survival of thanes north of the Forth also argues against widespread alienation alienation of ro royal demesne. demesne. Although grants of estates on feudal terms ter ms and the development development of a system of sheri sher iff doms doms in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries created di ff erent erent types of link between between the crown crown and the localities, thereby thereby reducing the importance of the thane as an agent of royal royal administration,many administration, many thanages (as they they came to be be called) called) surviv survived. Some, Some, namely namely Clackmanna Clackmannan, n, Kinross Kinross and for a time Auchterarder, Auchterarder, even even became sheri sher iff doms doms,, and and many appear to have remained under royal control until the reign of Robert I, when a new new policy caused many of them to be alienated. This change in practice is probably probably a re reflection of the diminished administrative significance of thanages by the early fourteenth century, century, and the fact that the tendency for offices to become hereditary had, over time,reduced time, reduced the the number of of thanes as a result of families dying out in the male line. line. The existence of thanages without without a thane to preside ov over them indicates that they had become something of an anomaly, anomaly, but their surviv sur vival al into Robert I’s I’s reign suggests 7
A. A. M. Duncan, Scotland:The Making of the Kingdom (Edinburgh, ), . 8 . J. Bannerman, ‘MacDuff of Fife’, in Barrow Essays , –
Feudal Scotland
that the twelfth-century kings were reluctant to alienate ancient demesne. demesne. On the contrary contrary,, they they saw thanages thanages as areas areas from from which which the crown’s authority could o ff set set that of powerful powerful local magnates, and as such they played an important role in the consolidation of royal power.9 The theory that the king preferred prefer red to grant lands which had formerly pertained to native native earls helps also als o to explain the geographigeog raphical distribution distribution of feudal settlement. settlement. Anglo-Norman Anglo-Norman colonisation colonisation was especially dense in Fife, Fife, Gowrie,Angus, Gowrie,Angus, Mearns and the lowland parts of Moray, Moray, the very areas where earlier comital demesnes appear to have have fallen into the hands of the cro crown. South of the the Forth, especially in Lothian, knights’ feus were were numerous numerous and must mostly have have been created (as elsewhere) els ewhere) from lands in roy royal al possession. posses sion. Howev However, er, although the Scottish kings had controlled Lothian for over a century before David I’s I’s time, it may still have have been regarded as recently acquired acquired land, as the lords of Galloway Galloway viewed viewed Desnes Ioan. Royal Ro yal policy policy south of the Forth Forth was not,therefor not, therefore, e,necessar necessarily ily identical to that pursued in the ancient heartland hear tland of the kingdom. Although David I and his grandsons took advantage of earldoms which had fallen into their hands through through genealogical accident or forfeiture, forfeiture, the remaining remaining native native earls retained retained considerable considerable territoterr itorial, political political and and military military pow power. er. Here Here there there is a mark marked ed contrast contrast with England, where conquest conquest had allow allowed the Normans to create a new governing governing class. In Scotland there there was was much greater continuity, nuity, and in particular the earls still controlled controlled the muster mustering ing and recruitment of the ‘common army’, which existed long before feudalism arrived ar rived and remained remained an essential component of the military capability of the Scottish state into the early modern period. Heavily Heavily armed knights knights and castles, though though important important features features of military military feudalism, feudalism, were in themselv themselves es insufficient to defend the realm, still less to enable enable the king to go on the off ensiv ensive, and their their arrival in Scotland should be seen as representing the introduction of new specialisms to complement complement existing military capabilities.The capabilities. The obligation to serve in the common army was rarely waived by the crown, crown, and at least in the twelfth century the earl frequently led the men of his prov province. ince. At the battle of the Standard Standard in the men of Lothian Lothian follo followed Cospatric, Cospatric, to whose whose father and namesak namesakee 19
A. Grant, Grant, ‘Thane ‘Thaness and thanage thanages, s, from from the elev elevent enth h to the fourteent fourteenth h centuries’ centuries’,, ibid., ibid., – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Malcolm III had given estates in south-east Scotland which came to form the somewhat anomalous earldom of Dunbar or March. When Cospatric Cospatr ic was killed his troops troops took flight. Even Even in David David I’s I’s reign, reign, and in the context context of Lothian, Lothian, the earl’s earl’s military importance importance is clear to see. Some nativ native earls embraced feudalism, for the same reasons as Anglo-Norman immigrants were were attracted by by it. By seeking a ro royal charter they could secure their lands for themselves and their heirs and in turn could create knights’ feus to bestow bestow upon supporters in return eturn for milita military ry or other other special specialise ised d services services.. Fo Forr instan instance ce,, in around Duncan, Duncan, earl of Fife, Fife, obtained obtained a charter to his earldom earldom from David David I, and proceeded proceeded to extend his landholding by by royal royal favour favour.. He and his kinsmen also took took advantage of the the opportunities in Moray, Moray, especially after the defeat of a rebellion there in ,and hav have been described as ‘internal ‘internal colonists’. colonists’. Although Although Fife was was regarded regarded as the premier earldom of Scotland, this did not prevent prevent its holders from taking advantage of feudal conventions, conventions, by which they both increased their own power and retained their place in society alongside Anglo-Norman incomers.10 The earls of Fife were, how however ever,, probably probably not typical. They were were unusually unusually closely linked with the royal royal house by by personal loyalty and marriage marr iage ties, and probprobably also by by blood. It would would be rash to assume that other native native earls embraced feudalism with comparable enthusiasm, enthusiasm, and although by by the thirteenth century they had been brought into a strictly feudal relationship with the cro crown, and sometimes held land by by knight service, it is doubtful whether they they had entered into similar military obligatio obligations ns in respect respect of the earldoms earldoms themselv themselves. es. Many Many of them sought sought to preserv preservee a degree of independe independence nce,, which which might be reflected in marriag mar riagee alliances with other native native lords or even even with magnates outside the realm; the lords of Gallowa Galloway y and the chieftains of the western seaboard certainly retained their freedom of action by such means. Feudalism in Scotland was largely a lowland phenomenon. Although some knights’ knights’ feus were were established established on the fringes of the highland zone, zone, for example in the glens of Perthshire Perthshire and (especially in the thirteenth century) in Easter Ross and Sutherland, Sutherland, much of the north and west remained a tribal society. society. Even Even if individual individual 10
Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, – .
Feudal Scotland
chieftains entered into feudal relationships with the crown, crown, we must be cautious about assuming that patterns of landholding changed significantly in areas where ties of kinship remained of paramount importance importance.. Surviving Surviving charters charters from from Argyll and other other parts of of western ester n Scotland are couched couched in feudal terminology, terminology, but this is inevitable inevitable when such was the very essence of this type of document, and a diff erent erent type of military service ser vice was sometimes sought by the cro crown from from the the chiefs chiefs of the western western seaboar seaboard. d. Robert I, I, whose authority in the west was arguably greater than that of any other medieva medievall Scottish monarch, monarch, usually usually demanded a fixed number of birlings (galleys) of a specified capacity rather than knight service. In one sense this shows the flexibility exibility of feudal arrangements, arrangements, but it also demonstrates the very diff erent erent lifestyle of western as opposed to eastern Scotland. The military aspects of feudal tenure encouraged kings from David I onwards to use trusted followers to defend the often illdefined frontier between between the heartland heartla nd of the realm and the periphper ipheral areas which scarcely acknowledged royal royal authority author ity.. We have have seen how the lands of dormant earldoms were granted to feudatories, and from from a military standpoint this was was especially important in Moray Moray and further north. Freskin, Freskin,for for instance instance,, receiv received ed large estates from David I and Malcolm Ma lcolm IV, IV, while William the t he Lion’s Lion’s grant g rant of the lordship of Garioch Gar ioch in Aberdeenshire Aberdeenshire to his brother brother David secured lines of communication to the north which were essential if the king was was to launch launch military military expeditions expeditions to Mora Moray y and Ross. In south-west Scotland also large lordships were bestowed on settlers, some of whom founded families (most notably Bruce and Stewart) which were to play a central role in subsequent Scottish history. Stra Strath thcl clyd ydee was was,, of cours coursee, a Britis British h kin kingd gdom om.. Its Its inha inhabi bita tant ntss spoke a version of Celtic most akin to Welsh, and its administrative administrative divisions were similar to the cantrefs and commotes of medieval Wales. These terr ter r itorial units were were dictated by topography and were usually larger than the shires and thanages of eastern Scotland, which partly explains why a few favoured settlers received such extens extensiv ivee holdi holdings ngs.. Milita Military ry consid considera eratio tions ns wer weree, how however ever,, even even more significant cant.. Sout Southh-w west est Scot Scotla land nd,, espe especi cial ally ly Anna Annand ndal alee, Nithsdale and Ayrshire, contained an unusually unusually large number of mott mottes es,, the the norma normall lly y arti artificial mounds topped by a timber fortification which were a characteristic feature of Norman
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
expa expans nsio ion. n. Castl Castles es cou could ld be be statu statuss symbo symbols ls,, but but thei theirr origina originall purpose was military, military, and the proliferation proliferation of them in the the southwest suggests that this area was both dangerous and difficult to control. control. The pow powerful settlers who mov moved to the region clearly needed to provide provide for their own protection, but may also have have been used by the cro crown forcibly forcibly to impose Anglo-Norman values, and thereby thereby royal royal authority, authority, on peripheral areas. Although some mottes, notably the Morev Moreville ille stronghold stronghold at Borgue, Borgue, were were in Gallowa Galloway y proper proper,, few have have been discovered discovered in the interior inter ior of the largely independent lordship, lordship, suggesting that the policy was one of containment and coastal settlement rather than of outright conquest by military might. The king naturally seized any opportunity to increase his authority in the southsouth-w west. est. When When Ralp Ralph h son son of Dunegal Dunegal,, lord lord of of Nithsdale Nithsdale,, died sometim sometimee after William the Lion was able to redistribute his lands to new families or on new terms to existing holders, holder s, a process which gave the crown crown closer control over over the fortress and river-crossing river-crossing at Dumfries, Dumfr ies, where a ro royal burgh burgh and major administrative administrative centre were were established. established. But penetration to the west west was not always always easy, easy, as is seen by the fact that William’s William’s brother David had had only temporary possession of the earldom of Lennox, Lennox, the upland area around Loch Lomond. 11 The king had presumably envisaged envisaged that David would would establish an outpost of royal royal power; power; his failure to do so emphasises the continuing strength of the native lords of the old kingdom of Strathclyde. When King Edgar died in , he bequeathed bequeathed much much of southsouthern Scotland Scotland to his younge youngerr brother brother David. David. David David experienced experienced some opposition from from the new king Alexander I, but succeeded in securing his inheritance around with the assistance of forces supplied supplied by by Henry I. His area area of influence included included Strathclyde, Strathclyde, and it is in this context that the grant of Annandale to Robert Bruce should be seen.The seen. The surviving charter was probably probably issued soon after David I succeeded to the throne in , but Bruce may may have have been given lands in Annandale somewhat earlier, earlier, probably probably in order to act as a bulwark against potential incursions from Galloway. 12 There is other evidence that David was imposing his reforming ideas on 11
RRS , ii, ; there is no indication in the document document itself that the grant of Lennox was was intended to be temporary as implied in the editor’s editor’s note. 12 J. A. Green,‘David Green, ‘David I and and Henry I’, SHR , (), .
Feudal Scotland
Strathclyde at this this time. time. The establishment establishment of an episcopal see at Glasgow probably dates from the second decade of the twelfth century, century, perhaps as a deliberate act on David’s David’s part par t to diminish the importance of the ancient church church at Govan. Govan. It has been shown shown that Govan Govan also had a court court hill, suggestive suggestive of Norse influence, uence, and was was probably the administrative and ceremonial centre of the kingdom of Strathclyde up to the elev eleventh century. century. Leaving aside the controversy as to whether Strathclyde had an independent existence after the death of Owain Owain the Bald, it seems that David David deliberately turned his back on the past and based the ecclesiastical gover government nment of the huge diocese on a new centre. 13 In this this context, context, it is surely surely conceivable that he established Bruce in Annandale before his accession to the throne, throne, thereby thereby using feudal lordship not only only as a military expedient but also as a means of increasing the authority author ity of the House of Canmore in an area which was still largely outside royal royal control. control. Edgar’s Edgar’s bequest to David is in itself an indication that the area south of the Forth, especially the south-west, south-west, required required more direct lordship than a king based in the old Pictish heartlands was able to t o provide. The question of when feudalism reached Scotland is a controversial one. There is no doubt that numerous knights’ feus were establ ablished durin ring the reign eign of Dav David I and that the process continued apace under his gra grandsons Malcolm IV and William the Lion. Evid Eviden ence ce for for feud feudali alism sm befo beforre is slen slende derr. Malc Malcol olm m III’ III’ss for foreign eign followers ers, wherever they origi rigin nated and however numerous they may have been, were almost certa rtainly household serva rvants, and it is impr im prob obab able le that that the they were ere rewarde arded d with with land landss unde underr feud feudal al ten tenure ure. Edgar and Alexand ander I, who both benefited from the support of the Norma Norman n king kingss of Engl Englan and, d,w were ere su surrely ely aware are of feud feudal al con conventi ention ons, s, and indeed acknowledged themselves to be vassals of William Rufus and Henry I. Whether they introduced settlers to southern Scotland and made g rants of land to them in retur n for military servi rvice, as their eir brother David was to do, remains unclear. ar. Much of what we know about Edgar concerns rns his act activities in Lothian, an, most notably his devotion to St Cuthbert. rt. He may have encouraged, or at leas leastt not not acti activ vely ely disc discou oura rage ged, d, furth further er Engl Englis ish h sett settle leme ment nt north north of the Tweed, but there is no evidence that he ris risked native hostility 13
S. T. Driscoll, ‘Church archaeology archaeology in Glasgow Glasgow and the kingdom of Strathclyde’, IR , . (), –
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
by introducing Frenchmen to Scotland beyond the Forth. Alexan xander I’s kingdom had a more north rtherly focus, inevitably so in view iew of Edga Edgar’ r’ss beq bequest uest to Davi David d. It has has been been argu argued ed that that Alex Alexan and der, er, ins nste tead ad of relyi elyin ng on mer mercenari enaries es for for mi mili lita tary ry su supp ppor ort, t, built ilt castl astles es,, for for exam exampl plee at the the stra strate tegi gica call lly y vita vitall cros crossi sing ng of the the Forth rth at Stir Stirli ling ng,, and and crea create ted d knig knight hts’ s’ feus feus in Sco Scotlan tland d,14 but we would expect to see the first signs of feudalism in the south and it is more cogent to regard David as the prin rincipal force behind the revolution in landholding. Feuda eudali lism sm arriv arrived in Scot cotland land as a finish nished ed prod produc uct.Thi t.Thiss is sh sho own by the existence of feus which were held for a fraction of the servi rvice of a knight. Sometimes these came about because not enough land was available to endow a vassal with sufficient ient reso sour urce cess to su sup pport port a knight, but in these cases a promise was usually made that the shortrtfal fall would be supplied at a later date. On other occasions it seems to hav have been been envi envisa sage ged d that that vassa assals ls would ould sh shar aree thei theirr obli obliga gati tion on to thei their r supe su peri rior or lord, ord, alt althoug hough h so some meti time mess thi this came came abou aboutt beca becaus usee of part partiition tion betw betwee een n heir heires esse ses. s. Laud Lauder erda dale le,, for for exam exampl plee, was prob probab ably ly origoriginally held for the servi rvice of six knights, and Cunningham for two, becau ecause se in Helen la Zouche, who held a sixth of the form rmeer More orevil ville lan lands, ds, was sai said to owe one one kni knight’ ght’ss serv serviice for for her her port portio ion n of Lauderdale and to hold her share of Irvi rvine in Cunningham for the service of a third of a knight. In view of the fact that there was no equivalent in Scotland to the English levy of scutage, a payment in lieu of milit ilitar ary y serv serviice whic which h may hav have encou ncourraged aged an arti rtificial cial frac frac-tion tional alis isat atio ion n of feud feudal al obli obliga gati tion ons, s,th ther eree may may be so some me territo territorial rial logic logic in the wide var iety of fractions found in Scottish documents. However, the increasing cost of knighthood from the late twelfth century onwards must also have been a fac factor, and military obligations were frequently commuted into money payments or other servi rvice, or used as the basis for the renderin ring of aids to the king, practices which may have stimulated, and been stimulated by, the creation of units of vario rious sizes. In any event, the system is sufficiently sophisticated to demonstrate that the rul ruling classes which parti rticipated in it were fully fam familiar with its conventions.15 It is importa rtant to assess the extent to which Scottish landholders also lso had interest ests outside the realm, lm, for such interests sts migh mightt on 14 15
Kingship and Unity: Scotland Scotland – (Edinburgh, ), . G. W. S. Barro Barrow, Kingship Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, – .
Feudal Scotland
occasion influence their behaviour in Scotland. Bar row has argued that Scotland was a land of opportu rtunity for younger sons with little prospect of advancement at home, and that Scottish kings disco iscou urage aged their vass assals als from possessi ssing est estates in Engla gland or France since they did not want their leading subjects to be absentees; moreover, their military function, arguably the chief reason behind their recru ruiitment, could not be adequately performe rmed unless they both resided in Scotland and regarded serv rviice to its king as the predominant call on their loyalty. The importance of this last point is demonstrated by the letters writ ritten by thir teenth-centur y kings to excuse their subjects’ ser vice in respect of their English lands, as when in Alex Alexan ande derr III III ask asked Edward I to waive his demand for the earl of Buchan to join an expedition to Wales since the earl had been sent by the Scottish king to the far nor th of his realm.16 The example of the Stewarts rts can be used to illustrate how younger members of a family often took gre greater ris risks than their elder siblings and might ultimately obtain ain grea greatter reward ards. The The fam family ily origin riginaated in Brit ritttany, wher eree Alan son of Flaald ser ved the bishops of Dol. His eldest son and his descendants inherit rited the fam family’s modest estates; the second son took over many of the lands which Alan had obtained in England and was the progenitor of the g reat f amily which ultimately became earls of Ar undel; but the youngest son, Walter, became came David I’s I’s household steward, recei ceived a substan anttial ial lor lordship around Renfrew and lands in the Ayr valley and Tweeddale, and founded a family which in due course became the r uling dyna dynast sty y of Sco Scotlan tland. d.17 While there can be little doubt that younger sons were often the most readily disposed to move to distant regions to seek their fortune, fortune, there there is no neat pattern whereb whereby y families divided divided their their landed possessions on the basis of boundaries between states. Holding land from more than one lord was not uncommon in feudal feudal society society,, and probl problems ems arose arose only only when his superiors’ superiors’ conflicting interests interests forced a vassal vassal to choose between between them. In the twelfth twelfth and thirteenth thir teenth centuries centur ies there were were lengthy periods per iods of peace between between the kings of England and Scotland, and some individuals individuals 16
17
Foedera, Conventiones, Conventiones, Literae et Cuiuscunque Cuiuscunque Generis Acta Publica, ed. T. Rymer ( vols. ols. in parts, parts, London London,, – ), i, – . This argument is given in full in Barrow, Anglo-Norman Era, ch. .
Medieval Medieval Scotland
had major interests on on both sides of the political border, border, even even though distant estates could be hard to manage eff ectively ectively.. Division of lands could be a useful useful expedient in a time of crisis, but it was was by no means an invariable invariable rule, nor was was Scotland attractive attractive only to younger younger sons.When sons. When Robert Bruce receiv received Annandale from David I, he was was already already lord lord of Brix in Normandy and Clev Cleveland eland in in Yorkshire Yorkshire and was was the senior member of his his family. family. His loyalty loyalty was was put to the test when David launched a major expedition into England in , and he formally severed severed his his bond of fealty to the Scottish king, but his younger younger son Robert continued continued to adhere adhere to David and duly succeeded his father in Annandale on the latter’s death in . In this case case political political conside consideration rationss and an underunderstandable desire to preserve the family estates led to a division of lands in the second second generation generation,, but the stability stability off ered ered by the Scottish king contrasted sharply with the civil strife in England in Stephen’s Stephen’s reign; even even if David’s David’s actions caused caus ed the Bruces Bru ces some consternation, others like Walter son s on of Alan may have have been encouraged to strengthen their links with him. The Moreville family also benefited from David I’s largesse. Hugh de Morevi Moreville lle,, constable constable of Scotland, Scotland, was granted g ranted Lauder Lauderdale dale and Cunnin Cunningham, gham, and also held held the lor lordship dship of of Appleby Appleby in in Westmorl estmorland and.. Fr From om to the Morevi Morevilles’ lles’ main interests interests were in the dominions of of the king of Scots, for during those years the whole of Cumbria was firmly under Scottish control, control, but when when it reverted to English rule their estates straddled the political frontier. tier. When William de Moreville died in his heir was his sister, sist er, who had married marr ied Roland, lord of Gallo Gallowa way y. The family lands were were therefore subsumed in the even more extensive territories of Roland, but he and his son Alan mov moved in the same social orbit as the Morevilles Morevilles and likewise likewise had extensive extensive cross-border cross-border interests. By contra contrast, st, the Ball Balliol iols, s, who in the the second second half half of the the thirteen thirteenth th century fell heir to the lordship of Galloway and brie fl y held the throne throne of Scotland itself, were a family whose holdings had previpreviously been predomi predominantly nantly in Englan England, d, although although in the s Bernard de Balliol had accepted the political realities of David I’s pow power in the northern northern counties. Such examples examples could could be multimultiplied. Families with vested vested interests in more more than one country were were not uncommon, uncommon, and although the desire desire not to break faith with
Feudal Scotland
one’s one’s lord could cause crises cr ises of conscience and impel families f amilies to split their holdings as a precaution, precaution, it was only the advent advent of a period of sustained Anglo-Scottish Anglo-Scottish warfare in which finally caused the disintegration of collections of estates which had been accumulated, often through through marriage marr iage rather than by by direct royal royal grant, on both sides of the border border.. Even Even then it was was several several decades before before some families relinquished their hopes of recover recovering ing lost lands. The f act that many of the closest counsellor s of the Scottish kings also also had interests in Englan gland d had a numbe mber of consequ equences. es. Because in the twelfth and thirteenth centurie ries estates could so readily be acquired on both sides of the border, the precise location of the political frontier was less significant cant,, an and d th ther eref efor oree less less contentious, than it might otherwise have been. Also, the dual loy loyalty alty wh whic ich h man many magn magnat ates es he held ld in incl clin ined ed th them em to tow wards ards upho uphold ld-ing the peace between Scotland and England, as is seen for instance when war threatened in . Within Scotland too, Anglo glo-No -Norman rman settleme lemen nt probably had a harmon rmonisin ing g eff ect e ct, in that it brought diff erent regio gions of Scot cotlan and d into a relat latively standardised patt attern of lan landholdin lding g and ther ereb eby y serv served ed to undermin rmine the fierce par ticular isms which could be engendered by the ancient earldoms. Furth rthermo rmore, because many of the settlers, rs, at least initially, had close links with the crown and owed their lands to royal fav favour, they were more likely to be in attendance at court than the native earls and so acted as more eff ecti e ctiv ve con conduit duitss whereby the king’s authorit rity could be transmitted to the provinces ces. In that sense the establi ablish shm men entt of feudal lor lordshi ships incre creased sed the influence of the crown, but it also benefited the recipients of such lordships. By the late thirte rteenth century, ry, for instance, the Stewar ts not only held Renfrew and par ts of Ayrshire, but also controlled Bute and much of Kintyre; from being a bastion of Angl Angloo-No Norman rman influence against the chieftains of the west coast they had become Highland chiefs themselves, with a fleet of galle alleys ys an and d man many Gae Gaeliclic-sspeak eaking depen end dan antts. The Comyns yns too had ha d bui uilt lt up cons consid ider erab able le poli politi tica call an and d te territo rritorial rial pow power er,, espe especi cial ally ly in north rthern Scotland, where branches of the fam family had obtained the earldoms of Buchan and brie riefl y Menteith by marr mar r iage, as well as the gre great upland lordship of Badenoch by gif gift of Alexander II. Although these fam families remained loyal to the crown, their local
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
and national influence emphasises the fact that eff ecti e ctiv ve royal power in Sco Scotlan tland d th thrrou ough ghou outt th thee Midd Middle le Ages Ages depe depend nded ed on conconstru rucctive relations between the king and his magnates rather than on bur ureau eaucra cratic tic centra centralis lisati ation on.. Alongside the arri rriv val of immigra grants and the introduction of feudalism were a number of administrative and judicial developments. These are sometimes seen almost as consequences of feudalisation, as though they could not have existed independently. While it is undoubtedly tru ruee that many of David I’s ideas on the nature of govern rnm ment, like his espousal of feudalism and his desire to reform the church, were deriv rived from his experie rien nces ces at Hen Henry I’s I’s cour court, t, earl earlie ierr kin ings gs must have posse ssessed ssed admin dminis istr trat atiive machiner y, even if it has left little trace in the sources, and it is lik likely ely th that at David built ilt on th thes esee foundat ndatio ions ns.. Moreover, David an and d his successors did not create an administrative edifice on the scale of Norma rman England; the Scottish kings did not need one because, unencumbered by continental terri rrittorie ries, they tended to be resident in their realm. We ha hav ve seen seen ho how w the cro crown poss posses esse sed d wi wide dely ly dist distrib ribu ute ted d area areass of demesne govern rneed by thanes. As well as renders from these distric ricts, which were paid overwhelmingly in kind in what was still a virtu rtually moneyless economy, the king had the rig right to certa rtain levies, most notably cain and conveth. Cain was trib ribute due to a lord by vir tue of his mere lordship, and was norma rmally rendered every tw two o or thr hree ee years ears,, alth althou ough gh an ann nua uall levi levies es are are no nott un unkn kno own wn.. Conveth was the annual obligation to o ff er hospitality to one’s lord and as a royal revenue was paid in respect of estates which were, or anciently had been, in the hands of the king. These ancie cient dues, wh whiich are found throughout the Celt eltic world rld an and d to some some exte extent nt else elsewh wher eree, cont contin inue ued d to be impo import rtan ant, t, alth althou ough gh cain cain becam ecamee a les less lucra crative sou source of income come by the thirte rteen entth cen century because those who held land by militar y ser vice were exempt from it, and so the area liable for cain was reduced as feudalisation became more widespread. In north rthern England corn rnaage, which was similar to cain in that it was often paid every three years, was also norma rmally not paid by militar y tenants, at least in the later twelfth centur y, so Scotland was not unique in this respect. Willi illiam am of Malm Malmes esb bury ass asserts rts that David I exemp empted knights an and d
Feudal Scotland
bar baron onss from from cain cain if the hey y wer eree prep prepar ared ed to acce accept pt a civi civili lise sed,nam d,namel ely y Anglo glo-No -Norman rman, way of lif life,18 and the cancellation of this native due was surely used as an incen enttive to set settle in Scot cotlan and d, the cro crown presumab mably hoping to recou coup an any y losse sses through feudal incid cidents such as relie ieff an and d wardship. ip. From the twelfth twelfth century onwards onwards the king also levied duties on ships carrying carr ying merchandise, merchandise,19 and so had an incentive incentive to encourage trade. trade. It is generally generally believ believed that there there was was an increase increase in the volume of trade throughout throughout Europe Europe at this period, per iod, and Scotland play played a part, albeit albeit a limited limited one, one, in this this expansion. expansion. The intro introducduction of coinage by David I was was an important development, development, and until Scottish coins, as a matter of policy, policy, were of the same weight weight and fineness as English ones. How However ever,, in the twelfth twelfth century transactions in cash must have have remained remained unusual in most of Scotland, Scotland, at least outside the burghs. burghs. A burgh was was a privileged pr ivileged trading trading community, nity, established by by the king, king, though sometimes in the interest of a lay or ecclesiastical magnate, magnate, and considerable numbers numbers were were set up in the twelfth twelfth and thirteenth centuries, especially on the east coast. Some centres centres such as Perth and Stirling, situated at points points where where navigable navigable riv r ivers ers could be forded, were probably probably well established by by the the early early twel twelfth fth cen centu tury; ry; othe others, rs, lik like Inv Inverness erness and Ayr, yr, were ere created partly as a means of encouraging loyal subjects to settle in areas where royal royal authority was tenuous. David I’s I’s interest in burghs was doubtless fostered by his desire to realise at least some of his revenues enues in cash; he could exploit exploit trade trade by establishi establishing ng boundaries boundaries within which all goods for sale had to be presented to the burgh market, and then levying levying tolls on the produce produce.. The establishment of a monopoly bene fited the king as well well as the merchants, for the collection of royal revenues was signi ficantly eased by concentrating trade in a few speci fied centres. centres. Nor were were the king’s king’s emoluments restricted to trade, trade, for in his his burghs he he also receiv received ed rents rents from from burgage tofts and tenements, tenements, the reven revenue ue from from mills, and the pro profits of justice. justice. It was only only in the later Middle Middle Ages, when many many burghs burghs were granted at feu-ferm feu-fer m for a fixed sum, that the king’s king’s direct interest in his towns diminished. 18
19
Anglorum, ed. William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum ed. W. Stub Stubbs bs ( vols., vols., Rolls Series, – ), ii, ii, . RRS , i, ; A. Steve ’, in M. Stevenson,‘T nson,‘Trade rade with with the south, – M. Lynch ynch,, M. Spea Spearm rman an Scotti sh Medieval Town (Edinburgh, ), – . and and G. Stel Stell, l, eds. eds.,, The Scottish
Medieval Medieval Scotland
Many early burghs developed developed in the shadow of royal royal castles, and often formed the administrative centres of sheri ff doms d oms,, thr through ough which the Scottish kings from the twelfth century onwards onwards endeavoured oured to govern govern their realm. realm. The sheri ff was the principal local royal officer, cer, with respon responsibil sibility ity for raising raising military military forces, forces, collectcollecting cro crown wn rev revenues, enues, conducting inquests and assizes, and adminisadministering justice. His role role in the twelfth twelfth century was closely modelled on that of his English English equivalent, equivalent, but the Scottish sheri sher iff retained more of his original authority than his counterpart south of the border. border. This was partly because it was only at the end of the Middle Ages that Scotland Scotland dev developed eloped a system of centralised centralised courts, courts, the establishment of which in England had served to diminish the sheriff ’s judici judicial al role role.. Fo Forr the same same reaso reason, n, the office of justiciar, which was also brought to Scotland in the twelfth century, century, continued to exist in its original or iginal form for m there much much longer than in England. By the end of William the Lion’ Lion’ss reign there there is a degree of evidence evidence for three three justiciars, justiciars, for Scotia Scotia (the area area north of the Forth), Forth), Lothian Lothian and Galloway Galloway respectively respectively,, and sometimes deputies are attested. The justiciars made a circuit circuit of the sheri sher iff doms doms which was known as an ayre, ayre,and and theoretically theoretically visited each twice a year, year, hearing serious ser ious cases which were beyond the competence of the sheri ff s and baronial courts, but their duties duties ranged much much more more widely than the judicial sphere and in many respects they acted as the crown’s principal administrative officers. cers. Most Most of the early early refe refere rence ncess rela relate te to to Lothian, Lothian, which which may may be a trick of of the sources, sources, although although it could could reflect the existence there of legal procedures familiar in England, such as the use of local juries of presentment to report crimes. Justiciars enjoyed enjoyed higher status and wider pow powers than sheri sher iff s, s, thanes and the the nativ native legal experts, experts, termed judices in Latin documents, who existed in Scotland as elsewhere elsewhere in the Celtic world. world. The office was thus normally held by a major magnate or at least lea st by a baron of the first rank who could exercise exercise authority eff ectively ectively in a fundame fundamentally ntally conservati conservativ ve societ society; y; the Comyns, Comyns, for instance instance,, dominated the justiciarship of Scotia in the thirteenth century, century, a member of the family holding it for around two-thirds two-thirds of the time. The first recorded justiciar of Galloway was Roland son of Uhtred, who may have been given judicial powers in the south-west in the hope that he would act as a royal agent as well as being lord of Gallowa Galloway y, although sometimes the justiciarship justiciarship was granted to a
Feudal Scotland
power powerful ful magnate in the simple realisation that he eff ectively ectively controlled the area, and the level level of Roland’s Roland’s subservience subser vience to the crown crown must be questioned; it is noteworthy noteworthy that the next record record of a justiciar in Gallow Gal loway ay comes only in , after the lords lordship hip had ceased ceased to exist as a political political entity. entity. King William William did, how however ever,, take take a personal interest in law law enforcement and the execution execution of justice, justice, and perhaps as early as some off ences,inclu ences, including ding homicide homicide,, rape and arson, had been reserv reserved ed as ‘pleas of the cro crown’, to be impleaded impleaded before royal justiciars. The establishment of sheri sher iff s and justiciars in the twelfth century served served to eclips eclipse, e, though though not not to to destr destro oy, earlier earlier admini administrati strativ ve arrang arrangem emen ents ts.. Sheri Sheriff doms doms were normally larger than the existing shires shires and thanages, thanages, but the the boundaries boundaries of early sheriff doms doms were usually natural and sometimes can be shown shown to be ancient, corresponding closely to older territorial terr itorial divisions, and although some of the obligations enforced by sheri ff s, s, such as castle-gu castle-guard ard,, may may hav havee been novel, novel, many of the rents and services ser vices owed owed by the king’s king’s sub jects were traditional and customary. customary. It is perhaps appropriate, there therefor foree, to see see sheri sheriff doms doms as evolving from the existing shires rather than constituting a totally new new dev development; elopment; at Berwick, Haddin Haddingto gton, n, Linlit Linlithgo hgow w and and Stirli Stirling, ng, for instan instance ce,, the old shire shire became the nucleus of a much larger administrative unit. 20 Moreov Moreover,the er, the establishment of sheri ff doms doms was a very very long l ong process, and the arrangements remained fluid: uid: in the the earl early y thirt thirtee eent nth h century century,, for example, example, new sheriff doms doms were were created in Moray, Moray, presumably in the hope of establishing closer royal control over a still turbulen turbulentt area. It was probab probably ly not until after Alexander Alexander II took control of Galloway in the mid- s that sheriff doms doms were introduced duced there; there; Jo John hn Balliol’ Balliol’ss attempt to appoi appoint nt sheriff s on the western ester n seaboard was thwarted by the Wars of Independence; even even in the sixteenth century large areas of the north and west were eff ectively ectively beyond the reach of royal officials. cials. The signi significance of sheriff s, s, especially in the twelfth twelfth century, century, should not be overstated. overstated. Some who are designated as sheriff s in contemporary contemporary sources, sources, such as Cospatric son of Uhtred of Roxburgh and Maeldomhnaich of Scone, were in in fact managers of existing shires shires or thanages, many of of which may may have have originated orig inated in Pictish times, and as we hav have seen it 20
Society from the Eleventh G. W. S. Barro Barrow, The Kingdom of the Scots: Government, Church and Society to the Fourteenth Century (London, ), .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
was not until the fourteenth century that the crown crown dismantled this old old syst system em.. In the the field of justice justice,, the nativ native system of judices judices and mairs was not deliberately displaced but rather assimilated into the administrative administrative structures of the new sheri ff doms doms:: the the judex became the dempster of the courts, courts, and mairs performed executiv executivee duties by making making arrests, serving summon summonses ses and carrying out judgejudgements.21 Again, continuity is the key key feature. feature. The Norman Conquest of England had precipitated the establishment of a harsh and much hated forest forest law, law, under which large tracts of countryside were reserved for the hunting of game. Agricultural activity and wood-cutting in the forest were strictly controlled, controlled, and breaches of the regulations were were severely severely punished. Forests Forests on this model were were also established in Scotland, probably probably from the s onwar onwards, ds, but, but, perhap perhapss surprisingly surprisingly in vie view w of the strong links links which Scottish kings and barons barons had with England, the conditions were much less severe severe than south of the border. All royal royal forests in Scotland were were created on estates in the king’s king’s hands, and their administration was much less r igorous igorous than in England. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the o ffices of sheriff and forester were often often combined, combined, suggesting suggesting that the sheriff took responsibility for royal royal forests as for other crow crown n demesne, although his necessarily part-time interest in the forest was presumably off set set by the appointment of deputies. In due course many many forests were were reduced reduced in extent extent so as to concentrate concentrate on the better better hunting hunting districts; this implies that t hat the king’ k ing’ss officials had found it impossible to uphold his rights eff ectively ectively over over larger areas, a reas,but but it may also be connected with the growth in population and the consequent need to exploit the forests for agricultural agr icultural purposes where appropr appropriate. iate.The The reservation reservation of large swathes swathes of land for the sport of the king and his leading sub jects could be directly at odds with economic imperatives, imperatives, and there is evidence that in the thirteenth century the owners of forests, howev however er reluctantly, reluctantly, came to recognise this. 22 Many Scottish offices were were hereditary hereditary,, or at least became so. so. Walter son of Alan was the king’s king’s steward, steward, hence the name of the family he founded. founded. Under David David I other househ household old offices appear, 21
22
H. L. MacQue MacQueen,‘S en,‘Scot cotss law law under under Alexan Alexander der III’ III’,, in N. N. H. Reid, Reid, ed., ed., Scotland in the Reign of Alexander III, – (Edinburgh, ), . Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, See genera generally lly J. M. Gilbert Gilbert,, Hunting and Hunting Reserves in Medieval ).
Feudal Scotland
such as the constabl constable, e, butler butler and marischals. These were were important important posts, albeit soon to become become largely largely honori honorific and ceremonial. More significant in terms of administrative development were the chamberlain, who was responsible responsible for roy royal al finances, nances, and the the chanchancellor cellor, who was was usually a senior cleric. In William William the Lion’s Lion’s reign we can detect an increase in e fficien ciency cy,, with with cham chambe berl rlai ains ns’’ and and sheriff s’ s’ accoun accounts, ts, greater greater pr professio ofessional nalism ism in in the ro royal chape chapel, l, and evidence from the s that copies of documents were now being preserved. preserved. While the bureaucracy of the medieval Scottish state was never never as extensive extensive as that in England, the subsequent destruction of many of the records of central government should not cause us to dimini diminish sh the modes modest, t, but but noneth nonethele eless ss real, real, achie achiev vements ements of the the clerks around the kings of the Canmore dynasty. The su succ cceess of Malco alcolm lm Canm anmore’ ore’ss so sons ns,, esp especi eciall ally David vid I, in con consolidating royal authorit rity in Scotland was cruc rucial to the survi rvival of the the dyna dynast sty y. Riv Rival clai claima mant ntss to the the thr throne one remai emaine ned d acti activ ve, how however, er, unti untill well ell into into the the thir thirte teen enth th cent century ury,, and and Davi David d was ther theref efor oree dete deterrmined to ensure the succession of his direct descendants. Before rmaally designated , probably in the s, his son Henry was form as his successor and closely associated with David’s acts as ruler, a practice followed in Capetian France but unusual in England, and afte afterr Henry enry’’s pre premat mature ure dea death in the earl of Fife took David’s grandson Malcolm on a circuit of the kingdom in order to secure supp su ppor ortt for for him.W him.Whi hile le Henry Henry would ould hav have su succ ccee eede ded d as an acti activ ve and and respe espect cteed adul adult,Ma t,Malc lcol olm m was onl only a chi child, ld, and his his accep ccepttance ance as king king has sometimes been seen as reflecting the maturit rity of Scottish politics tics,, for for the the princ princip iple le of primo primoge geni nitu turre, thou though gh incr increa easi sing ngly ly us used ed for for feudal holdings, still did not necessar ily apply to kingdoms. In Engl ngland, and, John ohn su succ cceeede eded to the thr throne one in against the claims of Arthur of Brit rittany, who was the son of his elder brother, and there was no certa rtainty that John himself would be succeeded by his son. The conte ontemp mpor orar ary y Scott cottis ish h king king William liam the the Lion ion may hav have fear eared that his brother David might succeed instead of his son Alexander. David did homage to his young nephew only in , alt althoug hough h the other magnates had sworn fealty to him four years earlier,23 and William’s mysterio rious agre greement with King John in may also 23
ES , ii, , .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
have had the purpo rpose of ensurin ring the still youthful Alexander’s untr untrou oubl bled ed su succ cces essi sion on.. It is, is, ther theref efor oree, unsu unsurpris rprisin ing g that that Davi David d I went ent to such lengths to support the claim to the throne of his son and ultimately of his gra grandson, but Malcolm still faced opposition from native magnates for much of his twelve-year reign. It is scarcely remar emarka kab ble that that Malc Malcol olm m was an arde ardent nt adv advocat ocatee of feud feudal al sett settle leme ment nt in Clyde lydesd sdaale, le, an area area thr through ugh whic which h the trou troub bleso esome chi chieftai ftains ns of western Scotland could gain access to the heartl rtland of his realm. The succession of the seven-year-old Alexander III in was uncontested, although acceptance of of the principle of primogeniture primogeniture was easy in the absence of a viable alternative. alternative. The accession of a king who was so young meant that t hat the work of government devolved devolved on leading nobles and officials, cials, and the minority of Alexa Alexander nder III was was politically turbulent. turbulent. Henry III of England also became invol involve ved d in Scotland, Scotland, nominally nominally acting acting in the intere interests sts of of his his daughter daughter,, who married Alexander in , and so it it has suited suited some some historians historians to draw draw a distinction between between an ‘English’ party and a ‘native’ ‘native’ or ‘patriotic’ one.While one. While it cannot seriously be questioned questioned that the minority minority saw much squabbling between individuals and groups who were vying for political pow power er and the opportunities opportu nities for patronage which it presented, presented, it is far too too simplistic to define this scramble for position in emotiv emotive,nationalistic e, nationalistic terms. terms. It is more more cogent to examine the period in terms of those who supported or opposed the Comyns, the most pow powerful erful famil f amily y of thirteenththirteenth-centu century ry Scotland. Scotland. Their Their chief opponent,Alan opponent, Alan Durward, Durward, was prepared prepared to invok invokee English assistance to further his political ambitions, but it seems to have have been been his supporters, rather than the the Comyns, Comyns, who opposed opposed the levy of papal taxes in Scotland for H Henry enry III’s III’s ill-starred ill-star red attempt to conquer co nquer Sicily, Sicily, and who petitioned petitioned the pope for permission to have have Alexander III III anointed. anointed. Both sides sides reali realised sed that the the support, or at least the the benevbenevolent neutrality, neutrality, of Henry III was essential for stability in Scotland during the minority, minority, but amid the the faction-fighting the machinery of government continued to function. Alexander’s adult reign has often been portrayed as a golden age, a period of further fur ther territorial terr itorial consolidation and economic developdevelopment during which the king was able to quell the discord which had arisen during the minority and impose his authority on fractious nobles, an interlude of internal and external peace which thereafter thereafter was to be shattered by the aggression of Edward I of England and
Feudal Scotland
the crisis of the Wars of Independence. Alexander’s Alexander’s unexpected death in a fall f all from his horse in March , leaving leaving no direct direct male heir, heir, could readily be seen as one of those rare events events which radically change the course of history, history, and it is easy to understand how how the myth soon developed of a prosperous reign cruelly cut short. In reality Alexander III’s III’s reign was much less spectacular. spectacular. There was certainly further consolidation of royal royal authority author ity,, the Western ester n Isles were ceded by the Norwegian crown crown in , and there there is some evidence that the chieftains of the western seaboard were brought increasingly into the social and political structure of the Scottish realm, but none of these developments developments marked a major innovation innovation in ro royal policy policy. Relations with England were were generally smooth, smooth, and many of of the internal threats to the Scottish crown, crown, particularly in the north north and Gallo Gallowa way y, had disappear disappeared. ed. There There is, therefor therefore, e, some truth in the view that Alexander III’s reign was an age of peace. Material prosperity is much more di fficult to gauge, gauge, and while while it is undeniable that conditions in Alexander’s time were more favourable to commerce than they became after , when when much uch of of Scotland suff ered ered from the e ff ects ects of military activity, activity, the later thirteenth century century was not without without its economic problems. problems. Historians of England are divided as to whether the sustained increase in population had brought about a situation by in which many ma ny were were living at subsistence level, level, and Scotland has virtually virtually no economic data on which to base an assessment, but poor harvests created created real hardship. hardship. Bad weather weather in the summer summer of led to famine the followin lowing g year year,, and the fifteenth-century chronicler Walter Bower mentions frequent food shortages and draws attention to ‘sterility ‘ster ility of the land’. Although Alexander III imposed duties duties on the export of wool and hides, which suggests considerable ov overseas trade in those commod commoditi ities, es, the only only spec speciific evidence of material prosperity comes in a description descr iption of the wealth of Berwick in the mid- s. In economic economic terms Berwick was was Scotland’s Scotland’s principal burgh, well placed for cross-border commerce and for the arguably more important important trade trade with with the the countries countries across across the the North Sea. It is unlikely unlikely that Berwick was typical typical of the country as a whole, whole, and indeed the very fact f act that a chronicler chronicler draws specific attention to its opulence may indicate that it was unusual.24 24
N. H. Reid,‘Alexan Reid,‘Alexander der III: III: the historiograph historiography y of a myth’, myth’, in Reid, Reid, ed.,Scotland in the Reign of Alexander Alexander III , n..
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Alexander Alexand er III’s III’s success succes s in quelling discord d iscord must also not be overstated. stated. During the minority noble noble famili f amilies es had inevitably inevitably attempted attempted to exploit the situation to their their own own advantage, advantage, and there was was no sudden change when Alexander began to rule in his own right in other than that the magnates once again had to operate under the aegis aegis of an adult monarch monarch.. Like Like his father, father, he ruled the north north and south-west of his realm in close co-operation with his leading subjects such as the Murrays (descendants of the Fleming Freskin), the Stewarts Stewarts and the Comyns; Comyns; these men both displayed displayed loyalty loyalty to the crown and had the authority locally to act as e ff ective ective royal agents. agents. Of the two two families families which which conteste contested d the throne throne after after Alexander’s Alexander’s death, the Balliols appear in the king’s king’s circle only occasionally, sionally, while the Bruces concentrated largely on English aff airs, a irs, at least until Robert (father of the future king) married the heiress to the earldom of Carrick Carr ick around around . Internal Internal stabili stability ty and external external peace contributed contr ibuted to good crown–magnate crown–magnate relations, and Alexander III continued to put his trust in well-established well-established noble families. Even Even if Alexander Alexander III’s III’s importance importance is downpl downplay ayed, ed, how however ever,, the Scotland of his day was very diff erent erent from the country countr y over over which Malcolm Malcolm Canmor Canmoree had ruled. ruled. Malcolm Malcolm had inherited inherited a remote remote Celtic realm, albeit one which had had acquired more more than a foothold foothold in English-speaking Lothian and could boast a line of kings who had been acknowledged, acknowledged, if sometimes grudgingly grudg ingly,, as over overlords lords of of a cons consid ider erab able le territory territory.. By Scotland had seen an in flux of immigrants immigrants of French French origin, and had witnessed witnessed their their absorption absorption into Scottish society in a way that allowed continental ideas and social structures to become firmly established without displacing the older older aristocracy, aristocracy, especially especially in the north. The introduc introduction tion of feudal feudalism ism had encour encouraged aged,, and been been encour encourage aged d by, AngloAngloNorman settlement, and in its wake wake came castles and a more specialised knightly elite, elite, but Scotland’s Scotland’s defence in times of crisis still depended on the common army summoned by the earls and sheriff s.The s. The twelfth-century twelfth-century kings had brought coinage to a hitherto moneyless moneyless realm, realm, had encouraged encouraged commerc commercee by establishin establishing g burghs, had developed developed the network network of shires and thanages into the larger units of sheri ff doms, doms, and had enhanced enhanced the the institutio institutions ns of royal royal justice. justice. Alexander II and Alexander III had built built on these foun founda dati tion ons, s, defe defeate ated d int interna ernall thr threats, eats, and and enjo enjoy yed gen gener eral ally ly
Feudal Scotland
peaceful relations relations with England. But the scale of the transformation must must be kept kept in proportio proportion. n. Much of Scotland Scotland was was still GaelicGaelicspeaking; speaking; kinship kinship ties, especially especially (though (though not exclusiv exclusively) ely) in the Highlands, Highlands, remained remained more more important important than than feudal feudal ones; large areas areas of the realm were still beyond the reach of royal royal sheri sher iff s; s; outsid outsidee the major burghs much trade was still localised and cash transactions a recent innovation; innovation; provincial provincial loyalties loyalties remained strong. Much had been achiev achieved, ed, but Alexander Alexander III’s III’s death put it in jeopardy jeopardy.. The difficult years after were to test Scotland’s credentials as a state and the Scots’ Scots’ identity identity as a people. people.
T H E T R A N S F O R M AT AT I O N O F T H E SCOTTISH CHURCH .
The late eleventh and twelfth centuries witnessed one of those periods of spiritual spir itual revival revival and renewal renewal which have have characterised character ised the Christian era. Great Great churches churches were were built built to magnify magnify the glory glory of God, and religious houses were were founded founded in considerable considerable numbers numbers throughout throughout Europe, Europe, many of them them espousing new new monastic rules which aimed to return return their communities to a purer purer,, more ascetic form of life and worship worship.. The churc church h also became became more selfselfconfident: successive successive popes and reforming bishops stro strove to reduce reduce the influence of secular powers in ecclesiastical appointments and the control exercised exercised by by laymen ov over church property property,, and the papacy became an important importa nt player player in its own right r ight in the political contro controversies of the period. per iod. There was was also a degree of reorganisation in the church’ church’ss administrative administrative structures, with dioceses being created and the parochial system becoming more widely and firmly established. Scotland was not immune from these developments. developments. The twelfth century saw the re-emergence of a diocesan structure str ucture throughout throughout the realm and and the establishment establishment of sev several major monasteries, and through the eff orts orts of reforming churchmen and their royal or lay patrons attempts were made to bring the practices of the Scottish church into line with the rest of western Christendom under the supervision of an increasingly activ active papacy. papacy. Ev Even en if two two Scottish
The transformation of the Scottish church
prelates who attended the Third Lateran Council in cut unimpressive figures,1 there can be no doubt that by this date Scotland was was very very much part of the universal universal church. Much of the credit for the reforms has traditionally been giv g iven en to David I or to his mother mother Margare Margaret, t, who was was canonised canonised in around around and thereby provided the Canmore dynasty with the political advantage of having having a saint in the family. family. It is certainly true tr ue that Margaret Margaret was responsible for introducing to Scotland some of the ideas which were were beginning to develop develop on the Continent, and David I and his Anglo-Norman followers undoubtedly took the lead in bringing representatives of the new monastic orders to the realm, but the reforms were probably less fundamental and widespread than has sometimes been supposed. The history of the church in early medieval Scotland remains shrouded shrouded in mystery mystery.. It has left few material remains and little little in the way way of documenta documentary ry evidence evidence,, in sharp sharp contrast to the the reformed reformed church of the the twelfth twelfth century and later. later. Because of Scotland’ Scotland’s isolation, isolation, particularly when the Vikings occupied the northern norther n and western wester n coasts and controlled York, it was inevitable that the practices of the Scottish church would di ff er er from those seen elsewher elsewhere. e. Some of these practices practices may may well hav have horri horr ified Queen Margaret, Margaret, but deviation deviationss from the canonical norm did not in themselves mean that the native native clergy were not performing perfor ming an important role role in the spiritual welfare welfare of their people people.. There is even some evidence that Margaret supported certain traditional communities such as Loch Leven Leven and Laurencekirk, Laurencekirk, although her supposed involv involvement ement with Iona must be questioned. Nor did the arr ar r iv ival al of Margaret mark a tur tur ning-point in Scottish relations with the papac papacy y. In MacBeth visited Rome and, and, we are are told, scattered money like like seed to the poor, poor, while at around the same time Earl Thor finn the Mighty of Orkney made a similar journey, during which he probably arranged for the establishment of a bishopric at Birsay which also exercised jurisdiction in Caithness. The archbishop archbishop of York had earlier sent a missionary missionary bishop to Orkney, Orkney, so the alleged isolation of the eleventh-centur eleventh-century y Scottish church was clearly not total. We therefore need to penetrate the 1
ES , ii, .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
fog of obscurity and misrepresentation in later and often hostile sources in order to assess the vitality of the Celtic church and the extent to which it was reformed refor med in the tw twelfth elfth century centur y. It is no longer believed that the diocesan structure of late medieval Scot cotland land was crea creatted by David vid I,alth I,althou ough gh it was in his his reign that that it took ook sh shap apee acr acros osss the the realm alm as a whol hole.With .With the the poss possiible exce except ptio ion n of Caith aithne ness ss,, the the sees sees were base based d on exi xist stiing foun founda dati tion ons, s, alt althou hough in many cases the sequence of bishops had been long interru rrupted, if ther theree had had inde indeed ed ever been been a mean meanin ingf gful ul sequ sequen ence ce at all.Th all.Thee bish bishop opss of the Celtic church were usually lower in status than the abbots of the grea greatt mona monast steeries, ries, and and they hey did did not pres presiide over geo geograp graphi hica callly definable dioceses akin to those which appear in Scotland from the twelft elfth h cen century tury onw onwards ards.. Altho lthou ugh bish ishops ops are so som metim etimes es fou found in earl early y so sour urce cess with with territ territori orial al desi design gnat atio ions ns,, this this does does not not mean mean that that the the place in question was established as an episcopal seat in the sense unde ndersto rstoo od by David vid I and and his his cont conteempo mporarie raries. s. The ancient origin orig in of some of the dioceses which emerged in the twelfth twelfth century is, how however, ever, betrayed betrayed by geographical and jurisdictional peculiarities which show that the reformers were unable to start start with a clean clean sheet. sheet. Some Some dioces dioceses, es, for inst instanc ancee Mora Moray and Ross, were based on the pro provinces of the same name, and the close correlation between province and diocese is demonstrated by the fact that the bishops were were giv g iven en a provincial provincial designation rather than being identified by the name name of their cathedr cathedral al city; in the case of Moray, Moray, indeed, it was only after sev several mov moves that the administrative tive and liturgical centre of the diocese came to be placed at Elgin. Elg in. The large diocese of Glasgow was roughly coterminous with the old kingdom kingdom of Strathclyde, and shared shared its aspirations for territory terr itory in north-wester north-western n England, at least until the creation creation of the English English see of Carlisle in . But the situatio situation n in eastern Scotland Scotland is much much more complex, and there the bishoprics were were based on a number of ancient religious centres. The diocese of St Andrews Andrews stretched from just south of Aberdeen to the English border, border, but contained contained within its geographical bounds those parishes which formed the diocese of Brechin and also scattered churches which pertained to Dunkeld and Dunblane. Dunblane. The diocese of Dunkeld Dunkeld was also huge until the see of Argyll was carved car ved out of it tow t owards ards the end e nd of the twelfth century centur y, and its outliers such as the island of Inchcolm in the Firth of Forth and two churches in Berwickshire were probably lands over which
The transformation of the Scottish church
the now now secularised abbey had enjoyed enjoyed jurisdiction. Similar circumcircumstances help to explain the geographical peculiarities of the small dioceses of Brechin and Dunblane, Dunblane, although it should be noted that comparab comparable le ancient ancient centres centres such as Meigle Meigle, Abernethy Abernethy and St Vigeans Vigeans did not not develop develop into into episcop episcopal al sees. It is insu insufficient to suggest that the latter were hopelessly decayed by the twelfth century, century, because the possessions of St Vigeans were were still su s ufficiently homogeneous homogeneous to be granted g ranted to the abbey of Arbroath, Arbroath, which was was founded only in ,2 and Abernethy Aber nethy slowly evolved evolved into a secular secula r college college.. The bishops bishops of Dunblane Dunblane were were often often designated designated ‘of Strathearn’, Strathearn’, and the the earls of Strath Strathearn earn were were patr patrons ons of the the see, see, so the diocese can be regarded regarded as being of the territorial terr itorial type, which helps to explain expl ain how it survived great povert poverty y, a move move to Dunblane from the the older centre of of Muthill, and the possibility (unrealised (unrealised in the event) of a later translation to the abbey of Incha ff ray ray. Why Why a bishopric developed at Brechin and not at other apparently similar plac places, es, how however, er, remai emains ns so some meth thin ing g of of a puz puzzl zlee, alth althou ough gh the the twelfth-century diocesan restructuring may re flect a traditional fourfold division of southern Pictland; 3 if this is so, so, then it suggests suggests a faithfulness to a very ancient system of political and ecclesiastical organisation. What the arrangements ar rangements in eastern easter n Scotland undoubtedly show is that the lands and privileges enjoyed by these venerable chur churches ches could could not easily be set aside; the proprietary proprietary rights r ights which they had built up in an undocumented period per iod were were upheld, even at the cost of creating a tangle of jurisdictions and great disparities between between the wealth wealth of individu individual al dioceses. dioceses. That surely surely points to the continuing vitality of such s uch institutions, how however ever secularised they may have become. The recreation recreation of a diocesan system sys tem was important to David I and his successors, not only because because it brought brought Scotland into line with the rest of wester western n Christendom, but because bishops bishops could be valvaluable royal royal agents in distant parts of the realm. The role of the crown crown in the appointment appointment of bishops is often often ov overstated, especially after cathedral chapters had developed developed a sense of corporate cor porate purpose and pressed pressed their canonical canonical rights of election. election. In the the twelfth twelfth and 12
A. Macquarrie,‘Early Macquarrie,‘Early Christian religious religious houses houses in Scotland: Scotland: foundation foundation and function’ function’,, in Pastoral Care Before the Parish (Leicester, ), . J. Blair and R. Sharpe, eds., Pastoral 13 J. Bannerman,‘The Scottish takeover takeover of Pictland and the relics of Columba’, IR , (), n.
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
thirteenth thirteenth centuries, how however ever,, many many bishops bishops were were e ff ectively ectively promoted by the crown crown or at least in i n accordance with the th e king’s king’s wishes, and some were were even even appointed in the royal royal court: for instance, both Jocelin of Glasgow Glasgow in and Roger of St Andrews in were elected at Perth. Disputes nonetheless arose, arose, and could be bitter and prolonged: prolonged: one at St Andrews Andrews lasted from to , and and led led to the temporary excommunication excommunication of the king by by papal mandate. mandate. On other occasions the cro crown approached approached the pope for assistance, as in when Gregory IX refused to sanction the proposed translation of Bishop Geoff rey rey of Dunkeld to St Andre Andrews, ws, thereby thereby allowing the election of David de Bernham, who was probably probably more more acceptable to the king. Ecclesiastical strictures did not prev prevent ent the king from from ensuring that many of his own candidates were were appointed to bishoprics opr ics and thus able a ble to spread royal royal influence throughout the realm, although royal involvement was probably most frequent in the wealthier and politically more important sees. In the twelfth twelfth century the archbishop of York claimed jurisdiction over over the Scottish bishops, asserting that his metropolitan pro province stretche stretched d througho throughout ut northern Britain. Br itain. The kings of Scots, Scots, especially David I, endeavoured endeavoured to circumv circumvent ent the threat of clerical cler ical subjection to an authority outside the realm by persuading the pope to create a Scottish province province with its own archbishop, archbishop, presumably presumably at St Andrews Andrews,, which which was seen as the premier premier see in Scotland. Scotland. Such a request was in accord with that made by other small countries in the twelfth twelfth century. century. In the kingdom of Norwa Norway y, for example,the example, the see of Nidaros or Trondheim became metropolitan in , with authority over the bishops of Orkney and those of Sodor or the Isles, Isles, a re reflection of the fact that the Northern Norther n and Western ester n Isles still pertained to the Norwegian Norwegian crown. crown. But the Scottish request request was was continually continually refused, perhaps because the popes were were loath to antagonise the pow powerful kings kings of England, but also because because,, characterischaracteristically, tically, the medieval medieval papacy was reluctant reluctant definitively to set aside what might prove to be York’s legitimate claims to jurisdiction. Until the s successive popes formally upheld York’s position, but the Scottish bishops managed to evade recognising the archbishop’s bishop’s authority, authority, and so crucially he was unable to cite a specific occasion when any of the Scottish bishops, bishops, with the exception exception of those those of Whitho Whithorn, rn, had sw sworn uncond unconditi itiona onall allegianc allegiancee. In the the Middle Ages precedent was was crucial, and in this case none could be
The transformation of the Scottish church
found. When William the Lion was captured in , he was was forced forced by Henry II of England to accept, inter alia, that the Scottish Scottish church church should show show due obedience to its English counterpart, counterpar t, but an argument between the two English archbishops at a council at Northampton in January allowed the Scots to slip away without without admitting admitting their their subjection subjection.. Later in the the same year year Pope Pope Alexander III, angry angr y that a secular prince should presume presume to determine matters which properly were the concern of the church, issued a bull, Super anxietatibus, which which granted the Scottish Scottish bishops bishops independence independe nce from York until the archbishop should prove prove his case. Some years years later, later, possibly possibly as early early as , the the bull Cum universi declared that the Scottish church church was was to be a ‘special daughter’ of the papacy and that no foreigner f oreigner could be a legate in Scotland unless he had been sent speciall specially y by the pope. pope. It thus secured secured indepen indepen-dence from York’s ork’s metropolitan me tropolitan jurisdictio jur isdiction n and thwarted the archa rchbishop’s attempts to intervene in Scotland in his capacity as papal legate in his province province.. The bull built upon earlier exemptions exemptions granted from onwar onwards ds to Jocelin ocelin,, bishop bishop of Glasg Glasgo ow, the prelate who was most under threat from York because his diocese had once stretched into what was now northern England and because a series ser ies of eleventh-century eleventh-century suff ragan ragan bishops appointed by York York were were regarded regarded there there as bishops of Glasgow Glasgow, even even though their influence had probably been con fined to the area south of the twelfth-century border.4 Whitho Whithorn, rn, how however ever,, was exclude excluded d from from Cum universi , presumably presumably because its bishops had had sworn sworn obedience to their English metropolitan and Bishop Christian had refused to attend a legatine council for the Scottish church in Edinburgh in on the grounds that his diocese was part of the province of York. York. It is likely that the t he archbishop of York had been the inspiration behind the re-establishment re-establishment of a bishopric bishopr ic at Whithorn around ;5 certainly he had secure grounds for claiming that it was part of his pro province, vince, as it remained until until the middle of the fourteenth century. century. The subsequent relationship relationship between between the other Scottish Scottish bishops bishops and the pope pope was unusual unusual,, if not quite quite unique unique,, and it preprevailed until St Andrews Andrews was raised to the status of an archbishopric in . 14 15
N. F. Shead, Shead, ‘The origins of the medieva medievall diocese of Glasgo Glasgow’, w’, SHR , (), – . c . ’, IR , R. D. Oram, Oram, ‘In obedience obedience and and revere reverence: nce: Whithorn Whithorn and York, c . – c . (), –
Medieval Medieval Scotland
Because there was no archbishop to con firm the elections of bishops and consecrate them, Cum universi eff ectively ectively made the pope the the metropol metropolitan itan of Scotlan Scotland. d. In the thirteenth thirteenth century century,, how however ever,, bishops bishops rarely rarely had to trav travel to the papal curia curia for confirmation. It was was much mor moree normal for the pope pope to commiscommission a panel of Scottish prelates to examine the election and consecrate their new colleague, holding a fresh election election in the event event of any irregularity irregular ity.. This system was much less cumbersome and expensive than its later medieval equivalent of papal appointment to all bishoprics, and it seems to have have worked worked efficiently, ciently, for it was fundamentally sensible to entrust the examination of episcopal elections to fellow-bishops in the locality. The development of a diocesan struc ructure had significant cant cons conseequences for the organisation of the Scottish church. Within each dioce iocese se,, arc archdea hdeacconrie onriess and and rur rural dean deaneri eries es were ere esta estab blish lished ed,, providi viding ng furth further er tier tierss of admi admini nist stra rati tiv ve and and judi judici cial al cont contrrol. ol. The The arch arch-deaco eacon n was respo espon nsib sible for for loca locall eccl eccles esia iast stiical cal court ourts, s, and and alth altho ough he could exploit his office or use it merely as a source of income, arch archid idia iaco cona nall jurisd jurisdic icti tion on was a sign signiificant cant mean meanss of upho uphold ldin ing g spir spir-itual discipline. Most Scottish dioceses had only one archdeacon, although the larger ones such as Glasgow and St Andrews had two. Rural deans, ans, usu sual allly referre rred to as deans of Christ ristiianity in Scottish sources, operated at a more local level. Most dioceses had several rura rurall dean deaneri eries es by the the earl early y thir thirte teen enth th centu entury ry,, alth altho ough ugh the the name namess attached to them do not appear consistently in the sources, and it is pos ossi sib ble that that thei theirr boun bounda darie riess fluctu uctuat ated ed.. The The dean ean of Chris Christi tian aniity was responsible for convoking local syn synods, and act acted as the represen sentati ative of the clergy under his juris risdiction. The same ame perio riod also also saw the appearance of Officials ials,, men who repr epresen esente ted d the the bisho ishop p in his capacity as judge over those cases which were appealed to him from subordinate courts rts or fell to him directly on account of their seriou seriouss natu naturre. The establishment and expansion of cathedral chapters was also a feature of the per period. iod. Cathedrals were were major major corporations in their own right, with widespr widespread ead business business inter interests ests and an elaborate elaborate liturgy liturgy,, and the the chapter chapter had a role in in electing electing a new bishop bishop. In England several several major cathedrals, including Canterbury,Winchester Canterbury,Winchester and Durham, Durham, had a monastic monastic chapter; chapter; in other other words ords a religious religious house controlled controlled the cathedral church, church, often bitterly clashing with
The transformation of the Scottish church
the bishop over over matters of jurisdiction and exemption. exemption. In Scotland only tw two cathedrals cathedrals were in the hands of of the regulars, regulars, the Augustinians at St Andrews and the Premonstratensians at Whithorn. The remainder remainder had secular secular chapters, although these were were slow to develop in the more distant sees such as Argyll and Sodor, where a combination of poverty and conservatism inhibited the growth growth of the the cathedral cathedral as as an institutio institution. n. Most Scottish Scottish secular secular cathedrals were were closely modelled modelled on their English English counterparts, counterpar ts, and some some took took thei theirr statut statutes es dire directl ctly y from from Engl England and;; Glasgo Glasgow w, for example, example, used the the constitu constitution tion of Salisbu Salisbury ry.. The chapte chapterr usually usually consisted consisted of four four major dignitaries, dignitaries, namely the the dean, chanter chanter,, chancellor and treasurer treasurer,, who sometimes had designated deputies called subdean, subdean, subchanter subchanter and and so forth, and a variable variable number number of simple simple canons; archdeacons were normally also members of the chapter. chapter. Members deriv der ived ed income both from from common funds, which were were generally divided among those who were resident at the cathedral for a specified length of time each year, year, and from individual individual prebprebends. A prebend prebend was was a source source of income income attached to a particular canonry, canonry, usually consisting of the rev revenues of an annexed annexed parish church, church, but sometim sometimes es a specified sum of money or other endowment, and the number of prebends in each cathedral increased ov over time. time. In Glasgow Glasgow, for example, example, there there were were probabl probably y eight prebends prebends at the end of the twelfth twelfth century, century, but twenty-three twenty-three by by and thirty-two by by the Reformation, Refor mation, of which four were were held by the dignitaries and two by the archdeacons.6 Prebends varied in value, value, but they carried carr ied no pastoral responsibilities responsibilities and so were were,, in contemporary language, language, sinecur sinecures. es. They They could be be held by by clerks clerks who were were absent from from the cathedral cathedral on a virtually virtually permanent permanent basis, and so were keenly keenly sought by those churchmen with duties elsewhere, elsewhere, for example in royal royal service, for whom they provided provided a useful source of income. income. In the course course of time, time, prebendaries were were obliged obliged to pay for a substitute in choir choir (a vicar-choral) and, if the prebend prebend was was based on a parochi parochial al living, living, a permanent permanent vicar vicar in in that that churc church, h, but the remaining rev revenues were were theirs to keep. keep. The dignitaries dignitar ies had administrative istrative and liturgical functions within the cathedral, the chanter for instance regulating the music and the treasurer looking after the ornaments and finances, but ev even they were were frequently frequently absent for lengthy periods. 6
I. B. Cowan, an, The Medieval Church in Scotland , ed. ed. J. Kirk Kirk (Edi (Edinb nburg urgh, h, ), – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
One of the more enduring legacies of the twelfth-century twelfth-century reform refor m of the Scottish church was the foundation of monasteries, some of whose whose buildin buildings gs surviv survive to this day day,, albeit albeit in a ruinous ruinous state, state, to provide provide a tangible link with the the medieval medieval world. world. In a period when the regular life was widely widely regarded regarded as the highest of ideals, it was was inevitable that those influenced by continental developments and unimpressed by the native monastic communities would seek to establish establish religious religious houses houses in Scotland. Scotland. Utilising Utilising her links links with the church church of Canterbury, Canterbury, Queen Margaret Margaret founded a Benedictine priory at Dunfermline Dunfermline in Fife, Fife, but it was was the new, new, reformed reformed orders such as the Cistercians which made the greatest g reatest impact in Scotland in the twelfth twelfth century. century. The Cistercians’ Cistercians’ ideal of simplicity simplicity and selfsufficiency appealed both to potential recruits and to donors, and the ord order er rapidl rapidly y spread spread thr througho oughout ut Eur Europe. ope. Other Other Frenc French h orders orders also also made made an impre impressio ssion n in Scotla Scotland, nd, especi especiall ally y the Tironensians, Tironensians, who were were introduced to Selkirk in by the future David I and later mov moved to Kelso, Kelso, the earliest establishment anywhere where in Britain of one of the the new orders. orders. Communit Communities ies of the reformed orders were normally founded from a mother-house, which retained a certain supervisory role. role. Several Several Scottish monasteries were off shoots shoots of Engl English ish house houses, s, such such as Melr Melrose and and Dundrennan, Dundrennan, both founded from Rievaulx Rievaulx in Yorkshire, orkshire, but orders like the Tironensians and Valliscaulians came to Scotland directly from France rather than via England. Moreov Moreover,the er, the religious orders orders were international international institutions, and their establishment establishment in Scotland helped to bind the realm more closely to the other pow powers of Latin Christendom. Christendom. Political olitical borde borders rs were were no handicap handicap to monastic monastic expansion, and many Scottish houses were were granted lands in England by their benefactors, while Melrose Melrose had a daughter-house at Holm Cultram in Cumberland. Although their broad estates gave monasteries a signi ficant role in Scottish society as landowners landowners and agricultural improv improvers, the spiritual impact of monasticism must not be overemphasised. eremphasised.While While the foundation of religious houses was a signi ficant feature of the twelfth- and thirteenth-century reform of the Scottish church, many orders eschewed pastoral work and other contact with the sinful world. world. The early Cistercians even even refused to accept grants of churches and the teinds (the equivalent of English tithes) which went with with them. them. This ascetici asceticism sm and zeal zeal for isolatio isolation n soon
The transformation of the Scottish church
diminished, but monks monks and regular canons canons must be regarded regarded as examples of an ideal religious life rather than as active evangelists of an ignorant ignorant and and misguid misguided ed people people.. Nor were were monasteries monasteries founded ev evenly throughout throughout Scotland. Scotland. Most were were in the south and east of the country countr y, many in places where upland pastures provided provided resources for the sheep-farming which later made many houses extre extremel mely y weal wealth thy y. Althou Although gh the Galw Galwegian lords, lords, especi especiall ally y Fergus, were prominent prominent in founding founding religious houses in their terr itory, itory, most Scottish monasteries owed owed their origin or igin and the bulk of their funding to the crown or Anglo-Norman immigrants or at least to those who had been strongly in fluenced by developments in Engl England and or Franc Francee. Members Members of of the the family family of Some Somerle rled, d, th thee ‘king ‘king of the Isles’ Isles’ who died died in , founded founded the abbe abbey y of Saddell and priory pr iory of Ardchattan Ardchattan in Argyll, and were were generous generous benefactors of the Cluniac house of Paisley, Paisley, but the wester western n seaboard remained largely devoid devoid of religious religious houses in the later Middle Ages, and those those which which did did exist exist were were usually usually impo impov verished. Somerled Somerled himself, himself, indeed, indeed, may may well well hav have been hostil hostilee to the new new orde orders, rs, for there is evidence that in he was endeavour endeavouring ing to revitalise the community community of Iona on conservativ conservative lines, and his descendants continued to promote the interests of that ancient site as the premier monastic establishment in their sphere of in fluence.7 The area which had seen the greatest flow ower ering ing of the Columban Colu mban church was thus the least aff ected ected by the new orders which came to Scotland in the twelfth century centur y. We must ask why so many prominent figures chose to found or endow endow religious houses. David I was was so generous generous that he was was later dubbed ‘ane sair sanct for the Croune’, Croune’, and his example was was follow lowed by his successors successors and many many of his greatest subjects, subjects, who bestow bestowed lands, churches and rights on their favoured favoured monasteries. In a single conv conveyance, eyance, Earl David of Huntingdon granted to his foundation at Lindores all the churches in Scotland which were in his patr patronage onage,, along with two two in England, England, together together with certain lands, r ights and the ‘second tenth’ from his his revenues revenues in the lordship lordship of Garioch in Aberdeensh Aberdeenshire ire.. Was this simple munificence, or should we we look for an ulterior motive? After all, in other contexts the same donors were were jealous of their possessions possessions and privileges, and 17
Scotland’s Western Seaboard, c. –c. (East R. A. McDo McDona nald ld,, The Kingdom of the Isles: Scotland’s Linton, ), – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
did not lightly surrender them, so it must must be presumed presumed that they they expected some return on their inv investment. It is possible possible that some apparent donations were in fact outright sales of land couched in pious pious terminolo terminology gy,, but there there is no firm evidence for this in Scotland, and spiritual spir itual considerations are likely likely to have have had a greater g reater influence on the the minds of benefactors. benefactors. They They felt that the lifestyle lifestyle and ascetic zeal of the religious orders made them especially good intermedi intermediaries aries betw between een mank mankind ind and and God; God; in other other wor words, ds, the prayers of monks and canons-regular were deemed to be more efficacious than those of the secular clergy. clergy. The regulars could be expected, or even even required, required, to pray for the souls of their benefactors benefactors and thus speed them through the pains of purgatory purgator y to the blessedness of heaven, heaven, and in the context of late medieval medieval spirituality spir ituality such benefits were were worth worth paying paying a heavy heavy price for. for. It is, therefor therefore, e, unsurunsurprising that those who could aff ord ord to establish or endow monasteries were eager to do so, so, and it can also readily be appreciated why why some nobles chose to retire retire to monasteries monaster ies and be laid to rest in the habit of the order. order. Not only did they end their liv lives free from secular cares, but they they hoped that the purity of life in their chosen monastery could off er er them tangible benefits in the next world as well. The wave of new ideas which spread through much of Scotland in the twelfth century has tended to obscure evidence for the survival vival of older religious communities, communities, but it is clear that some of the latter died hard hard.. The comm communit unity y of célidé at St Andrews is one example.8 In the middle of the twelfth twelfth century it was proposed proposed that its endowments should be transferred transfer red to the Augustinian Augustinian cathedral priory prior y as individual individual members of the older community community perished, but this pro proved impossible to put put into practice, practice, partly because bishops replaced the célidé with their their own own servants. servants. The original house of evolved ed into the secular college of of St Mary on the Rock, and célidé evolv came to be filled by royal clerks and episcopal nominees who had no connection or sympathy sympathy with the Irish Ir ish church, but there there was no clean brea break k with old old traditions traditions,, and the successo successors rs of the célidé claimed a role in episcopal elections until at least the end of the thirteenth century, century, albeit as a secular chapter riv r ivalling alling the Augustinians rather than because of any legitimate precedent set by the earlier Brechin,, the older older communit community y develope developed d into the secular secular célidé . In Brechin 8
See generally Barrow, Kingdom of the Scots , ch. .
The transformation of the Scottish church
chapter of the cathedral, while Iona became a Benedictine Benedictine abbey. abbey. Elsewher Elsewhere, e, some religious religious houses houses were were ‘reformed’ ‘reformed’ by the adoptio adoption n of the Augustinian rule, which was was sufficiently flexible to enable it to envelop a variety of diff erent erent traditions. This phenomenon can be discerned throughout throughout Europe, Europe, and Scottish examples include include Loch Leven, Leven, Monymusk Monymusk and Incha ff ray, ray, where some form for m of regular life appears appears to hav have continu continued, ed, albeit on on a small scale scale,, before before the houses were refounded under the aegis of the Augustinian order. How much or how rapidly the lifestyle of those communities changed changed cannot cannot be established, established, but a gradual evoluti evolution on is more likely than a sudden rejection of the past. The fact that Inchaff ray ray and Monymusk were still functioning in an unreformed state around or even even later is further evidence of the continuation continuation of traditional practices through and beyond the twelfth century. The thirteenth century witnessed the foundation and development of the orders orders of friars, friar s, inspired by the the teaching and example of men men lik likee St Francis Francis and and St Dominic Dominic.. Unlike Unlike monks, monks, the friars friars were committed committed to operating in the secular world, world, even even though they were were based in conv convents. They were were,, at least in theory, theory, sworn sworn to povert poverty y, and sustained sustai ned themselves themsel ves through the off erings erings of the faithful. They They swiftly swiftly gained a reputatio reputation n as preachers preachers and teachers, and were often highly educated and fully involved in theological controv troversies. By the later Middle Ages the orders of friars were being bitterly criticised in literature and sermons throughout Europe, Europe, and Canter bury Tales give a good indication of the suspicion Chaucer’s Canterbury with which they were were view viewed. They were were accused accused of extortion, of making false promises promises of salvation, and of undermining the functions of the parochial clergy cle rgy.. That they were so vehemently attacked atta cked is a measure measure of their success, success, both financially and in impressing the populace populace.. Donations Donations to the the friars and a desire to bene benefit from their ministrations remained common throughout throughout society right r ight up to the Reformati Reformation, on, while while the friars’ friars’ learning learning and and their their enthu enthusia siasm sm for for argument made them spirited opponents of orthodox clerics and potential potential reformers reformers alike. alike. Their appearance appearance in the the thirteenth thirteenth century coincided with a dwindling level level of enthusiasm among lay donors for enclosed monasticism, which was was generally less austere austere than it had been a century earlier, earlier, and the transfer of munificence from the monks monks to the friars fr iars enabled the latter to establish firm footholds in most European states.
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
The friars’ work and lifestyle meant that their conv convents were were normally in towns. towns. Scotland Scotland had had few few towns towns in the thirteenth thirteenth century, century, despite it being a period per iod of widespread economic economic prosperprosperity. ity. Berwick Berwick was was the most most important important trading trading centre centre,, and all all four major orde orders rs of friars fr iars – the Dominicans, Dominicans, Franciscans Franciscans,, Augustinian Augustinianss and Carmelites – were established there before the Wars of Independence. pendence. Elsewhere Elsewhere in Scotland, how however ever,, progress progress was was somewhat somewhat slow slower than in in more more urbanised parts of Europe, Europe, although friaries friar ies continued continued to be founded in Scotland throughout throughout the remainder of the Middle Ages. Many houses houses were were poorly endow endowed and make make only fleeting appearances in the records, records, but this should not not lead us to underestimate underestimate the impact of the friars on Scottish society. society. Some became bishops, including Clement Clement of Dunblane Dunblane as early as , just three years after the friars’ fr iars’ first appear appearanc ancee in Scotla Scotland. nd. At a more fundamental fundamental level, level, the friars friar s must hav have brought brought impro improved standards of of preaching preaching and learning to many many Scottish burghs, burghs, and they remained a small but significant element in Scottish town town life until the upheavals of the middle of the sixteenth century. For all the importance which has often been attached to the regular clergy, clergy, the fundamental unit of ecclesiastical organisation in the later Middle Ages was indubitably indubitably the parish. par ish. The parish par ish church was the focus of the spiritual life of the local community, community, and those who ministered there acted as a direct link between the faithful fa ithful and God. Little Little is known known about about the establishm establishment ent of the the parochi parochial al system in Scotland Scotland,, although although most parish parish churches churches ow owed their origin orig in either to episcopal foundation or to the initiative initiative of laymen. The Anglo-Norman penetration of Scotland in the twelfth century had the eff ect ect of increasing lay lay control control ov over the church, church, as many former church lands lands came to be be held by by the new new feudatories, for example example in Clydesdale Clydesdale.. In Annandale Annandale,, lands previou previously sly possessed by the bishops of Glasgow were con firmed to the second Robert Bruce in the latter half of of David I’s I’s reign, and the bishops had difficulty in retaining the patronage of those churches which had previously previously been established established on their old estates, while Bruce kept kept the right r ight to appoint incumbents to newly erected churches.9 It was during dur ing David I’s I’s reign that the creation of parishes par ishes became deliberate deliberate policy policy.. A royal royal assize assize made the the exaction exaction of teinds 9
Medieval Church Churc h, . Cowan, Medieval
The transformation of the Scottish church
compulsory, compulsory, so that a tenth of all produce produce now had to be rendered rendered to the parish church church,, including including corn, corn, young animal animals, s, produc products ts such as cheese cheese,, and, and, where where appr appropriat opriatee, fish sh.. In the the past, past, loca locall chur church ches es had been supported by by an allotment of land of varying extent, and possibly in some cases by other dues, but the decree that that definite renders should be made to a particular church was novel in the Scottish context, and the levy levy of teinds from from the estate on which the church was was built made the parochial unit an important legal and territorial terr itorial entity. entity. In heavily heavily feudalised areas there was was a close correlation lation between between the parish and the secular unit unit of the vill, as was inevitable inevitable when the t he parish par ish church was itself founded by an AngloNorman lord. In the more remote parts of Scotland S cotland there is little direct evidence for parochial parochial organisation for much much of the Middle Ages, and some parishes appear in the records records only only at the Reformation. While the parochial system had probably reached most parts of the realm by the end of the the thirteenth thirteenth century century,, arrangements arrangements in some areas areas doubtless remained fluid for for a while after this. this. In Argyll and and the Isles, for instance, instance, many many surviving ecclesiastic ecclesiastical al buildings buildings were were first erected in the twelfth twelfth or thirteenth thirteenth centuries, no doubt reflecting the generosity of the descendants of Somerled and other leading laymen of the area, but the building building of stone churches does not presuppose a full parochial parochial system, as some places of worship worship probably probably began as chapels of mother-churches which had jurisdiction over over a wide area and were comparable to Anglo-Saxon Anglo-S axon minster mi nsterss and Welsh churches. A remote example of such a mother-church mother-church is Snizort clas churches. on Skye, Skye, which possibly possibly originally orig inally served the whole or most of the the island, and on occasions occasions functioned as the cathedral church church of the diocese diocese of Sodor Sodor.. By the time time of the Reformation Reformation there there were were twelv twelvee parish par ish churches churches on Skye, Skye, but it is likely that most of them originated as chapels and gradually broke away from the motherchurch. church. The precise precise chronology chronology of these changes will nev never be known. The existence of chapels or pendicles complicated parochial arrangements arrangements in Scotland. Scotland. In parishes which which were were geograph geographically ically extensive it was sensible to provide alternative places of worship which were were more accessible than the parish par ish church to sections of a scattered population. The establishment establishment of of such chapels, how however ever,, threatened the teind income of the incumbent of the parish church, church,
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
and detailed regulations were normally drawn up in an attempt to preven preventt the chapel ever ever developing developing full parochial parochial status. In some cases, how however ever,, the chapels chapels were were of of considerab considerable le antiquity antiquity,, and in such instances the rather rigid r igid parochial structure of later medieval Scotland may have been at variance with traditional loyalties and practices. Nor was there there ever ever a straightforward straightforward correlation between beneficed clergy and individual individual parishes: some churches churches had more more than one incumbent incumbent,, while while in other cases, particularly particularly in the the far north and west, west, it was nor normal mal for a single priest to serve more more than one one parish parish simult simultane aneous ously ly.. In such such a system system chapel chapels, s, whethe whether r ancient or newly founded, fitted often uneasily into administrative administrative arrangements which were sometimes much clearer in legal theory than in practice. In its simplest for for m, each parish church was was held by by a rector rector or parson (the terms ter ms are synonymous), synonymous), who was was instituted by the diocesan bishop following nomination by the lawful patron of the benefice.The ce. The rector had security of tenure and enjoyed enjoyed the the right r ight to receiv receivee the teind rev revenu enues es derived derived from from his parish. Scotland, Scotland, how however ever,, never never had a fully developed developed system of independent parsonages, because from a very very early stage some of the revenues revenues were were div diverted to cathedrals, cathedrals, monasteries monasteries and other institutio institutions, ns, by the process process known known as appropriation. appropriation. In the twelfth twelfth and thirteenth centuries many lay lords granted the patronage of churches to newly established religious religious houses, and in due course course most such monasteries sought leave to annex to themselves the revenues which would normally have have gone to the the rector. rector. The appropriating appropriating corporation cor poration thereby thereby legally became the rector, rector, and the pastoral work in the parish was was entrusted entrusted to a deputy deputy,, often a stipen stipendiary diary chaplain chaplain appointed and removed removed at will.The will. The Fourth Lateran Council of laid down down that, where the rector rector could not reside, reside, a perpetual vicar should should be canonically canonically institute instituted, d, enjoying enjoying secure secure tenur tenuree and a portion of the revenues revenues of the church. church. In the wake wake of this conciliar decree large numbers of vicarages were were established in appropriated churches, churches, although the system had been been evolving evolving for many many years years before and was never fully e ff ected ected even in the thirteenth century. century. The arrangements for vicarages varied widely. widely. A basic principle was that the rector would receive the teinds of corn and the vicar the remaining revenues, revenues, but only rarely was the division of the fruits as simple as this. Appropriator Appropriatorss sought to minimise the emol-
The transformation of the Scottish church
uments of vicars, and in many instances were were successful in this aim, but numerous lawsuits ensued. In Scotland the number of appropriations was abnormally high. By the time of the Reformation, per cent of parishes had their parsonage revenues diverted to some other individual or corporation, tion, and of these appropriated appropriated parishes per cent had their vicarage revenues revenues annexed annexed as well. The practice was common even even in areas which which had few few religious religious houses: in the northern norther n dioceses of Ross, Caithness and Orkney ev every church came to be held by by the bishop or cathedral chapter or provided income for prebendaries. Many annexed churches were served by ill-paid pensionary vicars, whose stipends were eroded by inflation and who were therefore encouraged to be rapacious in demanding mortuaries and other fees from their par parishioners. ishioners. The situation in the so-called ‘free parsonages’ was was little better, better, because because many of the rectors rectors were were habituall habitually y absent and likewise delegated their responsibility to underpaid chapla chaplains ins.. In the the long long run, there therefor foree, the enthus enthusiasm iasm with with which which religious houses and cathedrals annexed the revenues of parish churches had serious eff ects ects on pastoral care, care, but it was justified by the appropriators on the grounds that they required increased income for the maintenance of their houses for the greater g reater glory of God. The delineation of parish boundaries inevitably sparked o ff a number of disputes, often concerning areas areas of marginal land.Where land. Where monasteries had appropr appropriated iated the parishes par ishes in question, question, such disputes were frequently prolonged prolonged because corporations cor porations did not per ish like individua individuall litigants. litigants. The fervour fervour with with which which religious religious houses houses pursued their claims to teinds and other rights sheds unfavourable light on the communities’ communities’ supposed espousal of pov poverty and simplicity plicity,, but monasteries monasteries could could justify their their litigiousness litigiousness on the the grounds that they needed to ensure that their benefactors’ wishes were being being upheld. Also, Also, records records of litigation litigation were were more more likely likely to be preserved preserved than evidence of spiritual life, so the sources give give only a partial, partial, and sometimes sometimes misleading, misleading, picture picture.. Nor should should it be supsupposed that the regulars regula rs were the only ones to argue about revenues; revenues; it is just more likely that their archives have survived than those of the secular clergy and laymen. Most lawsuits over teinds and other possessions ended in compromise, promise, either through through a division of the disputed rev revenues or by
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the promise promise of one of the parties to pay the other an annual pension in return return for the surrender of its claims. Some suits were were settled by agreement between between the parties, others by by arbitration, arbitration, relatively relatively few by formal judgement. judgement. Even Even where where one of the parties emerged victorious, it was was often difficult to put the sentence into eff ect, ect, and and so a compromise acceptable to both sides was the preferred solution. Litigation was thus often employed as a means of helping to bring the matter to a conclusion rather than as a final resort to be pursued at all costs, but it is through the records records of litigation that we we can most easily understand the nature of such disputes. Many examples can be furnished of litigation between two mona monast sterie eriess ov over tein teinds ds.. For inst instan ance ce,, th thee Premo Premons nstr trat aten ensi sian an canons of Dryburgh appealed to the pope against the priory of May, May, claiming claimi ng that the monks of May May had depriv depr ived ed them of teinds belonging to their appropr appropriated iated church of of Kilrenny Kilrenny in Fife, and in August Pope Honorius III appointed three Scottish ecclesiastics to hear the case and pronounce pronounce judgement. judgement. In the judges’ presence, ence, Dryburgh alleged that that boats mooring mooring in the narrow narrow stream stream which formed the boundary between the parishes of Kilrenny Kilrenny and Anstruther encroached encroached on the bounds bounds of Kilrenn Kilrenny y parish, which extended to the middle of the channel, channel, because they they fixed their anchors anchor s within the bounds of that parish par ish and remained there overovernight. Dryburgh therefore therefore alleged that half of the teinds teinds of all the the boats mooring there ought by by right r ight to pertain to Kilrenny Kilrenny, yet yet the monks of May received the whole amount in their capacity as appropriator appropriatorss of Anstruther. Anstruther. The suit continued continued for some time, time, but was eventually brought to an end by the judges with the assent of both parties. The monks of May May would would henceforth pay one silver silver merk annually, annually, and in return would be free from future future molestation from Dryburgh ov over the teinds, except that the canons would fully take teinds from those who attended the parish church of Kilrenny, Kilrenny, dwelt in that parish paris h and moored to that part of the shore. The monks of May were to receive the remaining teinds in full. This compromise was confir med by the judges in December by the papal authority vested in them, and corrob cor roborated orated by the seals of the parties and of the abbot of Reading, since May was was a dependency of that English house. 10 10
Dryb. Dryb. Lib. Lib., – .
The transformation of the Scottish church
The appointment of of papal judges-delegate,as judges-delegate, as in this example, example, was in fact the normal response of the pope to an appeal, and the practice had a number number of advantages advantages.. Firstly, Firstly, it was inher inherently ently sensibl sensiblee for the investigation investigation to be undertaken by clerical judges who were aware of local conditions if not of the actual circumstances surrounding ounding the the case, case, and the the strict rules which which gov governed the maximum distance that defendants could be made to travel prevented parties from incurring expenses on the scale which a journey to Rome would have have necessitated. Secondly, Secondly, the judges often had a vested interest in restoring and maintaining harmony between between their colleagues and neighbours, which must have have inclined them towards towards seeking a compromise com promise which both parties par ties would find acceptable. acceptable. Thirdly, Thirdly, the system suited suited those litigants who had possessions sessi ons in more than one diocese dioce se or enjoyed exemption exemption from episcopal authority and would have been afraid of setting an unfortunate precedent if they had approached the local bishop. Finally, Finally, although the plaintiff s normally chose the the panel, there there is no evidence that it tended to be biased in their favour favour,, for papal justice had a reputation for being impartial and fresh appeals to the pope were alwa always ys possible. possible. Judges-delegate pro provided vided one of the most most significant points of contact between Scotland and the papacy in the thirteenth century, century, and the fact that even even some laymen had resort to them indicates the e ff ectiveness ectiveness of this form of justice. Monasteries and other ecclesiastical corporations also had recourse to the pope when they sought apostolic con firmation of the grants and privileges privileges which they they had receiv received. Sometimes Sometimes the ensuing papal bull covered covered all the possessions of the house in question, tion, as in the the confirmations granted to St Andrews priory by successive pontiff s from onwards.11 On other occasions a particular transaction or agreement a greement was given papal corroboration: for example example,, the right of Dunfermline Dunfermline abbey abbey to appropriate appropriate the churches churches of Hailes and Kinglassie was confir med in January January .12 Religious houses also asked the pope to bestow special favours on them: in , for inst instanc ancee, Nichol Nicholas as IV permitt permitted ed the the monks monks of Lindores to wear caps as a protection against the cold, 13 a concession which was doubtless appreciated by those who lived through 11
12
There There were were six such such confirmations confirmations in the the twelfth twelfth century century alone: alone: R. Somerville Somerville,, Scotia Pontificia (Oxford, ), nos. nos. , , , , , . 13 Vet. Mon. Mon., . Ibid., – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the enforced enforced austerity of a Scottish Scottish winter. winter. Such contacts contacts between between monasteries monasteries and the the papacy papacy must must not, how however ever,, be taken taken out of context, for religious houses understandably understandably sought confirmation of their rights from from all rele releva vant nt authorities, authorities, lay lay and ecclesiasti ecclesiastical, cal, and their cartularies contain numerous royal and episcopal charters of confirmation as well as papal bulls, as houses sought to ward ward off any subsequent challenge by seeking the approval of the supreme powers in both church and state. At the level level of high politics too, contact between between the papacy and Scotland became bec ame more frequent. We have have seen how David David I sought the establishment of a metropolitan metropolitan see at St Andrews, Andrews, and how the Scottish bishops achieved independence independ ence from f rom York under u nder the th e terms ter ms of Cum universi . In the thirteen thirteenth th century century Scottish Scottish kings kings endea endeavvoured to obtain papal approval approval to be crowned crowned and anointed, a mark of regal regal status which, if granted, would hav have undermined the claims claims of the king of England to feudal suzerainty. suzerainty. Attempts to secure papal permission for a coronation all failed,partly failed, partly because successive successive popes were were reluctant to make a decision on so politically p olitically sensitive s ensitive an issue, and partly because of the unprecedented unprecedented interest which the papacy had in the internal aff airs airs of England following King John’s submission to Innocent III in . Papal backing backing was was a signi significant factor in ensuring the succession of the young young Henry III in , and and the the continuing gratitude of Henry towards the Apostolic See was a notable feature feature of his long reign. reign. It is not surprising that papal legates based in England pursued policies which were sometimes directly opposed to the political ambitions of Alexander Alexander II and Alexander III. This was was most apparent apparent during the legation legation of Guala, Guala, who in laid Scotland under interdict in response to Alexander II’s armed ar med support for the opponents of John John and Henry III. An interdict aimed to bring recalcitrant rulers to heel by banning normal churc church h services services,, and was was a sanctio sanction n which which was was used, used, or at least least threatene threatened, d, with considera considerable ble frequen frequency cy in this period. In this case, case, Guala displayed a degree of vindictiveness towards the Scottish clergy and the king’ king ’s adherents which clearly clea rly demonstrated demonst rated his proEngli English sh atti attitu tude de;; in the the fifteenth century the chronicler Walter Bower was to remark that he ‘had to such an extent become an Englishman that it was as if he had been born in England’. 14 14
Chro Chron. n. Bowe Bower r , v, .
The transformation of the Scottish church
Subsequent legates were were more more circumspect, circumspect, but tensions nonetheless remaine remained. d. The bull bull Cum universi had laid down that no legate could serve in Scotland unless he was himself Scottish or had been sent specially by the Apostolic See. See. It did not prev prevent ent the appointment of a legate a latere , that is one nominated directly directly by the pope, pope, but the Scottish gov government was often understandably reluctant to accept accept a legate legate who also also had a commission commission for England, England, and Honorius III recognised this both by con firming Cum universi in November and by appointing his chaplain James as legate to Scotland Scotlan d in July July . There is some evidence, evidence, admittedly problemproblematic, that Alexander II resisted the visit of Otto to his realm in the autumn of , even even though the legate had a separate commission commission specifically for Scotland, and Cardinal Cardinal Ottobuono Ottobuono,, who in was appointed legate to the whole whole of the British Isles, never never entered entered Scotland, apparently because the king king opposed his his mission. While some legates visited the British Isles for political reasons, most twelfth- and thirteenth-century missions were intended to institute reforms in local churches and were therefore part of the process whereby the papacy attempted to standardise ecclesiastical practices practices thr through oughout out Christendom. Christendom. For For example example,, in John John of Salerno, like several several of his predecessors predecessors and successors legate to Ireland as well well as Scotland, suspended from from office priests who had been ordained on a Sunday. 15 Thirteenth-century legates were frequently entrusted with the task of enforcing enforcing the reforms refor ms laid down by the Fourth Lateran Council of , which which had been been attended attended in person by at least three Scottish bishops and the abbot of Kelso, with other prelates sending representativ representatives. The Council decreed a wide range of measures designed to improve the quality of the clergy and and end canonical canonical irregularities, irregularities, but but the extent extent to which which these reforms were eff ectiv ective is hard hard to assess. assess. In the s Bishop David de Bernham Ber nham of St Andrews Andrews is known to have have dedicated dedica ted churches,16 which points to a desire on his part to ensure that the places of worship in his diocese had been properly consecrated, consecrated, but we have no means of determining whether in this respect he was typical or unusual among the prelates prelates of his day. day. When Honorius III instructed the Scottish bishops in to hold a provincial council, he clearly hoped that they would would act to uphold the Lateran 15
Ibid., iv, iv, .
16
ES , ii, – .
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Council’s Council’s statutes, but in many countries extra stimulus from from papal legates legates seems seems to to hav have been been requi required red.. In England England,, the statu statutes tes of of Otto and Ottobuono remained in fluential for the remainder of the Middle Ages, but it is unlikely unlikely that either legate had much much lasting impact in Scotland. Otto’s Otto’s activities there there appear to have have been on a lesser scale than those of the papal chaplain James in , wh whic ich h suggests that legates who were sent speci fically to Scotland had a better chance of success than those who could be regarded as having ha ving had a Scottish commission tagged on to a visit to England. James certainly received received a number of requests for assistance in his capacity as a direct representative of the pope’s pope’s authority author ity,, including a request request from from Alexander Alexander II for coronat coronation. ion. The canons canons of Dryburgh abbey took advantage of his visit to settle several issues relating to to the church church of Gullane in East Lothian, Lothian, and for good good measure they also obtained from the legate a general con firmation of all their possessions.17 One of the most controversial consequences of the increasingly close links between Scotland and the papacy was the imposition of papal taxation. taxation. In the late twelfth twelfth and thirteenth thirteenth centuries centuries the Apostolic See frequently ordered ecclesiastics to pay a proportion of their their incomes, incomes, such as a twentie twentieth th or a tenth, tenth, to help fund fund fresh fresh crusades to the east to aid the now beleaguered settlements in the Holy Land which had been set up in the wake of the triumph of the First Crusade in . These papal income income taxes taxes were were levied through throughout out western western Christendom, Christendom, and necessit necessitated ated widespr widespread ead assessments of clerical wealth which, which, like all valuations valuations for taxation, caused considerable considerable resentment. resentment. Howe Howev ver, er, collection was was especially difficult in Scotland, partly because relatively relatively few Scots were directly invo involv lved ed in the crusades, but more more especially because of the fear that the money raised would would be appropriated by the English king. This fear was justified. When it came came to to crusading crusading taxation, taxation, English monarchs regarded the Scottish church as a mere appendage of its English English counterpart, counterpart, despite despite the terms of Cum universi ,and , and successive kings of Scots were concerned that the precedent of the king of of England England taxing taxing the Scottis Scottish h clergy clergy might be be used to justify a similarly subservient relationship relationship in the secular sphere also. also. From Fr om the standpoint standpoint of the papacy papacy,, how however ever,, the administrat administrativ ivee 17
CPL , i, ; Dryb. Dryb. Lib. Lib., – , – , – , – .
The transformation of the Scottish church
conv convenience of entrusting levies in Scotland to a collector based base d in England outweighed outweighed the political disadvantages, disadvantages, and the reven revenues ues were diverted to the English king only because there was a realistic prospect of him using the money to prepare for participation in a crusade. crusade. The Scots Scots naturally naturally saw saw the situation situation in in a somewhat somewhat diff erent erent light. light. They They tried tr ied to resist resist Henry Henry III’s III’s attempts attempts during Alexander III’s III’s minority minor ity to raise taxes for his proposed crusade and his far-fetched plan to conquer the kingdom of Sicily under papal auspices, and this experience may may well well explain the later reluctance reluctance to allow allow the legate Ottobu Ottobuono ono to enter enter Scotland, Scotland, since he was was seeking a triennial tenth for Henry III as well well as procurations, procurations, sums which were levied on local churches for the expenses of papal agents and which always always led to allegations of greed. Alexander III also impeded the collection of the tenth imposed by the Second Council of Lyons in because Edward I had been granted the proceeds, proceeds, although opposition opposition to the export of the money money raised collapsed after the king’s death in . With With the the bene benefit of hindsight we can fully appreciate Alexander’s Alexander’s reservations, but Edward Edward did have have a reputation as a crusader, and there had been a substantial Scottish contingent on his expedition in – , while while others others had had joined Louis IX of France in his ill-fated attack on Tunis. Tunis.18 The difficulty lay in the fact that secular rulers often justi fied the use of crusading taxes for other purposes on the grounds that local problems had to be solved solved before they could leave leave their realm, realm, and Edward I was not slow to claim such justi fication. The impression that relations between Scotland and the papacy were dominated dominated by politics, politics, litigation and finance is not an entirely false one, although we we must not underestimate the papacy’s papacy’s role in bringing bringing chur church ch refo reform rm to Scotl Scotland and.. Our prob problem lem,, as so often, often, is lack of of source source material. material. In the thirteent thirteenth h century century attempts were were made to establish es tablish a series ser ies of synods involving involving representativ representatives of the whole of the Scottish church, church, the equivalent equivalent of provincial provincial synods elsewhere elsewhere except that there was no Scottish archbishop to summon and presi preside de ov over them. them. Such synodal synodal statutes statutes as surviv survive, e, together together with the pronouncements pronouncements of of papal legates, indicate that there there was was an awareness of canonical irregularities in the practices of the Scottish church and of misconceptions on the part of the faithful, 18
Crusades, – (Edinburgh, ), – . A. Macq Macqua uarrie rrie,, Scotland and the Crusades,
Medieval Medieval Scotland
but it is impossible to quantify these or assess their significance to spiritual life in Scotland. Scotland. Repeated Repeated injunctions injunctions normally imply imply that the measures had been ineff ective, ective, and it would would probably probably be fair to say say that reform reform was slow slow to spread spread througho throughout ut Scotland. Scotland. In the fourteenth century, century, for instance, there were were numerous numerous allegations by claimants to benefices that the current cur rent incumbent or one of his predecessors had not been ordained to the priesthood pr iesthood within a year of obtaining possession of the living. living. These claims cannot be checked, checked, because there are no surviving sur viving lists of ordinands for any Scottish see, but there were signi ficantly more such allegations in Scotland than in England, and in at least one English example there is every every reason to believe believe that the claimant was was telling the truth. It seems likely likely,, therefore, therefore,that that there was some veracity veracity in at least a proportion of the allegations that men were holding bene fices without having been fully ordained, which points to a rather casual attitude towar towards ds the niceties of canon law. law. Some of the clerks were said to have have held their benefices for many years without due promotion, promotion, but they they surely administer administered ed the sacraments sacraments during this period. per iod. Technically echnically,, they they performed priestly functions without formally being ordained as priests, but it must must be doubted doubted that their flocks knew this or cared. Such laxity in abiding by by the rules was apt to horrify horr ify reformers, but we must ask ask whether whether,, in practical practical terms, terms, it had as adverse adverse an eff ect ect on the the liv lives es of of parishioners parishioners as, for example example,, pluralism pluralism and nonresidence, residence, practices which the papacy often excused even even if it did not actively encourage them. Evidence for the educational standard of churchmen in the Middle Ages is elusive. elusive. There were were presumably some local schools, mainly attached to monasteries or cathedrals, but there there was was no university in Scotland until St Andrews was founded in . Scots ambitious for a university university education had, therefore, therefore, to travel travel abroad, to Oxford or Cambridge or ov overseas, this last option being generally preferred after the outbreak of hostilities between Scotland and England at the end of the thirteenth century. century. The international connections made by these men helped to consolidate Scotland’s Scotland’s place on the wider Euro European pean stage, stage, and allow allowed new ideas ideas to enter Scotland Scotland through through its its educated educated elite. elite. But it was was an elite, elite, and ineviinevitably a small one. There were were certainly not enough enough graduates to transform transfor m the educational standards even even of the bene ficed clergy, clergy, let alone the unquanti fiable mass of ill-paid stipendiary chaplains and
The transformation of the Scottish church
other members members of the clerical prol proletariat. etariat. It has been calculated calculated that out of about , parochial parochial livings in Scotland, fewer fewer than had a university-educated university-educated man as a s an incumbent at any a ny point during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and even even the favoured favoured par parishes ishes did not necessarily actually benefit from the personal presence of a graduate who might easily find more lucrative openings for his talents in the service of the king, king, a noble noble or a bishop. bishop.19 We must assume that most churches continued to be served by men of limited education and possibly possibly of limited general ability. ability. Most were were probably drawn from a relatively local area and some no doubt shared in the disputes of their kinsfolk and partook of the activities of their home villages. Realistically they they cannot have have transcended the bounds of of their own own experience, but through through the sacraments which they celebrated they could o ff er er their flocks the means of grace, and help them them to feel that they they were were members members of a great g reat Christian family which stretched far beyond the limited horizons of parish life. This chapter has sought to outline the ways in which the Scottish church was transformed between the middle of the eleventh century and the end of the thirteenth. There can be no doubt that the ecclesiastical institutions of Scotland in were were very di d iff erent erent from those of two two centuries earlier. earlier. There was was a diocesan structure str ucture which reached reached the furthest parts of the realm, realm, and a widely widely established lished system of of parishes. Many Many monasteries monasteries had been found founded, ed, and the friars friar s had brought brought their own own version version of spiritual renewal. renewal. Close links links with the papacy papacy had been forged and and consolidate consolidated. d. In short, although the claims of York to metropolitan metropolitan jurisdiction had been rebutted, rebutted, Scotland was very very much part of the universal church church and off ered ered a home to most of the great international religious orders. These achiev achievements, ements, considerab considerable le though though they they were were,, must not, howe howev ver, er, be exaggerated, for many of the changes were were on an institutional rather than a pastoral lev level. The spiritual requirements requirements of the Scottish people probably di ff ered ered little from the days of the Celtic churches, churches, and many of the practices of both institutional institutional and popular religion relig ion may have have changed less les s between and than reformers such as Queen Margaret and her sons might have have wished. 19
D. E. R. Watt, att, ‘Scotti ‘Scottish sh univ university ersity men men of the thirtee thirteenth nth and and fourteen fourteenth th centurie centuries’, s’, in (Edinburgh, ), . T. C. Sm Smou out, t, ed., ed., Scotland and Europe, –
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Religious practice is often intensely conservativ conservative, especially in predominantly rural societies, and in medieval medieval Scotland much of it was doubtless steeped in superstition and had its roots in a pre-Christian past. The parish clergy clergy, who were were in the the most immedia immediate te contact contact with the common people, people, were often often insufficiently well educated to attempt to change the outlook of their flock, even even if they they had wanted to. to. Popular adherence adherence to holy sites and the ancient communities which served them is implied by the long survival of such communities and the distinct peculiarities of the ecclesiastical map of late medie mediev val Scotland. Scotland. The transformation transformation of of the Scottish Scottish church church was, was, therefor therefore, e, by no means means total, total, and the reformers reformers were were unable to obliterate obliterate all traces of the Columban, Ninianic and Pictish brands of Christianity Chr istianity which had long held sway sway in Scotland.
THE CONSO LIDA LID ATION OF THE SCOTTISH REALM .
The development development of the Scottish state cannot be explained solely in terms of institutional and ecclesiastical changes, but must be view viewed ed also from from the standpoint standpoint of the kings’ relations relations both with external powers such as England and Norway and with semi-independent potentates within the the frontiers frontiers of the realm itself. Around Around large parts of Scotland were eff ectively ectively beyond the authority of the king, and the incorporation of Moray Moray, Ross,Argyll and Gallowa Galloway y, and ultimately of the Hebrides, Hebrides, was to be a major theme theme of Scottish history history well into the the thirteenth century, century, although control control of the more peripheral per ipheral regions region s was frequently elusive even even into the early modern moder n period. Consolidation of their own position position within within Scotland, Scotland, and of Scotland’ Scotland ’s status in the wider European world, world, were were complementary complementar y objectives of the kings of the Canmore dynasty. The notion that England and Scotland were continuously continuously at war during the Middle Ages is deeply embedded in popular consciousness. In the period before the Wars of Independence, how however ever,, relations between between the two two states were were often peaceful, peaceful, a point which is emphasised emphasised by by the relati relativ vely small small number number of of castles castles in the the front frontier ier regions regions.. This This was was partly partly a resul resultt of frequ frequent ent marriages between between members members of the respecti respectiv ve ro royal lines, lines, but more more espeespecially cially because because king and bar barons alike alike belonged belonged to an international international aristocracy ar istocracy,, where relationships relationships were were determined by feudal bonds. It was directly contrary to the interests of those twelfth- and
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thirteenth-century magnates who held land on both sides of the border to allow the rulers of England and Scotland to enter into a conflict in which the barons would would forfeit their estates estate s in the realm of the king whom they chose not to support. Relations Relations were were,, nonetheles nonetheless, s, sometimes sometimes straine strained. d. As the kings of both Scotland and England sought to consolidate their territories, the issue of the location of the border became increasingly important. The kings kings of Strathclyde Strathclyde had had claimed claimed territory terr itory south of of the Solway Solway,, traditionally as far f ar as the Rere Cross on Stainmore and the river Duddon, Duddon, although this frontier frontier is not meaningful meaningful earlier than the tenth century and may not have been tenable in the eleventh. The area was certainly cer tainly under Northumbrian Nor thumbrian control control in MacBeth’s MacBeth’s reign, but Malcolm III may have have reco recov vered it and held it as late as , when the English king William Rufus built a castle at Carlisle, and twelfth-century Scottish monarchs were heirs to these claims. In the east, conv conversely, ersely, the English English kingdom kingdom of Northumbria Northumbria had once stretched to the Forth, and there remained remained a cultural and linguistic unity which straddled s traddled the political border between between England and Scotland as it developed developed in the eleventh eleventh and twelfth centuries. centur ies. The Scottish kings, having having securely incorporated Lothian, sought to extend their influence southwards to the Tyne or even the Tees, either either through through annexing annexing these territories terr itories to their realm realm or, more more realistically, realistically, holding the northern counties as a vassal of the English crown. crown. Their ambitions were were enhanced by by David I’s I’s marr mar r iage to Matilda, daughter of Earl Waltheof of Northumbria, Northumbr ia, but were were consistent with the policy of earlier kings of Scots and inv involved olved seeking not only an expansion of the Scottish sphere of in fluence uence,, but but also the security of a buff er-zone er-zone against possible future English aggresagg ression, for Lothian (as its inhabitants were were to find on numerous occasions) was very vulnerable to English armies advancing along the east coast of Northumberland. The English too had a vested interest in a secure norther northern n border, border, particularly when their kings were were occupied with their lands in France, France, but tensions on the frontier frontier could easily erupt into violence. violence. Another contentious issue was the feudal relationship between the two two kings. Scottish monarchs monarchs were were willing willing to pay pay homage to their English counterparts counterpar ts in respect of lands they held in England, whether in the norther northern n counties or in the English Midlands, where David I had been granted the earldom of Huntingdon around
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
Christmas on his his marriage to Matild Matilda. a. Despit Despitee the fact that that Matilda had sons by her first marriage marr iage to Simon de Senlis, Senlis, David’ David’ss descendants were were to hold this honour, honour, which had been another part of Earl Waltheof ’s territor ter ritories, ies, until the fourteenth century, century, although tenure was not continuous and the male line of earls died out in . Performing homage homage for such lands lands did not necessarily necessarily imply that the kingdom of Scotland itself was a fief of the English crown, any more than the swearing swearing of homage by English kings in respect of their French lands meant that the realm of England was feudally subject subject to the the king king of France. France. The very very act of homage, homage, a public public symbol of a feudal relationship relationship,, could, how however ever,, send a strong strong signal as to the relative relative status of the individuals invo involv lved. ed. It suited English commentators to portray the kings of Scots as vassals in respect of Scotland as well well as of their estates south of the border, border, although the Scots inevitably saw the relationship in very di ff erent erent terms. The outlook of Anglo-Norman Anglo-Norman chroniclers chroniclers was naturally shaped by the types of feudal relationship which characterised the society in and for which they wrote. wrote. They therefore therefore seized on incidents, some perhaps apocryphal, when a Scottish ruler had acknowledged acknowledged the superiority of one of the Anglo-Saxon Anglo-Saxon monar monarchs. chs. The most famous such event took place in , when Edgar was was reputed reputedly ly rowed across the river Dee at Chester by a number of other kings, including Kenneth Kenneth II of Scotland. This can be interpreted as one of a series ser ies of negotiations over over frontiers, comparable to those those held by Constantine II with the English kings Edward Edward the Elder in and Athelstan in ; on this view of events, Edgar recognised recognised Kenneth’s Kenneth’s occupation of of Lothian in return for peace. peace. How However ever,, Kenneth Kenneth may may still have have acknowledged acknowledged Edgar as an ‘ov ‘over-king’ in line with the common practice practice of early medieval medieval Britain. What is certain is that he did not enter into a feudal relationship in the Norman sense of the wor word. d. In implyin implying g that he did, did, the chr chroniclers oniclers are are guilty guilty of a serious ser ious anachronism. anachronism. In Malcolm II defeated the levies of the area between the Tees and the Tweed at Carham, after which Earl Eadulf of Northumbria seemingly conceded Scottish possession of Lothian. Inconsistencies in the sources have have spawned much debate, debate, especially because the accounts imply that the Scots had recently lost control of at least part of Lothian, Lothian, perhaps perhaps in when Malcolm was heavily defeated defeated in an attack on Durham. Although it is possible possible to
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reject altogether the tale of an invasion in that year and argue that Lothian had been securely s ecurely under Scottish control since well before impressed contemporaries and it , the victory at Carham clearly impressed is surely reasonable to postulate that Malcolm had launched some earlier expeditions southwards southwards and sometimes met with reverses. reverses. It is in this context of thrust and counter-thrust, often obscured by by the exiguous surviving evidence, evidence, that we must must view Duncan I’s I’s abortive tive siege of Durham in , the expedition expeditionss against MacBeth MacBeth by by Earl Siward Siward of Northumbr Northumbria, ia, and the career career of Malcolm III. III. Several of Malcolm III’s incursions into northern England can be regarded as expeditions in favour of the Anglo-Saxon opposition to William the Conqueror Conqueror and his sons, deriving from his marr iage into the old English royal royal house, house, but they they can equally readily be seen as a continuation of the old policy of expansion southwards at the expense of an English king whose primary pr imary interests interests often lay elsewher elsewheree. Malcolm’ Malcolm’ss campaigns campaigns were were portray portrayed, at least by their their victims, as needlessly bloodthirsty bloodthirsty,, and they they were were far from from successful. In William drove the Scottish king back as far as Abernethy on the southern shore of the Tay, ay, r ight in the heart of his realm, and forced forced him to become his man man and give give his son Duncan as a hostage. This was later taken as evidence evidence of the feudal subjection of the Scottish monarchs to their English counterparts, counterpar ts, and there can be little doubt that William saw it in this light, but no reason to suppose that Malcolm chose to interpret his submission in such such terms. terms. He certainly certainly paid little heed to his his supsupposed posed oblig obligati ation ons, s, and laun launche ched d severa severall more more sav savage raids raids into into North No rthum umbe berl rlan and. d. In he faced a counter-invasion by the Conqueror’ Conqueror’ss son Robert and perhaps came to terms ter ms at Falkirk, and in he is said in English accounts to have sworn homage to William William Rufus. Rufus. Malcolm Malcolm perished tw two years years later later, along along with his his eldest son, in yet another another invasio invasion n of England. The generally hostile chroniclers give few clues about what, other than the spoils of war war,, Malcolm III hoped to achiev achieve by his frequent aggression. But it is clear that he did not regard regard himself as a feudal vassal of the kings kings of England, and probably probably saw saw his submission to them as no more more than a mark of their, their, perhaps temporary rary,, mi mili lita tary ry superio superiority rity.. Hi Hiss sons sons wer weree in a rath rather er di diff erent erent position. position. Follo Following wing their flight in the aftermath a ftermath of Malcolm’s Malcolm’s death, they were were driven to accept support from the Norman kings in ter ms
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
which clearly show showed their vassal status. Duncan II and Edgar o ow wed their throne to William Rufus,Alexander I married an illegitimate daughter of Henry I, while David David I was was a close confidant, dant, persona personall friend fr iend and brother-in-law brother-in-law of the English king. As we have seen, David I became a masterful r uler in his own righ right. He in ineevitab itably ly to too ok adv advant ntag agee of the civ civil war wh whic ich h er eru upted pted in England after Henr y I’s death in between the lat late king’s daughter and preferr rreed successor, the Empress Matilda, and his nephew Stephen of Blois. Nominally acting on Matilda’s behalf, David’s real aim was to take over Cumberla rland, Westmorland and Nor ortthu hum mberl berlan and d, an and d possi ossib bly even Yorksh rkshir iree, an and d it is lik likely ely that by the latter part of his reign he envisaged that these areas would be perman ermaneent ntly ly ann nneexed to the kin kingdo gdom of Sco Scotlan tland d. Thes Thesee te terrirritorial rial ambitions are sufficien cientt expl explan anat atio ion n for for hi hiss acti action ons, s, alth althou ough gh the recen ecenttly develop elopeed silv silveer depo deposi sitts at Alst Alston on may have pro provi vid ded an additional incentive for David to retain Carlisle, which was gra granted to the Scots (who were already in firm control of the area) under the terms rms of a transient agre greement with Stephen in .1 David was temporar ily checked when his polyglot ar my was defeated at the battle of the Standard, fought on Cowton Moor near ne ar No North rthal alle lerto rton n in Yor orks kshi hirre in Augu August st , but he continued to hold Nor thumberland and Cumberland. In Stephen gra granted to David’s son Henry the earldom of North rthumbria ria, supposedly excluding Newcastle and Bamburgh although subsequently the Scots were in control of both, while in , when David I knighted Matilda’s son, the future Henry II of England, Henry promised that, should he succe cceed to the English throne, he would gran grantt the Scot cottis tish kin ing g Nor ortthu hum mbria bria fro from Tyne yne to Tweed eed, incl in clud udin ing g Newc Newcas astl tlee. In , after the death of his son Henry, ry, the age aged kin ing g con conducted cted his you oun ng gran grand dson son Willi illiam am to Newcas wcasttle to be acknowledged as earl. He took hostages from the leading men of the earldom, and this may suggest that Scottish r ule was not widely accepted, which would be underst rstandable if there is any tru rutth in the English chroniclers’ rs’ tales of bru ruttality on the part of the Scot Scotti tish sh army army, alth althou ough gh ho host stag agee-ta taki king ng was no nott un unco comm mmon on at th this is perio riod as a means of persuading magnates to concur in a parti rticular lar polit politic ical al pro programme gramme.. 1
Chron. Stephen Stephen, iv, For the silver see Chron. iv, ; RRS , i, .
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Davi David’ d’ss achie achiev vemen ements ts pro proved short short-li -liv ved, ed, partl partly y beca becaus usee th thee prepremature death aths of Earl Henry and Stephen’s son Eustace mate aterial rially shifted the balance in fav favour of Henry fitz Empr Empres ess. s. The The you outh thfu full Malcolm IV was no match for Henr y II, who became one of medieval England’s most powerful kings. Despite his extensive continental empire and his many difficult cultie iess wi witth hi hiss qua uarr rrel elso some me sons, Henry succe cceeded in stiflin ing g Scot Scotti tish sh ambi ambittio ions ns regar egardi din ng the north rthern counties and sought to de fine the relat elatio ion nship ship bet etw ween een the two monarchs in much more precise terms rms. He reneged on his ag reement of , and in July Malco lcolm resigned North No rthum umbe berl rlan and, d, Cumb Cumber erla land nd an and d Westm estmor orla land nd in ret eturn urn for for th thee earldom of Huntingdon which his g randfather had held. His brother William thereby abruptly lost his title to the earldom of North rthumbria mbria,, a slight ght that, to his cost, he never forgot got. Hen Henry also lso took advantage of Malcolm’s ardent desire to be knighted and so enter the charme rmed world of chivalry. ry. It was most honourable for a king to be knighted by a fellow-king, but a clear demonstration of feats of ar ms was required first. This was why Malcolm IV joined Henry’s Henry’s expedition against the count of Toulouse in , a mov move wh whic ich h ha hass some somettimes imes been een in inte terpr rpret eted ed as an ackn ackno owled wledge ge-ment of the English king’s suzerainty. There is, however, no evidence that he was formall rmally y summon moned by Hen Henry, ry, nor that he went involuntarily rily,, alth lthough Henry cannot have been disple spleaased at the apparent manifestation of Malcolm’s dependence on his fav favour. The The expe expedi diti tion on was succe success ssfu full from from Malc Malcol olm’ m’ss stan standp dpoi oint nt,, becau because se knig knight htho hood od was finally bestowed upon him, but he was crit riticised at home for leaving his realm and faced a rebellion on his return in . While there is no doubt that Malcolm submitted to the superior military and political pow power of Henry II, to the extent of giving his brother brother and other young young men as hostages in ,2 there is no fir m evidence that he compromised his kingship by o ff ering ering fealty and homage homage for Scotland Scotland as opposed opposed to his his English English lands. lands. Receiving Receiving knighthood from Henry did not make him a vassal of the English king, any more more than Henry had become David David I’s I’s vassal in . The loss of the northern counties was a blow to Scottish prestige, but from the English standpoint can be regarded as no more than 2
Chron. Chron. Holyro Holyrood od , .
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
the return of David I’s ill-gotten gains during the civil war of Stephen’s Stephen’s reign. The respectiv respective strengths of the two two monarchs, howev however, er, must have have been evident evide nt to everyone. William the Lion’s Lion’s relations with England can best be understood under stood in terms ter ms of a desire to recov recover his father’ f ather’ss earldom of Northumbria Nor thumbria which which amounted amounted almost almost to an obsession obsession.. He availed availed himself himself of every every diplomatic and military opportunity which promised potentially to further further his his aim, though though alwa always ys in vain. vain. In he entered into an alliance with Henry II’s II’s rebellious rebellious eldest son, also named Henry, Henry, and the following following year was was captured at Alnwick. Rather than exacting exacting a pecuniary pecuniary ransom, ransom, which which might might hav have implied implied that that William was was an independent independent ruler, Henry II took the opportunity opportunity to force the Scottish king into a direct feudal arrangement ar rangement in what is traditionall traditionally y known known as the treaty of Falaise Falaise.. William William became became Henry’ Henry’ss vassa vassal, l, speci specifically in respect of Scotland as well as his English English lands, lands, and as a mark of this this relationsh relationship ip five of William’s major castles, namely namely Edinbur Edinburgh, gh,Berwi Berwick, ck,Ro Roxbu xburgh, rgh,Je Jedbu dburgh rgh and Stirling, were to be held by Henry. Henry. Fifteen years elapsed before b efore William was able to purchase pu rchase release from from this uncomfo uncomfortable rtable subject subjection. ion. Richard Richard I, who succeed succeeded ed to the English throne in , needed needed to raise mone money y for a crusade, crusade, and under the terms ter ms of the Quitclaim of Canterbury the treaty of Falaise was cancelled in return for a payment payment of , mark marks, s, an and d the castles of Roxburgh and Berwick were handed back to William.3 But the Quitclaim merely restored the status quo as it had existed in the time of Malcolm Malcolm IV, and left undefined the earlier ambiguities ambiguities in the nature nature of the relationship relationship,, including William’s William’s claim to Northumbria. Northumbr ia. It may hav have suited both parties to be unspecific, and indeed it is unrealistic unrealistic for us to expect that neat neat definitio nitions ns would would,, or could could,, be inserted into such a documen document. t. William’s primary motive was probably the recovery of his castles and the termination ter mination of the direct homage homa ge owed owed by his magnates to the English cro crown, both very very tangible tang ible reminders reminders of his capture at Alnwick. He may may have have been prepared prepared to to accept a vague vague English suzerainty as a s an inevitable consequence consequenc e of the imbalance imbalanc e of power power between the two realms. 13
Henry II appears never to have have taken possession of Jedburgh Jedburgh and Stirling, and Edinburgh castle was restored to William William in on condition that it be assigned as the dower of the king’s king’s new wife: Howden, Howden, Gesta, i, .
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William’s loyalty to Richard I caused him to contribute towards the English king’s ransom after his capture on return from the crusade, and to decline to support Richard’s Richard’s brother John John when the latter sought to take over the government of England in , but his attempts to recov recover Northumbria Northumbr ia from Richard ended in disappointment pointment.. Negotiation Negotiationss contin continued ued after Jo John hn acceded acceded to the the English throne in , but the slippery English monarch monarch outmanoeuvred oeuvred William William at every every turn. Details Details of the relationsh relationship ip are obscur obscuree, but but in William seems to have given up his claim to Northumbria, Northumbria, paid John John a large large sum of money money,, and allow allowed him to arrange the marriage marr iage of of his daughters, daughters, the elder elder of of whom whom was was to wed a son of John, receiving receiving in return acceptance of the destruction of a new English castle at Tweedmouth and a promise that the northern counties would form an English appanage for the heir to the Scottish throne throne when he came of age, as they had done for Earl Henry before . Although the agreement promised promised an honourhonourable marriage marr iage for William’s William’s daughters, it is hard to escape the conclusion that this was a disadvantageous peace for the Scots.4 Further negotiations followed in , when when Willi William am allow allowed John John to arrange the marriage marr iage of his heir Alexander Alexander and, according according to an English English document, document, both father and son promise promised d to uphold the cause of John’s John’s son Henry Henr y. This document documen t is a later forger forg ery y, but some peace agreement was was certainly made, made, probably probably because the ailing Scottish king feared for the succession of Alexander while the ruthr uthless John still ruled England and Ireland. 5 John’ John’s control control over over William is clear. Shortly after his accession in , Alexander II trie ried to take advantage of John’s political difficulties by joining the baronial opposition. One of the clau lauses of Magna Carta rta gave him hope that he might recover the northern counties, but he also sought to make his claim good by force. In October he attacked the border for tress of Norham and received the homage of the North rthumbria rian barons. John responded with a major winter campaign and bur ned Berwick and Haddington, but Alexander cou counte terr-at atttack acked in the west est an and d took Carli arlisl slee in Augu August st . He then went to Dover and joined Louis, the French prin rince who sought to replace John on the English throne, and did homage to 4 5
For detailed discussion of the events of see Duncan, Scotland , – . Ibid., – ; ASR , no. no. .
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
him. According to a French chronicler, this homage included Lothian, 6 although it is hard to see why Alexander would have compromised his feudal position in such a manner when England was in the throes of civil war, and it is almost certa rtain that English Northumbr ia is meant. As with his father in – , ho how wev ever er,, Alexander backed the wrong horse rse. The victory of John’s party rty, now no w wor orki king ng on beha behalf lf of th thee you oung ng Henry Henry III, III,br brou ough ghtt Alex Alexan ande der r into in to con conflict with the papal leg legate Guala, la, and he was forced ced to yield Carlisle and submit to papal authorit rity in order to ensure that the intter in erdi dict ct on Sco Scotlan land was lift lifted ed.. Alexander did not abandon his hope of recov recovering er ing Northumbria, Northumbr ia, which he claimed had been granted to him by King John as the dowry dowry of his daughter, daughter, whom Alexander Alexander married marr ied in ,7 but he also came under some albeit ineff ectual ectual pressure from the pope to renew renew his fealty to Henry III in line with the treaty treaty of Falaise and other agreements. ag reements. The treaty of York of September was a statesmanlike attempt to reconcile the con flicting interests of the two two mona monarc rchs, hs, althou although gh it has been been various variously ly inte interpre rpreted ted.. Alexander received received English English lands, for which he performed homage, but relinquished relinquished his claim claim to the northern counties. It can be argued that the treaty implicitly recognised that Scotland had an a n independent existence, existence, but against this the ancient ancient claim to Northumbria was sacrificed for lands of much more limited extent and without castles, castles, and it was, was, moreo moreov ver, er, several several years years before before they were were finally assigned to Alexander. Alexander. It is unlikely unlikely,, how however ever,, that the Scottish king saw the treaty of York as a final concession, and there are are indications that Alexander III laid claim to the area between Tyne and Tweed in Similarly,, the question question of homage for Scotland Scotland was was not .8 Similarly resolved, resolved, and the issue was was to create create further tension. That relations between Alexander II and Henry III remained uncomfortable is due to Henry’s suspicious nature and to appeals made to him by Scots who wished to take advantage of the ambiguities guities in the the feudal feudal relatio relationship nship.. In Walter Bisset, Bisset, who was was accused of inv involvement olvement in the the murder murder of Patr Patrick, ick, son of Thomas of Galloway, fled to England and claimed to Henry III that he should not have have been disinherited disinher ited by the Scottish king without the consent of Alexander’ Alexander’ss overlor overlord. d. By two two border border fortresses, fortresses, probab probably ly 6 8
7 ES , ii, . Chron. n. Maj. Maj., iii, Paris, Chro iii, . Flores Historiarum, ed. H. R. Luard ( vols., vols., Rolls Series, Series, ), ii, ii, .
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Hermitage and the earlier of the two two castles of Caerlaver Caerlaverock, ock, had been built by the Scots, and a major war war looked looked imminent, although in the event con flict was averted and another marriage alliance arranged. When Alexander III married Henry’s daughter Margaret in December , he did homage to his his father-in-law for his possessions in the kingdom kingdom of England. Although one English chronicler chronicler includes Lothian among these lands,9 it seems clear that Alexander declined to render homage and fealty for the realm of Scotland itself. Henry III used solicitude solicitude for his young young daughter as an excuse to intervene in Scottish politics during Alexander’s turbulent minority, minority, but all sides in the factional disputes called on on Henry for assistance when it suited their purposes, purposes, and relations relations between between the two two countries countries remained remained relati relativ vely stable stable.. In Alexander did homage to Edward I at a parliament at Westminster, estminster, but specified only his lands in Tynedale and Penrith; he carefully reserved the question of homage for Scotland,claiming Scotland, claiming that he held his kingdom of God alone. alone. For the time being Edward Edward I did not press the point. point. His opportunity for direct intervention intervention in Scotland was to come in due course. The importance of relations with England frequently prevented Scottish monarchs, monarchs, especially David I, I, Malcolm IV and William the Lion, from dev devoting their full energies energ ies to consolidating their power power within their their own own realm. realm. The cro crown’s wn’s authority in the north, west and south-west was severely severely limited throughout the twelfth century centur y and well well into the thirteenth, and there was a series of claimants to the throne itself who enjoyed strong support in Moray and Ross. In the view of those historians who see the period per iod as one of steadily advancing ro royal pow power, er, the military campaigns in the north and west were a response to rebellions and an opportunity to introduce feudalism and the institutions of centralised government in areas which were were unreceptiv unreceptivee to them. How However, ever, it is misleading to view twelfth twelfth-centu -century ry Scotland in in these terms. terms. Men such such as Fergus Fergus of Gallowa Galloway y, Somerled of Argyll and Harald Maddadson of Orkney saw themselves themselves as independent independent potentates, freely negotiating negotiating with other rulers and at best acknowledging acknowledging the king of Scots as a distant 9
Chron. n. Maj. Maj., v, . Paris, Chro
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
overlord. Somerled and the earls of Orkney also ow owed obedience to the kings of Norwa Norway y in respect respect of certain of their lands, and they exploited the situation to their advantage. advantage. These men surely did not regard themselves as rebels against the Scottish crown but rather as significant powers in their own right. The ru rullers of Moray also had the capacity to be independent. The Mounth had long serv rveed as a barr rriier between the provinces of Moray, Mar and Buchan on the one hand and the heartl rtland of the Scottish kingdom on the other. As we have seen, Bede drew a distinction in the eighth century between Picts who lived south of the mountains and those who dwelt beyond them, and geogra graphy must have played a major part in the political configuration of the peoples of early Scotland. It is likely that Moray was beyond the control of many kings of Scots, as is suggested by the number of tenth- and eleventh-century kings who peris rished in campaigns aga again insst its its peo eop ple, le, an and d th thee ru rule lerr of Moray ray cou could on occa ccasio sion exte exten nd hiss au hi auth thori ority ty sout southw hwar ards ds,, as MacB MacBet eth h ha had d sho shown wn.. Thr Throu ough ghou outt th thee twelft elfth h cen centu tury ry thi hiss hist istory of in ind depen epend den ence ce mad made Mora Moray y a pot poten en-tial threat to the centralising tendencies of David I and his successors, rs, and contemporarie ries realised this. Iris rish and Scottish annals draw raw a dis distin tinctio ction n bet etw ween ‘men ‘men of Moray’ ray’ an and d ‘men ‘men of Scot cotlan land’, d’, while ile a fourtee rteen nthh-ce cen ntu tury ry chr chronicle iclerr, probab bably relyi elyin ng here on a contemporary source, could refer to William I return rniing ‘from Moray to Scotia’ as late as , indicating that Moray could still be regarded as being outside the Scottish kingdom.10 Moray was was not only resistant to Scottish royal royal authority, authority, but was also a haven haven for rival claimants to the throne. throne. While the Mounth was a barrier barr ier to armies from the north as well well as royal royal forces, forces, rulers in Moray could nonetheless threaten the security of Angus and Mearns. Moray Moray also boasted boasted lines lines of commu communicat nication ion with with other other areas which were were troublesome troublesome to the Scottish kings.The kings. The Great Glen off ered ered access to Argyll, Argyll, the southern southern Hebrides and the Irish Sea world, which included Gallowa Galloway y, Man and Ireland, while the lowlowlands of Easter Ross enabled the earls of Orkney to extend their power power southwar southwards ds from their their territories terr itories in Caithness. Throughout Throughout the Middle Ages, Scottish kings endeavoured, endeavoured, with varying varying degrees of success, success, to contro controll the northern end of the Great Great Glen, through through 10
Johannis de Fordun Chronica Gentis Scotorum, ed. ed. W. F. Sken Skenee ( vols., Edinburgh, Edinburgh, – ), i, ; Broun,‘Defining Broun,‘Defining Scotland’, Scotland’, .
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which these lines of communication passed. To fail to do so was to off er er an opportunity for rivals to unite and thereby strike from several diff erent erent directions. In Angus, earl of Moray Moray, was killed killed in battle at Stracathro Stracathro in Mearns. He was was accompanie accompanied d by Malcolm Malcolm MacHeth MacHeth,, who perhaps perhaps had a claim to the Scottish throne throne,, and their campaign south of the Mounth may have been intended to supplant David I as king of Scots. The defeat of the men of Moray, Moray, who were were no match for the heavily armed knights who fought on behalf of the king, gave gave David and his successors the opportunity to extend their authority in the north north.. Majo Majorr bene beneficiaries of this policy were two Flemish adventurers, Freskin and Berew Berewald, ald, who were were given given lands widely widely distributed across the province. 11 Freskin’s descendants later took the surname ‘de Moravia’ Moravia’ (now (now Murray), and such an overtly overtly territorial ter ritorial designation surely suggests that the crown regarded the family as taking taking the place of the former earls. earls. In other wor words, ds, David David I and his grandsons replaced a native dynasty by one of proven loyalty to themselves, themselves, and the lands the Flemings receiv received were were perhaps the demesne demesne territories terr itories formerly held by Earl Angus. Angus. The lands were were granted on feudal terms, t erms, and before the end of David I’s I’s reign royal royal burghs had been been established at Forres Forres and Elgin, but the introducintroduction of a new aristocracy and of the institutions of royal royal gov government was insufficient to pacify Moray. Moray. We must regard such s uch developments as expressions of the king’s king’s intentions rather than as straightforward straightforward indications of his actual power. The identity identity of Malcolm Malcolm MacHet MacHeth h remains remains a puzzle puzzle.. He may may have have been an illegitimate illeg itimate son of Alexander Alexander I, as some English chronchroniclers assert, although his patronymic patronymic suggests a link with someone called Aed, perhaps the earl of Moray Moray or Ross of that name who is attested in the early part par t of David I’s I’s reign, in which case Malcolm was probably connected to the branch b ranch of the royal royal house which wh ich had produc produced ed MacBeth. MacBeth. In any any event, event, the fact that that he was was imprisoned imprisoned rather than killed following his capture in indicates that he was of roya royall blood and, and, moreo moreov ver, er, that there there was some justice justice in his claim.12 Certainly his sons persisted in their opposition to the Scottish Scottish kings, kings, joining joining in a widespread widespread campaign campaign against against royal royal authority in in alliance alliance with Somerled Somerled of Argyll, Argyll, who was was 11 12
RRS , ii, – ; RRS , i, – . Duncan, Scotland , – ; Barrow, Barrow, Kingship and Unity, .
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
Malcolm Malcolm MacHeth MacHeth’’s brother brother-in-la -in-law w. Malcolm Malcolm MacHeth MacHeth was released from prison in and by had been created earl of Ross, which implies that Malcolm Malcolm IV had chosen to negotiate with him in an an attempt attempt to detach detach him from from Somerled, Somerled, off ering ering Ross either as a return of his inheritance inher itance or as a rump of the much larger earldom of Moray which his family had perhaps once possessed. The success of this manoeuvre is hard to evaluate because Malcolm MacHeth’s MacHeth’s sons never never inherited the earldom of Ross and, indeed, largely disappear from Scottish politics, politics, which may may suggest that they continued to oppose the crown. crown. That the problem in the north was not solved by the release of Malcolm MacHeth is also implied by the laconic remark in a contemporary chronicle chronicle that in ‘King Malcolm transferred the men of Moray’.13 This comment has been variously explained, explained, but the the most obviou obviouss interpretation interpretation is that that some of the inhabitants of Moray were were forcibly forcibly transplanted; if this is so, so, then it points points to contin continuing uing unres unrestt in the north which which Malcolm MacHeth either could or would not quell. The MacHeth claim did not totally disappear on the death of Earl Malcolm in . His daughter daughter had married marr ied Harald Maddadson, Maddadson, earl of Orkney, Orkney, a union which gave gave their son Thor finn a claim to his grandfather’s earldom of Ross and even conceivably to Moray and the Scottish throne throne itself. Harald was one one of the most pow powerful of the Orkne Orkney y earls, and the establ establishmen ishmentt of roya royall castles at Redcastle and Dunskeath in Easter Ross in makes most sense in the context context of a threat from from further north, presumab presumably ly from from Harald. The earl of Orkney was perhaps also involv involved ed in the serious ser ious rebellion of Donald MacWilliam, which began began in .14 Donald was the the grandson of Duncan II, son of Malcolm Canmore by by his br iefl y king king in in . Although Although Duncan Duncan had first wife Ingibiorg and br sought sought the Scottish Scottish thro throne ne with Norman Norman backing, backing, and his son son William had apparently been loyal loyal to the crown, crown, subsequent generations drew their support from the traditional elements in northern norther n Scotla Scotland nd which which had back backed MacBeth MacBeth,, Donald Donald Bán and, and, most most recen ecentl tly y, the the Mac MacHe Heth ths. s. It is ques questi tion onab able le whet whethe herr Don Donal ald d MacWilliam was was of legitimate birth according to canon law law, but 13 14
Chron. Chron. Holyro Holyrood od , . Duncan, Scotland , . It is, howe howev ver, er, possible possible that How Howden den has misdated misdated the events events of the roya royall expedition expedition of was a response to a rebellion by Donald , and that the MacWilliam which had erupted in that year: RRS ,ii, , ii, .
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such considerations were were of little moment in Celtic society in comparison with his royal royal blood. His mother is unidentified, ed, alth althou ough gh she may have been connected with the MacHeths or related to Angus, earl of Moray. Moray. In a thirteenth-century genealogy to illustrate the descent of lordships lordships in Cumberland, where he had had been given lands,William son of Duncan Duncan is described as earl of Moray; Moray; if this is correct, he may hav have been granted the dignity by the cro crown wn or (more likely) have have assumed assumed it by right of a putative put ative first wife, wife, heiress heiress of Earl Angus and mother of the rebel rebel Donald, whose claim to the throne may have been more cogent if traced through his mother rather than his father. father. This would would explain why why Donald chose to rebel when William had not, and giv g ivee an indication of the sources of his support. 15 The king, king, preoccu preoccupied pied with with his relatio relations ns with Henry II of England and the dispute over the bishopric of St Andrews, Andrews, was unable to launch a major expedition to the north north until , when Donald Donald was fortuitously fortuitously killed killed by Roland Roland of Galloway. There is no direct evidence for an active role being played by Harald Harald Maddadson Maddadson in Donald MacWillia MacWilliam’ m’ss rebellion, rebellion, and his opposition to the king in the s may have resulted from the increased level of royal authority in the north after Donald’s death rather than any affinity to the alliance of MacHeth and MacWilliam supporters which had proved so threatening to the crown in the even been argued that Harald had had relatively relatively little inters. It has even est in his wife and son’s claim to Ross.16 But it is surely likely that he was at least prepared to fish in troub troubled led waters, waters, and the subsesubsequent blinding and castration of Thor finn while in royal custody, albeit in response to the mutilation of the bishop of Caithness by some of Earl Harald’s Harald’s army ar my,, implies that he was seen by the crown crown as a threat not merely in Caithness but in Ross and Moray as well.17 William the Lion’s northern campaigns were not unsuccessful, but permanent control control was was elusive, elusive, even even in Moray Moray. Geography, Geography, distance and the existence of more pressing problems with the English kings combined to limit William’s long-term achievement in the north, although although the loss of some of his southern southern castles under the the 15
16
RRS , ii, – William as earl of Moray Moray see The Register of the Priory of St Bees , ed. J. . For William Wilson (Surtees Society, ), . ’, SHR , (), P. Topping,‘Harald Maddadson, earl of Orkney and Caithness – 17 – . Duncan, Scotland , – .
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treaty of Falaise may have have encouraged him to concentrate more on the peripheral regions reg ions of his realm.William’ realm. William’ss most successful period per iod coincided with the reign of Richard I of England, who was too busy on crusade or in continental a ff airs airs to be greatly troubled with Scotland. As William’s William’s relationship with King John became more strained, so his problems problems in northern norther n Scotland became more intractintractable. able. A serious ser ious rebellion rebellion broke broke out out in Ross in under Guthred, son of Donald Donald MacWilliam, who had perhaps been driven from Ireland Ireland by by John. John. Guthred Guthred inv invaded Moray Moray,, probab probably ly with support support from Orkney and the Hebrides but more especially from Gaelic Ulster. Ulster. He was was execute executed d in , but a further incursion incursion follo followed three years years later, inv involving men who claimed kinship ties with the MacWilliams and MacHeths, and again there there was was an Irish dimension.The sion. The timing of this this rebellion is surely connected, connected, as that of had been, with the recent recent accession of a young young and inexper inexperienced ienced king. Alexander II had to fac face several furth rther threats from north rthern riv rivals. als. The The MacW acWilli illiaams cont contin inu ued to be tro troubleso lesome me until til , when a g irl of that family was brutally despatched at the market cross in Forfar far, and the rebels still recei ceived support from the chieftains of western Scotland such as Ruairi, ri, gra grandson of Somerled, and an d from from Irel Irelan and. d. Alex Alexan ande derr was, as, ho how wever er,, more more succ succes essf sful ul th than an hi hiss predecessors in controlling the north rth, albeit at the cost of gra granting wide powers to some of his leading subjects. We have seen how David I establis lished Flemings in Moray, and in the early thirte rteenth cent century ury th thee desc descen enda dant ntss of Fres Freski kin n pres presse sed d no north rthw wards ards,, even entu tual ally ly acq acquiri iring ng for the hems mseelve lves th thee new earl earld dom of Suth Suther erla lan nd, probab bably in the s. Royal con contro trol furt furth her north rth was rest estrict ricted by th thee earls arls of Orkney, as the bishops of Caithness found to their cost. Bishop John John was maimed at Scrabster in , and Adam murdered at Halki lkirk in , prompting his successor Gilbert de Moravia to reorganise his diocese so that he could base his administration furth rther south at Dorn rno och. The impression is, however, that the cro crown’s au auth tho orit rity y was beco becom min ing g ste steadil adily y mor more secu securre to th thee north rth of the Moray Firth rth. The major beneficiaries ciar ies of the crown’ crown’ss norther north ern n campaigns were the Com Comyns, who became became the the dominan dominantt family in thirteenththirteenth William century Scotland. Around Around the time of the rising of – Comyn became earl of Buchan through his marriage to Marjorie,
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the heir heiress ess of the the last nati nativ ve earl, earl, Fergu Fergus. s. Allo Allowing wing an AngloAngloNorman settler, settler, for the first time, to obtain an ancient ancient earldom must must be seen as an element in a long-term strategy to stabilise royal authority in the north, a policy which is also seen in the early s when the hitherto temporary expedient ex pedient of a warden of Moray was replaced by by the hereditary lordship of Badenoch, which was was vested in another branch branch of the Comyn Comyn family. family. The grant of Badenoch gave gave the Comyns, and through through them the king, control control ov over two two of the high passes into Atholl which could be used as a point of entry into the heartland of Scotia, and it is virtually virtually certain that it is connected with the rebellion of Gilleasbuig MacWilliam and his sons in around . Although other families such as the Durwards Durwards and the Bissets benefited from Alexander II’s II’s largesse, larges se,it it was the Comyns Comyns who were most firmly established established as ro royal agents agents in the the north, a position which was to allow them to maintain a Scottish administration during the Wars of Independence and make them a major threat to the ambitions of Robert Bruce. It is unhelpful to regard the northern uprisings as a Celtic reaction to Anglo-Norman settlement s ettlement and the establishment es tablishment of feudalism. Many members members of the roy royal al armies were were equally Celtic:Roland Celtic: Roland of Galloway Galloway had killed Donald Do nald MacWilliam MacWilli am in , and the the leaders leaders of the rebellion were defeated by a native magnate of Wester Ross. Earl Fergus Fergus of Buchan Buchan had some Anglo-Norman Anglo-Norman knights knights in his following, following, and his successor William Comyn Comyn successfully combined tenurial relationships of a feudal type with more traditional forms of social social organis organisation ation.. The rebell rebellions ions cannot, cannot, therefor therefore, e, adequately be explained explained in racial or cultural terms, and three three features of them should should be noted. noted. Firstly, Firstly, they were were made in the interests interests of individua individuals ls who who had had a claim, claim, how however ever tenuous, tenuous, on the the Scottish Scottish throne and could mobilise support for that claim in northern and western Scotland and even beyon beyond d the boundaries boundar ies of the kingdom. Secondly Secondly,, and more more significantly, cantly, the rebellio rebellions ns were were a reaction reaction against the assertion of royal authority by the inhabitants of provinces with a long history of e ff ective ective independence from the Scottish crown. crown. The opposition was was not solely, solely, nor even even primarily pr imarily,, to feudalism as such, but rather to the influx of alien settlers and the threat threat to local particularism particularism that they they posed. posed. Thirdly Thirdly,, these forces forces could be kept in check only when the king was able to devote sufficient attention to the matter without being preoccupied with
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
England. All the recorded recorded expeditions were were based on Inv Inverness, suggesting that the stronghold of the king’s opponents was in the wild mountainous country of western ester n Moray and Wester Ross, an area which was too remote for a Scottish ruler whose primary interest lay in recov recovering er ing lands from the Angevin kings. It is no coincidence that Alexander Alexander II, whose attitude attitude to the earldom earldom of Northumbria was less obsessive, obsessive, was was more successful successful in quelling quelling the northern threat than his father had been. The contacts of the MacHeths and MacWilliams with the family of Somerled Somerled hav have already already been noted. noted. Somerled Somerled is an important important figure in Scottish history, history, through both his own own actions and the fact f act that he was the progenitor of several clans which were to be prominent inent on the western western seaboard, seaboard, including including the MacDon MacDonalds alds and MacD MacDou ouga gall lls. s. Diff erent erent historiographical histor iographical traditions have have portray por trayed ed him as both a Highland hero and a rebel who endangered the process process of royal royal centralisation. centralisation. He had interests both on the Scottish mainland, mainland, especially especially in in Argyll, Argyll, and in the the Hebrides, Hebrides, where where he successfully intervened in the politics of the kingdom of Man and carved out for himself a semi-independent lordship which was eff ectively ectively beyond beyond the control of either the king ki ng of Scots or the king ki ng of Norway Norway.. His relations with with David I seem to hav have been fairly smooth, but in Malcolm IV’s IV’s reign he was frequently frequently at odds with the Scottish monarch. The alliance alliance between between Somerled Somerled and his nephews, nephews, the sons of Malcolm MacHeth, has been viewed viewed as a challenge to the succession of Malcolm IV by traditionalists traditionalists who did not accept the principle pr inciple of primogeniture. primogeniture. There may be something in this, but it is surely surely not the whole picture, picture, because it explains neither neither the continuation continuation of Somerled’s Somerled’s opposition oppositio n to the king after the latter came to terms ter ms with Malcolm MacHeth in nor the later campaign in during which Somerled met his death dea th at Renfrew. Renfrew. There is no need to postulate a distinctively Gaelic reaction to Malcolm IV’s accession in must be seen seen in the broader broader , since the actions of Somerled must context of a sudden weakening of roy royal al authority author ity as the experienced exper ienced David David I was was replaced by by his twelv twelve-y e-year-old ear-old grandson. Somerled, along with other nativ nativee leaders, must have have felt felt threatened threatened by the growing growing territorial terr itorial and political power power of the Stewarts Stewarts in the area of the Clyde estuary through through the largesse of David David I. The opportunity presented by the succession of a youthful king was too good to miss.
Medieval Medieval Scotland
The wider rebellion of must be viewed in the same light. On his return retur n from Toulouse Malcolm was besieged besie ged in Perth er th by six earls led by by Ferteth of Strathearn, ostensibly because he had left the kingdom. kingdom. He also had had troub trouble le in Gallo Gallow way, ay, although although after after three three expedition expeditionss there there he force forced d its its nativ native lord, lord, Fergus, Fergus, to retir retiree to Holyrood Holyrood abbey. abbey. Somerled too appears to have have continued his opposition until he came to ter ms with Malcolm IV in Novem November ber . The conclusion is that the king overcame a number of opponents, doubtless with the aid of of Anglo-Norman feudatories, feudator ies, but the question remains of why there was such opposition to him at this juncture. ture. Some native native magnates may have have been angered by his apparent submission to the feudal over overlordship lordship of Henry II, although it is uncertain that they understood the full rami fications of such a relationship and more likely that they objected simply to his absence from his realm. realm. They may may well, how however, ever, also have have feared that closer contact with the English crown would increase the number of immigrants to Scotland, which was was surely a factor in Somerled’s Somerled’s gathered ed an army from from Argyll, Argyll, final rebellion in , when he gather Kintyr Kintyree, the Hebride Hebridess and Ire Irelan land. d. It is no no coinc coincide idence nce that that he he landed at Renfrew, Renfrew, the centre of the Stewart Stewart lordship, lordship, but we we must doubt whether he was fighting for the abstract concept of traditional values rather than merely in defence of his own interests. Just as David I and his grandsons bestow bestowed lands in Moray on Freskin and Berewald, Berewald, royal royal grants to the Stewarts were intended to provide provide a bulwark between between the heartlands hear tlands of the t he Scottish Scottis h realm and the uncontr uncontrollab ollable le inhabitants inhabitants of more peripheral areas. areas. Somerled Somerled and his successors had a Hebridean power power base, and the Isles were were beyond beyond ev even the theoretical theoretical jurisdiction of the kings of Scots. In all the islands off the west coast of Scotland which could be circumnavigated by a ship with the rudder set had been ceded to Magnus Barelegs of Norway,18 although the Norwegian Norwegian monarchs could make their suzerainty e ff ective ective only intermittently inter mittently.. The king of Man paid a tribute of ten merks of gold on the succession of a new king of Norway Norway but owed owed no other service ser vice,, and in King Ragnvald tried to evade even this obligation by off ering ering an annual 18
ES , ii, – Malcolm rather than Edgar, Edgar, . The Norse sagas name the Scottish king as Malcolm which is probably probably an error of a type not infrequent infrequent in such sources, although it is possible sible that Magnus Magnus negotiated negotiated with a pretender pretender to the Scottish Scottish throne; throne; Malcolm Malcolm III may may have have had a son called Malcolm from his first marriage. mar riage.
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
payment to the pope and claiming that he had been invested in his realm by a papal legate.19 In practice, Hebridean chieftains obeyed obeyed the Norwegian crown crown only when it suited them to do so or when a major expedition to the Isles concentrated their minds. The thirteenth century witnessed the recovery of the Western Isles by the the Scottish cro crown. As in the north, the initiative initiative was was taken by Alex Alexan ande derr II. II. In he pacified the Clyde Clyde estuary estuary,, erectin erecting g Dumbarton as a ro royal burgh, burgh, depriving the rebellious rebellious Ruairi, grandson of Somerled Somerled,, of his lands lands in Kintyre, Kintyre, and probab probably ly bestowing bestowing Cowal Cowal on Walter Stewart. A castle cas tle was built for Walter at Dunoon, D unoon, and the period possibly saw the first phase of building at Tarbert castle and, and, much much further north, north, at Eilean Eilean Donan.20 Further west, west, the descendants of Somerled remained remained pow powerful, although internecine strife meant that the threat from them was much less monolithic than it may hav have seemed, while the building building of stone castles testifies to the wealth and self-confidence of the peoples of the western seaboard. Alexander II died on an expedition expedition against them in . On a diplomatic level, level, the king had had attempted in to purchase the Hebrides from from the Norwegian Norwegian crown, crown, but his his proposals proposals were were rebuff ed, ed,21 and it was not until the reign of his son that the king of Norway Norway agreed to cede the Western Isles. In , in the the face face of of renew renewed political and military pressure, pressure, Haakon IV made a final eff ort ort to exert exert his authority, authority, but the expedition demonstrated the inheren inherentt weakne weakness ss of his his position. position. He campaign campaigned ed down down the western ester n seaboard, had his ships dragged across across the isthmus between between Loch Long Long and Loch Loch Lomond, Lomond, devastated devastated Lenno Lennox, x, and fought fought an inconclusiv inconclusive battle at Largs, but many many of the nativ native lords, especially south of Ardnamurchan, Ardnamurchan, supported him only reluctantly reluctantly.. Haakon’s Haakon’s death at Kirkwall in December marked the end of Norwegian attempts to hold on to the islands to the west of Scotland. The treaty of Perth of July provided for the sale of Man and the Isles to the Scots for , merks payable over four years and an annual trib ribute of merks, although in the event the final instalment of the lump sum was rendered only in and the trib ribute was paid only intermi rmittently. While the treaty can be see seen as a triu triumph mph for for Alex Alexan and der III III’s dipl diplo omacy macy,, the the eff ect of the change of overlordship on the attitudes of the inhabitants of the wester n 19 20
Chron. Chron. Stephen Stephen, iv, Mon., ;cf. – . iv, ; Vet. Mon. 21 ES , ii, – . McDonald, Kingdom of the Isles , – .
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seaboard remains difficult to ascertain. At the highest level of society, there is some evidence that the descendants of Somerled now acted as agents rather than opponents of royal authorit rity and thereby fac facilitated the incorpo rporation of the west into the Scottish realm, and it is significant that they were among the magnates who swore to uphold the rig right of Alexander’s infant g randdaughter Marg Margar aret et in , but lack of evidence prevents us from fully analysing the impact of feudalism in Argyll and the Isles. Cer tainly Robe Ro bert rt I brough ught man many chief hiefta tain inss into into a clo closer ser relat elatio ion nsh ship ip with ith the the crown by gra granting or confirmi rming lands in return for galley servi rvice, and in doing so he doubtless built on foundations laid by Alexander III. The expression of obligations in ‘feudal’ ter ms does not, however, imply that royal authorit rity in the west was ever more than super ficial, and even the use of feudal termi rminology by local chiefs does not prove that there had been major changes in the nature of landholding. The peaceful relations with England for most of the thir thirte teen enth th cen century tury undou ndoubt bted edly ly help helped ed Alex Alexan ande derr II and and his so son n in their quest to control the perip riphery of their realm, but there is no reaso eason n to beli belieeve that that so soci cial al struc structu turres were ere fund fundam amen enta tall lly y chan change ged. d. Subs Subseq eque uent nt events ents were ere to pro prove how how ten tenuous uous was the the link link betw betwee een n the kings of Scots and the independent-minded inhabitants of the marit ritime world of the west estern Highland ands and Hebrid rides. The Scottish kings faced a similar combination of local particularism lar ism and powerful powerful native lords in Galloway Galloway, and again it was not until the reign of Alexander II that the crown obtained e ff ective ective control control of the area. area. While there is much much contro controversy about the ethnic origins of the Galw Galwegians, there is no doubt doubt that they they had closer links with other parts of the Irish Sea world, world, such as Ireland, Ireland, Man and north-west north-west England, than they did did with the kingdom kingdom of the Scots. Lords such as Fergus Fergus in the twelfth twelfth century and Alan in the thirteenth exploited their geographical location to play a major role in the diplomatic alliances of the British Isles. Fergus is unusual in that no source details his ancestry. ry.22 Nor is there any evidence for an independent power in the south-west prio rior to his emergence in the s. The history of the lordship of Galloway thus starts rts abrup ruptly, which makes it all the more remarkable that it was to prove such a thor n in the flesh of the Scottish 22
See See R. R. D. Oram Oram,, ‘Fer ‘Fergu gus, s, Gall Gallo oway and and the the Sco Scots ts’, ’, in R. D. Oram Oram and and G. G. P. Stel Stell, l, eds., eds., Galloway: Galloway: Land and Lordship (Edinburgh, ), – .
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
monarchs for the next century. Fergus mar r ied an illeg itimate daughter of Henry I of England, which suggests that he was a personage to be reckoned with, but there is no reason to suppose that he was of Anglo-Norm rmaan origi rigin n; his name and the support he gave to the conserva rvative opponents of Malcolm IV in su sugg gges estt that that he was from from a Celti elticc backg ackgrround ound,, prob probab ably ly wit with so some me Norse orse ance ancesstry thrown in. A dist istin inct ctio ion n must be drawn rawn bet etw ween een the heart eartla lan nd of Gallo allow way and the area east of the riv river Urr known as Desnes Ioan. There is considerable evidence that Desnes Ioan owed some subjection to the Scottish crown even in the twelfth century. ry. It was in Glasgow diocese, so presumably forme rmed par t of the ancient kingdom of Strathclyde, now incorpo rporated by the kings of Scots. In the late s or early s Uhtred of Galloway paid cain to the crown in respect of it, and his generosity in gra granting lands there to his follow lowers str strongly gly sugge uggest stss that the dist distric rictt had beco ecome part art of his te terrrit ritorie ries only recently, perhaps as a result of a division of the lands of Ralph, lord of Nithsdale, between Uhtred and the king. While Malcolm IV had defeated Fergus and forced him to retire to a monastery, ry, the gra grant of Desnes Ioan to Uhtred appears a sensible move. Following the loss of Carlisle in , the king wanted to use the stronghold of Dumfrie ries as a major base in the south-west, and this could best be acco ccomplished by gaining the goodwill ill of the near ne ares estt grea greatt lor lord, na name mely ly Uhtr Uhtred ed,, wh whos osee esta estab blish lishme ment nt of knig knight htss in Desnes Ioan may well be linked with gar r ison ser vice at Dumfries. West of the Urr, Ur r, howev however, er, royal royal influence was extremely limited. Although Galw Galwegian troops fought in Malcolm III’s III’s armies, and gained a reputation for brutality in the campaign of , ther theree is is no evidence that they were under any obligation to fight, and were were probably probably hired hired troops. troops. The reviv revival al of the diocese of Whithorn around has sometimes sometimes been been attributed attributed to David David I, but was was almost certainly a result of an initiative initiative by Archbishop Archbishop Thurstan of York. York. The Cistercian monastery of Dundrennan was probably probably founded by by Fergus, perhaps to atone atone for the damage damage done by by his soldiers in . There There is no reason reason to suppose suppose that David David was was involved.23 All the evidence suggests that the lordship of Galloway 23
. Oram,‘A family business?’, –
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
under Fergus was was a compact, self-contained unit based on two two main centres centres at Cruggleton and Kirkcudb Kirkcudbright, right, with its own own bishopric bishopric and its own laws, laws, owing no obedience to the Scottish crown. crown. The extent to which Gallowa Galloway y was ‘feudalised’ in the twelfth twelfth century is debatable, debatable, especially if Desnes Ioan is distinguished from from the lands west of the Urr.The Urr. The rebellion of Fergus Fergus in was probably connected with the more general unrest of that year, year, while the uprising of began in the wake wake of William the Lion’ Li on’ss capture cap ture at Alnwick. Alnwick. These incidents incidents were were not, how however ever,, simply simply opportunistic opportunistic attacks on a Scottish king who had done nothing to arouse the Galw Galwegians’ animosity animosity,, for the lords lords of Gallow Galloway, ay, like like Somerl Somerled, ed, were doubtless concerned by the increasing authority of the Scottish cro crown and its policy policy of granting lands to immigrants. The murder of Uhtred by his brother Gilbert during the rebellion of certainly certainly suggests internecine internecine strife, strife, but does does not necessarily necessarily mark a native native reaction against a feudalising lord, lord, whatever whatever lands Uhtred may have granted in Desnes Ioan and however much his marriage into the Cumbrian aristocracy had brought him into closer closer contact contact with AngloAnglo-Norman Norman attitudes. The well-inf well-informed ormed English chronicler Roger of Howden tells us that the Galwegians expelled Scottish royal officials, destro destroyed forti fortifications erected by the king, and slew all the Englishmen and Frenchmen they could xenophobia rather than opposition to feudalfind.24 This points to xenophobia ism as such, although it implies implies that some mottes had had already been constructed, constructed, and this this suggests alien alien settlemen settlement. t. More More importantly importantly,, it demonstrates a hatred for the agents of royal government. Gilbert died in and was replaced replaced by his nephew nephew Roland, son of the mur murder dered ed Uhtred. Uhtred. Only a few few immigrants immigrants obtained obtained land land from Roland, and so his successful takeo takeov ver was probably probably based largely on the support support he received received from from natives, natives, probably probably from Desnes Ioan, Ioan, which which he may may already already hav have controlled controlled,, or from from his father’s former following. 25 But increasingly the lords of Galloway were moving moving in an international international milieu. milieu. Roland Roland married marr ied into the pow powerful Moreville family, family, and the death of William de Moreville in brought him the extensive lands of Cunningham and Lauderdale as well as shares in some estates in the earldom of Huntingdon. Since the king had also apparently apparently inv invested Gilbert’s Gilbert’s 24
Howden, Gesta, i, – .
25
Oram,‘A family business?’, – .
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
son Duncan with the earldom of Carrick, Carr ick, there was was a danger that the house of Fergus would become predominant in a large area of south-w south-western estern Scotland. Scotland. The foundatio foundation n of the sheri sher iff dom, dom, burg burgh h and castle of Ayr in and after marks a royal reaction to this threat as well as to the continuing danger from the descendants of Somerled and the rulers of Man, and indicates the importance that the king king attached attached to contr controllin olling g the area. area. It is no no surprise that William objected strongly to the unauthorised marriage between Duncan of Carrick Carr ick and the daughter of Alan son of Walter Stewart in around .26 Roland’s Roland’s son Alan, who succeeded to the lordship in , had an influence on on the history history of the whole whole Irish Sea world. world. He was was the hereditary hereditary constabl constablee of Scotland, Scotland, married marr ied his illegitimate illegitimate son Thomas to the daughter of of Ragnvald, Ragnvald, claimant to the kingship of Man, and was was granted a vast fief in Ulster by King John after the fall f all of Hugh Hugh de Lacy Lacy,, earl of Ulster, Ulster, in . It is some sometim times es sugges suggested ted that Alan’s Alan’s role in Scottish politics was minor, minor, but in fact f act he must be seen as Alexander II’s II’s chief lieutenant in the reassertion of Scottish control over Cumbria towards the end of John’s reign, 27 notwithstanding the fav f avour our that the English king had earlier shown shown him in Ulster; Alan could doubtless draw on links between Gallowa Galloway y and Cumbria which had been strengthened by grants of land to Cumbrians by his father and grandfather. The death of Alan without legitimate sons in gave Alexander II the opportunity to extinguish the semi-independent lordship lordship.. In line line with feudal feudal practic practice, e, Alan’s Alan’s lands were were divi divided ded between between his three three daughters. The Galw Galwegians sought to maintain their lordship as a distinct political entity, entity, doubtless comparing it to Scottish earldoms, which were were indivisib indivisible le and could could exist as territer ritorial units even even in the absence of an earl. They apparently apparently asked Alexander to disinherit disinher it Alan’s Alan’s daughters and become their lord, but on his refusal rebelled on behalf of Alan’s illegimate son Thomas, although his nephew Patrick was also a potential claimant.28 Alexander put down the revolt and strengthened his position by intervening in a dispute over over the bishopric of Whithorn on behalf 26 27
28
Howden, Chronica, iv, iv, . K. J. Stringer, Stringer, ‘Periphery ‘Periphery and and core core in thirteenth-ce thirteenth-century ntury Scotlan Scotland: d: Alan son of of Roland, Roland, lord of Gallowa Galloway y and constable of Scotland’, in Barrow Essays , – . ES , ii, ; Paris, Chron. n. Maj. Maj., iii, aris, Chro iii, – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
of Gilbert, Gilbert, a monk monk of Melr Melrose who had, had, how however ever,, experienc experienced ed Galwegian Galwegian politics as abbot of Glenluce. Gilbert was the king’s king’s candidate and was presumably used as a royal agent in the same way as the northern northern bish bishops ops were ere. Furthermo Furthermore re,, the depo deposit sition ion of the the abbots of Dundrennan and Glenluce by the Cistercian general chapter in , and their their replacem replacement ent by by monks of of Melrose Melrose,, may may be a reaction to the support possibly giv g iven en by Galwegian Galwegian monasteries to Thomas’s Thomas’s cause. If so, so, it is further evidence of Alexander II’s II’s desire to use the church as an instrument for control in Galloway, and of his ability to in fluence the aff airs airs of a great international religious order.29 Gallowa Galloway y remained, remained, howe howev ver, er, a potential source of disaff ection, ection, because its inhabitants retained a spirit of independence and a sense of loyalty to Fergus’s descendants long after . Fr From om the the mid mid-Galloway was was dominated by the line of Dervo Der vorguilla, rguilla, daughs Galloway ter of Alan and mother of the the future king king of Scots, John Balliol. Throughout the Wars of Independence Indepe ndence the th e Balliol Balli ol cause was widely upheld in Gallowa Galloway y even even when it was all but lost elsewhere. elsewhere. The laws of Galloway still existed in , when when parliam parliament ent agreed agreed to preserve preserve them against the provisions provisions of a new statute, and in the late fourteenth and fifteenth fteenth centuries centuries the Black Douglases, Douglases, although although not native native lords, could still harness the traditions of Galwegian Galwegian unity to build a virtually impregnable position for themselves in the south-west. The tradition of independence from the Scottish crown thus died hard hard in Gallowa Galloway y, as it did in Moray Moray. By Alexander Alexander III’s III’s reign, reign, how however ever,, the kingdom of the Scots had been consolidated territoterr itorially and the authority of its monarchs was felt throughout the realm. ealm. Orkne Orkney y and Shetla Shetland nd still still pertain pertained ed to Norw Norwaay, but but the Western Isles had been ceded to the Scottish king and the crown’s influence in the north, north, in Gallowa Galloway y and along the rugged wester western n seaboard was was as great g reat as it had ever ever been. The border with England had been stable for ov over a century, century, and while the northern norther n English counties had never been brought under secure Scottish control the king had successfully avoided permanent feudal subjection to his 29
Places: St Ninian, Oram,‘In Oram, ‘In obedience and reverence’, reverence’, ; D. Broo Brook ke, Wild Men and Holy Places: Whithorn and the Medieval Medieval Realm of Galloway Galloway (Edinburgh, ), ; for the events events of see The Chronicle of Melrose , ed. ed. A. O. Ande Anderso rson n and and M. O. Ande Anderso rson n (Lon (Londo don, n, ), .
The consolidation of the Scottish realm
more pow powerful neighbour. neighbour. Despite the tensions between between Scotland and England and the centrifugal forces within the Scottish realm, the thirteenth century was predominantly a period of internal and external peace. But all the achievements achievements of the Canmore kings kings were were abruptly put in jeopardy with Alexander III’s III’s fatal f atal accident in March . Scotland was was suddenly faced with a dubious royal royal succession succession and an uncertain future as an independent state.
T H E WA R S O F I N D E P E N D E N C E .
The death of Alexander III ushered in a period of crisis cr isis for Scotland, during which the English kings involved themselves in Scottish aff airs airs on an unprecedented unprecedented scale and there was a serious ser ious danger that Scotland would would cease to be be an independent realm. The establishment of institutions of government which could function even in the absence of a monarch and the sense of nationhood described descr ibed in the Declarat Declaration ion of of Arbroath Arbroath were, ere, or at least became became,, marks of Scottish Scottish identity identity and pride, pride, and the long long period of resistance resistance to English imperialism has served as a watershed in the history of medieval eval Scotland. Scotland. In the popular popular mind, the age of William William Wallace and Robert Bruce is one of heroes heroes and villains, villains, patriots and traitors, traitors, victories won won against against ov overwhelmin erwhelming g odds. No period in in Scottish Scottish history has aroused so much much passion or, or, it must be said, so many mismisconceptions. The conflict with England which began in has traditionally been regarded regarded as a war war for Scottish Scottish independence, independence, and in some respects it was was indeed a struggle for f or the right to self-determination. s elf-determination. In other ways, ways, how however ever,, it was a civil war war within Scotland between rival claimants to the throne who were prepared to seek or reject English assistance as circumstances circumstances dictated. The king of England, Edward Edward I, was both willing and able to take advantage of the opportunity presented to him by the extinction of the direct line of Scottish monarchs, monarchs, but it is not certain that he he set out deliberately deliberately to destroy destroy Scotland as a separate political entity and impose his own
The Wars of Independen Indep endence ce
direct direct lord lordship ship on on the whole whole of Britain. Britain. Some Scots Scots supported supported Edward Edward I and sought prefer preferment ment from him; him; many others acquiesced in his apparent conquest for want of a more attractive alternative. The advantage of hindsight enabled late medieval Scottish writers to place a nationalistic emphasis on the events events of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries centur ies which was much less obvious obvious at the time, and to condemn the Balliols and Comyns Comyns for feebleness and treachery while exalting the Bruces as the great victors that they turned out to be. be. The myth myth has become become embedded embedded in Scottish Scottish national consciousness. Alexander III’s sudden demise in March was especially tragic because all his children had predeceased predeceased him, and his only only living descendant was was his infant infant granddaughter Margaret, known known as the ‘Maid of Norway’ Norway’ because she was was the daughter of the Norwegian Norwegian king. In Alexander had prevailed prevailed upon his magnates to accept Margaret as his heir, heir, although it seems unlikely unlikely that the Scottish nobility viewed viewed the prospect of a female ruler r uler with enthusiasm. This was not merely a manifestation of the prejudices of a male-dominated elite whose principal concerns were were with martial exploits, but also a realisation that the succession of a ruling queen would inevinevitably itably raise the probl problem em of whom she was was to marry marr y. Her future future husband could expect considerable considerable political pow power, which would would arouse jealousy if he was taken from the local nobility and might lead to undesirable foreign entanglements if he came from outside the realm. There was was the risk that a small kingdom like Scotland might become a mere mere appendage of another country country,, or in time even an integral part of it. Despite Despite these fears, the Scottish Scottish political political community community appears to have have accepted Margaret Margaret as queen, although for some months months after Alexander III’s death there was a lingering possibility that his widow widow, Yolande olande of Dreux, Dreux, might be pregnant pregnant.. In any any event, event, there there was the prospect prospect of a long minority minor ity,, and the very real danger that, in an age of high child mortality, mortality, both Margaret and any any heir born to Yolande might die, leaving an uncertain succession. In parliament in John Balliol and Robert Bruce, both descendants of David I and later later rivals rivals for the the cro crown, engaged in bitter bitter pleading pleading.. Bruce may hav have been disinclined to accept the succession of Margaret, but it is more likely that the argument was over who had the better
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
claim if Margaret died and Yolande did not give birth to an heir. 1 The heir heir presumpt presumptiv ive, e, after all, all, could could expect expect a major role role in any any council of regency reg ency.. Memories of the factionalism during the minority of Alexander III doubtless encouraged the appointment of a panel of six Guardians to rule on behalf of the ‘community ‘community of the realm’ during the absence of an activ active monarch. monarch. Those selected comprised two bishops (William Fraser of St Andrews and Robert Wishart of Glasgow), Glasgow), two two earls (Alexander Comyn of of Buchan and Duncan of Fife), and tw two barons barons ( Jo John hn Com Comyn yn of Badenoch Badenoch and and James James Stewart), Stewart), a cross-section of the political community community which has been seen also as constituting a delicate balance between the supporters of Balliol and Bruce. Br uce.2 Although it was was prudent to try tr y to ensure that the Guardians Guardians could command command widespread support, this interpretation of the composition of the panel may owe too much to our knowledge knowledge of subsequent events, events, for the earl of Fife was not a Bruce partisan to the extent, extent, for instance instance,, that the Comyns Comyns were were allied allied to John Balliol, whose sister had marr mar r ied John Comyn of Badenoch. The panel more accurately reflects the balance bala nce of political power in late thirteenth-century Scotland, with the Comyns and their supporters playing a pre-eminent, pre-eminent, but not not exclusiv exclusive, role. role. The The aged aged Robert Robert Bruce Bruce,, lor lord of Anna Annand ndal alee, doub doubtl tless ess felt felt excluded from the government of Scotland in the late s. He was later to allege that Alexander II had named him as heir presumptive, sumptive, but he had played played a relatively relatively small part par t in Scottish politics during Alexander III’s reign and also retained extensive territorial terr itorial interests interests in England. England. The rival rival Balliol claim claim was at this time vested vested in a woman, Dervorguilla, who died in , and Bruce Bruce may have opposed the succession of Margaret through fear that admission of a woman’s right to rule would prejudice his claim to the throne, throne, although his hostility to the government government was probably probably more a reflection of anxiety that he might su ff er er territorial reverses under a Comyn-led regime. On September Robert Bruce of Annand Annandale ale,, his son and namesake the earl of Carrick, Carr ick, and a number number of other nobles nobles met at 11
12
N. Reid,‘Margaret Reid,‘Margaret “Maid “Maid of Norway Norway” ” and Scottish queenship’ queenship’,, Reading Medieval Studies , (), – . G. W. S. Barro rrow, Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland (rd edn, . Edinburgh, ), –
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the castle of Turnberry in Ayrshire and concluded a bond of alliance, ance, reserving reserving their allegiance allegiance to the king of England, England, from from whom many many of the signatories signatories held lands, and to the unspeci unspecified person who would inherit the Scottish throne ‘in accordance with the ancient customs hitherto approved and used in the realm of Scotland’. This was was not necessarily a rejection of the notion notion that a woman could succeed, but rather a cautious cautious admission of the continuing uncertainty as to who might emerge as king if Margaret died without producing producing an heir. The inclusion in the Turnberry urnber ry Band of Richard Richard de Burgh, Burgh, earl of Ulster, Ulster, and of Thomas Thomas de Clare suggests that some enterprise enterpr ise in Ireland was contemplated, contemplated, probably probably an attempt to conquer land in Connacht, although the promise promise of help was was doubtless meant to be reciprocal, reciprocal, implying that the Bruces could expect military support from the named Irish magnates when required. required. The precise precise motivation motivation of those who subscribed to the agreement will never be known, known, and some of their objectives objectives were were perhaps deliberately left vague so that they could be adapted to changing circumstances, possibly including including a future future Bruce claim to the Scottish throne. throne. The Bruces were certainly determined deter mined to make life difficult for their Balliol rivals rivals in the south-west, south-west, and violence between the two families was never far below the surface. Fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources imply that Robert I rescued Scotland from years years of factionf action-fighting and disorder, disorder, but the Bruces were were in fact the principal disturbers of the peace in the years after , launching launching a legal, legal, territorial terr itorial and military military challenge challenge to the the Guardians. The Guardians needed to secure the support of Edward I of Engl Englan and, d, whos whosee ben beneeficence towards Scotland was essential for stabili stability ty and and security security.. In Edward was preoccupied with the aff airs airs of his territories terr itories in Gascony, Gascony, and spent the period from May have realised the poten to August overseas, but he must hav tial advantages of a marriage between his own son and the young Scottish queen. The Guardians Guardians too saw merit in such an alliance, as it would persuade the English king to support those who ruled in his daughter-in-law’s name and would thereby ensure strong gov government. The later rapacity of Edward Edward I may make make the Scots’ overtures appear misguided, but there there was a long history of royal royal marriages marr iages between the two two countries and there had been a lengthy period of generally pacific relations between their respective
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
monarchs. monarchs. In the negotations negotations which ev eventually led to the the treaty of Birgham in July , the Guardians sought sought and received received from the English king a guarantee that Scotland would continue to be governed by its own own laws and customs, customs, despite the fact that its ruler r uler was was likely to spend most of her time in England.They England. They were were aware aware of the dangers of a marriage marr iage alliance, alliance, but equally equally they could not aff ord ord to ignore Edward Edward I, still less antagonise him. him. It was inevitable that Edward I would become involved in the aff airs airs of Scotland, whatever whatever promises he had made about the integrity of Scottish laws and institutions, institutions, but that does not mean that he already contemplated establishing direct lordship over the Scots. The death of the experienced Alexander Comyn, Comyn, earl of Buchan, in the summer of , and the mur murder der of of Duncan Duncan,, earl earl of Fife Fife,, probably probably in September of the same sa me year, year, had weakened weakened the Scottish gov government at the t he very very time that it most needed to be stro s trong, ng, while the failure to replace the two Guardians Guardians can be ascribed ascr ibed to a lack of consensus within the political community in the face of the continued opposition from from the Bruces and their allies. Paradoxically Paradoxically,, how however ever,, these events events made an accommodation with Edward I all the more urgent, because of Edward’s Edward’s capacity to provide provide stability stabili ty.. Many Scottish nobles held land in England, England, and performed military service to the the English English cro crown in respec respectt of it; some, some, moreo moreov ver, er, had sought English backing in legal disputes over land in Scotland even during the reign of Alexander Alexander III. Links between between the two two realms were, ere, therefore, therefore, close, and the prospect prospect of Edward Edward I taking taking an interest in Scottish aff airs airs was not necessarily necessar ily viewed viewed with undue alarm. In the event, event, all the negotiations were were in vain. vain. The young young queen of Scots died in Orkney in September , on her way way to the country country she had never never yet visited. With her perished the prospect of a marriage alliance with the son of the English king and,more and, more fundamenfundamentally, tally, the direct line of monarchs monarchs who had ruled Scotland for two centuries. centuries. The fears of a bitter bitter successio succession n dispute dispute had come come to reality. reality. Robert Bruce Br uce and John John Balliol now now aired their claims more more openly, openly, as eventually eventually did a dozen other hopefuls, while Edward Edward I, denied the chance to intervene in Scotland on behalf of his daughter-in-law, ter-in-law, was still a pow powerful neighbour whose interests could not be ignored. It was entirely understandable that the Guardians would would look to
The Wars of Independen Indep endence ce
Edward I to assist in the settlement of the dispute over the throne, just as they had sought a marriage marr iage alliance with him while Margaret was still aliv alive. But Edward Edward wanted wanted to do more than act as arbitrator. tor. He was was determined to judge the merits of the respectiv respective claims in a formally constituted court, using an established legal procedure procedure,, and this required that he was was accepted as overlord of Scotland, with possession of the kingdom kingdom and its castles, so that he could execute execute the court’s court’s judgement in favour favour of the victor; he may deliberately deliberately have encouraged other potential candidates to submit claims in order to convert convert the dispute from a simple one between Bruce and Balliol (which might be settled by arbitration) into a more complex suit which required required a formal for mal judgement.3 The representatives of the ‘comm ‘commun unity ity of the the realm realm’, ’, quite quite justi justifiably ably,, were ere unwill unwilling ing to commit themselves on the matter of overlordship overlordship in the absence of a king, but Edward Edward simply required required all candidates for the throne throne to acce accept pt it, it, and and in Jul July y he ordered several English religious houses to insert the relevant documents into their chronicles as a permanent testimony that the Scottish king was feudally subject to his English English counterpart. counterpart. He was was unable unable to understand understand the the Scots’ reluctance to concede that he was their superior super ior lord. From the Scottish standpoint, Edward Edward I’s I’s demands in have always always appeared appeared high-handed, demonstrating a desire desire to exploit a crisis in a neighbouring state for his own sel fish ends ends,, alth althou ough gh Edward had many continental interests and professed a desire to participate in a fresh crusade, so that Scotland was was probably probably not his chief prior priority ity at this stage stage.. Hindsight Hindsight has driven driven some historians historians to see a deliberate policy of English imperialism in all of Edward I’s actions with regard to the Scots,Welsh Scots,Welsh and Irish, Ir ish, a view that perhaps pays too little regard both to his generally friendly relations with Alexander III and to the fact that his intervention in Scotland was actively actively encouraged by the Guardians of the realm. The Guardians were the leading secular and ecclesiastical magnates mag nates of the kingdom with a wealth wealth of experience behind them, and from from the moment of Alexander III’s death they regarded the pursuit and maintenance of cordial relations relations with England as their primary pr imary objective objective in external exter nal policy policy,, and for for good good reason reason.. A marriage allian alliance ce off ered ered the best 13
A. A. M. Du Dunc ncan an,, ‘The ‘The proc proces esss of of Nor Norha ham, m, ’, in P. R. Coss Coss and S. D. Llo Lloyd, yd, eds. eds.,, Thirteenth Century England V: Proceedings of the Newcastle upon Tyne Conference, (Woodbridge, ), .
DUNCAN I (1034–40)
MALCOLM III (1058–93)
DUNCAN II (1094)
EDGAR (1097–1107)
DONA DONALD LD BÁN BÁN (1093–7)
ALEXANDER I (1107–24)
William
DAVID I (1124–53)
Matilda = Henry I of England
Henry
Donald MacWilliam
MALCOLM IV (1153–65)
ALEXANDER II (1214–49)
John
WILLIAM I (1165–1214)
Margaret
David earl of Huntingdon
Isabel = Robert Bruce
Ada = Henry Hastings
Ada = Florence III count of Holland
William I count of Holland
Alexander
ALEXANDER III (1249–86)
Dervorguilla = John Balliol
Robert Bruce
Henry Hastings
Florence IV count of Holland
David
Margaret = Eric II of Norway
JOHN BALLIOL
(1292–6)
Robert Bruce
John Hastings
William II count of Holland
MARGARET (1286–90)
Edward Balliol
ROBERT I (1306–29)
Marjorie = Walter Stewart
Edward Bruce
DAVID II (1329–71)
ROBERT II (1371–90) Figure The Scottish royal house, ‒ Note: Claimants to the throne throne in the ‘Great Cause’ of ‒ are indicated in bold type
Florence V
count of Holland
Medieval Medieval Scotland
hope of political stability, stability, and after the judgement of the riv r ival al claims to the throne th rone by by a respected monarch mona rch such as Edward I must have seemed infinitely preferable to the prospect of a civil war which would would extend to the whole realm the violence already stirred up by the Bruces in the south-west. south-west. The policy of seeking assistance from the masterful English king king was not not without its r isks, but the alternatives were surely more unpalatable still. This is not to exonerate Edward I from the charge that he took adv advanta antage ge of Scot Scotti tish sh weakn eaknes esss to pres presss far-r far-rea each chin ing g clai claims ms to feud feudal al suzerainty in Scotland. As well as his own claim to the throne through Henry I’s mar r iage to Matilda, daughter of Malcolm Canmore, which was abandoned when the other competitors ackno cknowl wled edg ged his his aut authori hority ty to judg judgee the the case case,, ther here was also also the the pospossibility of arguing that the realm of Scotland had escheated to the overlord in the absence of either a direct heir to Margaret or any othe otherr clos closee relat elatiives. es. Ther Theree is so some me evide videnc ncee that that Edw Edward ard cons consid ider ered ed the latter option. On August six six Scot Scotti tish sh magn magnat ates es,, incl includ ud-ing James Stewart, rt, were off ered lands in England ‘if it happens that the realm of Scotland shall remain in the possession of the king and his heirs’ rs’. This was probably an attempt to see whether the Scottish political establishment would be willing to accept such a plan, but it arou arouse sed d litt little le enth enthus usia iasm sm,, and and the the ‘Gr ‘Great eat Caus Cause’ e’ ther theref efor oree proc procee eede ded. d. Some of the candidates may simply have wished to place their claim on recor record d for possible possible use in any subsequen subsequentt contest, contest, lest failure to articulate a claim in the s be used by future opponents as an argument against its validity validity.. Bids for the throne throne on the basis of illegitimate descent from earlier kings were almost certain to fail, as was was the unusual unusual and belated belated claim claim by King King Eric II of Norway on the grounds that he was the father of the late queen. John Comyn of Badenoch, the most pow powerful lay magnate in Scotland, could claim descent from from Malcolm III’s III’s brother Donald Bán, Bán, who who had had brie briefl y been king of Scots in the s, but was unlikely to prevail and so chose to support his brother-in-law John Balliol. Balliol. In registering a claim, how however ever,, Comyn Comyn ensured ensured that, should should the male line of of the Balliols become become extinct, his own own descendants by John’s John’s sister siste r would inherit inher it a double claim clai m to the Scottish Scott ish throne, and so the link with Donald was well well worth articulating at this stage. But the main contenders were all descendants of David I’s son Henry, Henry, earl of of Northumbria, Northumbria, who had had died died in .
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Three Three claimants, claimants, Jo John hn Balliol, Balliol, Robert Bruce and John John Hastings, Hastings, were descend descendants ants of Earl Earl David David of Huntingd Huntingdon, on, the younge younger r brother brother of Malcolm IV and William the Lion. Earl David’s David’s estates had passed passed to his survivi surviving ng son John, John, but he he had died died in without issue,whereupon issue, whereupon his lands were were divided between between his sisters. sister s. Ballio Balliol, l, who was the the grandson grandson of the eldest, eldest, Margar Margaret, et, based based his claim on the grounds of senior senior ity of line, in other words words on primogenitu geniture re.. Bruce Bruce, who was was descen descended ded from from Earl Earl David’ David’ss second second daught daughter er,, Isabel, Isabel, argued argued that that his claim claim was was superior superior to Ballio Balliol’ l’ss because he was Isabel’s son and so a generation closer to their common ancestor. ancestor. He also said that Alexander II had named him as his heir heir.. Hastin Hastings, gs, the grands grandson on of the the thir third d daught daughter er,, Ada, Ada, had no no viable claim to the kingship but could allege that Scotland should be partitioned like Earl David’ David’ss other lands, an argument which, if accepted, would have have brought about the destruction of Scotland as a political and terr itorial entity. entity. The court eventually eventually decided that a kingdom, kingdom, like like a Scottish Scottish earldom earldom but but unlike unlike an English English one, one, was indivisible. indivisible. Edward Edward I did did not wish to bring about the extinction of the Scottish realm on terms which might set an evil precedent for kingdoms everywhere. Anothe Anotherr claiman claimantt was was Flore Florence nce,, count count of Holl Holland and,, who was was descended descended from from Ada, daughter daughter of Earl Henry Henry.. He alleged that that Earl David had quitclaimed his his and his descendants’ descendants’ entitlement to the throne throne in return return for succession to the lordship lordship of Garioch, and later supplemented this with a statement that David had been forfeited for felony felony against Henry II. It is highly unlikely unlikely that the brother brother of William William the the Lion, Lion, who at that that time time had no no legitimate legitimate son, would have have abandoned his r ights in so cavalier cavalier a manner in favour favour of a sister who had marr married ied a foreign foreign count; count; if he had, then we we might expect expect a claim to hav have been lodged lodged by Humphr Humphrey ey de Bohun, Bohun, earl of Herefor Hereford, d, descendant descendant of another another (and possibly possibly older) older) sister sister..4 Florence’s Florence’s arguments were were,, how however ever,, taken seriously by the court, and a long adjournment was granted to allow a search to be made in Scotland for documentary documentary evidence of David’ David’s quitclaim. This strengthens the hypothesis that he was receiving direct encouragement from from Edward Edward I, whose daughter daughter was was contracted contracted to marry Florence’s Florence’s son, although it has also been suggested that Bruce at 4
Barrow, Robert Bruce , .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
times backed and perhaps partly concocted Florence’s claim in the hope that it might defeat Balliol even if his own arguments could not.5 In Nov N ovember ember the prior pr ior of Pluscarden and the bishop of Moray both issued what what purported pur ported to be certi fied copies copi es of David’s David’s resignation; these were were never never produced produced in court and it is easy to dismiss them as forgeries. But could there be more more to Florence’ Florence’ss claim? In William William the Lion, Lion, who was was suff ering ering from from illness, illness, proproposed that his eldest daughter Margaret should inherit the kingdom along with her prospectiv prospectivee husband Otto, Otto, son of the duke of Saxony, Saxony, thereby thereby passing over over the claim of Earl David. This idea was opposed by a grou g roup p of in fluential Scottish nobles, who argued argued that custom dictated that a daughter should s hould not succeed while the king’s king’s brother and his son were still alive. William’s William’s plan involved involved a treaty with Richard I of England whereby the newly married couple would receiv receive Lothian from the king of Scots, and Northumberland and Cumberland from from the king of England, England, and so should be seen in the context of William’s long struggle to re-establish Scottish control over the northernmost English counties. 6 It does does not, not, of course, prov prove that Earl David had renounced his right r ight to the throne, throne, and indeed the aristocratic reaction on his behalf may suggest that he had not. But William’s William’s proposal for the Scottish throne throne to pass to his daughter and her husband husband is unexpected, unexpected, particularly when he appears to have had generally good relations with his younger brother brother.. It is probably probably more more likely likely that, if Florence’ Florence’ss argument had any factual basis at all, it derived from from a memory of Earl David’s David’s acceptance that his nephew Alexander had a prior claim to his own,7 but there remains a nagging element of doubt that Florence was correct in stating that David had renounced his rights of succession. Florence of Holland w was as the only claimant in the fray able to displace Bruce and Balliol. They had alwa always ys been the principal candidates, which was recognised recognised when each was entitled to provide provide forty 15
J. A. Kossmann-Putto, Kossmann-Putto, ‘Florence V, count of Holland, claimant to the Scottish throne in – : his personal and political political background’, background’,in in G. G. Simpson, Simpson, ed., Scotland and the Low Countries, – (East Linton, ), – ; Barrow, Barrow, Robert Bruce , – . 16 Howden, Chronica, iii, iii, – , . 17 : A Study in Anglo-Scot Anglo-Scottish tish History History K. J. Strin ringer, Earl David of Huntingdon, – : (Edinburgh, ), – , n..
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auditors to hear the case, case, along with twenty-four twenty-four nominated nominated by by Edward Edward I. I. The names names of Balliol’ Balliol’ss auditors auditors indicate indicate that the the geographical basis of his support was more extensive than that of Bruce, as could be expected in view of the the widespread interests interests of his Comyn allies, and he could also boast a higher level level of ecclesiastical represe representati ntation. on. Bruce’s Bruce’s case was, was, moreo moreov ver, er, inheren inherently tly weake weaker r than his riv r ival’ al’s. s. He could produce produce no written proof that Alexander II had nominated him as his heir presumptiv presumptive, e, and failed even to make clear whether the alleged acknowledgement of his right had been in – before the birth of Alexander’ Alexander’ss son, or in around around , before may have have made arrangements for the succes, when the king may sion in the event of the death of both himself and his young heir; although in Bruce was explicit that Alexander had not had a son at the time, he stated elsewhere that the king king was going to war war Now that Dervorguilla Dervorguilla Balliol was dead, dead, Bruce could in the Isles.8 Now no longer allege precedence over over her on the grounds of gender, and his claim therefore depended on the fact that he was of an earlier generation than John John Balliol, a concept that was was unfamiliar in contemporary feudal society in Britain and raised a host of problems. What would would happen when the aged lord lord of Annandale died, as he surely must? mus t? Would his hi s son’ so n’ss claim cl aim take t ake precedence precedenc e over over that tha t of his Balliol cousin in the same generation? Under Roman law he had a case, and could propose propose that the only relevant relevant issue was was who was closest in degree deg ree at the time of the vacancy, vacancy, but in practice the horrendous potential for conflict was a serious flaw in his argument, and Bruce surely surely realised this. In desperation he came to an arrangement with Florence whereby each promised to compensate the other in the event event of victory victor y, and took up Hastings’ Has tings’ss argument that the kingdom kingdom was was divisib divisible le.. It was was all to no ava avail. il. On the grounds grounds of primogeniture, primogeniture, the court decided for Balliol on November , saving the the rights of the English king, and he was was duly inaugurated at Scone on St Andrew’s Andrew’s Day. Day. The homage homag e he swore at Newcastle on December may may have have been a humiliation, humiliation, but it symbolised the fact that he had the favour favour of Edward Edward I, who was was duty bound to protect protect his vassal against his numero numerous us riv r ivals. als. If that was a comfort comfort to King John, then it prov proved to be of short duration. 18
Edward I and the Throne of Scotland, – : An E. L. G. Ston Stones es and and G. G. G. Simp Simpso son, n, eds. eds.,, Edward Edition of the Record Sources for the Great Gre at Cause ( vols., vols., Oxford, Oxford, ), ii, ii, – , .
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It is important to remember that John Balliol received the kingdom of Scotland by by due legal process, and that his his case was was cogent. cogent. Furthermore, Furthermore, Balliol Balliol was was supported by by much of of the politipolitical establishment in Scotland, most notably by the powerful powerful Comyn family. family. The problems problems he experienced at the hands of Edward I have have made King John John seem like like a puppet of the English monarch, monarch, but there is no reason to suppose that the Bruces would have acted appreciably diff erently, erently, or have have been able to resist the inevitable inevita ble retribution of Edward I had they chosen to defy him. Edward made it abundantly clear that his perception of overlordship over John Balliol was diff erent erent from the feudal relationship which had prev prevailed ailed under Alexander III. He expected the king of Scots to serve him him militarily in France, and he heard appeals appeals against the judgement of Scottish Scottish royal royal courts. courts. Resistance to these demands was to be punished by the con fiscation of key castles and, ultimately, ultimately, of the realm realm itself. itself. Such a relatio relationship nship was was unprecede unprecedented, nted, at least since , and Edward Edward I’s I’s interest in Scotland was was more direct, direct, and therefor thereforee much mor moree threatenin threatening, g, than Henry Henry II’s II’s had been. Edward Edward may deliberately have have sought to humiliate King John, even even to make make his rule in Scotland untenable; untenable; by pursuing a policy which which he knew the Scottish king and his magnates would find unbearable, he would hav have the legal r ight to seize Scotland as a fief forfeited to the overlord overlord by by a recalcitrant vassal. He can hardly have have been totally unaware unaware of John Balliol’s Balliol’s sensibilities, for the English English monarch monarch himself was feudally subject to the king of France in respect of his duchy duchy of Aquitaine; Aquitaine; at the very time that he was imposing his overoverlordship lordship on the the hapless Balliol, Balliol, Edward Edward I was was chafing under the similar restrictions placed on him by Philip IV of France, France, and he too faced the confiscation of his fief. But if if he did did realise realise the difficulties under which Balliol was was labouring, he was was unsympathetic to them. Moreo Moreov ver, er, his actions actions undermined the authority authority of King John John within his realm, realm, whereas Philip could threaten threaten Edward Edward only only in respect of a French duchy which was not an integral part of the kingdom kingdom of England, England, merely merely a further territory terr itory held by by its ruler. Pro-Bruce accounts have painted a very gloomy picture of John Balliol’s Balliol’s short reign,and reign, and the image has endured in the popular imagination. Even Even his ultimate resistance resistance to Edward Edward I has been been criticised, its futility futility emphas emphasising ising his his inadequac inadequacies ies as a king. king. Jo John hn has, has, therethere-
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fore, fore, been condemned both for obeying obeying Edward Edward I’s I’s demands and for resisting resisting them. The alliance he made with France, France, which in the later Middle Ages was to be the cornerstone of Scottish foreign policy, policy, was attributed attr ibuted to the counsel of others, it being unthinkable that so miserable a failure could ever have had the spirit to invoke Edward Edward I’s I’s wrath in such a manner. manner. This bias in Scottish sources is matched by a somewhat di ff erent erent bias in contemporary English ones, for to the English English Balliol Balliol was was a traitor, traitor, a man who had defied the legitimate demands of his overlord. overlord. Attempts to rehabilitate him have to penetrate this marked hostility of the sources. In King John created three three new sheri sher iff doms doms on the western seaboard, thereby thereby consolidating the advances in royal royal pow power under Alexan Alexander der II and and Alexan Alexander der III. III. The sheri sheriff dom dom of Skye was entru entrust sted ed to Will Willia iam, m, earl earl of of Ross, Ross, whil whilee the loc local al magn magnate ate Alexander MacDougall was granted that of Lorn Lor n and James Stewart Stewart received received Kintyre. Kintyre.The The new arrangements did not last because of the long crisis which followed followed John’s John’s deposition, but when Robert I subsequently established a sheriff dom dom in Argyll he was merely building on John Balliol’s foundations on a more modest scale. A number of English chroniclers chroniclers note that during dur ing the parliament which met at Stirling in July the government of Scotland was taken out of the king’s hands and entrusted to a council of twelve magnates, magnates, comprising comprising four four bishops, bishops, four earls and four barons, barons, and thus reflecting, ecting, albeit on a larger larger scale, scale, the arrangements arrangements made for the guardianship in . The chr chronicle oniclers rs draw draw paralle parallels ls with with French practice, but the example of the baronial baronial rev revolt against Henry III of England in is perhaps more more pertinent. The prepresumption is that the king was considered unfit to rule by the leading secular and ecclesiastical lords, who therefore therefore took took action to preserve serve the integrity of the realm, although although it is equally equally likely likely that John sought the support of his his principal magnates against the overoverbearing bear ing arrogance arrogance of Edward Edward I. I. The sources sources are contradictory on whether the embassy to France was sent by John or by the aristocratic council, but its purpose was probably probably commercial commercial rather than political, aiming to prev prevent the reimposition of a French trade embargo on the British Isles which threatened Scottish wool exports to Flanders.9 Evidence for John’s diplomacy is found in a 19
A. Stevenson Stevenson,‘The ,‘The Flemish dimension dimension of the Auld Alliance’, Alliance’, in Simpson, Simpson, ed., Scotland and the Low Countries , – .
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tale that th at he sent s ent envoys envoys to Pope Celestine V, requesting that he be absolved absolved from his homage to the English king on the grou g rounds nds that it had been extorted by force.10 Celestine was pope for a few months in the second half of , and so an approach approach to him demonstrates that John was seeking to rid himself of an uncomfortable bind long before the parliament parliament of Stirling. The story may have have no factual basis and merely reflect propaganda against a per fidious Scottish king who had long long plotted against his over overlord, lord, while the fact that Celestine apparently acceded to Balliol’s request could be dismissed on the grounds that the simple-minded hermit, who had unwillingly accepted an o ffice to which he was palpably unsuited, had been misinformed. misinformed. The tale cannot, how however ever,, be arbitrarily arbitrarily dismissed. It is uncorroborated uncorroborated by by record record sources, but may suggest that King John was less subservient to Edward I than his reputation would allow. John Balliol’s Balliol’s recalcitrance came at a difficult time for Edward I, who was at war with the king of France over Aquitaine, Aquitaine, and had had to face a rev revolt in Wales. It is improbable improbable that Edward Edward desired a breach of relations relations at this juncture, juncture, and more likely likely that the Scots took advantage of his discom fiture to express their disapproval of the breaches of the guarantees laid down in the treaty of Birgham, which Edward had annulled in January because the proposed proposed marriage marr iage with with which which it had dealt dealt was was no longer longer possibl possible. e. On March they they attacked attacked Carlisle, Carlisle, where where Robert Bruce, son of the Competitor who had died the previous previous year, year, was in charge of the garrison. garr ison. Edward Edward’’s inv invasion was not not long long in coming. coming. It could could be justified on the grounds of of the Franco-Scottish alliance, alliance, which had been ratified in February, February, or as the culmination of the appeal to the English royal courts by MacDuff of Fife and and others, others, the Scots Scots king having refused to attend court or hand over the three castles and towns towns which which he had been senten sentenced ced to forfeit. forfeit. Berwick Berwick was was stormed and many of its inhabitants inhabitants killed, the Scottish force was crushed at Dunbar Dunbar,, and Edw Edward pro proceede ceeded d through through Scotlan Scotland d without without encountering encountering serious oppositio opposition. n. King Jo John hn had had little little choice but but to submit. submit. Edward Edward apparently apparently considered considered granting him an English earldom in in return for his quitclaim of Scotland, but this 10
The Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough , ed. H. Rothw Rothwell ell (Cam (Camden den Soci Society ety,, ), ; The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft , ed. ed. T. Wright Wright ( vols., Rolls Series, Series, – ), ii, ii, – .
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off er, er, if it was was ever ever formally made made,, was withdra withdrawn. wn. Balliol Balliol was was ceremonially emoniall y divested divested of his royal royal garments gar ments and led le d away away to an English prison, a pathetic pathetic figure. gure. Edward Edward also removed removed to England the Stone of Destiny, Destiny, upon which Scottish kings kings were were traditionally inaugurated, the royal royal archiv archives, es, and Scotland’s Scotland’s holiest relic, relic, the Black Rood of St Margaret. Margaret. More More than than , people are recorded to have swor sworn n fealty fealty to him. him. Whate Whatev ver his original intent intention ions, s, the realm realm of Scotland had fallen into Edward’s hands. The English administration set up in the wake of King John’s surrender was was soon regarded as oppressive, oppressive, partly because Scottish procedures were were deliberately replaced by English ones. The Scots were were not used to paying taxes, taxes, and were were therefore therefore all the more angered by the very successful collection of revenue by Hugh Cressingham, Edward Edward I’s I’s treasurer treasurer in Scotland. Scotland. This success was, how however ever,, shortterm. Opposition Opposition to to the occup occupying ying regime regime was was encounter encountered ed in several several parts of Scotland, with leaders who included William Wallace and Andrew Andrew Murray Mur ray,, the latter having escaped from Chester, where he had been placed in custody the previous year. year. Their early activities are difficult to trace in detail, detail, but their their combined combined force force succeeded in defeating a major English army at Stirling Bridge in September . Cressingh Cressingham am was was slain,and slain, and his skin skin cut up to make make souvenirs souvenirs for the victorious victor ious Scots. Murray and Wallace wrote on October to merchants of Lübeck and Hamburg announcing that it was once once again safe to trade with Scotland, the realm having having been ‘recov ‘recovered by war from from the power power of the English’. Murray died soon afterwards afterwards of the wounds he had received received at Stirling Bridge, leaving the younger son of an insignificant knight as the unlikely Guardian of the kingdom and commander of the army. Willi illiam amW Walla allace ce ha hass rightl rightly y beco become me a folk folk-h -her ero o. Unli Unlik ke Robe Robert rt Bru rucce, the future king, whose activities were influenced by the need to defend his broad terr rriitoria rial interests and to preserve his chance of receiving the Scottish crown with Edward I’s blessing, Wallace could concentrate on the task of freeing Scotland from Engli nglish sh con control trol,, wh whet ethe herr in batt battle le or th thrrou ough gh dipl diplom omac acy y. He came came to prominence through his successful involvement at Stirling Bridg ridge, alth lthough he had clea learly proved himself as a milit litary lea leader before this. His political power stemmed from this success on the rship of the savage raids into north rthern field of battle and his leadersh
Medieval Medieval Scotland
England which followed his victory at Stirling, but was likely to continue only for as long as he retained that aura of invincibility, since he was not the natural leader of the Scottish ar istocratic community. Even after his defeat, however, he was not an insignificant figur gure, as Edw Edward ard I’s I’s obses bsessi sio on wi with th hi hiss capt captur uree ampl amply y testifies. News of the disaster at Stirling Bridge reached England at a period of political crisis caused by the incessant demands of Edward I for money to finance his wars and his disregard of traditional conventions. The realisation that the settlement of Scotland had been put in such serious jeopardy concentrated minds wonderfully wonderfully,, and the army ar my which Edward Edward led to Scotland in was probably one of the largest ever mustered mustered by a medieval medieval English king. Wallace used the tactics which Robert I was to employ in , name namely ly of adopting a scorched-earth policy and withdrawing northwards, hoping to draw the English force beyond beyond the limits of its logistical support. support. English English armies advancin advancing g along the the east coast coast could could be supplied supplied from from the sea, sea, but in in provisions were in short supply and Edward Edward was contemplating retreat retreat when he learnt lear nt that the Scots were at nearby Falkirk. It remains unclear why why Wallace chose to stand and fight so large an English force force.. Presumab Presumably ly he believed believed that he could could defeat it, especially when it was was rumoured that the large Welsh contingent might desert; perhaps the fundamentally fundamentally conservative attitude of the age persuaded him to seek glory in a pitched battle. The battle of Falkirk on July prov proved, how however ever,, to be a shattering defeat for William Wallace. He had drawn up his aarmy rmy in a series ser ies of schiltrons, circular formations which presented presented a hedgehog-like hedgehog-like wall of spears from from all directio directions. ns. Such units units were were impreg impregnabl nablee against against charges by mounted mounted men-at-arms, men-at-arms, but very very vulnerable vulnerable to attack from from archers, especially when the Scottish cavalry cavalry had left the field and was no longer in a position to harass the English bowmen. bowmen. The departure of the Scottish mounted knights has often been seen as treachery on the part of nobles who resented Wallace’s preeminence and so were prepared to abandon him and his army to Edward I’s I’s super sup erior ior firepower repower.. This explanation is unsatisfactory unsatisfactor y, for many leading Scots had in fact shown themselves willing to join Wallace. It is much much more more likely likely that the Scottish Scottish cavalry cavalry fled in terror in the face of the more numerous men-at-arms on the
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English side.11 Whatev Whatever the reason, reason, the victory victory belonged to the English. Shortly afterwards Wallace resigned as Guardian, apparently voluntarily, oluntarily, although it would would hav have been virtually impossible for him to maintain his political leadership now that Edward I had destroyed destroyed the highly trained infantry infantr y army ar my on which he had relied. The victory at Falkirk did not restore the English position in Scotland to the state in which Edward Edward I had left it in . The next next few years saw a series of inconclusive campaigns and a continuous struggle on the part par t of English administrators to maintain more than a vestige vestige of authority authority north north of the bord border er.. Money Money was was short; short; the supply of pro provisions visions was was irregular; it was was difficult to recruit troops for campaigns or garr ison duty, duty, and even even more so to retain them in the king’s service when there was often no pay to prevent them deserting; potential royal royal officials were frequently reluctant to serve in Scotland. Scotland. Any extension extension of English English control control exacerbated exacerbated these problems because it was not matched by a corresponding increase in the number of troops or the availability of money or supplies. The Scottish government government in the north nor th was probably probably more successful, and the the fact that it it could could hold a parliament parliament as as far south as Rutherglen in May shows that it could operate across a broader swathe of the kingdom than the English occupying forces were ere able able,, even nom nomin inall ally y, to cont contrrol. ol. Scot Scotla land nd had had beco become me a running sore for Edward I. 12 Those who governed the parts of Scotland outside English contro controll did so on behalf behalf of the deposed deposed King John. John. They They also actively actively sought international support, especially in France and at the papal curia. The French French king, king, Philip IV, was favourably favourably disposed to the Scots in view of his own difficulties with Edward Edward I, but the attitude of Pope Boniface VIII was less predictable. predictable. Boniface was a badtempered and aggressive aggressive man who during dur ing his ponti ficate managed to antagonise most most secular rulers, and the support support which he off ered ered to the Scots was partly par tly a mark of his bitter b itter opposition oppos ition to Edward I’s I’s taxation of the English clergy, clergy, although he may have have been genuinely convinced by the learned pleading of Master Baldred Bisset and other Scottish Scottish advocate advocates. s. In June June he composed a bull, Scimus Edward, ard, su supp pport ortin ing g the the Sco Scott ttis ish h pos posit itio ion, n, decl declarin aring g tha thatt fili , to Edw 11 12
Barrow, Robert Bruce , . The issues discussed in this paragraph parag raph are treated in detail in F. F. Watson, Under the Hammer: Edward I and Scotland, – (East Linton, ).
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Scotland was a possession of the Roman church and not feudally subject subject to the king king of England, England, and pointing pointing out out that during the negotiatio negotiations ns for Queen Queen Margaret Margaret to marry his son, Edward Edward had had promised promised that Scotland would would be free. free. Boniface ordered the release release of imprisoned Scottish clerks, and told Edward Edward to make make the case for his right in Scotland within six months. 13 Some of these arguments could could easily easily be dispr dispro oved, especially especially the the claim claim that Scotlan Scotland d belonged to the Apostolic See, although in the Scots Scot s may have have sought papal protection or at least confir mation of Edward I’s I’s concessions.14 The bull bull was, was, noneth nonethele eless, ss, a clear clear indic indicati ation on of papal papal support support for the Scottish Scottish cause, cause, if not speci specifically for John Balliol, who was referred to merely as the man to whom Edward was said to have have committed the kingdom. This suggests that the envo envoys to the curia had diff erent erent priorities prior ities from those who were were influential at the French French ro royal court, court, where there was was support for Balliol in person. Scimus fili was probably not delivered until spring , but it placed Edward Edward in a dilemma. He receiv received advice that to respond to the bull might be portrayed as a recognition of the papal claim to judge temporal matters. On the other hand, failure to answer answer the points raised by Boniface might serve indirectly to con firm the pope’s pope’s belief in the veracity veracity of the Scottish case. So in May he replied, arguing that the English kings had enjoyed enjoyed suzerainty over over Scotland since ancient times, and that more more recently recently also Scottish Scottish leaders leaders had sw sworn fealty to to him; him; furthermore, furthermore, the competi competitors tors for the throne throne had asked asked him to intervene, intervene, and Balliol had specifically surrendered Scotland into Edward’s hands. 15 Like the Scottish claims which this statement sought to refute, refute, Edward Edward based his arguments on a combination of legendary history and more recent events. By there seemed a realistic chance that John Balliol would return return to his kingdom and resume resume the mantle mantle of gov government. He had been released from the papal custody into which Edward Edward I had handed him in , and could could count count on Fren French ch suppo support, rt, perhaps perhaps even even on a French French military military expedition expedition in his favour favour.. In the official acts of the Scottish government government began to be issued directly in the name of King John and be dated by by his regnal year, year, with the 13
ASR , no. no. .
14
Duncan,‘Process of Norham’, – .
15
ASR , nos. nos. , .
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Guardian, Guardian, Jo John hn de Soules, Soules, attesting attesting merely merely as a witness. witness. This was was a more modest position than that of earlier Guardians or army ar my commanders, manders, who since since had issued documents under their own names,albei names, albeitt on behalf of the absent absent monarch. monarch. It is unlikely unlikely that the change of style was was merely cosmetic, cosmetic, and it probably probably demonstrates that the government expected the king to return to Scotland. Moreover, Moreover, this expectation expec tation seems see ms to have have been shared by Edward Edward I and by by the Bruces. Probab Probably ly early early in Robert Robert Bruce Bruce,, earl earl of Carrick Carr ick and grandson of the Competit Competitor or,, returned returned to Edward Edward’’s peace and received from the English king a vague and coded promise promise to uphol uphold d the right that Bruce claimed claimed.. The exact exact significance of the terms ter ms agreed ag reed between between the two men is much disputed, but it is possible possible that Edward Edward was considering considering the option of pressing the Bruce claim in the event event of John Balliol’s Balliol’s return, which at the very least would have stirred up hostilities in south-western Scotland and given Edward the opportunity to fish in troubled waters. He had already already entered entered into a disadvantageo disadvantageous us truce with the French,which French, which is best explained on the grounds that he was was seriser iously concerned by the prospect prospect of Balliol’s Balliol’s restoration. He feared the further erosion erosion of his author author ity in Scotland, while Bruce feared the loss of his Scottish lands. lands. Robert may hav havee committed himself to the English cause out of dislike dislike of the Comyns, Comyns, who were were still dominant in the Scottish gov government, but this does not fully explain the timing of his submission, submission, since John John de Soules had been sole or or at least principal Guardian for nearly a year. year. It is much more likely likely that he felt that such a course of action would be the only guarantee of his continued possession of the earldom of Carrick and his succession to the lordship of Annandale Annandale after his father’ f ather’ss death. 16 Balliol’s hopes were dashed by the crushing defeat of the French forces at the battle of Courtrai Cour trai in July , which which impelled impelled Philip Philip IV to to seek a settlement settlement with Edward Edward I. Furthermore, Furthermore, a deterioradeterioration in Franco-papal relations relations hindered the Scots’ diplomatic eff orts orts on John’s behalf and caused the mercurial Boniface VIII to take a pro-English pro-English line. He withdrew withdrew from from the position he had articulated in Scimus fili and now accused the Scottish prelates of causing the war, ar, naming naming Bishop Wishart Wishart as the principal culprit. culprit.17 By the 16 17
Barrow, Robert Bruce , – ;Watson, Under the Hammer , – . Les registres de Boniface VIII , ed. ed. G. Di Diga gard rd,A. ,A. Thom Thomas as,, M. Fauc Faucon on and and R. Fawt Fawtie ierr ( vols., ), nos. Paris, – nos. – .
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summer of the grip of the English administration in southern Scotland was was clearly being tightened, and early the following following year, year, after Edward Edward I had overwintered overwintered in Scotland, it became evident to his opponents that further resistance resistance was, for the time being at least, pointless. The general submission submission negotiated by the Guardian, Guardian, John Comyn, Comyn, was made on terms which were were not vindictive vindictive or ungenerous, erous, partly because Edward Edward could could not aff ord ord to keep his army in the field for much much longer. longer. With a very very few exceptions, the Scottish lords were allowed to retain their lands and thereby much of their local political influence, uence, and although their capacity to make make decisions at the centre of gov government was inevitably reduced, reduced, Edward Edward was clearly prepared to work with the natural leaders of Scottish society in making new constitutional arrangements for Scotland. He did not repeat the mistakes mistakes he had made in the aftermath after math of his triumph in . The arr rraangements made by Edward I after the Scots’ submission in were, however, likely to arouse hostility among some of his supporte rters. rs. In the past, he had gra granted Scottish lands to a number of magnates as an incentive to fight in what had beco ecome an unpop npopu ular lar an and d un unpr prod oduc ucti tiv ve war. ar. Few of th thee in inte ten nded ded beneficiarie ries had been able to conquer their new terr rriitorie ries, let alone make a profit from them, but the eff ecti ctive revocation of these gra grants may still have caused some resentment. The The change of policy was nonetheless wise. If Scots had been dispossessed, they would have been less inclined to accede to English r ule and the task of establishing widespread English control would have been rendered much more difficult. Edward had realised that he could not hope to conquer Scotland as he had Wales, nor could he convert Scot cotlan and d into an Englis lish colony. Only at Berw rwiick, ck, where the inhabitants had been massacred durin ring the invasion of , was an Engli nglish sh comm commu uni nity ty esta estab blish lished ed,, an and d even the hen n Edwar dward d was slow to gra grant it priv rivileges; elsewhere, for example at Roxburgh, English burgesses had to live alongside Scots. Edward I’s best chance of maintaining a vested interest in Scotland was to work with the political community which had resisted him so stubbor nly and so eff ectively. ectively.18 18
M. Prest Prestwic wich, h, ‘Colon ‘Colonial ial Scotla Scotland: nd: the Englis English h in Scotla Scotland nd unde underr Edwa Edward rd I’, in R. R. A. (Edinburgh, ), – . Mason, Mason, ed., ed., Scotland and England, –
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There There is little doubt, doubt, how however ever,, that the realm realm of Scotland Scotland had had ceased to exist in English eyes. eyes. During Dur ing the Great Cause it had been determined that Scotland was a kingdom and could not be divided, and even after Balliol’s forced abdication and the removal of the Stone of Destiny and the royal royal archiv archives, es, English documents still describe Scotland as a realm. The same designation was was used when the English tried to justify Edward Edward I’s I’s position to Boniface Bonif ace VIII in . Yet by , when an ordinance was drawn drawn up for the gov government ment of Scotla Scotland, nd, it is refe referred rred to mer merely ely as a ‘land’ ‘land’.. Altho Although ugh Edward did not add the lordship of Scotland to his lengthy list of titles, it appears that the for for mer kingdom was being relegated relegated to a status similar to that of Ireland. Ireland. English control control over over the British Isles seemed assured. Edward I’s plans for the future government of Scotland must have disappoin disappointed ted the earl of Carrick, Carr ick, in whom the Bruce claim claim to the throne throne was now vested vested after the death of his less ambitious father f ather in Whatever may hav havee been promised promised when he submitted submitted to . Whatever Edward in , it was now now clear that the English king had no intention of installin installing g him on the Scottish Scottish throne throne.. Even Even so, so, his decision decision to seize the crown in the early part of appears a desperate gamble, gamble, especially when the Bruces had never never enjoyed enjoyed widespread support in those parts of Scotland which had successfully resisted English aggression. Robert Bruce’s Bruce’s intentions in the years before are difficult to determine. determine. Periods of loyal loyalty ty to Edwa Edward rd I had alternated alternated with with periods of resistance, resistance, and the reconciliation reconciliation of probably came about because both Bruce and Edward feared the restoration of their their commo common n foe, foe, Jo John hn Ballio Balliol. l. Balliol Balliol liv lived ed until until , and his claim was was passed on to his his son, but after after the submission submission of of the Comyns and his other allies in there was little prospect that he would return return to Scotland. Scotland. Bruce’s Bruce’s continue continued d attachment attachment to the the Engl Englis ish h caus causee coul could d not, not, ther theref efor oree, be tak taken en for for gran grante ted, d, for for the youngest youngest Robert had inherited his grandfather’s grandfather’s burning determination to be king of Scots. At Cambuskenneth Cambuskenneth on June , at the very time when he was with the English army at the siege of Stirling and was performing homage to Edward I as the heir of his late father, Bruce entered into a bond of mutual mutual friendship and alliance with Bishop Lamberton of St Andrews. Andrews. The terms ter ms were were very very
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vague, ague, but no no mention mention was was made of allegiance allegiance to the the king, and it may be that Bruce was already planning to seize the throne and was seeking support from the bishop who had receiv received his see under the auspices of William Wallace. Certainly Lamberton was a supporter of Bruce from the time of of his inauguration, but we we must be wary wary of reading reading too much much into this earlier bond bond of friendship. friendship. Like the Turnberry Band of , later events events may cause it to appear more more significant than it really was. Opinions diff er er as to whether Bruce’s coup was planned in advance. On February he met John Comyn in the Franciscan friary in Dumfries, and after an argument argument Comyn Comyn was was murdered.The murdered.The purpose pur pose of this meeting meeting is obscure obscure.. Later writers tell a much embellished romantic story that Bruce and Comyn had entered into a pact that Bruce should take the cro c rown wn with Comyn’s Comyn’s suppo support, rt, Com Comyn recei receivin ving g Bruce’ Bruce’s lands lands in return; return; Com Comyn, who was later invariably invariably regarded regarded as a traitor, then rev revealed the plot to Edward Edward I.There I. There is no contempo contemporary rary evidence evidence for such an arrangear rangement, and in its full for for m the story story is clearly fictional, ctional, but but such tales usually usually contain contain a basis of fact. fact. Some English English chro chroniclers niclers suggest suggest that Comyn was murdered because he would not join Bruce’s treason, treason, Edward Edward I made made similar allegations in a letter to the pope pope denounci denouncing ng Bishop Bishop Lamberton, Lamberton, and there there are suggestion suggestionss that Bruce may m ay indeed have have accused Comyn of reporting repor ting his treason to Edward.19 If Bruce did intend to usurp the throne, throne, then the support support of the Comyns and their numerous connections would have been invaluable, inv aluable, and so he may may have have been prepared to take take the considerable risk of revealing his plans to John Comyn even though the latter latter had been been a strong strong suppo supporter rter of Balliol. Balliol. It is not, not, ho how wev ever er,, apparent apparent why why Bruce, who potentially potentially had never never been r icher or more highly favoured favoured by by the English king, was prepared prepared to gamble on seizing the Scottish throne while the formidable Edward I was still alive, alive, nor is it known whether whether he had discussed the matter with Comyn before February . There must hav have been some reason for the meeting in Dumfr Dumfries, ies, but it is inconceiv inconceivable able that Bruce set out with the speci fic intention of murdering a rival within the confines of a consecrated church. church. There is good evidence that Comyn Comyn was killed in two two stages, doubtless because because Bruce realised 19
. Barrow, Robert Bruce , –
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that he had now compromised himself so hopelessly that he had nothing further to lose from despatching Comyn and thereby silencing him. Bruce’s inauguration at Scone on March has all the hallmarks of being a hastily arranged ar ranged ceremony ceremony. The Stone of Destiny was, of cours coursee, in Engl England and,, but but the lev level of of impr improvisati visation on went went beyond beyond the need to supply a substitute. substitute. In the absence of the earl of Fife, to whom fell the traditional right of placing the new king on the stone, this crucial task was performed by the late earl’s earl’s sister, Isabel counte countess ss of Buchan, Buchan, who there thereby by commi committed tted herself herself to Bruce’ Bruc e’ss cause even though her husband hus band was a Comyn. Two days later Bishop Lamberton celebrated a solemn mass.20 He must have known about the impending inauguration because he had left the English king’s king’s council ‘secretly and by night’, and Bishop Wishart of Glasgow Glasgow was ev even more enthusiastic enthusiastic for Bruce. He and the bishop of Moray were to liken fighting for Robert’ Rober t’ss cause to participation part icipation in a crusade, and other clerics may hav have supported him because of Edward I’s policy of promoting Englishmen to Scottish bene fices. It has been argued that the inauguration was not only ‘the private rev revolution olution of an ambitious ambitious man’, but ‘much ‘much more more momentously momentously . . . the political rev revolution of the community community of the realm’, and that it was in eff ect ect a sort sor t of election marking the revival revival of Scottish kingship,21 but the level of support for Robert in should not be overestimated.The erestimated. The impression is that t hat the ceremony ceremony was attended by a number of Bruce partisans and inveterate opponents of English rule, but did not not mark a reviv revival al of Scottish kingship upon upon which even even a majority of Scots were were willing willing to pin their hopes; after all, the violent death of John Comyn had destroyed any chance of Bruce gaining the supp support ort of his kinsfolk and connections. connections. It is hard hard to escape the conclusion that the murder of Comyn precipitated Bruce’s Bruce’s seizure of the throne, throne, as he realised that his best chance of salvation lay lay in his becoming king, thereby thereby drawing on the natural loyalty loyalty which was was attached to the cause of a legitimate monarch and tapping into the considerable antipathy towards towards the English which undoubtedly existed in Scotland. Whatever Whatever interpretation we place on the events of early , Bruce was now now irrevocably irrevocably committed to the cause of Scottish independence. independence. 20
On these events see RRS , v, – .
21
Barrow, Robert Bruce , ; cf. p. xii.
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The first few months of Robert I’s reign were unhappy ones for the new king. After defeats at Methven Methven and Dalry, Dalry, he was was forced to Scotland, and his movem movements ents during the winter of – flee from Scotland, remain the the subject of speculation. In the meantime sever several al members of his family and close supporters had been delivered to Edward I’s implacab implacable le wrath. His captured captured brothers brothers were were execute executed, d, includin including g Alexander Alexander Bruce Bruce,, dean of Glasgo Glasgow w, whose clerical orde orders rs might might have have been expected to save save him from the death penalty. penalty. Bruce’s Bruce’s sister Mary was placed in a specially constructed constr ucted cage in Roxburgh Roxburgh castle, castle, while while the countess countess of of Buchan Buchan was was similarly similarly con confined at Berwick for her e ff rontery rontery in participating at his inauguration. Edward Edward I has rightly r ightly been criticised cr iticised for his brutality against Bruce’s Bruce’s family and connections, connections, particularly particularly the women, women, but the usurpation of the throne had again put in jeopardy all he believed he had achieved achieved in Scotland, Scotland, and his angry reaction to the treachery treachery of a man towards towards whom he had ha d shown favour was was only to be expected. exp ected. On July Edward, Edward, determined deter mined on yet another expedition to Scotland, Scotland, died at Burgh-by Burgh-by-Sands -Sands on on the southern southern side of of the Solw Solway. His son son,, Edwar Edward d II, was to pr prove a much much less less vigor vigorous ous adversary. Edward Edward I had accomplished accomplished much much in Scotland, but had had been unable to give his administration sufficiently firm foundations to achiev achieve lasting English English rule north of the borde borderr. Despite Despite the fact that for most of his reign he enjoyed enjoyed widespread support among his magnates magnat es and presided over over a highly eff ective ective bureaucratic bureaucratic and an d military machine, he was was unable to give his his adherents a large enough economic economic or terr territorial itorial stake stake in Scotland, Scotland, and found found it di fficult to provide sufficiently large numbers of men or regular enough supplies finally to over overcome come Scottish resistance. resistance. The moderate settlement which followed John Comyn’s surrender in off ered ered the best opportunity to bring the political community of Scotland to an acceptance of English rule, but Bruce’s Bruce’s usurpation of the throne once again plunged the country countr y into war before the new constitutional arrangements had had chance to work. work. The level level of continuing resistance to the English became apparent during Robert I’s reign,but reign, but it drew strength from from the Scottish king’s king’s striking str iking successes and cannot be measured quantitatively quantitatively or qualitatively at the end of Edward Edward I’s I’s reign. Many Scots must have have felt excluded from central government after , and the the choice choice in autumn autumn of John of
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Brittany Br ittany as Edward’ Edward’ss lieutenant was poor, poor, because John was was in no hurry hurr y to take take up his appointment, appointment, leaving the English administration somewh somewhat at rudderless. rudderless. But it was was Bruce’s Bruce’s rebellion rebellion,, apparently apparently not expected by Edward Edward I, which darkened darkened the final days of the formidable old old king. Edward Edward had clearly misjudged misjudged Bruce,but Bruce, but it would have been hard for him to have accommodated the ambitions of a man who felt that he had an hereditary right to a throne which in Edward’s eyes was no more. The ineptitude of Edwar Edward d II, and the serious political problems problems he faced at home, allowed allowed Robert I to consolidate his position position in Scotland, especially after his decisiv decisive victory ov over the Comyns Comyns at Inv Inverurie erur ie in , after which he devastated devastated the earldom of Buchan. This savage savage harrying harr ying or ‘herschip’ shows shows that Bruce was fighting a civil war against his internal enemies at least as much as a patriotic one against the English, and indeed the defeat of his Scottish foes was an essential prerequisite for any campaign against the English occup occupying force forces. s. In alliance alliance with with the MacDougalls MacDougalls of Argyll, Argyll, the Comyns could use their possession of key castles to control the main Highland passes and thereby thereby render Scotland e ff ectively ectively ungover ungovernnable by the new new king. The Comyns had been strengthened strengthened in their allegiance to the English by the violent events in the Greyfriars at Dumfries, but this this was was less an act of treachery treachery than a reflection of common hostility hostility to the Bruces. It was was far from clear in in the immediate aftermath of Robert’s inauguration that he would ultimately enjoy enjoy the military triumphs which which cemented cemented his reputation reputation,, and there was was no reason for the Comyns and their allies to support him. The ‘herschip’ of Buchan was was the price pr ice they had to pay pay when the Bruce cause so spectacularly reviv revived. This is not the place for a detailed narrative of the war. war. It is a tale of daring deeds, such as the night night assault on Perth Perth in January January , when the king himself took the lead in wading through the icy moat and and storming the ramparts. ramparts. It is also a tale tale of the steady steady consolidation of royal royal authority, authority, including the holding of a parliament at St Andrews Andrews in March M arch , when the the clergy and nobl nobles es formally accepted the rectitude rectitude of the Bruce claim to the throne. throne. The war war was taken taken on to English soil, with two two major raids in setting the scene for later, later, even even more more destructive destructive plundering campaigns. Robert I’s I’s success during these years was striking, and ow owes much to his use of the resources of manpower manpower from northern norther n and western
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Scotland on which he could draw draw. That was the area in which he had sheltered after the disasters of , and of all the Scottish medimedieval eval kings he had the closest relationship with the chiefs of the area and their follow followers. The men he recruited were were instrumental in the successes of the years up to , and probab probably ly also in in the subsesubsequent quent inv invasion of Ireland; Ireland; it was was only after the great victory victory at Bannockburn that Robert was able to draw his armies principally from the more more populous areas in the south and east.22 Bannockb Bannockburn urn is a very famous battle battle,, inevitab inevitably ly and rightly so. so. It was rare indeed for a full-scale English army to be defeated by the Scots, especially when that army was was led by the king king of England in person. Edward Edward II’s II’s disastrous expedition is usually explained by by the need to relie reliev ve Stirling Stirling castle, castle, the key key to Scotland Scotland,, after its comcommander, mander, Sir Philip Mowbray Mowbray,, had agreed with Edward Edward Bruce that it would surrender if it i t had not been relieved by June . Edw Edward ard Bruce, the king’s king’s warlike warlike brother, brother, has been blamed for issuing a rash challenge challenge to which which even even Edward Edward II would would hav have to rise r ise.. It has, how however ever,, now now been argued that that the English campaign was not planned planned because because of the threat threat to Stirling, Stirling, but rather rather because because in October Robert I proclaimed that his enemies had a year in which to come to his peace or su ff er er perpetual perpetual disin disinherit heritanc ancee, a move move which would lead to t o widespread desertion deser tion among Edward II’s II’s supporters in Scotland unless he showed that he was prepared to uphold their interests. Three independent English sources sources place the start of the siege of Stirling in Lent , and the the agreement agreement about about the relief of the castle was made in the knowledge that Edward II was planning a campaign in the summer.23 To oppose the English army directly directly was a risky strategy, strategy, for defeat would have have jeopardised the considerable cons iderable achievements of the precedi preceding ng years. years. Serious thought thought was was given given to making making a strategic withdrawal withdrawal into Lennox, Lennox, the upland district west of Stirling, in the knowledge that Edward II would be unable to keep his force in the field for any any length of time. time. The battle battle of Bannockbu Bannockburn rn might, therefor therefore, e, nev never hav have taken taken place. place. But it did, did, and the victory victory sealed Robert I’s I’s reputation as both a military leader lea der and a Scottish patriot. patr iot. The success also allowed the Scots to embark on a new strategy, 22
23
(East Linton, C. McNam McNamee ee,, The Wars of the Bruces: Scotland, England and Ireland, – ), . ’, TRHS , th ser. (), – . A. A. M. Du Dunc ncan an,‘The ,‘The war war of the the Sco Scots ts,, –
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characterised by increasingly lengthy raids into northern England, concentrated military military pressure on Berwick and Carlisle, and intervention in Ireland. The expeditions into England were were led mainly by two two of Robert’s Robert’s most trusted supporters: James James Douglas, ancestor of a family which was to play a crucial role in late medieval Scot Scotla land nd;; and and Thom Thomas as Rand Randol olph ph,, upon upon who whom m the the king king had had bestowed the long-dormant earldom of Moray in . The in invasion of Ireland was under the command of Edward Bruce. Scottish Scottis h involvement involvement in the troubled a ff airs airs of Ireland was was no new phenom phenomeno enon. n. Mercen Mercenaries aries from from weste western rn Scotland Scotland,, the so-ca so-calle lled d ‘gallo ‘gallogla glasses sses’, ’, were ere a famili familiar ar featu feature re of Irish Irish warfar warfaree, and the Turnberry urnber ry Band of had shown that the Bruces were prepared to dabble in Irish politics in return for unspeci fied support support.. Englis English h rule in Ireland was largely restr restricted icted to the south-east, and the invainvasion by Edward Bruce in increased the already considerable pressure pressure on it. It is very very unlikely, unlikely, howe howev ver, er, that Edward’ Edward’ss ambition extended no further than the opening of another front against the English, for on a hill outside Dundalk Dundalk in May May he had himself proclaimed proclaimed king of Ireland, and there is some evidence evidence that he also sought to raise the Welsh in a pan-Celtic alliance. The notion of such an alliance may may seem fanciful and romantic, romantic, but the rebellion rebellion of Llywelyn Llywelyn Bren in Glamorgan, which erupted in February , coincided with a winter campaign in Ireland by Edward Bruce which seems incomprehensible unless it was intended to be an element in a broader broader plan.24 Certainly Edward Bruce attempted the conquest of Ireland Ireland with almost indecent haste, haste, and we we should be in little doubt that conquest was was his aim, for the pursuit of more more limited strategic strateg ic objectives objectives would not have have necessitated such extensive sive military expedition expeditions. s. It is true that Ireland Ireland was was an important source of supplies and troops for the English invasions of Scotland and the defence of north-west north-west England, and the need to cut these lines of communication would would explain the occupation of Ulster and perhaps the attempt to reduce reduce English authority in Leinster, but not the campaigning further west.There west. There is also little doubt that Edward Edward Bruce was was personally personally ambitious. ambitious. Relations Relations between between him and and his elder brother brother appear sometimes to hav have been strained, and Robert was doubtless glad to give him the opportunity to expend his 24
McNamee, Wars of the Bruces , – .
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energies outside Scotland. While Robert supported the invasion invasion of Ireland Ireland and and personally personally participated participated in it, he could could readily readily spare spare troops only in the winter months and Edward could achieve little outside Ulster without such reinforcements.25 This is not to say that the invasion of Ireland was merely a sideshow show, still less a luxury which the victorious victor ious Scots could now aff ord, ord, for the opening of a new front was was risky r isky in view of the much greater resources resources of the English state. Although the relev relevant ant records records are incomplete, incomplete, there is clear evidence evidence that the import import of food from from Ireland to Carlisle’s Carlisle’s port at Skinburness had been on a considerable scale in Edward Edward I’s I’s reign, and continued to be a vital element of the English war eff ort ort until after Bannockbu Bannockburn. rn. Pro Provisions visions were were again arrivi arr iving ng at a significant rate by the early s.26 The Irish expedition, tion, therefor therefore, e, helped helped build build up pressur pressuree on Carlisle Carlisle,, the captur capturee of which may have have been one of Robert Rober t I’s I’s objectives in the years after ultimately tely the interv interventio ention n in Ireland Ireland was was a failure. failure. , but ultima Edward Bruce was defeated and killed at the battle of Faughart in , and is remembered remembered not as the agent of a grand Celtic alliance against the English, but as the source source of great destruction in Ireland in a time of famine. The famine which began in was widespread throughout Europe Europe.. A series of disastr disastrous ous harve harvests, sts, follow followed by by an epidemic epidemic among cattle, cattle, may hav have marked the end of a long period of rising populatio population. n. Its impact impact on Scotland Scotland is hard hard to gauge, gauge, and its its eff ects ects may have have been mitigated by successful plundering plunder ing and extortion extor tion by Scottish armies ar mies in northern norther n England. England. Communities were were prepared prepared to pay pay large sums for immunity immunity from from attack, and this must must have have lubricate lubricated d the the Scotti Scottish sh econo econom my. Certainl Certainly y, the high high prices prices of of Scottish commodities suggest that a good deal of bullion was was in circulation, culation, doubtless doubtless as a result result of of the successful successful war war as well well as booming booming wool wool exports. exports. How However ever,, Robert I clearly clearly did not regar regard d the attacks on northern norther n England as an end in themselves, themselves, nor as a strategy which could continue inde finitely. nitely. While he rejecte rejected d a truce proposed by the pope in , not not permit permitti ting ng the the pap papal al nuncios nuncios to enter Scotland S cotland because their bulls did not address him as king, an action for which which he was was excommunicated excommunicated the following following 25
’, Irish Historical Studies, (), . Frame R. Frame, Frame, ‘The Bruces Bruces in Ireland, Ireland, – Frame’’s assessment of the relationship between the two brothers is more positive than that offered 26 . here. McNamee, Wars of the Bruces , , –
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year, year, Robert made several several overtur overtures es for peace.This peace. This was was sensible, sensible, for the fortunes of war war are unpredictable unpredictable,, and there was alwa always ys the danger of an English counter-attack, counter-attack, such as the major campaign of which was met by a withdrawal north of the Forth and a scorched-earth policy in Lothian, mov moves which were were hardly likely to improve the economic prospects of the south-eastern corner of the real realm. m. In Janu January ary Robert concluded a treaty with Andre Andrew w Harcla, Harcla, earl of Carlisle Carlisle,, by which which the Scottish Scottish king king off ered ered security for northern England and the payment of , merks over ten years in return for a simple recognition of Scottish independence. independence. These very very generous terms ter ms were were angrily angr ily rejected by by Edward Edward II, and Harcla was was executed for his presumption in agreeing terms ter ms with the king’s king’s mortal enemy. enemy. Edward Edward was not prepared prepared to admit defeat by recognising recognising Robert I as king of Scots. The fact that Robert was prepared to pay so handsomely for recognition recognition of his title title indicates indicates his vulnerabil vulnerability ity.. He was not accepted as king by the English, English, who were were still formidable opponents despite Bannockburn, Bannockburn, nor by by the papacy papacy,, which remained remained convinced by the English version of events events and unimpressed by the record of a man who had murdered a rival in a church and de fied the papal truce of . He had no no direct direct male heir heir until until the birth birth of his son David in March , while his eldest daughter daughter Marjorie Marjorie had died, died, probab probably ly in . In he had nominated his brother Edward Edward as his successor, but the latter’s latter’s death at Faughart necessitated fresh fresh arrangements, and so in the king’s infant grandson Robert, son of Marjorie Marjor ie Bruce Br uce and Walter Stewart, Stewart, was named as hei heirr presu presumpt mptiv ivee. The Bruce Bruce dyna dynast sty y was was,, th ther eref efor oree, by no mean meanss secu securre. Furth Furthermo ermorre, alth althou ough gh mili milita tary ry vi vict ctory ory ha had d strengthen strengthened ed his hand, hand, Robert I still still faced potential potential challenges challenges from from former allies of John John Balliol Balliol and the Comyns. Comyns. It is in this this context that we must view Robert’s search for internal security and external recognition. The desire to persuade international opinion of the justice of the Scottish cause is most clearly identified by the Declaration of Arbroath, Arbroath, which takes takes the form of a letter to the pope, pope, dated April purpor tedly from thirty-nine named lay magnates ‘and the rest , purportedly of the barons and freeholders and the whole community of the realm realm of Scotland’. Scotland’. It describes the legendary legendary history of the Scottish Scottish nation and the migrations mig rations which eventually eventually brought it to Scotland,
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stressing stressing forceful forcefully ly,, if inaccurately inaccurately,, that the Scots had never never been subject to any other other people. people. Moving Moving on to more more recent recent ev events, the Declaration paints a lurid picture of the oppression wrought by Edward Edward I, who had taken advantage of the Scots’ temporary weakweakness, and upholds upholds the the cause of Robert Robert I, who had become become king king by by divine divine pro providence vidence,, the law lawss and customs customs of the realm, realm, and the consent of of the people. This combination combination of heavenly heavenly favour favour,, legal right and popular assent was, howe howev ver, er, to be of no avail avail if he were were to forsake the the principles which underpinned his rule, and especially if he were were to subject himself himself or his people to English English dominion; in such circumstances he would would be expelled by the community of the realm, realm,‘for ‘for it is not not glory glory,, nor riches, riches, nor honou honours, rs, but liberty alone alone that we fight and contend contend for, for, which which no honest person will will lose except with his life.’ life.’ The pope is urged to use his in fluence to prev p revail ail on the king of England to leave leave Scotland in peace, since it is a small kingdom on the very edge of the inhabited world. Although the Declaration of Arbroath was sent in the name of the lay baronage, baronage, it was was almost certainly a product product of the ro royal chapel. Stylistically and conceptually, conceptually, it is much much more more polished than the similar remonstrance sent by the Irish in , but but share sharess with with it a hostility to English rule r ule and an appeal to a mythical mythical past as well as to recent recent history. history. The author may have have been Bernard, abbot of Arbroath Arbroath and royal royal chancellor, chancellor, although a case has also been made for Alexander Alexander de Kininmund, Kininmund, later bishop bishop of Aberdeen. Aberdeen.27 The Declaration is a famous assertion of Scottish independence and nationhood, but it should should be seen not as a unique document document but merely as one of a lengthy series of initiatives to try to win the support of the pope and to justify Robert I’s seizure of the throne and the extinction extinction of John Balliol’s Balliol’s claim. In the changed changed international tional circumst circumstances ances,, it was was in fact much much less eff ective ective than the approaches approaches to Boniface VIII had been. The unanimity implied by the Declaration of Arbroath was much more apparent than real. Like the asserti rtion of Bru rucce’s rig right to the throne by the St Andrews parliament of , the Declaration was prim rimaril rily a piece of propaganda, directed at an audie udien nce both with ithin and outsid tsidee Sco Scotlan tland d. The cir circums cumsttan ance cess of Robert I’s seizure of the throne had exacerbated the already deep 27
. Barrow, Robert Bruce , . For Bernard’ Bernard’ss career career see RRS , v, –
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rucces on fissure in Scottish society between the followers of the Bru one side and the adherents of John Balliol and the Comyns on the other. The selective use of violence, as in the harryi rrying of Buchan, and the inspiration engendered by the victorio rious war against the English combined to boost the support which Robert I received from all cla classes sses,, but the kin ing g rema emain ineed fun und dame amentall tally y in inse secu curre. His His dynastic claim was relatively weak so long as the Balliol line remained, and his position depended largely on his militar y succ succes ess, s, wh whic ich h migh mightt easi easily ly be rever erse sed d in th thee same same way asWal asWalla lace ce’’s victory at Stirling Brid ridge had been avenged at Falkirk. In order to rulle, Robert required the adherence of many magnates who had ru previously supporte rted John Balliol, and their loyalty could not be relie elied d on on.. Throughout Throughout his reign, Robert pursued the principle that disinheritance should befall only those who were not prepared prepared unreservedly to sw swear allegiance allegiance to him, him, which which after after meant that individuals had to choose whether they wished to be Scottish or English English landowners. landowners. This finally severed the cross-border lordships which had been such such a feature of the thirteenth century, century, although it did not mark a major upheaval among the personnel of the Scottish landed class. class. Although forfeitures forfeitures led to significant redistribution of land, there was no ‘new nobility’ as a result of the Wars of Independence, Independence, but there there were were some disinherited and embittered embittered exiles as well as individuals within Scotland who still hankered for a Balliol restoration restoration and were were at best unreliable unreliable.. Both groups were were to threaten to undermine under mine Robert I’s I’s triumph. tr iumph. The king’s king’s nervousness nervousnes s is seen in his desire desi re to include the leading men of his realm in initiatives such as the Declaration of Arbroath and to require their assent to the arrangements for the succession made in and . The disinheritanc disinheritancee of intransigen intransigentt opponents pronounced at the Cambuskenneth parliament in November did not remov remove the danger of internal inter nal divisions.The divisions. The existence of opposition is most clearly revealed revealed in a conspiracy against Robert in which centred on William de Soules, whose name is on the Declaration of Arbroath. Arbroath. The rebels were were betrayed betrayed and duly condemned demned in parliament parliament in August. August. The details details are obscure obscure,, but the plot was probably much more serious than Bruce propaganda allow allowed; there there may even even have have been military military action. The origin of the conspiracy may lie in the collection of seals by the royal chapel
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for the purpose purpose of appending appending them to to the Declaration Declaration,, a policy policy which may well well have have aroused resentment if the magnates magn ates concer conce r ned were unsure of the government’ government’ss true tr ue intentions; the attempt to test loya loyalty lty was, therefor therefore, e, both eff ective ective in identifying potential traitors traitor s and yet counter-productive in that it precipitated a conspiracy against against the king. king. On the other other hand, hand, it is possibl possiblee that the the plot had had been germinating for rather longer in the the minds of those, those, especially in south-w south-west est Scotland, Scotland, who felt themselv themselves es disadvantaged disadvantaged by by Robert’s territorial settlement since Bannockburn and saw their chance in the dynastic uncertainty which had followed Edward Bruce’s Bruce’s death in Ireland. Ireland. According According to some sources, sources, the intention intention was to place place Soules on the throne, throne, but this is unlikely unlikely,, for although he was the son of one of the competitors of he had no realistic claim to the Scottish cro crown. He is said to hav have been imprisoned rather than facing the execution which would surely have been his fate if he had sought personally personally to supplant Robert Robert I, although although he may have escaped from Scotland only to die at the battle of Boroughbridge Boroughbridge in . The plot makes makes sense only if the conspiraconspirators were were seeking to uphold the interests of Edward Edward Balliol, son of the late King John, John, who was was then in England and may may have have been promised promised help by by Edward Edward II; many of them had earlier had links with the Balliols and Comyns.This Comyns. This continuing threat threat from his bitter rivals serves to explain Robert’s Robert’s eagerness eager ness to make a final peace with England.28 The opportunity to end the long conflict with a forma rmal recognition by the English crown of Scottish independence came amid the chaos which accompanied the deposition of Edward II in and his replacement by his son, Edward III, who at the start of his reign was under the influence of his mother Isabella and her lover Roge Ro gerr Mort Mortiimer mer. Desp Despit itee his man many poli politi ticcal pro problem lems and and numer umer-ous mistakes, Edward II had stubbornl rnly refused to accept Robert I’s I’s titl titlee, an atti attitu tude de exem exempl pliified by his executio tion of Andrew Harcla. One chronicler suggests that in the autumn of Edward II hoped to escap scapee to Ireland and and and raise troops who would then invade Engla gland with Scottish collaboration, the pric rice of Scottish su sup pport being Edward’s recognition of Robert as king of an independent realm and the cession of much of northern England to him. Even 28
A fell coniuracioun agayn Robert the douchty The fullest account of these events events is M. Penman,‘ A king : the Soules ’, IR , (), – . Soules conspiracy conspiracy of –
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if this account is true rue, and there is no independent corro rroboration of it, the off er was surely one made in desperation which might ght just just as easily be rescinded if Edward II’s for tunes improved. In any event, ent, how however, er, disse issen nsion sionss in Engl Englan and d gav gave the the Scot Scotss a fav favoura ourab ble oppo opportu rtuni nity ty to rene enew the the war, ar, henc hencee Ro Robe bert’ rt’ss fres fresh h inte interv rven enti tion on in Ireland in order to tr y and force the English to come to terms rms. In the Borders, an unsuccessful English campaign against a raiding Scottish force in was followed by an assault on Norham by Robert and rumours that the Scots intended to occupy Northumberland. The change of regim gime had enabled Robert to inten ntensi sify fy the the pres pressu surre on Engl Englan and. d. This diplomatic and military pressure bore fruit in March with the treaty treaty of Edinburgh,subsequently Edinburgh, subsequently ratified at Northampton two two months later. later. Peace between between the two two realms was was declared, with Scotland’s independence and Robert I’s status as king both recognised by Edward Edward III, and the English king further promised to work work towar towards ds the lifting of the sentence of excommunication on Robert, which was accomplished in October . The Scots Scots were were to pay pay £,, probab probably ly in reparat reparations, ions, although although much much of this this ended ended in the hands of Isabella and her friends and did not secure widespread support in England for for what was was seen as a shameful peace. A marriage was arranged between Robert’s young son David and However ever,, the issue issue of the so-call so-called ed Edward’s sister Joan.29 How Disinherited was left unresolved. unresolved. Those whose lands had been forfeited by Robert I were were inevitably the most obdurate opponents of peace. peace. The negotiations which preceded the treaty of Edinburgh certainly included discussion of their concerns, concerns, but the the issue pro proved too intractab intractable le.. Robert probprobably later agreed ag reed to restore restore the Scottish lands of Henry Percy, ercy, Henry Beaumont,William Beaumont ,William la Zouche Zouc he and Thomas Wake, ake, or at least allowed allowed them to sue for them in Scottish Scottish courts, courts, although although he may may have have yielded on this point only only on account of his advancing advancing illness. The youthful youthful Edward Edward III could aff ord ord to play play for for time time.. The dyin dying g Robert, knowing knowing that that he would would be be succeeded succeeded by by a minor, minor, could could not. The treaty was was the culmination of all that Robert I had striv str iven en for, for, yet it contained within itself the seeds of its own destruction and was, moreov moreover, subscribed to by an English king who who was desperate 29
ASR , no. Mon., – . no. ; Vet. Mon.
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to avenge the humiliations of his father’s reign and keen if possible to resume direct lordship in Scotland in the manner of his grandfather. Robert I died on June . The Guardian Guardian of the realm on behalf of the new king was Thomas Randolph, earl of Moray, Moray, whose experience and long tradition of service to the crown crown made him an eminently suitable candidate for the office, ce, but his his death in July July precipitated a great crisis within Scotland. The new Guardian was was Donald, earl of Mar, Mar, who was was probably probably chosen chosen because he was the king’s cousin and nearest adult male relative rather than on account of any ability ability he may hav havee been believed believed to possess. Mar had spent most of his adult life in England, and was strongly strongly suspected of being sympathetic towards towards the Disinherited Disinher ited and even of having an association with with Edward Edward Balliol Balliol.. His appointme appointment nt coincided coincided with with an expedition into Scotland by the Disinherited which prov proved unexpectedly pectedly successful. successful. Mar was was defeated and killed killed at Dupplin Moor Moor near Perth as a result of poor generalship exacerbated by his desire to dispro disprov ve allegations allegations that that he was was a traitor traitor. On September Edward Edward Balliol was was solemnly crowned crowned at Scone, Scone, and although he soon withdrew withdrew southwards southwards his his triumph had been striking. str iking. He was was not widely widely accepted accepted as the new monar monarch, ch, and indeed indeed the only armed uprising in his favour was in the traditional Balliol stronghold of Galloway Galloway,, but the government government of David II was in disarray disar ray and, perhaps more more importantly, importantly, the door was open for Edward Edward III to intervene in Scotland. Edward III had o ff ered ered only cov covert support for the expedition of , but Balliol’s Balliol’s success encouraged him to back his cause more more openly openly.. For his part, part, Balliol Balliol ackno acknowledged wledged his benefactor benefactor as lor lord d superior in Scotland, and promised promised him extensive extensive Scottish lands, all of which were to be permanently annexed to England. Although Balliol was was soon driven out of Scotland, Scotland, an army ar my led by by the English king in besieged Berwick and won a great victory at nearby Halidon Halidon Hill. It seemed that both both the Bruce cause and the treaty treaty of Edinburgh Edinburgh were were dead, and that a relationship relationship had been established between the two realms which was not dissimilar to that prevailing between between John John Balliol and Edward Edward I, although in March March the English king made concessions over personal attendance at
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parliaments and his right to hear appeals from Scotland. Scotland.30 As part of these ongoing negotiations, in June June Edward Balliol ful filled his earlier promise promise and formally for mally granted to Edward III the sheri ff doms doms of Berwick, Berwick, Ro Roxb xburg urgh, h, Selkir Selkirk, k, Peebles eebles,, Edinb Edinburg urgh h and Dumfries, Dumfries, the constabularies of Linlithgow Linlithgow and Haddington, and the forests of Ettrick and Jedbur Jedburgh. gh. As the price price of English English support, support, Balliol Balliol was was prepared to divest his kingdom of some of its economically most produc productiv tivee territories, terr itories, although although in truth he had no other other viable viable option. It is difficult to assess the level of support enjoyed by Balliol in the kingdom, kingdom, or the extent extent to which the Bruce party was was able to restore eff ective ective gov government. The sources sources are meagre and tell us more about how how military militar y campaigns were organised than about the ebb and flow of politics. politics. In the period immediate immediately ly after Halidon Halidon Hill, the Disinherited and inveterate inveterate adherents of of the Balliol cause were doubtless joined by those whose policy throughout the Wars of Independence was was to attempt to join the winning side, side, and so the outwardly impressive list of those present at Balliol’s parliament at Holyrood Holyrood in February Februar y is no more conclusive as an indication of political allegiances than is the list of magnates named in the Declar Declarati ation on of of Arbr Arbroath. oath. David David II, II, despit despitee his his yout youth, h, posses possessed sed a number of of inherent advantages. advantages. He was was the son of a great hero hero and liberator liberator,, while while his opponent opponent had had not so much much capitula capitulated ted to English military might as positively encouraged encouraged its intervention,and intervention, and he was was upheld upheld primarily by it. it. The success success of David’ David’ss cause depended, how however, ever,on on eff ective ective resistance to Balliol and his English allies. A major campaign by Edwar Edward d III in almost snuff ed ed out this resistance resistance,, but it was reviv revived ed when William William Douglas and Andrew Andrew Murray Mur ray defeated a force of Balliol supporters suppor ters under David D avid de Strathbogie Strathbogie at Culblean on Deeside in Nov November. ember. As in and , the the Eng Engli lish sh off ensive ensive of had failed to secure final victory. Opin Opinio ions ns diff er as to the eff ecti e ctiv ven enes esss of th thee En Engl glis ish h admi admini nist stra ra-tion in southern Scotland after . The problems which had dogged Edward I’s attempts to impose his author ity there – rtages of supply, over-extended lines of financial difficulties, shorta 30
R. Nich Nichol olso son, n, Edward III and the Scots:The Formative Years of a Military Career, – (Oxford, ), .
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communication, local hostility – must equally have impaired his gran grand dson son’s prospec spects ts of brin bringin ging to full full eff ect the annexation of the land landss cede ceded d by Ba Ball llio iol. l. Some Some reven enue uess wer eree, ho how wever er,, coll collec ecte ted d by English officials in souther n Scotland, especially from the sheriff dom of Edinburgh and the constabularie ries of Haddington and Linlithgow, which produced annual receipts of over £ in eree at leas least, t,En Engl glis ish h au auth tho orit rity y must ust have pos – and – . Her sessed some meaning.31 But such authorit rity was transitory, ry, and depended on Edward III continuing to be interested in Scotland, which from was not his pr ior ity. In that year Philip VI of Fran France ce con confiscat scated ed th thee duch duchy y of Aqui Aquita tain inee, he herredit editary ary poss posses essi sion on of thee En th Engl glis ish h king kings, s, an and d prec precip ipit itat ated ed th thee long long serie seriess of Angl Angloo-Fr Fren ench ch conflicts now known as the Hundred Years War. The old issue of sovereignty in Aquitaine was now complicated by Edward III’s clai claim m to th thee Fren French ch throne th thrrough his moth motheer, the sis siste terr of Cha harl rles es IV, the last king of the direct Capetian royal line, who had died in rtant role in both causing and . Scottish aff airs played an importa prolong longin ing g th thee Hun Hundred Years ears War, ar, but the field of English military ambitions now moved to France, and Edward Balliol’s star cons conseq eque uent ntly ly wan aned ed rapi rapidl dly y. By Scotland was thought to be safe enough for the return of David II from a seven-year exile in France. The reputation of David II has su ff ered ered from his being too often compar compared ed with with his father father. In contr contrast ast to Bannoc Bannockb kburn, urn, David David’’s principal foray into Anglo-Scottish con flict was was a disast disaster er.. In , invading invading norther northern n England in support support of his French ally, ally, he was defeated and captured at the battle of Neville’s Neville’s Cross, near Durham, spending the next eleven eleven years years as a prisoner of Edward Edward III. III. The negotiations between the two kings have sometimes been regarded as proof of David’ David’ss treachery to the cause of Scottish liberty liber ty,, as a betrayal betrayal of all that his father had supposedly stood for, for, but this is unfair to him. The details of of medieval medieval diplomacy are are notoriously difficult to establish, as often we we are forced forced to rely on on what was was essentially the negotiating stance of one or other of the parties. David was in a di fficult cult positi position. on. Absent Absent fr from his his realm realm,, he was was unable to put the personal stamp on government which was an essential prerequisite for eff ective ective royal royal power power in medieval Scotland. Sco tland. 31
’, in Barrow Essays, . B. Webster,‘Scotland without a king, –
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His lieute lieutenan nantt and and heir heir presu presumpt mptiv ivee, Robert Robert Stew Stewart, art, was an an ineff ectual ectual ruler whose lukewarm participation at Neville’s Cross smack smacked ed of treac treachery; hery; furthermor furthermoree, he had briefl y submitted to Edward III in September following the latter’s invasion of Scotland and an attack atta ck on the Stewart lands by a force from Ireland. Ireland. Edward Edward Balliol was was still alive, alive, and in theory remained the English king’s king’s candidate for the Scottish throne, throne, although he too was was an uninspiring figure whom Edward III would back only for as long as it suited him to do so; Balliol’s Balliol’s formal surrender sur render of of his claim to the English king in January was no more than a recognition of the inevitable. inevitable. There was was even even the possibility that the Scots would find an alternative alternative candidate rather than ransom David, David, upholding the words of the Declaration of Arbroath that freedom from the English yoke was more important than loyalty to a particular monarch. On the other hand, David was Edwar Edward’ d’ss prisoner and had to negotiate on that basis. Those who have castigated David II have done so primarily because he was apparently prepared to consent to an English prince, prince, or ev even en Edward Edward III himself, himself, succeedin succeeding g to to the the Scottish Scottish throne thr one in the ev event of his dying childless. In other other words, words, he was was willing to see Robert Stewart displaced as heir presumptive, presumptive, which in view of the antipathy between the two men is hardly surprising norr, in th no thee final analys analysis, is, unr unreaso easonab nable le.. Whatev Whatever er might might be sugsuggested by items of propaganda such s uch as the Declaration Decl aration of Arbroath, notions of exclusive national identities identi ties and ethnic purity pur ity were were alien to the fourteenth-century mentality. mentality. The Wars of Independence had served to emphasise recognisable di ff erences erences between the Scots and the English, and there there is no doubt that that those on both both sides of the border who had su ff ered ered from the ravages of plundering raids were were acutely acutel y aware of those di ff erences erences and viewed their adversaries with bitter hatred, an attitude which must have have been reinforced by a steady hardening of English policy pol icy towards towards the Scots between III’s reign and increasing i ncreasing use of deliberate delibe rate devas and Edward III’s tation as a military tactic. How Howev ever, er, such considerations considerations did not in themselves preclude the succession of an English prince to the Scottish throne throne,, any more more than similar feelings among the French towards English invaders necessarily ruled out Edward III becoming king of France. An English succession was was not the ideal option,
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but neither, neither, from from David II’s II’s standpoint, was the accession of Robert Stewart, Stewart, who may hav have delayed delayed the king’s king’s release by his understandable standable opposition opposition to Edward Edward III’ III’ss proposals. proposals. David, David, moreov moreover er,, still hoped to produce an heir of his body. The uncerta rtainty over who would be David II’s heir may have contrib ributed to a rebellion in led by Robert Stewart and the earls of Douglas and March. Although it soon fizzled out, the alliliance of three of the major magnates of the realm against the king call callss for for comm commen ent. t. Robe Robert rt’’s poo oorr relat elatio ion ns wi witth the kin ing g prob probab ably ly made him fearful for his place in the succession, since the idea that David might be succeeded by an English prin rince had been mooted in negotiations as early as and was still being considered. In granted the earldom of Moray to Henry, ry, duke the king had gra of Lanc Lancas aste terr, wi witth hi hiss two dau augh ghtter erss succ succee eedi din ng, for for th thei eirr lif lifet etim imes es only, if the aged duke did not produce a son. 32 Henry’ Henry’ss youn ounger ger daughter was to mar r y John of Gaunt, third sur viving son of Edward III, so the charte rter gave the ambitious English prin rince the prospect of a terri rrittoria rial foothold within the Scottish kingdom, a fac fact of obvious significance to Robert Stewart art and his prospects of the crown. By advocating the succession of a younger son of the English king, David was clearly appreciating the need to protect the identity ity and separate standing of the Sco Scottish realm, although it is un uncl clea earr wh what at,, if an any y, prot oteectio ction n was en envi visa sage ged d agai agains nstt th thee pro prospect of a future union of the crowns if the senior lines of descent from Edward III should fai fail. When Robert submitted to David II in the wake of the rebellion, he swore fealty ‘under pain of losing all rig right of succession to the kingdom of Scotland’, and it may be no coincidence that in the following sprin ring parliament debated, and decisively rejected, the latest Engli glish proposals. ls. This does not prove tha hatt the rebel ebelss wer eree con concerne cerned d abo about the succ succes essi sion on,, but the fact that David used the pretext of Robert’ rt’s insubordination to intensify the threat against him suggests that the issue was not far far belo elow th thee surf surfac acee. In addi additi tio on, Davi David d’s wi wiffe ha had d recen ecentl tly y died died,, an and d in January he made it clear that he proposed to mar r y Margaret Dru rum mmond, widow of Sir John Logie gie, a move which might produce a direct heir. It is, therefore, surely likely that the succession was at least one element in the cocktail which led to the revolt of . 32
RRS , vi, – .
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How However ever,, the rebels also had other, other, more immediate, immediate, griev gr ievances. ances. Their dominance during David’s captivity was called into question when the king returned. returned. Robert Stewart Stewart had built up his pow power base in northern Scotland between and , for for exam exampl plee by making marriage marr iage alliances with the earl of Ross and the lord of the Isles. Isles. On his his return, return, David David initi initially ally had littl littlee choice choice but but to ratify ratify Robert’ Robert ’s gains, despite his ambivalent performance perfor mance at Neville’s Neville’s Cross and the fact that his lieutenancy appears to have been marked by a deterioration in the royal finances and in law and order order.. It was was not surprising, surpr ising, how however ever,, that the king soon sought to rewar reward d his own own supporters, and this threatened threatened the powe powerr and patronage patronage of those who had been prominent prominent during his absence. Robert’s Robert’s hopes to gain control of the earldom of Fife through the marriage of its heiress Isabella to his son Walter were thwarted when Walter died late in enabling the the king to allo allow Isabella Isabella to marry his favour favoured ed , enabling knight Thomas Bisset, a clear indication that David was was prepared to act against the interests interests of his leading leading nobles. nobles. The king was was also showing signs that he was prepared to take decisive, decisive, even even arbitrary arbitrar y, action against individual individual magnates. Following Following the murder murder of his mistress Katherine Mortimer in the summer of , he im impris prison oned ed Thomas Stewart, Stewart, earl of Angus, who was was suspected of inv involvement olvement in the crime, crime, in Dumbarton Dumbarton castle castle,, where where he died died in , poss possib ibly ly of the plague which was raging in that year. ear. The king also seized the earl of Mar’s Mar’s castle of Kildrummy Kild rummy and sent him into temporar tem porary y exile, perhaps because he had become the liege man of Edward Edward III in , although it is likely that the underlying issues were much more complex than this. Such actions must hav have alarmed other members members of the nobility, nobility, unfamiliar as they had become with assertive assertive action on the part of the cro crown, and Douglas had particular particular reason to be concerned by the attack on Mar because he was the childless earl’s brother-in-law and heir presumptive.The contemporary Scalacronica states that Douglas rebelled because he felt that the king ‘did not show show him as good lordship lordship as he would have have wished’. In other words, despite the fact that David II had created created an earldom earldom for Douglas in , he felt that he was no longer receiving receiving the rewar rewards ds appropriate appropriate to his station. The exclusion of Robert Stewart Stewart and his allies from the king’s intimate councils must have increased their sense of alienation, while the heavy taxation necessitated necessitated by by the king’s ransom may have been a further encouragement to rebel.
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In the years years following his return from England, David restored restored much of the machinery of government and increased the yield of crown crown rev revenues. He was personally interested in administration and the execution execution of of justice, justice, and his lengthy periods per iods of residence in Edinburgh Edinburgh after a fter aided the development of centralised institutions. tions. Comparisons Comparisons between between the period of his activ activee rule and the years years when Robert Stewart Stewart was lieutenant are unflattering to Robert, Robert, but but this this is hard hardly ly surprising surprising,, because because Robert Robert could could not not exercise exercise the full authority authority of a king, and his reputation reputation generally has suff ered ered from the persistent belief that he was ine ff ectual ectual throughout his career. career. Robert’s Robert’s relationship with David David II after the revolt revolt of is hard hard to assess. On the one hand, hand,the the marriage of Annabella Annabella Drummond, the queen’s queen’s niece, to Robert’s Robert’s eldest son s on John probably probably marks acceptance by the king that the crown would pass to the Stewarts Stewarts if he failed f ailed to produce produce an heir, heir, especially in view of th thee fact that in June David granted John the the earldom of Carrick, Carr ick,which which he himself had held prior to his accession in . On the the oth other er hand, Robert and at least one of his sons were were arrested in the winter of – , and Robert was was probabl probably y temporarily temporarily deprived deprived of his earldom of Strathearn. The hand of Queen Margaret Margaret can be seen in these events. events. We have have observed how how the prospect of her marriag mar riagee to David II had been one of the causes of the rebellion of ,and her antipathy towards Robert and the threat posed by her family’s ambitions to Stewart interests in Menteith serv ser ved also to poison his relation relationship ship with with the king. king. Her difficulty was that she had failed to provide provide David with an heir, even even though there was no doubt about her own own fecundity. fecundity. Around Around the time when the Stewarts Stewarts were were imprisoned, imprisoned, possibly possibly at her her instigation instigation,, she fell fro from m grace and the king proceeded to divorce divorce her, her, probably probably with the intention of marrying the latest latest woman woman in in his life life,, Agnes Dunbar Dunbar.. Margaret Margaret was was a spirited and charming woman, woman, and she took her her case to the papal curia, so impressing Pope Gregory Gregory XI that he not only bestow bestowed ed gifts on her but even paid for her funeral when she died in . Her determination to defend her rights even brought upon Scotland the threat threat of interdict, interdict, but in the context context of Scottish politics her departure enabled Robert Stewart Stewart partially par tially to return to the king’s king’s favour favour.. When David David II suddenly suddenly died in February , Robert was at last able to claim his inheritance.
The Wars of Independen Indep endence ce
The death of David David II, and with him the direct direct line of the Bruces, provides a suitable point at which to discuss the nature of the conflicts which had scarred Scotland since . At one one le level, el, the the events which followed the death of Alexander III can be seen as a civil civil war war within within Scotland, Scotland, primarily between between Bruce and Balliol, Balliol, with the Comyns throwing their considerable political weight behind the latter. latter. Although both both the Bruces and the Balliols held held Scottish Scottish lands, lands, they they also had signi significant intere interests sts in England, England, and as a result were were less prominent prominent in thirteenth-century thirt eenth-century Scottish politics than families such as the Comyns Comyns and Stewarts. Stewarts. They were were thrust into the limelight through through their common descent from Earl David of Huntingdon,and Huntingdon, and the bitter squabbles squabbles between between them, even even during the notional reign of Margaret, owed much to the fact that they had both inherited inherited portions portions of Earl David’ David’ss lands and, moreo moreov ver, er, had conflicting interests in the still volatile south-western corner of Scotland. Scotland. The careers careers of the Bruces up to can best be understood in terms of an anti-Balliol policy rather than an anti-English one, although the future king was was at best ambivalent ambivalent in his relationship with Edward I, and his service as Guardian after Wallace’s allace’s resignation implies recognition of John Balliol as a legitimate king, since the guardianship guardians hip was exercised exercised in John’s John’s name. The early years of Robert’s Robert’s reign can again be seen as a period per iod of civil war, war, marked by the bitter hostility between between Bruce and the MacDougalls of Lorn and by the ‘herschip’ ‘herschip’ of the Comyn Comyn earldom earldom of Buchan. Even Even after Robert’s victories and the consolidation of his authority throughout Scotland, Scotland, he still faced internal internal opposition, opposition, as seen in the Soules Soules plot, plot, and the the threat threat from from disin disinherite herited d exiles. exiles. The war war betw between Edward Balliol and the adherents of the young David II must be regarded regarded as a continuation continuation of a long-running, essentially internal, struggle between two families who cannot in either case be regard regarded ed as unambiguo unambiguously usly Scottish; Scottish; rather, rather, they they belonged belonged to an aristocracy whose interests were not constrained by the peaceful border which ran betw between een England and Scotland in the thirteenth thir teenth century. The wars, wars, how however, ever,also also had a national dimension, dimension, and this is how how they they are regard regarded ed in the popular popular imagination. imagination. Indeed, Indeed, the very very term ter m ‘Wars ‘Wars of Independence’ implies that this was a struggle for liberty, liberty, for the right to self-dete self-determination rmination.. The inspiring inspiring rhetoric of the
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Declaration of Arbroath Arbroath emphasises that freedom was was the Scots’ ultimate aim, in the cause of which they were were prepared prepared to depose even the mighty Robert himself if he should dare to o ff er er allegiance to the English tyrant. And there was was indeed development development of a sense of national identity and hatred towards England which dominated Scottish foreign policy well into the fifteenth fteenth century century.. Historian Historianss must, how however ever,, be cautious before they ascribe to medieval men and women a concept of the ‘nation state’ which was was alien to contemporary porary mental mentaliti ities. es. By the the late late thirteen thirteenth th cent century ury,, the real realm m of Scotland was a well-defined terr territo itorial, rial, legal legal and adminis administra trati tiv ve entity with a long history and firmly established political boundaries. It was was the integr integrity ity of that realm realm which which both necessit necessitated ated and facilitated the appointment of Guardians to govern during Margaret’s Margaret’s short reign and in subsequent crises, cr ises, and the need to preserve that integrity integr ity was an essential point of discussion in the negotiations tiations which which led to the treaty treaty of Birgham Birgham and, and, for that matter matter,, in the diplomatic exchanges between between David II and Edward Edward III. But the existence of a state does not necessarily imply the existence of a nation in the narrow narrow, ethnic sense of that word word as it is used in the Declaration of Arbroath. Arbroath. Who or what, what, then, was the ‘commun ‘community ity of the the realm’ realm’ in whose whose name the Declaration was sent to the pope? No doubt the term ter m was employed to stress to John XXII that the Scots were solidly behind their king and united in their desire desire to resist English oppr oppression, ession, and it echoes many other medieval political programmes which were based on the supposed will or alleged interests of a community, whether it be of a whole state or merely a township township.. The concept was not articulated in a Scottish context before , and may may have have come into prominence then because of the absence of a monarch and the Guardians’ Guardians’ need to communicate communicate with Edward Edward I in terms with which he was familiar.33 The use of the word word‘commun ‘community’ ity’ does not, of course, imply unanimity, unanimity, nor even even that any attempt had been made to seek the the views views of the populace populace at large. large. In Scotland Scotland it is surely unlikely unlikely that many many people, people, at least below below the class of magnates, saw their primary loyalty loyalty as being to the cro crown wn as opposed to their village, burgh or province. province. Even Even if they were awar awaree of Scotland as a realm, with a king whose agents and representativ representatives were were to be 33
F. Watson, ‘The enigmatic enigmatic Lion: Scotland, Scotland, kingship kingship and national identity identity in the Wars of Independenc Independence’, e’, in Broun, Broun, Finlay Finlay and Lynch, Lynch, eds., Image and Identity , .
The Wars of Independen Indep endence ce
found in each sheri ff dom, dom, their their adher adherenc encee to the lord lordshi ship p of Gallowa Galloway y, the earldom of Buchan or the burgh of Aberdeen Aberdeen was was almost certainly stronger than their attachment to the much less tangible concept of the state, and probably probably eclipsed such loyalty loyalty as they felt to the individual individual person of the king. The great lords operated on a larger stage, sometimes pursuing interests well well beyond beyond the borders of Scotland, and they could both both comprehend comprehend and be faithful to the idea of the realm realm as a political and legal entity. entity. It is a much more difficult matter to say whether the long resistance of many of their numbe numberr to Edward Edward I was was determined by ‘patriotism’ ‘patriotism’ or by by a more selfish desire to maintain their own influence in society s ociety.. If Scottish nationhood did indeed develop in the late thirteenth thir teenth and fourteenth centuries, then it was was forged on the anvil anvil of English aggression. aggression. Resistance Resistance to Edward Edward I and his successors successors was the uniunifying force which encouraged the inhabitants of Scotland to regard themselves as diff erent erent from from the English, and compelled those who who had interests on both sides of the border to make a final choice of where their allegiance would would henceforth lie. lie. Edward Edward I could not, not, of course, unwittingly hav have created the the nation of the Scots if the kingdom of Scotland had not already been providing the political and administrative framework under which the Scottish people could could unite. unite. Edward Edward under underestima estimated ted the strength strength of the Scottish realm, and he grossly overplay overplayed ed his hand as lord superior of John John Balliol. Balliol. He neither neither realised realised that the absorption absorption of Scotland Scotland within within his territorial territor ial empire empire would would meet meet with stubborn stubborn resistanc resistance, e, nor understood that his objectives objectives could be achieved achieved only by persuadper suading the Scottish magnates that the extinction of the kingdom of the Scots would would not greatly harm har m their own own territorial terr itorial interests or local influence. uence. For all all his lack of of sympathy sympathy for Scottish Scottish sensibili sensibilities, ties, howev however, er, Edward I possessed possess ed too many advantages to pass over over the opportunity to intervene in the a ff airs airs of the northern kingdom. He could seek a marriage marr iage alliance, alliance, and then could arrange to be the the judge of the Great Cause. He could rely on a certain degree of support within Scotland, Scotland, especially from from those who held lands in England as well and realised the superior financial and military might of the English state, and after Robert Bruce’ Br uce’ss murder of John John Comyn Comyn he could, could, at least in the short term, be sure sure of the allegiance of the most most important political grouping grouping in Scotland. Those who adhered to Edward Edward should not be regarded regarded as ‘unpatriotic’, but
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
rather as determined to maintain their landed possessions and personal authority by acknowledging acknowledging his superior pow power. er. That was was always always the aristocratic priority prior ity,, and it explains why why even even Robert Bruce submitted to the English king when it suited his interests to do so, so, and why why Robert Stewa Stewart rt brie br iefl y acknowledged the authority of Edward III, but equally it makes comprehensible comprehensible the reluctant adherence adherence to Robert Robert I of former Balliol Balliol partisans. It also explains explains why Edward Balliol was prepared to cede part of his kingdom in return for English assistance. We can see this policy as unwise, unwise, even even treacherous, treacherous, but if we we condemn Edward Edward Balliol for being a puppet of Edward Edward III, III, we must also condem condemn n the actions actions of the aged Robert Bruce in when he was prepared to countenance the division of the kingdom and to make a deal with Florence of Holland in a desperate attempt to foil John Balliol. It is too simplistic to say either that English intervention in Scotland was a naked act of aggression agg ression on the part of a more powerful neighbour, neighbour, or that the English did no more more than participate in a civil war war at the invitation invitation of particular parties, but it would would be incorrect incorrect to dismiss dismiss either either idea out out of hand. hand. The crisis which which Alexander III unwittingly brought about on that stormy March night presented a range of opportunities to those both within and outside Scotland. Edward Edward I and Edward Edward III were were both happy happy to fish in troubled troubled waters, waters, but at least some Scots were were equally content to invite invite English intervention, just as both factions in the s had sought the help of Henry III when it suited them. The Wars of Independence were were in some respects just what the name implies, a struggle for liberati liberation, on, but the the events events of this period period of crisis cr isis are are much more more complex than the selectiv s electivee rhetoric rhetor ic of the Declaration of Arbr Arbroath oath and other other propa propagan ganda, da, Scotti Scottish sh and Englis English, h, might might suggest.
THE STEWART KINGS .
The dynasty inaugurated by Robert Stewart’s coronation at Scone on March was destined to rule r ule Scotland Scotla nd for well over over three centuries centuries,, and after after its kings added the realm of England to their dominions. dominions. Despite Despite a series series of length lengthy y ro royal yal minorities, minorities, fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Stewart monarchs displayed great vigour in building building up their power power in Scotland, presided over over the further development development of central administrative administrative and legal institutions, and sought to play a role in international diplomacy which complemented and assisted their ambitions to consolidate royal royal authority at home. The first two Stewart Stewart kings, howev however, er,had had difficulty in asserting themselves, selves, partly because their dynasty was was new to kingship and needed needed to establish establish itself. Despite the fact that his claims claims had long been recrecognised, Robert II’s II’s succession provok provoked ed opposition from the earl of Douglas and families such as the Leslies and Lindsays who had prospered under David II’s patronage and feared the accession of a man towards whom their former benefactor had shown considerable antipathy. antipathy. Although Douglas probably hoped merely to win concessions from from the new new king, he claimed to be upholding upholding the rights of the Comyn Comynss and Edward Edward Balliol, who had died in , thereb ereby y threatening threatening a return to the civil wars of the earlier part of the century and raising the spectre of possible English intervention. There was no
ROBERT II (1371–90)
ROBERT III (1390–1406)
Robert earl of Fife duke of Albany
Murdoch duke of Albany
Walter
John earl of Buchan and Ross
Alexander
James
Robert
Alexander earl of Buchan
David earl of Strathearn
Walter earl of Atholl
Alexander earl of Mar
Euphemia = Patrick Graham
David
Malise Graham
Robert
David duke of Rothesay
JAMES I = Joan Beaufort Beaufort = James Stewart Stewart of Lorn Lor n (1406–37)
JAMES II (1437–60)
JAMES III (1460–88)
JAMES IV (1488–1513)
John earl of Atholl
Alexander duke of Albany
James duke of Ross
John earl of Mar
John duke of Albany
JAMES V (1513–42)
MARY (1542–67) Figure
The Stewart dynasty
James earl of Buchan
Mary = James Hamilton
James earl of Arran
Andrew bishop of Moray
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
claimant to the throne other than Robert who was likely to attract widespread widespread support, and Douglas receiv received no backing from some of David II’s closest adherents such as Sir Robert Erskine and the earl of March, March, but the the king still still mov moved to conciliate conciliate the rebels, thereby thereby demonstrating the inherent weakness of his own position. Robert II’s undistinguished record of service to his predecessor also cast a shadow shadow across across the new reign. He had been ineff ective ective as royal royal lieutenant, had submitted to Edward Edward III in , had alleg allegedl edly y left David II exposed to capture capture at Neville’s Neville’s Cross, and had joined the rebellion of . His position of authority in David’s David’s reign had sprung not from his inherent inherent abilities but solely from his position as heir presumptiv presumptive. e. Because his priority prior ity was was to maintain that position and enhance his own own territorial terr itorial lordship, lordship, he not unnaturally view viewed with some ambivalence ambivalence the return of the king from captivity captivity,, the negotiations with Edward Edward III, and the recov recovery of royal royal authority author ity and revenues through the employment of those whom David favoured, favoured, and Robert’s Robert’s manoeuvring to preserve preserve his rights as heir doubtless made him appear indecisive, indecisive, narrow-minded narrow-minded and lacking in convict conviction, ion, if not actually actually treacher treacherous. ous. It has been argued argued that, by the time he succeeded to the throne throne,, Robert was too old to rule, but it was his past record rather than his age which proved more troublesome for him. Unlike Unlike David David II, Robert Stewart Stewart had been very successful in producing producing children. children. His adult sons all now now wanted wanted increased politpolitical pow power and wealth wealth for themselv themselves, es, and their rivalries explain much of the turbulence of the reign, especially the crises cr ises of and . Robert bert had had five surviving legitimate sons from his two marriages: marriages: Joh ohn, n, Robert Robert and Alexan Alexander der from from the first; rst; an and d Davi David d and Walter from from the second. second. In John, John, earl of Carrick, Carr ick, was named as the king’s king’s heir, and in parliament parliam ent approved approved the creac reation of a tailzie (equivalent to the English entail) which provided for the descent of the cro crown through through male lines. These detailed arrangements for the succession have sometimes been seen in the context of a potential threat to the rights r ights of Robert’ Rober t’ss sons from his marr iage to Elizabeth Mure. Mure. Most ro royal and aristocratic marfirst marriage riages required a papal dispensation to excuse the fact that the parties were were too closely related to marry marr y legitimately under canon law, law, and such dispensations dispensations were were readily readily granted on request. request. Many couples sought papal appro approval in advance advance,, but others claimed that
The Stewart kings
the impediment had become known known to them only subsequently. subsequently. It was not until that Robert, Robert, with the the backing backing of the kings of France and Scotland and an impressiv impressivee array ar ray of bishops, bishops, petitioned the pope for dispensation, dispensation, by which time his elder sons had been been born. Whether this this was was as significant an issue to contemporaries as some historians historians ha hav ve suggested suggested is, ho how wev ever er,, doubtful doubtful.. Under Under the the terms of the dispensation,as dispensation, as was nor nor mal, the children we were re declared declared legitimate, and there is no reason to believ believe that the detailed settlement of the succession in was intended primarily to resolve the issue of whether whether John, John, Robert and Alexander had been born born in wedlock, wedlock, ev even en though the principles of canon law did not not necessarily apply in secular secular contexts. contexts. Rather Rather,, it was an attempt attempt to conconsolidate the position of the new dynasty by clarifying the line of descent descent and by by declaring that, in the absence absence of sons, sons, brothe brothers rs and other male relatives would succeed in preference to daughters. Rivalr Rivalries ies between Robert’s Robert’s children doubtless made ma de it desirable to make such provisions. Robert Rober t II’s II’s policy in the th e s was to build up the territorial terr itorial and jurisdictional pow power of his family f amily while endeavouring endeavouring to ful fil the ambitions ambitions of his his sons. sons. In doing doing this, this, he was was acting acting like like any other medieval medieval magnate in similar circumstances, circumstances, indeed continuing continuing the ruthless aggrandisement agg randisement which had marked his career career under David II. That ultimatel ultimately y he lost eff ective ective control of the realm to his sons is a reflection of his own comparative weakness rather than of flaws in the policy. policy. The fact that central institutions in Scotland were relatively undeveloped meant that great nobles could frequently be dominant in their own own areas; areas; and it was was inevitable inevitable that Robert Robert would wish to strengthen the position of his dynasty by giving, where possible possible,, these positions of dominance to his own own sons or sons-in-law. sons-in-law. The plan appears unusual in the Scottish context only because recent kings had not had to make widespread provision for adult relati relativ ves. Robert I might might hav have faced this difficulty culty,, but but lost much of his close family in the wars against England and was able to encourage his potentially troublesome troublesome brother Edward Edward to pursue his ambitions ambitions in Ireland Ireland.. Robert II had to accommo accommodate date his sons’ sons’ hopes within his own realm. Rober ertt II based ased himse imself lf larg largel ely y in Per erth thsh shir iree an and d the old Ste Stewart art land landss in Renf Renfrrew,Ayrs ,Ayrshi hirre an and d Bu Bute te.. His His au auth thori ority ty ou outs tsid idee th this is area area was exer exerci cise sed d prin rinci cip pally ally th thrrough the age agency ncy of hi hiss sons sons.. John hn,, earl earl
Medieval Medieval Scotland
of Car r ick, became the dominant member of the family in southern Scotland, while Alexander, lord of Badenoch and later earl of Buchan, was made lieutenant over much of the north. Alexander, who was involved in a long and often violent dispute with the bishop of Moray, and was nicknamed ‘the Wolf of Badenoch’, was widely accused of using bands of Highlanders to fomen ment the diso isorder der he was sup suppose posed d to que quell, ll, an and d the kin ing’ g’ss in inab abil il-ity to curb his excesses was used as a pretext for Carri rricck’s appointment as Guardian of the realm by a general council at Holyrood in November . It is significant, however, that, despite a ran range of comp compla lain ints ts agai again nst him in April April , Alex Alexan ande derr cont contin inue ued d to ho hold ld the position of royal lieutenant even after Carri rricck’s coup, which suggests that another factor was at play, namely relations with England. The continued English occupation occupation of Berwickshire, Berwickshire, Ro Roxburghxburghshire,Teviotdale shire,Teviotdale and a nd Annandale Annanda le was of particular par ticular concern concer n to border magnates, magnates, especially especially the the earl of of March, March, most of whose lands lands were were under English control. control. While it was was important not to pro provoke voke large-scale English retaliation by attacking major strongholds such as Berwick, Berwick, there there was was intermittent intermittent warfare warfare on on the bord border er for much much of the the second second half half of of Robert’ Robert’ss reign reign.. Payments yments of of David David II’s II’s ransom ransom ceased after after the death death of Edward Edward III III in , and in July the king transferred control control of the priory pr iory of Coldingham in Berwickshi Berwickshire re from from Durham Durham to Dunfermline. Dunfermline. In Archibald Dougla Douglass of Gallo Gallow way, nickna nicknamed med ‘the ‘the Grim’, took took Lochmab Lochmaben en castle and the earl of Douglas re-established Scottish control in Teviotdale with wit h the exception excepti on of Roxburgh and JJedburgh. edburgh. The king probably approved of these attempts to expel the English from the conquests they had made in the early years of Edward III’s reign, but his age and earlier lack of military success meant that it was his sons, Jo John hn earl earl of Carr Carrick ick and and Robert Robert earl of Fife Fife,, who play played ed a more prominent prominent role role in Anglo-Scottish warfare and diplomacy. diplomacy. In an English invading force under John of Gaunt destroyed Haddington,and Haddington, and the desire desire for retaliation retaliation on the part of Carrick Carr ick and the young second earl of Douglas helped create the political crisis in Scotland which was to see the king sidelined. sidelined. Howe Howev ver, er, Carrick’ Carr ick’ss seizure of power power was little more than a manifestation of his ruthless ambition and a reflection of the rivalries between himself and his brothers, brothers, and Robert Robert II’s II’s indecisiv indecisiveness eness in the face of English English
The Stewart kings
aggression was exaggerated by propaganda designed to justify his remo remov val. It is is signi significant that four years later the earl of Fife used similar tactics in order to replace Carrick. Carr Car r ick’s ick’s policy of aggression agg ression towards towards England was marked by an attack across the border in , which pro provoked very very destructiv destr uctivee retaliation in Lothian under the personal command of the English king king,, Ri Rich char ard d II. II. In the Scots launched another two-pronged two-pronged raid into England, England, probably probably with the primary primar y intention of ravaging ravaging the countryside, although it is is possible that the original aim was to isolate Carlisle and occupy Cumberland in order to persuade the English to make concessions regarding the lands they still held in southern Scotland. At Otterburn the Scots Scots won won a famous victory victory,, but the second earl of Douglas was was slain. A dispute follow followed ov over his lands betw between Malcolm Malcolm Drummond, Drummond, who was was married marr ied to the late earl’s earl’s sister and heir and was was Carrick’ Car rick’ss brother-in-law brother-in-law,, and Archibald Douglas of Gallowa Galloway y, who decisively decisively produced a charter char ter of limiting the descent of most of the Douglas estates to male heirs and naming him specifically in the tailzie tailzie,, despite despite his illegitimate birth. Drummond Drummond was afraid afraid to come to a general general council council in April because the earl of Fife would not guarantee his safety. Drummond’s discom fiture came about because in the aftermath of Otterb Otterburn urn there there had been been anothe anotherr politi political cal coup coup.. On December Carrick was replaced as Guardian on the grounds of his lax exercise exercise of justice, justice, especially in the north, and because he was thought to be unable to deal with the English invasion expected the following following year. year. We have have here the first mention of Carrick’s infirmity, rmity, which apparently deriv der ived ed from his having been kicked by a horse. horse. Giv Given that he play played ed no part in the campai campaigns gns,, it is likely that his disability was incurred before they were launched, although his physical incapacity only became a political issue when Fife felt strong enough to supplant his brother brother,, which was was not until he had lost lost his ally Douglas Douglas at Otterburn. Otterburn. Fife retaine retained d the guardianship until , even even though though Carrick Carr ick had become become king king in the interim. Fife now now took action action against his brother brother Alexander Alexander,, earl of Buchan, who had continued to enjoy enjoy considerable formal pow power in northern Scotland. Scotland. At some point between between and Februar February y he had ev even become justiciar north of the Forth, Forth, which indicates indicates that he still enjoyed the support of the king and that Carrick’s
William, lord of Douglas (d. c . 1299)
James (d. 1330)
Archibald (d. 1333)
Archibald 3rd earl of Douglas (d. 1400)
William 1st earl of Douglas (d. 1384)
Archibald 4th earl of Douglas (d. 1424)
Archibald 5th earl of Douglas (d. 1439)
James 7th earl of Douglas (d. 1443)
William 8th earl of Douglas (d. 1452)
Isabella countess of Mar
James 9th earl of Douglas (d. 1491)
Archibald earl of Moray (d. 1455)
James 2nd earl of Douglas (d. 1388)
George 1st earl of Angus (d. 1402 x 1405)
Hugh earl of Ormond (d. 1455)
William 2nd earl of Angus (d. 1437)
William 6th earl of Douglas (d. 1440)
David (d. 1440)
Margaret
James 3rd earl of Angus (d. 1446)
George 4th earl of Angus (d. 1463)
Archibald 5th earl of Angus (d. c . 1513)
George (d. 1513)
Archibald 6th earl of Angus (d. c . 1557) Figure
The earls of Douglas and Angus Angus
Janet Lady Glamis (d. 1537)
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
primary intere interests sts were concentrat concentrated ed in southern southern Scotland. Scotland. In December , how however, ever, Alexander was remo removed ved from from the office of justiciar as part of a co-ordinated assault against his position, through through which Fife and his son Murdoch extended their in fluence at his expense. expense. Murdoch Murdoch himself himself was was appointed appointed justiciar justiciar in April , indicating indicating that the the campaign campaign against Buchan, Buchan, and indeed indeed that against Carrick, Carr ick, were were part of a policy whereby whereby Fife Fife sought aggrandisement disement for himself himself and and his son. son. In the meantime meantime Scotland Scotland was was included in an Anglo-French truce which had been concluded in June , thus freeing the Guardian to impose his authority authority in the north. Robert II thus thus apparently apparently ended ended his life on the the sidelines, sidelines, the victim victim of his sons’ sons’ unbridled ambitio ambitions. ns. It is tempting tempting to see see him as a king who was unable to build on the administrative and fiscal advances of the latter part of David II’s reign and squandered the inheritance which his predecessor had bequeathed to him. Howev However, er, David’s David’s position after afte r was much easier than Robert II’s. II’s. David David had had no children children or brothers, brothers, and so was able able to rule through men he had chosen himself and who were loyal to him, rather than having having to oblige oblige members members of his close family. family. Robert had diff erent erent pr pr iorities and preoccupations, preoccupations, and can be be seen as a full full participant in the crises of the s, support supporting ing Buch Buchan an agains againstt Carrick and perhaps undermining his eldest son to the extent that Fife could cou ld take over over in . But it is hard hard to escape escape the conclus conclusion ion that he was joining in the rivalries of his sons rather than standing abov above them. Througho Throughout ut his long long political political career career,, Robert nev never appeared to have the consistency of purpose required in a medieval monarch. Whatever Whatever the overall assessment assess ment of Robert Rober t II’s II’s reign, his heir cannot be regard regarded ed as a forceful forceful ruler. ruler. With the the assent of parliament, parliament, Carrick Carr ick chose chose to alter alter his name name from from John John to Robert, Robert, perhaps perhaps because his original name was thought to be unlucky in a king or else because he wanted consciously to identify himself with Robert I, although althoug h the move move also avoided the problem problem of whether he would reign as John I (thereby ignoring Balliol) or John II (recognising a claim which was now vested vested in the English En glish king). king ).1 In any event, event, this 11
Early Stewart Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert Robert III, – (East Linton, S. Boar Boardm dman an,, The Early ), – .
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cosmetic change could not hide the fact that for most of his reign he was eff ectively ectively controlled controlled by his younger younger brother brother Fife. Fife. Indeed, Robert III’s coronation was delayed until Fife had ensured that he would keep his position as Guardian, an unusual sequence of events events considering that there t here was was no direct military threat to the realm and the new new king, king, for all his his faults, was neither neither senile senile nor insane insane.. At the same time the burning bur ning of Elgin cathedral by the Wolf of Badenoch emphasised the threat to law and order, order, and was probably probably timed to demo demons nstr trat atee the the con conti tinu nuin ing g imp import ortan ance ce,, for for goo good d or or ill ill,, of Alexander Stewart, Stewart, who doubtless hoped that the new new king would would off er er him support to o ff set set Fife’s growing influence in the north, even even if he was not strong enough to end Fife’s Fife’s guardianship. guardianship. The events of were, ere, therefor therefore, e, simply simply a manifestation manifestation of of the strife between between the royal royal brothers, brothers, which did not augur well for the new reign. reign. Fife used his his dominance dominance to extend extend his influence throughout northern Scotland, Scotland, for example example by marrying his son Murdoch Murdoch to the heiress to the the earldom of Lennox, Lennox, and his territorial terr itorial power power was was not seriously impaired by the termination of his guardianship in . Robert III’s III’s attempts at personal rule r ule after proved proved disastrous. disa strous. The king was was widely treated with contempt, and his failings were were typified by his inability in the autumn of to persuade a maverick cleric named Walter Danielston to surrender the great royal castle of Dumbarton, Dumbarton, despite despite laying laying siege siege to the fortress. fortress. Earlier Earlier in the same year, year, amid complaints about the ineff ectiveness ectiveness of the royal royal administration in the north, Fife was created duke duke of Albany and the king’s king’s son David duke of of Rothesay, Rothesay, and the two two men were were appointed to lead an army against the lordship lordship of the Isles. Although royal royal patronage patronage had been reversed, reversed, the inclusion of Rothesay in this t his command can be seen as something of a triumph for Robert III, for from the start of his reign the king had sought to counteract his younger younger brother’ brother’ss pow power by developing developing David’s David’s household as an active active agency of ro royal gov government. He did this partly by by granting heritable pensions to a number of nobles in return for service to himself and David, and thereby thereby slowly reconstructed reconstructed the a ffinity on which his dominance in southern Scotland before had been based. The adherence adherence to David David of the supporters of the second earl of Douglas threatened the position of his illegitimate cousin and successor successor Archibal Archibald d the Grim, who was was an ally of Fife. Fife. By building building
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up David’ David’ss authority in southern Scotland, the king hoped hoped to put pressure pressure on Fife’s Fife’s position, although it should be noted that Fife himself was granted a pension from the customs to retain him in service to David.2 Robert III was to be disappointed in his attempt to create a counterweight counterweight to his brother brother.. In January January Rothesay Rothes ay was was created lieutenant of the realm realm for three years, years, with the apparent apparent support of Albany Albany and Douglas. Rothesay Rothesay was was thus outward outwardly ly co-operating co-operating with his father’s political opponents in an attempt to remove him from eff ective ective power power,, even even though he owed owed his own position to the king’s king’s initiative initiative on his behalf, but the alliance between Rothesay and Albany was was always always more more apparent than real. real. Although descriptions of his conduct may may be deriv der ived ed from from hostile propaganda, propaganda, from all accounts Rothesay Rothesay was an impetuous youth, youth, reluctant to listen to advice and intent on behaving behaving like the king he expected to become. From the middle of he ignored ig nored his father’ fa ther’ss court cour t and Albany’s Albany’s allies allies on the counci council, l, while the the deaths deaths of Archibal Archibald, d, third third earl of Douglas, Douglas, the experienced Walter Trayl, rayl, bishop bishop of St Andre Andrews, ws, and Queen Annabella Drummond, all within the space of a year, year,created created dangerous dangerous instability within Scotland. This instability was exacerbated by fresh tensions on the border with England, where Richard Richard II II had been deposed by by his cousin Henry, Henry, son of John John of Gaunt. Henry IV invaded invaded Scotland in August having reasserted reasserted the the old English English claim claim to ov overlordship erlordship.. He , having was encouraged to intervene intervene by the actions of George Dunbar, Dunbar, earl of March, March, who had expected expected to see his daughter daughter marry Rothesa Rothesay y only to witness the heir to the throne choosing instead the daughter of his bitter r ival, ival,Archibald Archibald earl of Douglas. Rothesay doubtless saw political advantages advantages in a marriage mar riage alliance with the most powerful magnate in southern Scotland, but it had the eff ect ect of propelling March into treasonable treasonable dealings with the English. The English threat also had the eff ect ect of emphasising the importance of the Douglases for the defence of the border. border. Towards owards the end of o f March Ma rch Rothesay Rothes ay died in i n Albany’s Albany’s castle cas tle at Falkland in Fife. While it is possible that he perished of natural causes, it is much more more likely that he was was murdered, murdered, perhaps by starvation as tentatively suggested by the chronicler Walter Bower. 12
The Exchequer Rolls of Scotland , ed. ), ed. J. Stua Stuart rt and and oth other erss ( vols., Edinburgh, Edinburgh, – iii, .
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Rothesay was was clearly not at his uncle’s uncle’s castle voluntar voluntarily ily,, and his imprisonment and death were probably the result of an arrangement between between Albany and the new earl of Douglas, both of whom must have viewed with alarm the prospect of Rothesay succeeding to the thr throne; one; even even if they they could could impose impose a settlemen settlementt on him, him, it would be nullified when when he beca became me king king.. In late late Douglas interests interests were were dictatin dictating g Scottish foreign foreign relation relations: s: the earl was was seeking the dismemberment of the earldom of March, and was both looking for French military aid and supporting an impostor who claimed to be the deposed king of England,Richard England, Richard II. At a meeting between between the two men at Culross,Albany probably probably agreed ag reed to support Douglas in his ambitions ambitions on the border border in return return for his support, or at least his neutrality, neutrality, in the elimination of Rothesay Rothesay and possibly possibly also also of Malco Malcolm lm Drummon Drummond, d, lord lord of Mar Mar, who was was arrested arrested at at around the same time and perished in similar circumstances. Although an indemnity was granted g ranted to Albany and Douglas in May exonerating them from from blame blame for Rothesa Rothesay’ y’ss death, its very very , exonerating existence suggests that they were already being accused of murdermurdering the heir to the throne. throne.That That they could escape the consequences of their actions act ions says much both for the weakness of o f royal royal justice and the ruthlessness with which great magnates might suppress any threats to their own position. The defeat of a Scottish force at Humbleton Hill on September complicated the political situation. The capture capture of Douglas, Albany’s Albany’s son Murdoch and other other notables left a sudden political vacuum, vacuum, with few few adult earls or important regional regional lords who were capable of playing a role in the politics of the kingdom. Albany was thus unwillingly forced into a rapprochement with Alexander earl of Buchan and his illegitimate son Alexander, Alexander, whose sudden marriage to the countess of Mar was grudgingly accepted by the lieutenant, and he was was fortunate that a rising by the Percys Percys against Henry Henr y IV prevented prevented the English from taking full advantage of Humbleton. Albany’s Albany’s lieutenancy was renewed renewed for a further two years from May , although the king now now made another attempt to assert asser t his authority a uthority.. Robert III’s latest plan was to create a power base for his surviving son James, who was still only a child but but presented the best hope of arranging an eff ectiv ective focus of opposition opposition to Albany Albany. Robert placed his faith in men such as Henry Sinclair, Sinclair, earl of Orkney Orkney,
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Sir David Fleming and Henry Wardlaw ardlaw, bishop of St Andrews, Andrews, all of whom were at some time guardians of the young prince and were keen to further their own interests interests in southern souther n Scotland during dur ing the enforced enforced absence absence of the fourth earl of Douglas. Douglas. In December December a regality was was created for James, comprising all the Stewartr Stewartry y lands, Cow Cowal, al, Knap Knapda dale le and and Carrick Carrick,, and and Rath Ratho o and and Inn Inner erwi wick ck in in Lothian. This remov removed the possibility that Albany would would alienate these lands, and took them out of the control control of the justiciar south of the the Fort Forth, h, an office probably held hereditarily in the Douglas family. family. Despite the failure of this policy policy in the case of Rothesay, Rothesay, the king was again endeavouring to create an independent source of power power for fo r his heir. Once again Robert III’s scheme was to end in disappointment. Early in James was was sent into exile to France for his own proprotection.The tection. The traditional interpretation of these events events has been questioned, on the grounds that the prince was taken taken on a risky military expedition through through Fife and Lothian before waiting waiting a month for a ship on the Bass Rock, an island fortress at the entrance to the Firth Firth of Forth. Forth. Had James’ James’ss exile exile been planned planned in advance advance,, he would would surely have have set out in a ship from St Andrews, Andrews, where he had been staying in the custody of Bishop Wardlaw ardlaw, and it is likely that the expedition was was an unsuccessful attempt on the part of Fleming and Sinclair to demonstrate the prince’s authority and to further their own opposition opposition to Douglas Douglas interests interests in southern southern Scotland. Scotland. By this interpretatio interpretation, n, the campaign campaign ran into difficulty and James was sent to the Bass in order order to av avoid his capture capture by the the Douglases, who killed Fleming in an engagement at Long Hermiston Moor, Moor, and the decision to send him into exile was spawned by the sudden emergency; after all, the removal removal from from the realm of the heir to the throne throne suggests desperation on the part of the king and his supporters. suppor ters.3 In any event, event, James was was captured by pirates and spent eighteen years as an unwilling unwilling guest guest at the English court. court. Robert III died soon soon afterwards. wards. He is said some years earlier to have have expressed expressed a desire to be buried in a midden, with the epitaph,‘Here epitaph, ‘Here lies the worst worst of kings and the most wretched of men in the whole kingdom.’The story may be apocryphal, inv invented by Bower Bower to demonstrate the king’s king’s humility humility,, but it serves serves to summarise Robert Robert III’s III’s reign. reign. Physical Physically ly 3
Boardman, Early Stewart Kings , – .
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incapacitated since before before his accession, accession, and psychologically psychologically unable or unwilling to assert himself, himself , he was driven driven to oppose his more vigorous orous younger younger brother by by building up the position of his sons, and even even in that ambition he had been thwarted. The death of Robert III and the enforced absence of his successor left Albany in control until his death in . His rule has often been characterised as that of an a n ‘over ‘over-mighty -mighty subject’ interested only in his own advancement and neglectful of the rights of the king in whose name he gov governed. His policies and achiev achievements require require reappraisal. Albany has been accused of failing to negotiate the release of James I, while arranging arrang ing the return of his own son Murdoch in . This has been regarded regarded as treachery, treachery, and no doubt it appeared appeared so from from James’ James’ss standpoint. standpoint. The release release of prisoners was was not, how however ever,, a straigh straightfo tforw rwar ard d matter matter,, even even when, when, as in this this case case, the king had not not been taken taken in battle. battle. Any Any negotiations negotiations leading leading to James’s James’s return return would would have have to be supported supported by by the English king, and Henry V in particular was not prepared prepared to enter into such s uch arrangear rangements. ments. He used the the king king of Scots Scots in his contine continental ntal campaign campaigns, s, making the Scotsmen fighting on the French side technically guilty of treason treason since since their legitimate legitimate monarch monarch was was present, present, even even if perhaps unwillingly, unwillingly, in the English army ar my,, and so long as Henry lived lived he was unlikely unlikely to want to release James. The Scots and French were were allies against him, and Henry and Albany were were supporting diff erent erent popes popes in the great papal schism. schism. The international international situatio situation, n, theretherefore, fore, made the return return of James James to Scotland Scotland a distant prospec prospect. t. Murdoch was in a diff erent erent league, league, and his release release was in exchange for Henry Percy, ercy, who had fled to Scotland dur ing his family’ f amily’ss rebellion against against Henry IV; even even then the negotiations negotiations were were tortuous. tortuous. It is understandable that Albany sought the release of his own son more enthusiastically than he did that of a king who was likely to ask awkward awkward questions when when he returned, returned, but that does not not mean that he was consistently indiff erent erent to James’ James’ss fate. In he persuaded Pope Benedict XIII to grant him half the sums due from certain papal taxes over a five-year period, per iod, the proceeds proceeds to be be used for the ransom of James and Murdoch, 4 and it might be unduly 4
Copiale Prioratus Sanctiandree , ed. ed. J. H. Baxt Baxter er (Oxf (Oxfor ord, d, ), – .
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cynical to suggest that this was merely a ploy to raise money from the churc church, h, although although undoubt undoubtedly edly it had this this e ff ect. ect. Alba Alban ny was was reluctant to impose taxation directly: directly: when money money was needed needed in for the destruction destr uction of the recently recaptured recaptured Jedburgh castle, the Governor preferred to make an assignment from the customs rather than court unpopularity. 5 This has been criticised as slack rule, but James I’s I’s problems problems when he attempted to tax his subjects show that Albany’s methods were at least expedient. Another allegation made against Albany concerns his indenture of friendship with the earl of Douglas on June . Alban Albany y has been accused both both of accepting Douglas Douglas as an equal, thereby thereby compromising promising the royal royal authority he represented as Governor, Governor, and of harbouring ambitions to be king, since the agreement was was to expire if he succeeded to the throne. throne. Howe Howev ver, er, such indentures indentures were were not necessarily necessar ily signs of weak weak gov government; they often merely merely regulated how how disagreement disagreementss between between the parties parties or their their supporters, supporters, or crimes committed committed by by their follo followers, would be dealt dealt with. Seen in this light, the agreement with with Douglas in was a pragmatic step aimed at preserving preserving order in the realm, although the very very fact f act that it was made surely hints at previous tensions tensi ons between the two men. That the arrangements ar rangements were were to lapse if Albany became king was perfectly fectly natura natural. l. Even Even as Gov Governor, ernor, Alban Albany y was was merely merely a leading leading magnate, magnate, as was was Douglas; Douglas; but such an agreement agreement between between equals equals could not continue to prevail if one of the parties became king, because the relationship would then be di ff erent. erent. As for Albany’ Albany’ss ambiti ambition, on, it was, was, to say say the least least,, a reason reasonab able le preca precauti ution on for for the prospect prospect of his succession to the throne throne to be taken into consideration, for only James James stood in his way way.. It takes a major leap to argue that, by making provision provision for this eventuality,A eventuality,Albany lbany actively sought the elimination of James. Albany certainly allowed magnates to appropriate royal revenues from the customs, and his policy was was generally one of appeasement. His confirmation in of a grant by the earl of Orkney of land in free forest implicitly recognised the right of barons to create forests, even even though the principle pr inciple had been established in David I’s I’s ways,Albany Albany reign that tha t this was a royal royal monopoly mo nopoly..6 In this and other ways, 5 6
Chro Chron. n. Bowe Bower r , viii viii,, ; Exchequer Rolls, iv, iv, , . Gilbert, Hunting and Hunting Reserves , , ; RMS , i, – .
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did not confr confront ont his fellow-nob fellow-nobles, les, preferr preferring ing to keep keep them on board by concessions and agreements such as that with Douglas in consolidated their po power in the . The Douglases had further consolidated south-west south-west in that year when the fourth four th earl was granted g ranted the lordship of Annandale by by George Dunbar, Dunbar, earl of March, March, as a condition of the latter’s latter’s return from exile, exile, and they continued continued to dominate dominate southern southern Scotland. Scotland. In the north Alexander Alexander,, earl of Mar Mar and son son of the Wolf of Badenoch, Badenoch, enjoy enjoyed wide pow powers, especially especially after his victory over over Donald, lord of the Isles, at Harlaw in Garioch in . Realising that he was the only eff ective ective bulwark against Donald’s ambition, both Albany and his his son Murdoch Murdoch entered entered into agreements whereby Mar obtained a share of the pro fits of of justi justice ce,, the rev revenues of certain crown crown lordships, and grants from the customs. Whether allowing great magnates further to build up their power was a flawed awed policy depends on whether Albany could in practice have acted more forcefully without provoking the sort of opposition which might have led to anarchy and a long-term breakdown of the crown’ crown’ss authority author ity.. If the jury is still out on Albany, Albany, he did at least preserve the kingdom intact for James eventually to return to. Given his own and his son’s prospects of succeeding to the throne themselv themselves, es, this is scarcely scarcely surprising surpr ising.. The relative relative success of the go g overnorship of Duke Robert can be gauged by the difficulties experienced by Murdoch, Murdoch, who succeeded him in . Like Like Robert Robert II, II, Murdoc Murdoch h had troub trouble le with with unruly unruly sons, and the ensuing ensuing disor disorder der,, together together with the early early death of Henry V of England, England, encouraged encouraged negotiation negotiationss for the release release of James I. The fourth earl of Douglas worked for the king’s king’s return, although he departed departed for France before before James entered Scotland. Scotland. On the other other hand, hand, Walter, alter, Murdoch Murdoch’’s eldest surviv surviving ing son, son, violently violently opposed the negotiations and fomented disorder in Lennox Lennox which was to persist through the early months of James’ James’ss active active rule. By the treaty of London of December , James James was was to be released released in return for the sum of £ ,, paya payable ble in instalments, instalments, although although a sixth of this amount was later remitted as the dowry for his new wife wife, Jo Joan an Beauf Beaufort. ort. It was was subsequ subsequent ently ly agreed agreed that that no no further further Scottish soldiers would would be sent to France. The payment payment was was not technically a ransom, because James had not been been a prisoner of war, war, and so it was termed a payment for the hospitality which he had enjo enjoyed during during his eightee eighteen-y n-year ear sojou sojourn rn in England. England. The
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significant point was that James had incurred a major financial responsibility responsibility,, and for this both an increase in royal royal rev revenues and extraordinary taxation would would be required; required; the noteworthy noteworthy burst of parliamentary activity from is closely connected with the king’s need to raise money. Just as David II’s II’s release in had marked the beginning of troubled troubled times for Robert Stewart, Stewart, so James I’s I’s return to Scotland in must have been viewed with apprehension by those who had benefited during during the Alban Albany y regime, regime, and particu particular larly ly by Murdoch Murdoch himself, as well as by those who had been involv involved ed in the suspicious death of Rothesay. Rothesay. David II had initially initially had little choice but to ratify Robert Stewart’ Stewart’ss gains in northern norther n Scotland during dur ing his lieutenancy, lieutenancy, and James too had had to tread war warily ily.. Ro Royal yal authority had been in abeyance abeyance for many years, years, and he lacked both experience of Scottish politics politics and a secure territorial terr itorial or personal pow power base. base. His participati par ticipation on in Henry He nry V’s V’s campaigns campa igns may have made him the object obj ect of suspicion in some quarters, and he must hav have been aware aware of the presence of substantial Scottish forces forces in France,the France, the return of which might pose difficulties for his fledgling edgling regime. regime. But he was was a man with with big idea ideas. s. He had had seen at at first hand the advanced administrative tive machinery of the English state, the most centralised in Europe, Europe, and had witnessed the methods and successes of one of England’s most masterful masterful medie medieva vall kings. Inevitab Inevitably ly,, James’ James’ss programm programmee of legislative and administrative administrative reform refor m drew heavily heavily on lessons he had learnt during dur ing his captivity. captivity. His problem problem was going to be implementimplementing his reforms in a realm with diff erent erent traditions and much stronger regional identities. The traditional view of James I is strongly influenced by the eulogistic, though not invariably invariably unquestioning, unquestioning, account of his reign reign by by the chronicler Walter Bow Bower. Bower Bower was a contemporary observer who extended his history of Scotland to in order to draw moralistic alisti c lessons from James’s James’s life and murder. But James’s James’s reign was not seen in so favourable favourable a light by by other contemporaries, contemporaries, particularly among among the nobility nobility.. One of his murd murder erers, ers, Robert Graham, Graham, tried to justify the deed on the grounds that James was a tyrant, while Aeneas Silvius Silvius Piccolomi Piccolomini, ni, the future future Pope Pope Pius II, II, who visited visited Scotland Scotland in , described the king king as ‘irascibl ‘irasciblee and eager for rev revenge’, and commented on his having had a number of Scottish lords executed; the papal collector in England,wr England, writing iting shortly after the king’s king’s death,
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endorses the view that he was a tyrant.7 James was undoubtedly a much more vigorous vigorous ruler than his father or grandfather, and did much to enhance the image of the Scottish monarchy monarchy at home and abroad,but abroad, but his attempts to rebuild rebuild royal royal authority were understandably resented by those who stood in his way. Bower Bower descr des cribed ibed James as ‘our lawgiv lawg iver er king’. king’ . To many medieval medi eval writers writer s and more recent commentators, describing a ruler as a great legislator was a conventional conventional way way of expressing approbation, approbation, and we must be cautious before we over-emphasise the impact of James’s constitutional, legal and administrativ administrativee reforms or his stated intention to restore royal royal justice; even even Bower Bower comments on the undesirability of introducing new laws which cannot be kept. 8 On the other hand, we must not not allow allow the limited long-term long-ter m eff ectiveness ectiveness of his legislation leg islation to conceal the fact that his proposed refor reforms ms were were on an unprecedented unprecedented scale. The broad range of legislation in James’s early parliaments suggests some advanced planning rather than a capacity merely to respo respond nd to to ev events, ents, althou although gh man many y of James’ ames’ss enact enactmen ments, ts, for instance those concerning the burghs, may hav have been based on the necessity to boost royal finances. nances. Some statutes statutes were were designed designed to improve the quality of those who administered justice in lower courts, ordering ordering their remo removal if they were were inefficient or lacked knowledge knowledge of the law. law. Others aimed to improv improve law enforcement enforcement throughout throughout the realm, and prevent prevent powerful powerful individuals intimidating courts courts by bringing along armed men. men. An act of laid down that none of the king’s subjects was to live under particular laws or special privileges, pr ivileges, and that everyone everyone was to submit to the king’s king’s statutes. The origin of the central Court Court of Session can be be attributed to this year. ear. Some measures measures had a military military purpose purpose,, for example example encouraging archery and banning banning pursuits such as football, while in landowners north of the Mounth were ordered to repair or rebuild castles and other forti fications. cations. Legislation Legislation was was intr introduc oduced ed to control control the activities of those who sought preferment prefer ment at the papal curia, and to combat heresy. heresy. Weights and measures meas ures were were controlled, controlled, the export export of bullion bullion restricted, restricted, seasons seasons for hunting hunting defined, the killing killing of wolv wolves es and destruction destruction of of rooks’ rooks’ nests order ordered, ed, and the 17
The Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis , ed. M. Connolly, SHR , (), ; Copiale Prioratus Sanctiandree , – ; R. Weiss,‘The eiss, ‘The earliest account of the murder murder of James James I of Scotland’, 8 EHR , (), – . Chro Chron. n. Bowe Bower r , viii viii,, .
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dress of diff erent erent sections sections of the communit community y laid down. down. In many many instances, instances, this legislation legislation either repeate repeated d earlier measure measuress or was aimed merely at ensuring that the existing system worked more efficiently, ciently, and it would be misleading to suggest that it was fundamentally mentally innov innovative. ative. Its bulk and scope, scope, how however ever,, must must have have made an impression on contemporaries. On the constitutional constitutional side, James I tried to make make the unicameral Scottish parliament conform more closely to the English model. The parliament of laid down down that its members should come in person, rather than by proxy proxy,, unless they could show a lawful lawful reason for absenc absence. e. In a statute declared that the lesser barons and free tenants were no longer to be obliged to attend parliament and general general council; council; in their place place each sheri sheri ff dom dom was to send a fixed number of representati representativ ves according to its size, size, these persons being elected at the head court of the sheri ff dom dom and having their expenses defrayed by the sheriff dom. dom. Prela Prelates tes and and secula secularr nobles nobles were to be personally summoned by brieve (a royal letter similar to the English English writ). These reforms reforms were were ineff ectual, ectual, perhaps perhaps primarily because of the innate conservatism of the Scottish political classes classes,, but but the act has been seen as an attempt by parliament to end the fining of freeholders for non-attendance (under the statute of ) while ensuring ensur ing that some representativ representatives es of this class would would be present, even even though magnates would surely surely have have had a major role role in their their election. There may also have have been a fiscal motive in the king’s desire to regulate parliamentary attendance. James found his subjects reluctant to grant taxes. Unlike Unlike their contemporaries in England, where direct direct taxation on movab movables les and clerical cler ical incomes had become become fairly regular during the course of the fourteenth century, century, the Scots had little experience exper ience of royal royal demands for extraordinary reven revenues. ues. In order to help help the king meet his obliobligations gations to the English English,, the parliamen parliamentt of May May permitted a complex tax of d in the pound for two years years on both clergy and laity, laity, as well as a customs duty of d in the pound on the export of bullion bullion.. Bow Bower, er, who was was one of of the auditors auditors of of the tax, tax, tell tellss us that much less was collected in the second year than in the first, and later attempts to levy taxation through the political community in parliamen parliament, t, for instance instance in in , had only only limit limited ed succ success. ess. A tax tax of to pay for a mission to France to arrange ar range a marriage marr iage for the king’ king’ss daug daughte hterr Margar Margaret et led, led, accor accordin ding g to Bow Bower, er, to great great
The Stewart kings
murmurings and had to be abandoned, although it is improbable improbable that the money collected was returned to the payers as Bower suggests.9 After , there therefor foree, James James raised raised money money primarily from from individuals individuals by legal judgements and a nd by forced loans such as those in which funded the journey of Princess Margaret into her unhapp unhappy y marriage marr iage to the French French Dauphin. Dauphin. Relativ Relatively little little of the money raised by these methods ever found its way to England, much of it being used for the king’s building projects and other measures designed to enhance his domestic and international reputation; utation; but the di difficulty James experienced exper ienced in levying direct taxes is indicative of one of the most fundamental di ff erences erences between Scotland and England. James also launched enquiries into cro crown lands and the activities of officials during his absence, and grants from customs customs duties were were revoked revoked if the king felt fe lt that they t hey were were unjusti fied. One of the principal victims of of these measures measures was the earl of Mar, Mar, who lost the annuities from from the customs, customs, most importantly those of Aberdeen and Inv Inverness, er ness, which he had used to enhance his control control of the north-east, and saw his position further undermined by by the king’s king’s support for his enemy enemy, the lord of the Isles. Such enquiries were were also an obvious obvious threat to Murdoch Murdoch and his family, family, and it is likely that James saw the weakening eakening of the Albany Stewarts Stewarts as his primary primar y objective in the first year of his active reign. Paradoxically Paradoxically,, James’s James’s security was strengthened by a heavy heavy Scottish Scottish defeat defeat in France France.. On August a force under the earls of Douglas Douglas and Bucha Buchan n was was crushed crushed at Verneuil, remo removing the threat to the king from the potential return of those troops and temporarily weakening weakening the Douglases. Douglases. Buchan was was the half-brother half-brother of Murdoch, Murdoch, duke duke of Albany, Albany, and the king prev prevented his estates, which included the earldom earldom of Ross as well well as that of Buchan, passing to his brother Robert, so weakening weakening the pow power of the Albany Stewarts Stewarts in the north. Alexander earl of Mar was was now now prevailed prevailed upon to detach himself from from Murdoch, Murdoch, although James James distrusted him and was probably probably not prepared prepared to grant g rant him major concessions in return for support. James’s James’s actions are are best explained in terms of a determination mination to crush the Albany Albany Stewarts, Stewarts, even even at the expense of enhancing the pow power of the lord of the the Isles, whose claim to Ross 19
Ibid., ; for some some cauti cautiona onary ry remark remarkss see E. W. M. Balfou Balfour-M r-Melv elvill ille, e, James I, King of Scots, – (London, ), – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the king now now supported. It may not not be coincidence coincidence that in the parliament of March James was reminded that Highlanders could could not be trusted to make restitution to victims of their violence.10 During the same parliament James had Murdoch and his son Alexander arrested. After trial in a subsequent sitting, they were were exeexecuted, cuted, along with Walter Stewart, Stewart, the most hostile of Murdoch’ Murdoch’ss sons, and the the former former Gov Governor’s ernor’s father-in-la father-in-law w, the aged aged earl earl of Lennox. Lennox. Since the arrest of Murdoch Murdoch did not take place place until nine days into into the parliamentary session, it is unlikely unlikely that the assembly assembly had been called called primarily to deal with the Albany Albany Stewarts, Stewarts, and there remains some doubt as to the precise grou g rounds nds on which they were seized seized and ex executed. ecuted. The intensi intensification of the rumbling rebellion in Lennox Lennox by another another son of Murdoch, Murdoch, James the Fat, and the burning of Dumbarton on May may well have sealed the fate of the rest rest of the family, family, as well well as inspiring legislation in to preven preventt unauthorised contact with Ireland, where James James had taken refuge; but in itself it does not fully explain either the arrest or the savagery savagery with which the Albany Stewarts Stewarts were were despatched. After all, they could have been used as hostages in England for the king’s debts there. there. It is likely likely that the king acted partly from from long-standing resentment of his pow powerful kinsmen, dating right back to the death of Rothesay, Rothesay, and partly par tly from a desire to increase royal royal revenues revenues by securing control of of their extensiv extensive territories terr itories in central Scotland; he realised that the t he profits of crown crown estates constituted his most important sourc sourcee of income income.. James James exploite exploited d the poor poor relatio relationship nship between between Murdoch and his son Walter, and there can be little doubt that he was determined to extirpate the family as soon as he felt strong enough to do so. so. The crown crown was enriched by the revenues revenues of the the forfeited forfeited earldoms earldoms of of Fife, Fife, Menteith Menteith and Lenno Lennox, a lesson lesson which was was not lost on James, nor on his his opponents; writing after his death, the Englishman John John Shirley commented commented that many felt that James’s James’s actions against his kinsmen were motivated motivated primarily primar ily by greed, as were were his attempts attempts to raise raise taxes. taxes.11 The ruthlessness of James’s James’s methods against Murdoch and his family must have raised fears about his future intentions. In other cases too James James I had few scruples. His arrest of sev several Highland chiefs in was unlikely to worry his Lowland mag10
APS , ii, .
11
Dethe of the Kynge of Scotis, .
The Stewart kings
nates, but the the fact that he trick tr icked ed the chiefs chiefs into meeting meeting him at Inv Inverness shows shows an unpleasant facet f acet of his character which was also manifested manifested in his dealings dealings with other other nobles. nobles. He deprived deprived Malise Graham, Graham, great-grandson great-grandson of Robert Robert II by his second second marriage marr iage,, of the earldom of Strathearn on the grounds that it could not be passed through through a female line, line, compensating him with the the lesser title of earl of Menteith, Menteith, and the hapless hapless Malise Malise spent twenty-si twenty-six x years years as a hostage in England from . In the king arrested George Dunbar Dunbar, earl of Marc March, h, and parliame parliament nt forfeited forfeited his his lands lands the folfollowing lowing January January,, apparently setting aside his father’ f ather’ss restoration by Albany in . Gro Growing disor disorder der in the south-east south-east,, occasioned occasioned (at least in part) by the king’s promotion of the interests of the earl of Angus, threatened border security secur ity,, and in this context the example of March’ Ma rch’ss father’ f ather’ss treason treas on in was pertinent, but the arrest was was hardly likely to make March a more reliable subject and certain cer tain to send shock-waves through the rest of the nobility.When the earl of Mar died in James ignored the strategic importance of having having a powerful powerful supporter in the north-east to act as a counterweight counterweight to the lord lord of the Isles, and kept kept the rev revenues enues of the the earldom for himself.The fifth earl of Douglas also found few favours favours from James. He probably expected to bene fit in the wake wake of Murdoch’s Murdoch’s fall, in which he had acquiesced, especially in view of his family’s family’s support for James’s James’s return retur n in , but instead the king king forced him him to resign certain rights r ights in Selkirk Selkirk and Ettr Ettrick ick Forest, Forest, and confirmed the position of the fourth earl’s earl’s widow, widow, Margaret, as lady of Galloway Galloway,, rather than allowing allowing the new new earl to take take control control there. there. In Douglas was briefl y imprisoned. impr isoned. The crown’s relations with the nobility are analysed more fully in the following following chapter, chapter, and the incidents outlined here here must not be blown blown out of of proportion. proportion. Faced with a realm in which ro royal power had withered after over fifty years of ineff ective ective kingship, James doubtless felt fully justified in taking strong measures against those he considered to be opponents, and this included arresting them them at court court or counc council. il. It is in such such acti actions ons,, how however ever,, that that any any justification for the notion that he was a tyrant must lie. Thus far, James had been successful in reasserting reasserting royal royal authority and imposi imposing ng his his will will on fractious fractious nobl nobles. es. But in he was involved in a fiasco which undermined his reputation and gave encouragem encouragement ent to his internal internal enemies. enemies. He launched launched an attack attack on
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the great border border fortress of Roxburgh, Roxburgh, which was was still in English hand hands; s; so con confident was he of victory that he invested signi ficant politi political cal capi capital tal in the the inev inevita itabl blee triumph. triumph. In the the event event,, he was was repulsed repulsed,, and his preciou preciouss ordnance ordnance was was lost. It was probab probably ly at the ensuing general council meeting in October, October, at which the king asked for money, money, that Robert Graham made manifest his opposition to James’s James’s methods and apparently laid hands upon his person. per son.12 On the night of February Graham stabbed the king in a drain below below the Dominican friary fr iary in Perth.13 The murder murder shocked shocked contemporaries. contemporaries. While Graham Graham and his fellow-conspirators fellow-conspirators who burst into the Perth Blackfriars Blackfriar s all had personal griev gr ievances ances against the king, king, and many of them had had links with the Albany Stewarts, Stewarts, it is unlikely unlikely that they would would have have engaged in so desperate an enterprise without some guarantee of support and protection protection from from a leading magnate. Blame was was laid at the door of Walter, alter, earl of Atholl, Atholl, the sole surviving surviving legitimate son of Robert II, and he was was duly executed executed along with the other other conspirators. Atholl could have have expected to rule the country after the king’s death as the closest adult male relative and heir presumptive of the young young James II, and he was an obvious obvious beneficiary of James I’s I’s removal, removal, but we we must examine whether he had particular reasons for inv involvement olvement in the plot. After all, Atholl had built up his pow power in Perthshire partly at the expense of the Graham family and in opposition to the Albany Stewarts, Stewarts, and although Robert Graham can be shown to have had links with Earl Ea rl Walter after , it would would be somewhat paradoxical if a band of Albany partisans were to execute execute a plot on behalf of Atholl. Brown Brown has argued cogently that contemporaries were correct to blame blame the earl of Atholl, Atholl, even even though some some observers observers outside Scotland, such as John Shirley, Shirley, were less convinced convinced of his direct participation in the conspiracy. conspiracy. Atholl had reaped material mater ial benefits from his previously previously good relations relations with James I, and had been giv g iven en the earldom of Strathearn Strathear n by the king in July . The grant grant was, was, how however ever,, only for his own own lifetime, lifetime, and could not automatically be passed on to his grandson grandson and and heir heir Robert, Robert, who was was at the the Blackfriars Blackfriar s on the fateful night and was almost certainly certa inly involv involved ed in 12 13
Ibid., . For what follows see M. H. Brown,‘“That Brown,‘“That Old Serpent and Ancient of Evil Days”:Walter, Days”:Walter, . earl of Atholl and the death of James I’, SHR , (), –
The Stewart kings
preparing the way way for the assassination. Given Given the king’s king’s previous previous record record and his desire to enhance his revenues, revenues, it must have have seemed likely to Atholl that the crown would recover Strathearn after his death, and that his heir would would not then hav have an especially valuable inheritance.The inheritance. The king had already cast acquisitive acquisitive eyes on lands controlled trolled by by Atholl, Atholl, and Queen Queen Joan Joan was seeking seeking dow dower lands in his area of influence uence.. Ro Roy yal backin backing g for the the candida candidacy cy of Jame Jamess Kennedy Kennedy,, the king’s king’s nephew, nephew, for the bishopric of Dunkeld in early blow to Atholl’s Atholl’s interests in Perthshire. Perthshire. Brown Brown was a further blow argues that it was was these personal issues, issues, rather rather than the repulse repulse at Roxburgh Ro xburgh and the demand for taxation, which persuaded Atholl to back the conspiracy to kill James. How However, ever, if Atholl was indeed involv involved ed in the plot, he was gambling for high stakes st akes and must have have believed that the conspiracy conspi racy had a realistic chance of succeeding. Because of his his place in the ro royal succession, blame for for the murder murder would would inevitably inevitably be be directed directed towar towards ds him, and to ensure his ultimate triumph tr iumph he needed to have have James’s James’s six-year-old heir physically under his control. control. Successive Successive royal royal minorities were clearly to demonstrate this essential feature of Scottish politics, and Atholl no doubt hoped to utilise his close connection nection with Prince James’ James’ss custodian, custodian, Jo John hn Spens. Spens. The failure failure of the conspirators to despatch Queen Joan was a serious blunder, because she was able to rally opposition to Atholl, but even even then it was not inevitable that Earl Walter would not prevail. prevail. The queen was English, her character and her sex were were further disadvantages in the male-dominated world of fifteenth-century Scotland, Scotland, and there were doubtless many who believed that Atholl was the natural leader of of the realm realm during the minority minority of James II. In the light light of events it suited Bower and other Scottish chroniclers to allege that Atholl had long harboured ambitions to be king, had been involv involved ed in the conspirac conspiracy y and so deserved deserved to die, die, but firm proof that he inspired it is more elusive. The execution of Atholl and his grandson meant that only three adult earls remained in Scotland:Archibald, earl of Douglas;William Dougla Douglas, s, earl earl of Angus; Angus; and Alexan Alexander der Lindsa Lindsay y, earl earl of Crawfo Crawford rd.. Two other earls, Menteith and Sutherland, were hostages in England for James I’s I’s debts. Angus died in October , leaving leaving a minor as his heir. heir. There was was thus an unprecedented unprecedented vacuum vacuum in the upper upper echelons of the Scottish political community, community, which both encour aged aged
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
the ambitions of lesser men and gave the earls of Douglas a position of dominance which even even they had not previously previously enjoyed. enjoyed. The Black Douglases were in fact notable beneficiaries of the murder of James I and its bloody bloody aftermath, and their own inv involvement olvement in the conspiracy cannot be be totally discounted, although the evidence evidence for it is ev even more more circumst circumstantial antial than that that against against Atholl. Atholl. Earl Archibald had not received the rewards from James I to which he no doubt felt himself entitled, and had witnessed royal royal intervention intervention in his pow power base of Ettrick Forest, Forest, while his arrest in may be connected with his involvement in covert negotiations to attempt to secure the release from from English custody of Malise Malise Graham, who was also the nephew of James I’s assassin.14 One source states that during the Roxburgh Roxburgh campaign Robert Stewart, Stewart,Atholl’ Atholl’ss grandson, g randson, was made made constable of the host, a mark of his own own high standing with the king and a blow to the prestige of Douglas and Angus, whose role as march wardens might have led them to expect such preferment preferment for themselv themselves. es. There There were, ere, therefor therefore, e, several several reasons reasons why the Douglases might have had cause for hostility towards the king, and although suggestions that they they supported the murder murder plot remain mere mere speculation, the family was nonetheless able to become the dominant pow power in the new reign. reign. As well well as their extensive extensive landed landed endowment endowment,, especially especially in southern southern Scotland, Scotland, they they also had several links with the royal line through marriage. Although the the earl of Douglas became became lieutenant, at least after the death of Angus, political ascendancy was disputed between between the riv r ival al families of of Crichton and Livi Livingst ngston. on. William William Crichton, Crichton, who held held Edinburgh Edinburgh castle, castle, had been favoured favoured by James I. The Livingstons Livingstons may hav have relied initially on backing from Queen Joan, but in Sir Alexander Alexander Livingst Livingston, on, who had custody custody of Stirling Stirling castle, castle, imprisoned the queen queen and her new new husband, husband, James Stewart Stewart of Lorn. Crichton Cr ichton subsequently subsequently abducted abducted James James II and took him back to Edinburgh. While these events events in the royal royal court have have naturally attracted the most attention, old scores were were being settled throughout Scotland Scotland during the minority, minority, with disturbances disturbances in Lenno Lennox, x, further further disputes disputes ov over the earldom earldom of Mar, Mar, and open open warfare warfare between the Lindsays and the Gordons, Gordons, a dispute which was to take 14
R. Nichol Nicholson son,, Scotland:The Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh, ), .
The Stewart kings
on arguably broader significance at the battle of Brechin in . The events of James I’s reign had left a legacy of bitterness which encouraged many to take advantage of the sudden diminution of central authority. The instability of Scottish politics was intensified when Douglas died in , like his his cousin Angus leaving a son who was was under age. The new earl and his brother brother were were put to death in at the infamous ‘Black Dinner’, leaving James James Douglas of Balvenie Balvenie and Abercorn, who had been created earl of Avandale after the death of James I, as heir heir to most of the Douglas estates. Avandale was a much greater threat to Crichton and Livingston than the young Earl William had been, and it is likely that he was inv involved olved in the move move to eliminate the two two brothers; brothers; certainly he raised no objection objection to their judicial murders, murders, and indeed probably probably author authorised ised them in his capacity capacity as justiciar justiciar south south of the Forth. Forth. It is significant that the sixth earl was not not forfeited, thus enabling many many of his lands and his title to pass to James James Douglas. Douglas. James James himself himself died in March March , and and it it was his son William, William, the eighth eighth earl, who was was to be the principal beneficiary of his father’ f ather’ss complicity in the Black Dinner. Dinner. The declaration of the king’s majority in the parliament of Perth in June was a cynical move to give members of the Douglas faction opportunities to enhance their already already considerable power power,, since actions performed perfor med in James’s James’s name now had increased authority. authority. For example, example, although although the lordship lordship of Annandale Annandale had fallen to the crown crown on the death of the t he sixth earl ea rl in , the eighth eighth earl was was certainly hoping to acquir acquiree it, and with it perhaps the lordship of of Man, with which Annandale had been associated in the past. At the same time Earl William was striving to prevail upon his wife’s grandmother mother Margaret, Margaret, duchess duchess of Touraine ouraine,, the elderly wido widow of the fourth earl, earl, to resign resign her rights in Gallow Galloway, ay, a process process which which was was apparently apparently complete complete by August August , when the earl was at Threav Threave making grants of Galwegian Galwegian lands without reference to his wife or Margaret.15 Such ambitions were clear manifestations of empirebuilding on the part of the Douglases, and doubtless contr contributed ibuted to the king’s bitterness towards them. After his marriage in July to Mary Mary of Gueldre Gueldres, s, James James II took personal control control of the government. government. The Livingstons Livingstons were were 15
Douglases:War and Lordship in Late Medieval Scotland, – (East M. Bro Brown, wn, The Black Douglases:War Linton, ), .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
forfeited in the parliament of January , a move move which was was connected at least as much with the need to provide the new queen with a suitable tocher (marriage portion) as with their misdemeanours during the minority. minority. The earl of Douglas also benefited materially from the fall of the Livingstons and their adherents, adherents,16 and received a fresh royal grant of the whole of Galloway and Ettrick and Selkirk Forest; Forest; the king abandoned abandoned rights which his father had established establis hed in the Forest and recognised the resignation resignatio n of Galloway Galloway by the duchess of Touraine. 17 It appeared that close relations between the crown and the Black Douglases had been renewed on terms which benefited the latter, but the issue of the queen’s queen’s tocher soon brought their interests into direct con flict with those of the king.The king. The scene was set for f or the showdown showdown between James James II and the Douglases which dominated politics up to . The year saw the death of Margaret, duchess of Touraine. ouraine. Legally, Legally, the earldom of Wigtown Wigtown and the lordship of Gallowa Galloway y now now rev reverted to the crown, crown, and the king wanted to give give Wigtown Wigtown to the queen to increase the value value of her tocher, tocher, despite his concession to the eighth earl earlier in the year. year. Douglas was at this this time making a pilgrimage pilgr image to Rome to receive receive the plenary indulgence which had been off ered ered to all those visiting the city during dur ing the year of Jubilee Jubilee and making appropriate appropriate off erings, erings, and from from all accounts accounts he he made a major impression. impression. James II sought to take take advantage advantage of the earl’s earl’s absence from Scotland, a move move which resembled resembled the sharp shar p practices of his father and must have made the nobility uneasy. On his return return to Scotland, Douglas demonstrated his loyalty loyalty by by resigning his lands and titles to the king in the parliament of July . He receiv received ed most of them them back immedia immediately tely,, but it was was not until October that he was reinvested with the earldom of Wigtown.18 On the surface this seemed to mark a resolution of the recent diff erences erences between between Earl Earl William William and James, James, but the the harmony was illusory, illusory, and the king’s king’s belated and reluctant concession over over Wigtown is a reflection of the t he crown’ crown’ss weakness in the th e face fa ce of Douglas power. power. William had sought support within Scotland by making a bond of alliance with the earls of Crawford and Ross. Alexander Alexander Lindsa Lindsay y, who had had succeede succeeded d his father father as earl earl of Crawford in , was was a major source source of of disorder disorder,, while while Ross was was 16
RMS , ii, , .
17
APS , ii, – ; RMS , ii, – .
18
APS , ii, – .
The Stewart kings
also lord of the Isles and dominated areas in the north and west which which were were largely largely outside outside ro royal contr control. ol. Ross was was married marr ied to Elizabeth Livingston, Livingston, and the fall of her family had caused the king king to rescind his promise of the keepership of Urquhart castle on Loch Ness and other favours, favours, leading to a rebellion by Ross Ross in March March . With two two brothers brothers of the earl of Douglas now now holding the earldoms of Moray and Ormond, and thus controlling controlling extensiv extensive lands in in northern Scotland, Scotland, the bond bond between between Douglas, Douglas, Crawfor Crawford d and Ross posed a major threat to James II’s II’s independence of action. They were were not natural natural allies, and their agreement may may have have been designed designe d to protect their own own interests from possible encroachment by the cro crown rather than being openly treachero treacherous, us, but from from the king’s king’s standpoint the alliance must have have appeared alarming. alar ming. Such bonds bonds normally included included clauses clauses reserving reserving the the participants’ participants’ allegiance to the crown, crown, but there there is some reason to suppose suppose that this one did not: the lord of of the Isles frequently acted as though he was a sov sovereign ereign prince, prince, even even in Ross. The original document document is lost, but if it was unconventionally worded this might explain the king’s violent reaction to it. 19 In late February James II II entertained the earl of Douglas at Stirling. Stirling. Douglas Douglas had demanded, and receiv received, ed, a royal royal safe-cond safe-conduct, uct, which was in itself a clear indication of the poor relations between between the king and his his leading magnate magnate.. It also suggests suggests a rapid deterioration in those those relations, for the earl had been at court only a month month previously previously.. After dinner on February James ordered Douglas to break break his bond with with Crawfor Crawford d and Ross. The earl refused, refused, wherewhereupon James personally stabbed him with a knife. The murder murder of Douglas was was surely an unpremeditated unpremeditated act. The breach of the terms of the safe-conduct and the conventions conventions of hospitality pitality made made it especiall especially y shocking shocking to contempora contemporaries, ries, and it is inconceivable that James would deliberately have risked such suc h opprobrium br ium in order to destroy destroy Douglas, howev however er afraid he was of his alliance with Crawford Crawford and Ross. There were were surely surely ways ways of bringing br inging about Earl William’s death without the king needing to implicate himself directly directly in the deed, and it is likely that that two days days of fruitless negotiations had so exasperated James that he lost control of himself. 19
A. Grant,‘Scotland’ Grant,‘Scotland’ss “Celtic “Celtic Fringe” in the late Middle Ages: the MacDonald MacDonald lords of the : Isle Isless and and the the kin kingd gdom om of Sco Scotl tlan and’ d’,, in R. R. R. Davi Davies es,, ed., ed., The British Isles, – : Comparisons, Comparisons, Contrasts and and Connections (Edinburgh, ), , n..
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
In any event, event, the murder murder was bound to inspire inspire the other Douglases to seek vengeance. vengeance. In March William’ William’ss brother James, who had now now become become the ninth ninth earl, went to Stirlin Stirling, g, denounced denounced the the king with with the blast blast of twenty-fo twenty-four ur horns, dragged dragged the useless useless safe-conduct safe-conduct through through the streets at the tail of a horse, horse, and plundered and burned burned the town. town. These ceremonies ceremonies marke marked d the Douglases’ Douglases’ formal defiance of James James II. He had not demonstrat demonstrated ed the ‘good ‘good lordship’ lordship’ requisi requisite te in a king, and so they renounced their fealty to him. Nicholson criticises the Douglases for responding to the murder of Earl William in a conservativ conservative and unenlightened manner. manner. He suggests that they could have declared the king deposed as a per jured tyrant, and set up an alternative government government to legitimise their actions, instead of indulging in the sack of Stirling and giving the impression that they were interested only in revenge. 20 This argument, how however ever,, presupposes both that the Douglases had the requirequisite support to set up a viable viable regime, and that they had had a realistic alternative to James James as king of Scots. In fact they could boast neither. neither. In March James still had no son to succeed him. The future James III was born only at the end of May, May, at Bishop Kennedy’ Kennedy’ss castle castle at St Andre Andrews. ws. It was, was, ther therefore efore,, far from from clear clear who who woul would d have the best claim to the throne in the event of James II’s deposition. tion. Malise Graham Graham was was a possible possible candidate candidate,, but he he was was still languishing in England and, and, moreover moreover,, had few few political political ambitions; the Douglases may have tried to procure his release in ,21 but if so nothing had come of this initiative. initiative. Anyone Anyone contemplating a change of ruler ruler had, there therefor foree, to reck reckon on with with the lik likelihoo elihood d that the the Douglases would dominate the new reign and the very real possibility that their their ranks ranks would would supply supply the monarc monarch; h; after all, the family had close marital links with the ro royal house. house. Any attempt by by the Douglases to remo remove ve James, how however ever heinous his crime, was thus likely to be interpreted as a bid further to increase their power in Scotland, and it is doubtful whether whether a broad broad cross-section cross-section of the political community would have welcomed such an eventuality. The view of the community was most fully expressed in parliament, which could only be summoned by the king or his lawful representative, tative, and the Douglases could have have off ered ered no coherent or widely acceptable political settlement in any case. 20
Nicholson, Scotland , .
21
C. McGladdery McGladdery,, James II (Edinburgh, ), .
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James II’s II’s position was, therefore, therefore, less vulnerable than it would have have been if he had had a clear heir. heir. As well as benefiting from suspicion of the Douglases Douglases and their intentions, he could count count on the widespread predisposition of loyalty loyalty to an anointed anointed king. When Crawford was confronted by the earl of Huntly at Brechin in May a contemporary chronicler tells us that more were with Huntly because he displayed the royal banner and was the king’s lieutenant, although the battle battle itself was was also an incident incident in a perpersonal feud and must must not be blown blown out of proportion. proportion. Support for the Douglas cause was less firm in south-west south-west Scotland than might hav have been expected, expected, perhaps perhaps because because the branch branch of the family which had come to prominence after the Black Dinner lacked the close connections with Galloway which had been such a source of power power to earlier earls, and indeed some Douglas adherents adherents sought charters from the king as though they anticipated that he would prevail prevail in the coming c oming con flict. James, James, how however ever,, overplayed erplayed his hand. After parliament exonerated him for f or the murder of Earl William, he tried tr ied to press press home his advantage advantage by raiding raiding southern Scotland, but this expedition led to the destruction of cr crops ops and was was resented. On August the king and the ninth earl came to a formal agreement, a greement, called the ‘Appoyntement’, ‘Appoyntement’, and in the following following January the two men entered into into a bond of manrent, manrent, in which the king promised promised to restor restoree the earldo earldom m of Wigto Wigtown to Douglas. Douglas. He also also undertook undertook to promote the latter’s latter’s marr mar r iage to his brother’s brother’s widow, widow, Margaret of Gallowa Galloway y, a dispensation for which was was granted by the pope in late Februar ruary y .22 This marriage was critically important for Douglas, since Margaret had inherited inherited some of the lands of the executed sixth earl, her brother brother,, and a continued continued bond of wedlock was was essential if the ninth earl was was to retain control control of them. The king must hav have resented these terms, and these conciliatory conciliatory actions can only be regarded as tactical devices to gain time. By James II II was was ready to launch another assault. His tactics were to attack Douglas strongholds and accuse the family of treason if they they took steps steps to defend defend them. them. The ninth ninth earl was, was, therefor therefore, e, in an impossible position, position, forced either meekly meekly to accept the loss of his estates or to become involved in a war with the king that he could hardly hardly hope hope to to win. win. His ally ally, the earl earl of of Cra Crawford wford,, had died died in in 22
CPL , x, – .
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September , leaving leaving a minor minor to succeed succeed him. Douglas Douglas himself himself lacked char charisma isma and probably probably also the will to depose depose James, for the competition between the Douglases and James II had primarily been over the extent of royal authority rather than over who should exerc exercise ise it, and although although Malise Malise Graham had had now now returned returned to Scotland he was not interested interested in making a bid for the crown. crown. James had broader broader support than Douglas, and much super superior ior weaponry weaponry,, including a number of pieces of of artillery. artillery. Ordnance was certainly used against Abercorn Abercorn castle, the chief strongho stronghold ld of the earl’s earl’s branch of the family, family, and against the forbidding tower-house tower-house of Threave Threave in Galloway Galloway, which stood stoo d on an island islan d in the riv r iver er Dee and may hav have recently been strengthened by by new artillery artiller y defences, and it is possible that the king also used his new weapons against the castles of Douglas and Strathaven. Strathaven. The advent of an age of gunpo g unpowwder ordnance did not suddenly make traditional castles redundant, and it was negotiation rather than firepower repower which whi ch gave James pospos session session of Threa Threav ve, but artillery was was so expensiv expensivee that that only only the the crown was able to aff ord ord it, and that that gav gave rulers a considera considerable ble advantage in dealing with their rebellious subjects. It is easy to criticise the earl for his apparent lack of enthusiasm to defend even even Abercorn, which precipitated precipitated the desertion of his former ally Lor Lord d Hamilton. Hamilton. It is more more di difficult to suggest a coherent strategy that he might have have followed. followed. The king started star ted the war, war, and by April, when he he summoned summoned the the Douglases Douglases to answ answer er charges of treason, he had already ensured that they had condemned condemned themselves themselves by resisting resisting his assaults. In June June parliament duly forfeited the family’s family’s possessions; the earl had fled to England, England, and his brothbrothers had been defeated at Arkinholm on May by an army composed largely of southern lairds, the very very group g roup which previously previously had served the family but now now took advantage of its fall. In an act of desperate defiance, ance, Douglas Douglas grante g ranted d Threav Threavee to the king of England, England, but there there was was no prospect prospect of English English interventio intervention. n. Henry VI’s VI’s reign had seen a steady breakdown breakdown of royal royal authority author ity,, and his recent bout bout of insanity, insanity, follow followed by his his unexpected reco recovery very,, led to the the viol violen entt con conflicts which became known as the Wars of the Roses. Douglas Douglas could expect no assistance assistance.. The king’s king’s triump tr iumph h was complete. Any analysis of James II’s reign is bound to be dominated by the story of his relation relationship ship with with the Black Douglases Douglases,, although although the
The Stewart kings
family was less of a threat to royal power than James sometimes feared feared and the seemingly life-and-de life-and-death ath struggle might suggest. suggest. His relations with other magnates display a similar desire for control without necessarily off ering ering appropriate rewards for support. Despite the valuable valuable assistance giv g iven en to him by Huntly, Huntly, he dashed his hopes for the earldom of Moray, Moray, perhaps fearful that his family, family, the Gordons, Gordons, would become become dominant dominant in the north-east, while while his creation of the earldoms of Rothes, Marischal Mar ischal and Erroll was was presumably also intended to check the pow power of Huntly. Huntly. The king ignored the long-standing Erskine claims to the earldom of Mar, which was annexed anne xed to the crown in on the grou g rounds nds that James was the heir of the childless childless Alexander Stewart, Stewart, who had died in ; the rights of the the heirs heirs of Countess Countess Isabella, Isabella, who had pred predeeceased her husband husband,, were set set aside. aside. The king king clearly clearly intended intended to impose impose his authority authority on the north-east, north-east, and the grant of the the earldoms of Moray Moray and Mar to his young young sons is proof proof of this. James displayed a more conciliatory attitude towards the lord of the Isles, condoning his seizure of the castle of Urquhart in the rebellion of , but in this case he probably probably had little alternative. alternative. Perhaps the most significant legislative enactment of the reign was the Act of Annexation of August . This This laid laid down down that that certain lands, lordships and castles were were to belong to the crow crown n inalienably, alienably, so as to give ro royal rev revenues enues a stable foundation. foundation. Grants of heritable offices made since the death of James I were were revoked revoked,, and hereditary wardenships wardenships were forbidden. All regalities regalities in crown crown hands were were to be merged with sheri sher iff doms, doms, and new regalities regalities were were to be created only with consent of parliament.This parliament. This measure was was no doubt inspired by the forfeiture of the Douglases and the consequent acquisition by the crown of vast territories and hereditary offices, but its very enactment implied some criticism of James II. At least in part, financial difficulties had been behind the king’s attack on the Livingstons in – and his assaults on the Douglases, and the Act of Annexation was an attempt by parliament (albeit (albei t a vain one) to ensure that crown rev revenues enues would henceforth hencefor th have a solid base. In James II was killed by an a n exploding cannon during an ultimately ultimately succes successful sful assault assault on Roxbu Roxburgh rgh castle castle.. His reign reign is difficult to assess because of the paucity of sources. sources. The destruction of the Black Douglas Douglases es appealed appealed to most later later historians, historians, who
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regarded the strengthening of royal power over magnates as both necessary and meritorious. meritor ious. The circumstances circumstances of the king’s king’s death, assaulting the English-held stronghold which had been the scene of his father’s father’s greatest humiliation, did not raise tricky questions about tyranny as in the cases of James James I and James III. Much of our knowlknowledge of James II’s reign concerns his involvement in military activity, ity, and there is no means means of assessing how how competent a ruler he would hav have proved proved in times of peace. peace. In March parliament suggested that he should attend to domestic justice and observe newly made statutes,23 although such implied criticism is commonplace and there is evidence that James was personally involved in judicial ayres. ayres. His relations with the nobility appear to have have been generally cordial, and his creation of of new earldoms and lor lordships dships of parliament at minimal cost to himself bound the nobles to the crown crown more more intimately than had had previously previously been customary customary.. But there is also evidence that he had inherited the high-handed attitude of his his father. father. James James II murde murdered red one one earl of Douglas Douglas and attacked the possessions of his successor in order to drive him to treason; treason; the stormy stormy saga ov over the earldom earldom of Wigto Wigtown had earlie earlier r demonstrated that the king was both an opportunist and lacking in scruple. While the earl of Crawford Crawford was was a law unto himself, James’s James’s treatment of the Erskine claim to Mar was of very dubious legality, and he failed to rew reward ard Huntly Huntly as amply as he might. He condoned the violence of the lord of the Isles and rehabilitated the Livingstons in August because he felt it was politically advantageous to do so.. That this capriciousness did not lead to widespread domestic so difficulties such as those which brought down his father and son may be attributed primar pr imarily ily to his early death at Roxburgh. James III’s III’s minority was was less turbulent than his father’s father’s had been and was not marked by by dramatic changes among the ranks of officers of state state.. Its early early years years wer weree domin dominated ated by his his mothe motherr, Mary of of Guel Gueldr dres es,, and and the bish bishop op of St Andr Andreews, ws, James ames Ken Kenne nedy dy.. Late Later r chroniclers chroniclers chose to denigrate denigrate Mary Mar y, accusing her of of moral lapses, but her her regime was was neither chaotic chaotic nor dominated by by factions. In relations with England, England, she continued her late husband’ husband’s policy of playing the warring Lancastrians and Yorkists o ff against one 23
APS , ii, .
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another another,, and succeeded succeeded in negotiatin negotiating g the return return of Berwick. Berwick. This pragmatic policy was arguably more beneficial to Scotland than Bishop Bishop Kenn Kennedy edy’’s more more resol resolute ute,, but but less real realist istic ic,, defenc defencee of Lancastrian interests in the desultory war which was fought in the northernmost norther nmost counties of England in the years after Edward Edward IV supplanted Henry VI in . Kennedy ennedy, whose promoti promotion on to the see of Dunkeld in may have have contributed contr ibuted to the earl of Atholl’s Atholl’s desire to see the removal removal of James I, had been translated to St Andrews Andrews in founda tion of St Salvator’s Salvator’s College and was responsible for the foundation at the univ university there. His political importance importance must not, how however ever,, be overstated. overstated. Bishop Turnbull of Glasgo Glasg ow was a more significant figure during James II’s II’s reign, and there is every reason to think that Kennedy ennedy, who was abr abroad in , was ecl eclip ipse sed d by by Mary Mary of of Gueldres until the latter’s death on December . Nor Nor did did his his death in May mark the onset of a period of unusual instability in Scotla Scotland, nd, although although it remo removed a senior senior figure from the faction-fighting at court cour t between the Kennedy and Boyd Boyd families, fa milies, in which struggle the seizure of the king by the Boyds Boyds in July should should be seen as merely merely an incident. incident. The mistake mistake of Robert, Lord Lord Boyd, Boyd, was not this this coup, coup, but the the fact that he subsequen subsequently tly sought sought the aggrandisement of himself and his family, family, including the the marriage riag e of his son Thomas to the king’s king’s sister Mary Mar y. Such presumption helps to explain the fall of the Boyd regime in . By this time James III had entered into wedlock. wedlock. His bride was Margar Margaret, et, daught daughter er of of Christia Christian n I of Denm Denmark ark.. At this this time time, the crowns crowns of Denmark and Norway Norway were were united, and the marriage marr iage treaty of pro proved to be be critically critically important important to Scotland. Scotland. It included a military alliance, and Christian remitted all sums due to Norway since in connection with the annual payment under the treaty treaty of Perth, Perth, but its principal principal significance lay in the acquisition by the Scottish Scottish crown crown of the Northern Isles, which were were still part of the kingdom of Norway Norway.. Margaret’s Margaret’s dowry dowry was fixed at the impecuniou impecuniouss king could could , Rhenish florins, a sum which the not raise, raise, so in lieu lieu of most of it he he pledged pledged Orkney Orkney and later Shetland as well. well.This This pledge had no time-limit,and time-limit, and in theory theory could subsequently have have been redeemed; furthermore further more,, the marriage marr iage treaty treaty gave Margaret the option of leaving Scotland in the event of her husband’s husband’s death, whereupon whereupon she would receive receive financial compensation in return for her dower lands and the pledge of at least
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Orkney Orkney would would be be cancelled. cancelled. Fr From om the standpoi standpoint nt of Christian, Christian, therefor therefore, e, the surrender surrender of the Northern Northern Isles was was a temporary temporary James III had a diff erent erent view of the transfinancial expedient, but James action. action. He immedia immediately tely treat treated ed the the islands islands as de facto part of Scotland, Scotland , and sought to increase the th e crown’ crown’ss direct interests there by coming to an agreement ag reement whereby whereby William Sinclair, earl of Orkney, Orkney, surrendered his earldom in return for compensation elsewhere. elsewhere. This arrangement must have have been anticipated by Sinclair for some years, as he had taken action to obtain lands in the Northern Isles which were not directly directly connected with the earldom, and it meant that the king was now unlikely to be persuaded to part with his recent acquisitions. Aside from presiding over this extension of Scotland’s boundaries, James III has receiv received little praise from historians. His unfavourunfavourable reputation has been heavily in fluenced by highly coloured accounts of his reign composed in the sixteenth century which portrayed trayed James III as the archetypal bad ruler, ruler, although in contemporary literature he is criticised only for presiding ov over a corrupt cor rupt and ineff ectual ectual judicial judicial system system and choosing choosing young young counsellors, counsellors, both conv convention entional al compl complain aints. ts. Even Even so, so, his bio biograph grapher er canno cannott resist resist calling him ‘an exceedingly unpleasant man’.24 A Scottish monarch who had disastrously disastrously poor relations relations with his two two brothers, brothers, was imprisoned by some of his own nobles while he was leading an army against an English invasion, invasion, and died in a battle against forces which included his ow own n son, must surely have have made some mistakes, but it is arguable that he was the victim of circumstance rather than the architect of his own downfall. The criticism that James III failed to execute justice has contemporary authority. authority. For instance,the instance, the parliament of July July expressed concern that the king was giving remissions and respites for serious crimes too readily, readily, and in October he had to promise promise that for the next seven years years he would would grant g rant no pardons for criminal cr iminal actions. Although kings k ings were expected to exercise e xercise the prerogative prerogative of mercy when appro appropriate, priate, there there was a widespread widespread belief belief that James’ James’ss primary primar y motivation motivation was greed, and that he preferred to raise money money by fining criminals rather than let justice take take its course, course, unless his own interests were were at stake. stake. There is no doubt that the policy was 24
III: A Political Study Study (Edinburgh, ), . N. Macdou Macdougal gall, l, James III:A
The Stewart kings
financially profitable: table: in the period from August to December the king obtained almost £ from pardons granted to over
sixty people.25 It is also true that James’s criminal legislation was much weaker weaker in execution execution than in expressed intent, because,like because, like his predecessors, James III lacked lacked the eff ective ective means to deal with local judges who often lapsed into venality, venality, idleness or corruption. corr uption. But he was by no means alone among late fifteenth-century monarchs monarchs in making extensive use of fining: in England Henry VII had a very similar approach. approach. There is undoubtedly something in the charge that he was not seen to execute justice by participating in the judicial ayres, ayres, but it would would be misleading to view view James III as substantially diff erent erent from from the other Stewart Stewart kings in his perception of the crown’ crown’ss role in law enforcement, and the ayres continued to be held he ld by the justiciars justiciars on a regular basis, except perhaps for a time in the aftermath of the political crisis of .26 His reputation in this regard has suff ered ered from the general impression that his was an unsuccessful reign. Connected with James’s predisposition towards selling pardons is criticism of his debasement of of the coinage. coinage. The reduction reduction in the silver content of coins was a common expedient among medieval monarchs in an age of bullion shortages, shortages, but it created created economic economic instability because traders were reluctant to accept coins at face value if that face value did not reflect the weight of precious metal. James III certainly presided presided over the issue of ‘black money’, but this, like the the sale of remissions, was arguably arguably a short-term short-ter m measure by by an intelligent but frustrated ruler struggling str uggling to meet the rising costs of government. 27 It is no coincidence that the most debased coins, probably probably mainly of copper, were in circulation during the war years of – , and the economic economic dislocation dislocation they caused was was a factor in the crisis crisis which saw saw the the king king arrested at Lauder. Lauder. James James was was perhaps perhaps not in fact avaricious, avaricious, but the important important factor is that he was perceiv perceived ed as being so. This is seen in the rumours of his vast treasure treasure in Edinburgh, the dispersal of some of his wealth to loyal loyal supporters throughout the kingdom in the spring of 25 26
27
Nicholson, Scotland , . H. L. MacQ MacQue ueen en,, Common Law and Feudal Society in Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, ), . :The Struggle for L. J. Macfa Macfarl rlan anee, William Elphinstone and the Kingdom of Scotland, – :The Order (revised edn,Aberdeen, ), – .
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(presumably (presumably to be used to raise and pay troops), troops), and the fact that he had £, with him on the final battlefield of Sauc Sauchie hiebu burn. rn. It is is unsurprising that parliament resisted most of his requests for extraordinary taxation, but this merely merely increased the pressure pressure on the king to raise money by other means. James’s James’s foreign policy also came under attack from contemporaries, although he was was faced with a rather diff erent erent international scene from that encountered encountered by by his predecessors. predecessors. In the English had from their territories terr itories in Gascony, Gascony, leaving Calais finally been driven from as the only continental possession of the English cro crown, and the end of the Hundred Years ear s War disturbed disturb ed the basis of the ‘Auld Alliance’ Alliance ’ of Scotland and France against England, as the French French turned their attentions attentions elsewher elsewhere. e. In England, England, Edward Edward IV had become become firmly established on the throne throne after a crisis cr isis in – had seen him temporarily deposed in fav f avour our of Henry VI. The combination of these two two factors factor s meant that there was was arguably a much greater g reater potential threat from from England than at any time since the end of the fourteenth century. It is in this context cont ext that James III’ I II’ss foreign policy must mus t be viewed. At one lev level, especially early in the the reign, it was was devious devious and over over-ambitious, ambitious, although although in this this it did not diff er er substantially from that of his father in the last few years of his life. The king’s king’s intervention in French politics, politics, for example his proposed invasion invasion of Brittany in were dispro at the instigation of Louis XI, created risks which were portionate to the potential potential gains of successful inv involvement: olvement: Louis XI’s XI’s promises promises of lands in France might not hav have materialised, mater ialised, and parliament was was surely wise to counsel counsel the king to stay stay at home. At another level, level, James must must be giv g iven en credit for realising realising the value of peace with Edward Edward IV of England. The English alliance of marked a radical change in Scottish foreign policy policy, and it was to be cemented cemented by by a marriage marr iage,, never never in fact fulfilled, between between the king’s king’s one-year-old heir and Edward’s five-year-old daughter Cecilia. To seek an accommodation with England was not without its dangers, for it could be portrayed portrayed as both treachero treacherous us and unwise, unwise, and it angered some of the border magnates whose life revolved around the often poorly poorly observed truces with the English, but it did did mark a recognition by the king of the changed international situation. The collapse of the alliance with Edward Edward IV in , how however ever,, left left James vulnerable vulnerable both to external invasion invasion and internal revolt. revolt.
The Stewart kings
James III has also been accused of having having imperial pretensions. He claimed claimed full full jurisdiction jurisdiction in his his realm, realm, including including in the capacity to create notaries public, public, a right traditionally restricted to the so-called so-called univ universal ersal pow powers of pope and emper emperor; or; notaries appointed by the emperor were no longer to have authority in Scot Scotla land nd.. In it was decreed that the royal royal arms arm s should cease ceas e to include the fleurs de lys emblem, emblem, which might might suggest subordinasubordination to France, and the coinage coinage of shows shows the king wearing an imperial crown crown rather than a coronet. coronet. From a modern standpoint, these changes appear more more symbolic than sinister, sinister, but they they were were seen by his opponents as indicative of a dangerously pretentious percepti perception on of kingshi kingship p, even even as a mark of tyranny tyranny.. It was was by no no means unusual for late medieval kings to assert the independence of their realms in these w ways, ays,and and again James has suff ered ered from his reputatio utation. n. Like Like Richa Richard rd II of of Engla England, nd, who also also appea appeare red d to be manipulating the judicial system for his own own ends, and pursued a foreign foreign policy policy which which some of of his magnates magnates dislik disliked, James James III seemed intent on exalting himself at the expense of traditional relationships within the political community. The crises of , and all cast light on the relations between between James and his his leading subjects. That of was was primarily pr imarily a problem within the royal royal house itself, inv involving both the king’s king’s brothers. brothers. The causes are obscure, obscure, and the record record evidence gives gives few indications about the victims’ careers or the reasons reasons for their fall. The younger younger brother brother,, John earl of Mar, Mar, died in myster mysterious ious circumcircumstances. stances. He had had been been imprisoned, imprisoned, and was subsequen subsequently tly forfeite forfeited, d, which suggests that he was executed executed for treason; although contemporary rumours and later chronicle chronicle accounts allege his involv involvement ement in witchcraft, witchcraft, such stories may be based on those those surrounding the the English English duke duke of Clarence Clarence,, who had had been executed executed in . Alexander, Alexander, duke duke of Albany, Albany, had earlier fled to France, France, but the the estates refused to forfeit him in . It seems seems that they they were were less less inclined inclined than the king to view Albany’s breaches of the truce with England as treason, treason, while the the allegation allegation that that he had held held Dunbar Dunbar castle against the king could be dismissed on the grounds of self-defence. James III may have have had good reasons for his actions in , to which the unfavourable later accounts of his reign were unlikely to give publicity. publicity. How However, ever, parliament’s parliament’s refusal refusal to condemn condemn Albany suggests that neither the attack on the royal brothers nor the king’s
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pro-En pro-English glish policy policy commande commanded d wide support. support. James James may may have have already already appeared appeared arbitrary arbitrary and and unpredict unpredictabl able. e. In he had granted Lord Avandale a liferent of the earldom of Lennox, Lennox, while two two years later he gave gave the title of earl to Lord Darnley Dar nley,, only to rev revoke this later for no apparent reason; John Haldane, Haldane, one of several claimants claimants to the the earldom, earldom, was was also granted some some of the the lands. lands. The king treated treated Lennox Lennox as a forfeited forfeited possession, which it was not, and his cavalier cavalier treatment of property rights r ights was bound to cause alarm. alar m. A similar threat to landed power could be perceived in the king’s proposal to suppress the priory of Coldingham and reallocate its revenues revenues to the t he chapel chape l royal royal of St Mary M ary on the Rock R ock in St Andrews, Andrews, a move move which the pope po pe approved approved but which was detr imental imenta l to the interests interests of of the Home family, family, which which eff ectively ectively controlled the priory’s revenues and disliked the king’s policy of accommodation with England Engl and and the t he increasing increas ing involvement involvement of royal royal o fficials in the marches. marches. A long, if intermittent, intermittent, struggle ensued ensued between between James James and the Homes, and was to play play a part par t in the king’s king’s eventual eventual downfall. downfall. Acts which appeared arbitrary were bound to inspire uncertainty and fear not only among the king’s king’s opponents but also among those inclined to support him. It was not not so much that James James overstepped overstepped the bounds of the law – his two predecessors had done that – as that he failed to realise that he needed local backing if he was to assail a magnate family. family. By his inconsistency, inconsistency, James III forfeited much much of the respect which was naturally accorded to a king. The crisis of was marked by an English invasion under the duke duke of Gloucester Gloucester,, during which Berwick was finally lost to the Scots, and the arrest of James James III at Lauder by by some of his leading subjects.The subjects. The events events of that summer are paradoxical, paradoxical, especially in the receiv received version handed down since the sixteenth century. century. A king who had been criticised for his pro-English policy was now prevented from from opposi opposing ng the the inv invasion, and Berwic Berwick, k, for so so long long a symbol of the state of Anglo-Scottish relations,was relations, was thus surrendered without a fight; the estates were were apparently indiff erent erent to its fate, and the king king had to pay pay for its defence defence himself. himself. One of the leaders leaders of the English force was James’s James’s brother Albany, Albany, who was later portrayed trayed as something of a hero, hero, even even though under the Treaty of Fotheringhay which he had made with Edward IV he had been promised promised Scotland as a gift g ift from the English king and would clearly hold it as Edward’ Edward’ss subordinate. subordinate. The seizure of James James III was was
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ostensibly on the grounds that he had governed unwisely and had spurned the counsel counsel of his natural advisers, advisers, yet in the final analysis he continued to reign without making any promises to change his policies, policies, despite despite the penetrati penetration on to Edinb Edinburgh urgh of a very very large English force. force. What are we to make of the events events of ? A contemporary chronicler gives gives the reasons for the crisis as war and dearth caused caused by the debasemen debasementt of the coinage. coinage. He also says says that the lords who seized James at Lauder on July were opposed opposed to the king’s king’s household, some members of which were were killed and others banished.28 He thus highlights economic problems and suggests that a number of magnates (whom he does not name) sought to replace existing ro royal counsellors. counsellors. Later writers writer s strove strove to identify the ‘low-born’ ‘low-born’ companions on whom whom the king relied, relied, and suggested that a number of them were were hanged from Lauder bridge at the instigation of a group group of of nobles nobles led led by by Archibal Archibald, d, earl of of Angus. They They exaggerated the number of executions, executions, overstressed the humble origins orig ins of the king’s king’s advisers, and unduly unduly emphasised the role role of Angus. In fact the coup was probably probably led by by the king’s king’s half-uncles, the earls of Atholl and Buchan, sons of Joan Beaufort by her second marriage marr iage.. Despite Despite the contin continuing uing disput disputee ov over Coldingh Coldingham, am, there there is no evidence of Home H ome involvement involvement either in the t he events events at Lauder L auder or in Albany’s schemes to seize the crown in late and early indeed Alexander Alexander,, Master of Home Home,, may may hav have betray betrayed ed , and indeed Albany’s plans to the king. The events of show show the unpopularity of James James III, but arguably only among a small group g roup of magnates whose advice he rarely sought. Although James was was held against his will and may have have feared feared for his life, life, we should not necessarily regard regard his arrest at Lauder as a manifestation of widespread widespread resistance to his regime, regime, nor even even as a sign that his opponents were irreconcilable. irreconcilable. The negotiations ov over the next few months were complex and are di fficult to interpret because it is impossible to gauge the priv pr ivate ate ambitions or secret fears of the participants. In the short short term there was was a major upheaval upheaval of administrative administrative personnel, but the king could aff ord ord to play for time; the English army could be kept in the field for only a few weeks, and his various opponents were not united and had no clear plan, even though the events at Lauder had been a political coup and its 28
Macdougall, James III , .
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target (how (however ever it had been dressed up) the king himself. James James was liberated at the end of the September in circumstances circumstances which remain obscure, obscure, and by December he was was strong enough to ignore ignore parliament’s ment’s main provision that he should make an accommodation accommoda tion with his brother brother.. Albany’s Albany’s renewe renewed d attempt to seize the king in early January January must hav have emphasised his untrustworthiness, untrustworthiness, but an agreement concluded with the rebels in March would still have left him as warden warden of the march and with a role in Scottish politics. That this did not satisfy him is perhaps not surprising in the light of his previous previous conduct, and his renew renewed ed negotiations with with the English (which included admitting an English garrison to Dunbar which it took around three years to dislodge) finally led to his forfeiture on July. It is significant, how however ever,, that the Lauder Lauder coup was was not fol July. low lowed by large-scale retribution.The retr ibution.The king’s king’s half-uncles, including his gaoler Atholl, were soon soon back in fav favour, our, and supported the king king in Although some some close advisers advisers wer weree casualties casualties of the crisis, crisis, the . Although majority of the king’s administrators remained fundamentally loyal to him eve even n when his authority was called called into question. And the fact that James continued to reign indicates the inherent strength of the Stewart Stewart monarchy monarchy. It became apparent that there there was no alternative to him, especially especial ly now that Albany was seen to have thrown thrown in his lot with England. Albany’s Albany’s alliance with Edward Edward IV must be seen as treasonable. treasonable. In yet been forfeited forfeited in Scotland, Scotland, but may may have have he had not yet believed that he had to act quickly if his cause was to win much support there. there. Whatever Whatever his griev gr ievances ances against his brother, brother, how however ever,, to seek English help on the basis of the treaty of Fotheringhay was surely the action of a desperate man, especially when the support he had received from parliament in had been based largely on the estates’ opposition to the king’s king’s pro-English policy policy.. The degree of his miscalculation can be seen not only in – but also in the ignominious defeat that he experienced when he invaded invaded Scotland along with the long-exiled earl of Douglas in . At Loch Lochmab maben en on July, July, these two two formerly pow powerful magnates were defeated by by a small group of local laird lairds; s; Douglas Douglas was captured captured and Albany Albany forced to flee again to France France.. If Albany Albany had felt felt in that he would win support for his bid to depose James III, he had surely discovered by that his cause had not been best served by appearing with an English army ar my..
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The crisis of saw James James III and his eldest son James, James, duke duke of Rothesa Rothesay y, on opposing opposing sides sides in a civil civil war. war. Rothesay Rothesay was was not the leader of the rebels, rebels, more a figurehead, but the fact that he was was prepared to stand against his father in battle demonstrates a serious breakdown breakdown of relations between between them. The elevation of the king’s king’s second second son, also called called James, James, to the dignity dignity of duke duke of Ross on January January , and the the fact that he he seemed to be more more signi significant than his elder brother brother in Anglo-Scottish negotiations for a complex marriage marr iage alliance, may have have caused Rothesay to fear disinheritance. There are indications that relations between between the king and his eldest son had been cool since , although although neithe neitherr the international international diplomacy nor the grant g rant of the dukedom of Ross is clear evidence that James III sought to change the succession; he may, may, for instance, instance, have wanted to wait until Henry VII had a daughter of his own to marry marr y to Rothesay, Rothesay, and have have elevated Ross to a dukedom in order to enhance the younger James’s status in the marriage market. Having Having said that, that, how however ever,, Rothesay Rothesay would would not not have have joined the rebels had he not had some fear of his father’s father’s intentions. The fact that James had alienated his own son surely allows us to appreciate the disaff ection ection of others. The Homes were in the forefront of the rebellion of , and the cause was the continuing dispute over Coldingham and the king’s king’s attempts at coercion, coercion, although other border border magnates magnates also feared that an Anglo-Scottish accord would increase the level of royal royal interference in i n their a ff airs. airs. Some of the rebels rebels were were desperat desperatee men, and the the king king had many many advantages advantages.. For all his his arbitrary arbitrary acts, he could still rely on a widespread inherent loyalty loyalty to the crown, crown, he had papal blessing, and his friendship fr iendship with Henry VII meant that he was safe from English invasion. invasion. His withdrawal withdrawal to Aberdeen should have taken him into an area where his support was strong and enabled him to raise forces which would would crush the rebels. James III, how however ever,, contrived to alienate some of his potential supporters. supporters. He had angered angered the the earl of Argyll, Argyll, until until recently recently ro royal chancellor, chancellor, because the creation of his second son as duke duke of Ross meant that the king was now able to exploit casualties belonging to the earldo earldom m during during his minority minority,, which which impair impaired ed Argyll’ Argyll’ss interests interests and those those of his his kinsmen kinsmen in the west west and north. north. In the parliament of January the earls of Huntly and Crawford had been appoin appointed ted justiciars justiciars north of the the Forth, again threa threatenin tening g
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interference in areas where Argyll had giv g iven en years of faithful f aithful service to the crown. crown. He may well well have have seen these moves moves as actions of an insensitive insensitive and ungrateful ruler.29 The attitude of the norther northern n earls such as Huntly is more difficult to assess. assess. They They were were certainly certainly inclined to support James III, although they were were not present present at his final battle at Sauchieburn on June. June. This may may hav have been because they had not had time to muster their th eir forces and march southwards, south wards, but the king was suspected of intending to break agreements ag reements which he had made with his opponents opponents at Aberdeen and and Blackness, and this lack of good faith f aith may have have inclined Huntly and his colleagues to await await developments; developments;although although it was by no means a foregone conclusion, clusion, or even even likely likely,, that James James would would be supplante supplanted d as king, the rebels’ strength was was nonetheless considerable. considerable. The fact that James III died at Sauchieburn has giv g iven en the events of undue constitutional significance. cance. The battle battle itself itself was was a confused series of skirmishes, skir mishes, and the story of the king’s king’s death was was later greatly embellished in an attempt to prove his cowardice and inadequacy. inadequacy. He was in fact the unfortunate victim of the unpredictability of war, war, and his unexpected removal removal from from the scene meant that many Scottish magnates were not called upon to declare a specific allegiance to one side side or the other. other. Most had contriv contrived ed to remain neutral, which may may demonstrate a lack of enthusiasm for the cause of the anointed anointed king, but also cautions cautions us against the notion that James III was faced by widespread noble opposition brought about by his arbitrary rule. Macfarlane sees the reign of James III as a struggle for order in the kingdom, kingdom, and regard regardss the crises cr ises of and as inspired by two small and largely unrepresentative minorities taking drastic measures to force the king to accord with their old-fashioned view of the governance governance of Scotland. 30 But James was unable to bring his subjects subjects to a peaceful acceptan acceptance ce of his style of kingship kingship,, and a numbe numberr of reaso reasons ns can can be be sugges suggested ted for this. this. Firstly Firstly,, the king king appeared aloof. The increasing increasing use of Edinburgh Edinburgh as a capital meant that his subjects regarded him as a more remote figure than either his father or his son, and this doubtless increased increased the impression that he had a diff erent erent concept of the royal o ffice. ce. His disinclin disinclination ation to participate personally per sonally in ayres gave gave the impression that he cared little 29
APS , ii, ; Macfarlane . Macfarlane,, William Elphinstone , – 30 Macfarlane, William Elphinstone , .
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for the processes processes of justice or the interests interests of his people. people. He never never strov strove to make himself popular, popular, and his lack of flamboyance and his reputation for miserliness meant that he did not meet the established standards standards of kingly behaviour behaviour.. Secondly, Secondly, the king could could boast no military military successes, and was was not particularly particularly intere interested sted in war war tactics or strategy. strategy. Those who arrested ar rested James at Lauder may have have felt that he had surrounded himself with companions who were more concerned concerned with the arts of peace; peace; certainly certainly his pro-Engli pro-English sh policy was not univ universally ersally popular and was perhaps ahead of its time, time, and the large-scale invasion of was an alarming manifestation of what was likely likely to happen if the policy broke broke down. down. Thirdly, Thirdly, James appeared unpredictab unpredictable le in dealing with his subjects. He was capable capable of both vindictiveness vindictiveness and generosity, generosity, and some such as Huntly and Argyll doubtless believed in that he had shown insufficient gratitude to his supporters. supporter s. Huntly had receiv received scant reward reward for his service against the lord of the Isles in , recei receivin ving g a paltry paltry merks, merks, while while the keepership keepership of Dingwall Dingwall castle, castle, which Huntly Huntly had captured captured for for the king, was was given given to John, John, Lord Lord Darnley, Darnley, in recomrecompense for for his loss of the title title of earl of Lenno Lennox. Seizures Seizures of lands lands could be seen as manifestations of greed, just as in James I’s I’s reign, and grants of offices would inevitably inevitably disappoint those who lost out. Given the restricted amount of political patronage available, how however ever,, it was impossible impossible for a ruler r uler to please everyone everyone,, and James III’s III’s failures in this regard were were not unique. unique. All the Stewart Stewart kings were guilty of inconsistency, inconsistency, acquisitiveness acquisitiveness and arbitrary arbitrar y actions. The political crises of James III’s III’s reign have have many parallels, but the unfavourable historiographical tradition still in fluences our assessment of the king. By contrast, contrast, the reign reign of of his son has has often often been been regarded as a golden g olden age. ag e.Y Yet James IV follow f ollowed ed very similar si milar policies pol icies to James James III. He too died died in battle, battle, albeit against against the ‘auld enem enemy’ y’ rather than at the hands of his his own own people, people, and sixteenth-century commentato commentators rs criticised him for ignoring ‘wise counsel’ counsel’ and allowing himself to become involved in an unnecessary military engagement. The new government was understandably reluctant to launch a detailed investigation into the circumstances of the former king’s death, and let it be known known that he ‘happened to be slain’. The death of James III relieved relieved the new regime of some potential di fficulties,
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but created created others. others. James James IV was still young young and inexperienced inexperienced,, and remained largely the pr pr isoner of others’ policies until until at least . Those who had supported the rebellion demanded rew rewards, ards, one of the first beneficiaries ciaries bein being g Patrick Patrick Hepbu Hepburn, rn, Lord Lord Hail Hailes, es, who became earl of Bothwell, Bothwell, but the replacement of of one gov governing clique by another simply exacerbated existing feuds and created new new ones. ones. Ro Roya yall justice justice in early early was closely related to the needs of the faction in power power,, as the ayre of of the south-west south-west made clear, clear, and a revolt revolt soon erupted in Renfrewshire Renfrewshire and Lennox, Lennox, where Dumbarton and other strongholds strongholds were were held against the king, and in the the north-east. north-east. It was was more more than a minor minor disturb disturbance ance.. A poorly poorly documente documented d battle battle,, at which which the the king was was present, present, was was fought fought at Gartloaning near Aberfoyle Aberfoyle on October, October, and although the ro royal party appears to have have emerged victorious the Hepburn Hepbur n regime realised the narrow base of its support and had to compromise by admitting former enemies to high o ffice. ce. How However ever,, the allia alliance nce of of Bothwell, Bothwell, the earl of Angus and Bishop Elphinstone of Aberdeen, which eff ectively ectively governed Scotland in the early s, was an an uneasy one: Bothwell Bothwell and Angus were were great riv r ivals als on the marches, and the skill and experience of Elphinstone, the founder of the university of Aberdeen, was invaluab invaluable le in preserving a semblance of stability. After he came to pow power in his own own right, James IV displayed displayed a great interest in foreign aff airs. airs. His inv involvement olvement in continental alliances and vain vain hopes for a crusade were were ambitious, ambitious, and it can be argued that the internal a ff airs airs of Scotland were correspondingly negl neglec ecte ted. d. James ames,, how however, er, has has bee been n cr credit edited ed both both with with the the pacification cation of the Western Isles and with a major reform, reform, the Education Act of . He was was also much much more more visible visible to his subsub jects than his father had been, regularly participating in ayres ayres and journeying to distant regions of his realm. He was ostentatious with his wealth wealth and, and, despite despite his financial exploitation of his leading sub jects, appears to have have been generally popular. popular. The forfeiture of the lordship of the Isles to the crown in ostensibl ostensibly y ended ended the MacDon MacDonalds’ alds’ lengthy lengthy dominance dominance of the western seaboard seaboard as de facto independent potentates, potentates, but the the parliamentary declaration did not in itself change the attitude of the Islesme Islesmen n to towards ards thei theirr king. king. By supp suppre ressi ssing ng the the lor lordsh dship ip,, the Scottish Scottis h government government encountered enc ountered the problem of finding an agency
The Stewart kings
through which it could make its presence felt in a region with no tradition of close control by the crown, crown, and although by James IV had secured secured a temporary peace in the Isles, based on trustworthy trustworthy agents such as the new earl of Argyll and John MacIan of Ardnamurchan, Ardnamurchan, the west west of Scotland remained di difficult to control. James could achieve achieve military and naval naval victories, but had neither the time nor the inclination to spend long periods in that part of his realm ealm.. He had had littl littlee optio option, n, ther theref efor oree, but but to allo allow Argy Argyll ll and, and, further north, the earl of Huntly to enjoy enjoy extensive extensive pow power in the Highlands and Hebrides, with the danger that they would would carve out for themselves just the sort of power power base that the forfeiture of the lord of the Isles had been designed to eradicate. The importance of the Education Act has also been greatly overoverstressed. It laid down down that all barons barons and substantial freeholders were were to send their their eldest sons to grammar schools and then, when they they had mastered Latin, to university university for three years. years. The intention was to equip members of the landed class with the educational skills required for the eff ective ective exercise of their widespread judicial role, and thereby relieve committees at the royal court of the growing pressure of appeals from the localities. 31 In the absence of the nancial machinery machinery necessary necessary to fund central institutio institutions, ns, the Act financial had a strictly practical purpose, but it had only a limited application application and even then was largely ineff ective; ective; the burden burden on ro royal courts courts continued to increase. increase. Most of James’s James’s other legislation was traditional, for instance repeating earlier measures measures concerning petitions for benefices at Rome. Rome. James IV was no great innovator innovator.. James’s James’s expenditure was considerable. considerable. Not only did he spend lavishly on diplomat diplomatic ic missions, missions, but he also indulge indulged d in extensiv extensive building programmes programmes and expanded his navy; annual expenditure expenditure on the navy rose over over sixtyfold during his reign. The king’s king’s financial requirements requirements were were not, how however ever,, matched by parliamentary enthusiasm to permit new new taxes. taxes. Although between between and taxation became an almost annual event, event, mainly to support diplomacy, diplomacy, the yield was was uncertain. uncertain. During this period there were were ten parliaparliaments, ments, but ther thereafter eafter the the king king called called only thre three, e, in , and primar ily to pronounce pronounce forfeitures forfeitures resulting resulting , on each occasion primarily from from probl problems ems in the Isles. Isles. At other times, times, James James preferred preferred to rely rely 31
APS ,ii, , ii, .
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on his administrators and on general councils, which were were broadly broadly similar to parliaments but could be summoned at shorter shor ter notice to deal with specific business. business. Such a trend trend can be be seen elsewher elsewheree at this period, per iod, and in James’s James’s case it must have have seemed especially attractive to dispense with parliament since it was often a forum for dissen dissent, t, as in the s and during his minority minority,, but the the demise of frequent representative assemblies meant that there was no taxation in the decade before , and then then it was was imposed imposed only only on the the clergy.32 How did the king finance his ambitious schemes without seeking grants from the estates? James made full use use of financial nancial windfalls, including including those deriving from his exploitation of the church. church. When Archbishop Archbishop Scheves of St Andrews died in January the king nominated his brother brother James, duke duke of Ross, to replace him. him. James was was not yet yet old enough to be consecrated, consecrated, and in the meantime meantime the cro crown was was able to dispose of the rev revenues of the see, while the lands of the duchy duchy of Ross were were resumed resumed by the king. In due course Archbishop Archbishop James receiv received ed the abbeys of Holyrood, Holyrood, Dunfermline Dunfermline and Arbroath, Arbroath, and when he died in , stil stilll not not cons consec ecra rate ted, d, the the see went ent to Alexan Alexander der,, the king king’’s illegiti illegitimat matee son, son, who in additionally receiv received ed the monasteries monasteries of Dunfermline Dunfermline and Coldingham. Coldingham. Many Many rich ecclesiastical revenues had thus fallen into the co ff ers ers of the cro crown. In March March , when the king king was twentytwenty-five, ve, he followed followed the example of his two predecessors and made a formal for mal act of revocation of all the grants made during his minor minority ity,, giving him the opportunity to raise money through through compositions with those who felt threatened in their lands or offices. ces. The dowry dowry of his his wife, wife, Margaret Tudor, udor, was a further useful source source of income. income. The king, how however ever,, still needed other reven revenue, ue, and raised money by by granting crown lands at feu-ferm (which brought in an immediate downpayment and annual feu duties which were higher than the old rents) and by ruthless exploitation of feudal casualties. Although his predecessors had seen the possibilities in utilising ancient feudal rights, rights, James ames IV was was the the first monarch to apply systematically his right of recognition (the repossession of lands when a tenant-inchief had alienated a lienated more than half his estate without royal royal consent) and his entitlement to seize lands on the grounds of non-entry 32
James IV For examples of taxes taxes raised without parliamentary parliamentary authority see N. Macdougall, James (East Linton, ), .
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(where a landholder had failed to obtain formal infeftment as the king’s king’s vassal as required required by law). law). Even Even if he did not press for the full sum due to the crown crown in these cases, he was nonetheless able to tap baronial resources on a considerable scale and use negotiations over the ensuing compositions to demonstrate his control over individual nobles. nobles. James James also sold pard pardons, ons, although although this elicite elicited d less criticism than than his father had experienced, experienced, perhaps perhaps because because James James IV personally participated in the ayres. ayres. As a result result of these fiscal expedients, crown crown income increased b by y a factor f actor of around two two and a half times during the reign, and it was was this which enabled enabled James to play play a role on the wider European stage. James IV’s IV’s relations with England involv involved ed both peace and war. war. An opportunity for intervention in English a ff airs airs was presented by the arriv arr ival al in Scotland of the pretender pretender Perkin Perkin Warbeck, who claimed to be Richard Richard of York, the younger younger of the two two royal royal princes whose claims to the throne throne had been set aside by Richard Richard III. James realised that Warbeck was a fraud, but his presence gave gave him an excuse for an invasion invasion of northern norther n England in ,significantly on the East Ea st March Ma rch rather than furt f urther her west where whe re Warbeck might have have attracted some support. support. The principal aim of the expedition was was to enhance James’s reputation at home and abroad by displaying his martial prowess prowess and trying tr ying out his artiller a rtillery y, but James may also hav havee wanted to bring br ing Henry Henr y VII into a fir m peace by demonstrating that he was was unable to defend his northern border. border. He was, was, howe howev ver, er, very fortunate fort unate in that Henry’ Henr y’ss projected major expe expedition dition of revenge revenge was prevented by a rebellion in south-west England in , in whic which h the high taxation taxation for for the Scottish Scottish expediti expedition on was was a factor. factor. James James wanted another another campaign, campaign, had another another brief brief excursion excursion into England and again escaped unscathed. The king’s marriage to Margaret Tudor in August was intended to mark the perpetual peace between the two realms realms concluded the previous year, year, yet just over ten years later James IV was lying dead on the field of Flodden Flodden.. A full discussio discussion n of the interintervening events events would be out of place pl ace here, but James’s James’s basic problem p roblem was that his involvement in continental alliances eventually drove him into a position in which he had to choose between the traditional link with France France and the new new one with England, and in he elected elected to support support the Fren French ch king, king, Louis Louis XII, who was was facing an inv invasion by by Henry VIII. VIII. By renewing renewing the Franco-Sc Franco-Scottis ottish h
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alliance James may have hoped to deter Henry’s planned continental campaign; if not, he planned to use his his beloved beloved navy, navy, particularly the great ship Michael , to interrupt Henry’s Henry’s communicati communications ons with the Continent in the summer of , but in the the event event the Michael saw little action and was sold to the French the following year. The magnitude of James IV’s defeat at Flodden was largely due to his ineptitude as a commander and a misplaced con fidence in his own abilities stemming from the successful raids of and . But the fact that he had come to be in such a dilemma in also requir requires es critical critical analysis. analysis. Fr From om onwards the French had been inv involved olved in a series ser ies of wars in Italy, Italy, which spawned several several leagues between the powers powers of Europe. Europe. James’s James’s problem was was that Scotland’ Scot land’ss principal value to major European European states was its potential to threaten England’s England’s northern nor thern border, border, and beyond beyond that its diplomatic in fluence was limited. In inv involving himself in international diplomacy, diplomacy, therefore, fore, James faced becoming embroiled embroiled in events ov over which he had no contr control. ol. He was was easil easily y flattered by representatives of overseas states, and was was led on by by promises promises of a crusade and the wild wild hope that he would would be asked to command command it. James was was a conventionally conventionally religious religious man, man, who made made regular regular pilgrimages to the shrine shrine of St Nini Ninian an at at Whit Whith horn, orn, incl includ udin ing g in one on foot from Edinb Edinburg urgh, h, and to to that that of St Dutha Duthacc at Tain, ain, and fre freque quentl ntly y expressed expressed an intere interest st in a pilgrimage to the Holy Holy Land; it is not, therefor therefore, e, surprising that he was was excited excited by talk talk of a crusade. crusade. We should not be too readily dismissive of the prospects for an expedition against the Turks in the early sixteenth century centur y, but the king of Scots’ role in such a campaign would would surely hav have been relatively relatively minor; how however ever grand James IV’s IV’s navy might become, become, especially if the pope authorised clerical taxes to fund it, a crusade would would still be much more heavily in fluenced by the attitude of Italian maritime powers powers such as Genoa and Venice. It is important, how however ever,, not to overemphasise overemphasise James IV’s IV’s crusadcr usading ambitions ambitions,, nor to dismiss dismiss his diploma diplomacy cy as the actions actions of a ‘moonstruck romantic’, romantic’, as Mackie memorably described him. 33 The disaster of Flodden has tended to cast a long shadow across the reign, as though the whole of James James IV’s IV’s personal rule had been a precursor to an inevitable inevitable calamity. calamity. But there is no reason reason to think 33
Sur vey of His Life and Times (Edinburgh, R. L. Mackie, King James IV of Scotland: A Brief Survey ), .
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that James’s adoption of a French alliance in was not carefully consider considered. ed. The ‘perpetual peace’ peace’ with England England had not br brought stability stability to the the Borders, Borders, nor ended ended nav naval incidents. incidents. Henry VIII’s VIII’s aggressive aggressive posturing postur ing was a threat to Scottish as well as French interests, while the the English parliam parliament ent which which assembled assembled in February February resurrected resur rected the old idea i dea of overlordship. overlordship.34 The French alliance was backed backed by the promise of money and supplies, and the invasion invasion of Northumberland in was, to judge from from the size of the host, popular with James’s James’s subjects. The king incurred incur red excommunication excommunication for his breach of the treaty with England, England, but this must must have have seemed a price pr ice worth worth paying in return for the bene fits of a renewed renewed alliance with France. The expedition was surely surely more than a simple matter of honour on the part of a diplomatically outmanoeuvred king. king. He need need not, not, and with with hinds hindsigh ightt should should not, not, hav have inv invaded aded England in response to Henry VIII’s VIII’s attack on France, but that does not prove that he had not weighed the options carefully. James IV’s IV’s reign undoubtedly saw a flower owering ing of Scottish Scottis h culture, and marked the introduction introduction into Scotland of some s ome of the ideas of the Renais Renaissan sance ce.. The first Scottish printing press was set up in – by the Edinburgh burgesses Walter Chepman and Andrew Millar, Millar, thus bringing bring ing to Scotland the medium of communication communication of news and propaganda which was to play such a major part in the dissemination of ideas in the sixteenth century and beyond. Politically, olitically, how however ever,, James’s James’s achievements achievements were were limited. His base of support was certainly wider than that of James III, III, and (at least after the first few years of his reign) he avoided the sort of crisis which had bedevilled bedevilled his father. Unlike Unlike James III he could point point to military successes, successes, in England England in the later s and on several several occasions occas ions in the Isles, but the Highlands and Hebrides were not pacified by his expedition expeditions, s, and the suppression suppression of the MacDonald MacDonald lordship lordship made it more more,, rather rather than less,di less, difficult to deal dea l with the region’ reg ion’ss centrifugal tr ifugal tendencies except through through enhancing the pow power of the earls of Argyll and Huntly. Huntly. Domestically James follow followed similar policies to those of his predecessors, predecessors, and was was equally (if not more) more) adept at exploiting his legal and fiscal rights to the full. In the the field of foreign aff airs, airs , James endeavoured endeavoured to make Scotland a power power to be reckoned with,but finished up playing the traditional role of trying to distract 34
Statutes of the Realm ( vols., ), iii, vols., London, London, – iii, – .
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the English English king king from his his ambitions ambitions in France France.. In doing doing so, so, he and a considerable considerable part of his nobility perished at Flodden, and his infant son was left le ft to succeed as James V. Politically, olitically, the minority minor ity of James V was more turbulent than those of James II and James James III, although a degree of administrative administrative continuity was nonetheless achieved. achieved. The new king’s king’s nearest adult a dult male relation relationss were were John, John, duke duke of Albany Albany, and James James Hamilton Hamilton,, earl of of Arran. Arran. Both Both wer weree grandso grandsons ns of of Jame Jamess II, II, but but Alban Albany y had been been brought brought up in France after the flight of his father f ather,, and Arran prov proved unable to rise above the rivalries between his own family and the Douglas Douglas earls of Angus. Angus. Albany Albany arriv ar rived ed in Scotland Scotland in May and, despite despite the defection of Arran, was reasonably reasonably successful successful in his attempts attempts to make make his regime accepta acceptable ble.. How However ever,, his absence absence in France between and , prolonged prolonged by pressur pressuree from Henry VIII on the French to detain him him overseas, overseas, meant that there was was no one to stand above the faction- fighting ghting withi within n Scotlan Scotland. d. In June June protection and the pope placed Scotland and its king under his protection affirmed Albany’s authority as Governor,35 but this international recognition recognition was of limited use when Albany was at that time unable to return return to the realm. realm. In a famous incid incident ent in in , kno known as ‘Cleanse the Causeway’, Causeway’, the Douglases drove drove the Hamiltons out of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, and the next few few years years were were dominated by by the feud between between the two families. The events events of these years foreshadow foreshadowed the confused factionalism of subsequent minorities. After Albany’s Albany’s final departure in ,Arran ,Ar ran and Queen Margar Margaret et caused caused the king to be ‘erected ‘erected’, ’, meaning meaning that he was given given the symbols of sovereignty sovereignty.. This marked the formal for mal end of Albany’ Albany’ss gov governorship ernor ship,, although this was was not universally universally accepted and did not provide provide for stability. stability. A plan for control of the king to alternate between diff erent erent factions was scuppered when in Archibald, sixth earl of Angus, refused to relinquish relinquish his custody of the young young monarch monarch,, had parliament parliament declar declaree the king to be of age, and utilised utilised his position of pow power to advance his kinsfolk. He had married marr ied the queen in August , and although the relationship relationship had prov proved tempestuou tempestuouss and had soon soon brok broken en down, down, the Red Douglase Douglasess appeared to be the ultimate beneficiaries of the turbulence of the 35
The Letters of James V , ed. ed. R. K. Hann Hannaay and and D. Hay Hay (Edi (Edinb nbur urgh gh,, ), .
The Stewart kings
minority minority.. In reali reality ty,, how however ever,, their their pow power was was insecur insecurely ely based. based. Angus’s actions in had largely been forced upon him, because the alternative was to sacrifice his family’s political influence and risk being overwhelmed overwhelmed by his enemies. In the king escaped escaped from from the custody custody of Angus, and the Douglases Douglases were were subsequentl subsequently y forfeited by by parliament. parliament. How However ever,, it took James V and his supporters a year to achieve the removal of Angus to England, and then it was only through through negotiation. A royal royal attack on his stronghold of Tantallon in East Lothian failed to achieve achieve its objectiv objective, and it prov proved difficult to co-ordinate the Scottish magnates in an assault on one one of their number number,, especially when Angus could exploit riv r ivalr alries ies on the border and seek English assistance. It is possible to see James V’s V’s personal rule r ule as being dominated by by the threat threat of a Douglas Douglas return, although this is to stress stress personalities at the expense of broader issues of policy. policy. The conventional picture of James V is of a monarch who was unsc unscrup rupul ulou ous, s, slip slippe pery ry and and vindi vindict ctiive, a fitting opponent of his uncle uncle Henry VIII of England. His persecution persecution of the Douglases and their connections connections has been seen as suggesting a sadistic streak, while his success in levying taxation and fines did little to endear him to his promine prominent nt subjects. subjects. This view view is, is, how however ever,, open to to challenge challenge.. It is true that there is virtually no trace of enthusiastic endorsement endors ement of James V in the admittedly exiguous contemporary sources, which suggests that he did not inherit inher it his father’ f ather’ss capacity to inspire popularity, ularity, but the circumstances in which he assumed power power were were not conduci conduciv ve to a smooth smooth start to his personal personal rule. rule. He had chafed chafed under the control of Angus before when he must have felt himself to be old enough to have at least some say in the realm’s aff airs, airs, and he urgently urgently requir required ed money money in order order to pursue his father’s father’s policy of increasing increasing Scotland’s Scotland’s standing in Europe. Europe. The king’s subsequent reputation suff ered ered from his allegiance to Rome, which which aroused aroused the implacable implacable ire ire of Protestant Protestant commentators. commentators. In fact, his methods methods were were not not strikingly diff erent erent from those of James IV, IV, and there is little contemporary evidence of tension between between him and broad sections of his his nobility, nobility, although, unlike unlike his father, father, he was was ungenero ungenerous us in the distribution distribution of ro royal patr patronage onage.. He undoubtedly antagonised individuals and was guilty of sharp practice towar towards ds them, but in this he was was following following in the footsteps of his four immediate predecessors.
Medieval Medieval Scotland
The foreign policy of James V’s V’s reign, and to some extent his domestic policy too, too, was dominated by by the unfolding events events of the Reformation. The political and doctrinal upheavals upheavals of the sixteenth century centur y were were to continue to in fluence Scottish politics through the reign of Mary Mar y and much of that of James VI, but James V was able to keep Scotland at least nominally loyal loyal to Rome. Rome. As a result of that loyalty the king received papal appointment of his nominees to major benefices as as well well as permiss permission ion to tax tax the chur church. ch. Fo For r instance, instance, the cro crown obtained the revenues revenues of the great monastic houses houses of Melrose Melrose,, Kelso, elso, Holyrood, Holyrood, St Andrew Andrewss and Coldingha Coldingham m because the pope granted g ranted them to the king’s king’s illegitimate illeg itimate infant children. But James’s James’s adherence to Roman Catholicism was not not universally welcom welcomed. ed. Protestan Protestantt ideas entere entered d Scotland Scotland from from the Continent and England, and there was was some disquiet at the king’s king’s pro-Fr pro-French ench and anti-English anti-English approach approach.. The tensions tensions which which emerged in James’s reign were to be seen more clearly during the long minority minor ity which followed followed his death. James V’s V’s reign saw the exploitation of several several sources of rev revenue: the wealth wealth of the church; church; forfeitures and compositions compositions resulting resulting from the king’s king’s relations with his nobles; no bles; the dowry from the king’s king’s marriage; marriage; and miscel miscellan laneou eouss pro profits, for instan instance ce fr from the the gold gold mines on Crawfordm Crawfordmuir uir.. Seeking to uphold uphold the cro crown’s wn’s feudal rights was not a new policy, policy, although James V pursued it with great g reat vigour, vigour, and his taxation of the clergy was was on a much much larger scale than during during his predecessors’ predecessors’ reigns. reigns. Much of the mone money y raised was was used towar towards ds the king’s king’s building schemes, for instance at Falkland and Stirling, and on the traditional Stewart Stewart interest interest in artillery and the navy navy. James James V was certainly rich r ich by the standard standard of Scottish Scottish kings, but there there is little reason to suppose suppose that he hoarded hoarded money rather than spending it on the glori fication of the Stewart monarchy. In the pope permitted the king to collect a perpetual tax of £, per annum from Scottish churchmen, churchmen, along with a tenth of all Scottish ecclesiastical reven revenues ues for three years. years. Although initially this grant g rant was said to be for ‘the protection and defence of the realm’, realm’, the pret pretext ext off ered ered for the unprecedented demand was the establishment of a College College of Justice to hear civil civil cases. How However ever,, the College was little more than an enhanced endowment of the pre-existing Court of Session; the papacy did did not formally confir m
The Stewart kings
it until , and it was was not not rati ratified by parliament until . Its establishment was was little more than an excuse to tax the clergy, clergy, who collectively enjoyed enjoyed an annual income perhaps perha ps ten times that of the cro crown. Faced with with the prospec prospectt of a permanen per manentt contribution contribution of about a sixth of their assessed revenue revenue,, the prelates compounded for around £, over four four years, years, assigning assigning a further £, per annum annum in perpetuity for the salaries of the judges, with the intenintention that the crown would also make a contribution towards their remuneration. remuneration. But the College was was less well well endow endowed than this might suggest. suggest. The annual annual payment payment of of £, was to to come come,, not not directly from from the prelates, but from from the fruits of certain bene fices in their patronage patronage to be earmarked for this this purpose, the deduction to be postponed during the lifetime of the current current incumbents; if not an empty gesture, gesture, it was was one which which cost the the leading clerics very very little. little. The king, king, moreo moreov ver, er, used the the tenths tenths and the the £, on his buildin building g programm programmes. es. The judges’ judges’ salaries were were paid only only irreguirregularly. larly. The tax was was clearly for the king’s king’s personal conven convenience, ience, and the complaisance of the pope in permitting its levy must have encouraged James to retain Scotland’s Scotland’s links with Rome, proving proving his Catholic credentials by by having a few heretics heretics executed. While it is hard to assess exactly how successful the king was in inducing the church to pay pay taxation on so unprecedented unprecedented a scale, scale, there can be little doubt that he raised substantial sums s ums by playing playing on the fears fear s of the pope and the Scottish clergy that he would emulate his uncle’s example. Relations between the crown crown and the magnates are often the best indicator of the success s uccess or otherwise of medieval medieval Scottish monarchs. Like his predecessors, James V sought to curb the nobility’s nobility’s capacity for independent action while at the same time accepting that Scotland could be e ff ectively ectively governed only if the relationship between the king and his leading subjects was a constructive one. The traditional view of James V was that he alienated his magnates through through arbitrary actions and cruel executions, executions, so much so that his later years constituted ‘something of a reign of terror’ ter ror’,,36 but in fact he was not mindlessly vindictiv vindictive, even even against the Red Douglases. How However, ever, the king knew that Angus might one day be allow allowed to return return to Scotland. Scotland. In the negotiatio negotiations ns of of the earl had 36
G. Donald Donaldson son,, Scotland: James V to James VII (Edinburgh, ), .
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
obtained a promise that his estates e states would not simply be broken up and redistributed in perpetuity, perpetuity, and he continued continued to be a factor in Angl Angloo-Sc Scot otti tish sh dipl diplom omac acy y. James ames was, as, how however, er, dete determin rmined ed to weaken his potential influence, uence, as is seen in the legal pro proceedi ceedings ngs against the earl of Crawford Crawford for non-entry, non-entry, which were were concluded in the crown’s favour in May . As a result result the king king was was able to to install new tenants on lands in the sheri ff dom dom of Forfar and confir m existing existing tenancies, tenancies, thereb thereby y binding binding individu individuals als more more closely in loyalty to the crown and weakening their connection with local lords, lords, most immediate immediately ly Crawfor Crawford d but also Angus, Angus, some of whose whose own lands in the area had already passed p assed into in to the hands of o f royal royal supporters. The earldom of Crawford Crawford was an inviting inviting target because of dissensions within the Lindsay family and financial nancial probl problems, ems, but the legal action must be seen also as a means of destabilising Douglas power power north nor th of the Tay, ay, and so the t he king was persecutin per secuting g Crawford in pursuit of greater g reater security against Angus. Angus.37 Only one magnate committed blatant treason treason during the t he period of Jam James es V’s V’s person personal al rule, rule, name namely ly Pat Patrick rick Hepb Hepburn urn,, earl earl of Bothwell, Bothwell, who in promised substantial military aid to Henry VIII if the English English king king chose chose to in invade vade Scotland. Scotland. Bothwell Bothwell receiv received ed no support support from from other other magnates, magnates, and was was treated treated surprisingly leniently by by the king, perhaps because James James felt that he was was a victim of circumstance who had been exploited by the earl of Northumberland rather than willingly setting himself up as a rebel. Otherwise, Otherwise, relations between between James and his leading subjects appear to have have been good. This is clearly demonstrated by by the fact that in – the king was able to spend nearly nine months on a journey to France, France, during which he married marr ied Madeleine Madeleine,, daughter daughter of Francis Francis I. JamesV must have have had confidence in his nobility to absent himself voluntarily from his realm realm for such such an extended period, especially when latterly latterly he had had none none of his his magnates magnates with with him. him. He had appointed a committee of six nobles to rule r ule Scotland in his absence, rather than granting the governor governorship ship to a single individual, but this policy does not imply that he mistrusted his magnates, merely that that he did not wish one to be promoted at the expense of others who might might then then feel feel jealo jealous. us. It must must be be conclu concluded ded that that in in crown–magna crown–magnate te relations were stable,and stable, and there was every every reason for 37
, ed. N. Macdou J. Cameron, James V:The Personal Rule, – Macdougal galll (East (East Linton Linton,, ), – .
The Stewart kings
them to be so: there there was was no war war or focus focus for discon discontent; tent; the king king was an adult, in full control control of the realm realm after the faction-fighting of the minority, minority, and presiding ov over an e fficient legal system which promised promised redress to the aggriev aggr ieved. ed. James V’s V’s reputation has suff ered ered as a result result of three executions, executions, of the Master of Forbes and Lady Glamis in July , and and of of Jam James es Hamilton of Finnart Finnar t in August . All were were convicted convicted of treason, but in each each case case the the charges charges were were probab probably ly spurious. spurious. Janet, Janet, Lady Glamis, Glamis, was was the sister of the earl of Angus, and the fact that she was was burned burne d has been regarded as an instance inst ance of the king’s king’s vindictiveness towar towards ds the Douglases. Hamilton of Finnart had also been involv involved ed in the events events towards towards the end of James V’s V’s minority, minority, and the long delay before before his trial and execution execution begs questions, questions, especially when in the meantime mean time he had ha d been closely clos ely involved involved with the king’s king’s cherished building projects and a nd may have have been a royal royal favour favourite. ite. Too much emphasis must not be placed on the fate of these three individuals, for their executions executions do not amount amount to an all-out assault on Douglas Douglas adhere adherents. nts. In the the case of John, John, Master of Forbe Forbes, s, the instiinstigator of the charge was his enemy enemy, the earl of Huntly, Huntly, and the king was probably probably not inv involved olved in the trial, especially since the young young Queen Madeleine was was dying, thereby thereby jeopardising years years of careful diplomacy; diplomacy; Jo John hn was, was, moreo moreov ver, er, a notorious notorious criminal and nuisan nuisance ce to his neighbours in north-east Scotland, most of whom were were probprobably glad to be rid of him. The king’s hand can be seen more clearly in the proceedings against against Lady Glamis and Hamilton Hamilton of Finnart. Finnart. Earlier Earlier attempts attempts had been made to br br ing Janet Janet Douglas to trial, perhaps because she was was the most vulnerable of Angus’s sisters through her lack of interests on the border, border, where the constraints of Anglo-Scottish diplomacy might hav have complicated actions against her. her. Her execution execution emphasised that there would be no reconciliation with Earl Archibald, and the ensuing forfeiture of her son brought into crown crown hands further f urther estates north of the Tay which could be used to neutralise Angus’s influence if he should ever ever return to Scotland. At around around the same time action was taken against a small number of others with Douglas Douglas connections connections,, but it did not constitut constitutee an indiscriminate indiscriminate reign reign of terror. terror. Hamilton Hamilton of Finnart, Finnart, although although an illegitimate illegitimate son of the first earl of Arran, was a political political maverick maverick who had succeeded in detac detachin hing g some some territory territory from from his his youn younger ger,, legitima legitimate te
Medieval Medieval Scotland
half-b half-brrother other.. His ex executio ecution n was was not not a sudden sudden,, irrationa irrationall mov move against the follow followers of the Douglases, still less an attempt by the the king to terr terrify ify the magnates magnates into into submissio submission. n. Rather, Rather, it was was a carecarefully chosen targeting of a single individual which was unlikely to have have serious ser ious political repercussions other than further to emphasise that the king was still prepared to proceed against those whom he perceiv perceived to hav have been his enemies during the minority. minority. In that sense, sense, it was was an attack on on the Douglases, Douglases, and it pav paved the way way for for the Act of Annexation in the parliament of December , whic which h formally declar declared ed most most of the the Angus estates, among others, to be inalienable cro crown property. property. The fact f act that James saw no need to use the annexed estates to buy support emphasises the strength of the crown crown and the inherent stability of Scottish politics; the king was so secure that he preferred not to r isk arousing jealousy by selectively selectively bestowing favours. In the summer of the king and many of his magnates engaged on a naval expedition to Orkney and the Hebrides. Considerable numbers numbers of soldiers accompanied the royal royal party, party, as did most of the king’ king’ss ordnance, ordnance, so the purpose of the expedition was clearly clearly military military rather than than recre recreation ational. al. It was was beneficial to James V’s V’s image for him to appear in the furthermost further most parts of his realm as a dispenser of law law and order order,, and it might also lead to an improved financial retur retur n from from the areas areas in question. The king’s king’s journey to the far north and west west emphasised his determination to execute execute justice personally, personally, the importance of which James III had failed to appreciate, appreciate, and the same policy was used throughout throughout James V’s V’s personal rule in the lawless lawless regions on the English border border.. He came to be criticised cr iticised in ballads for his severe severe treatment of criminals, cr iminals, but this reflects the Borderers’ Borderers’ reluctance to accept ro royal intervenintervention in their a ff airs airs rather than tyranny tyranny on the part of the king. The execution of notorious reivers such as Johnnie Armstrong and George Scott of the Bog must be regarded as a mark of strong and assertive kingship, kingship, and it is paradoxical paradoxical that JamesV, who participated par ticipated regularly on on justice ayres ayres and frequently visited the Borders, has been condemned for his attention to his obligation to enforce the law and protect his subjects. JamesV died at Falkland on December , just days days after the birth of his daughter daughter and only only surviving surviving child, child, Mary. Mary. The last few few weeks weeks of his reign had seen the disbanding of a Scottish army ar my called
The Stewart kings
to resist the incursion of an English force under the duke of Norfol Norfolk, k, and then then a humil humiliat iating ing defea defeatt at Solw Solway Moss, Moss, wher wheree several several nobles nobles were were captured. captured. Later commentators portray portray a king who was driven to war by his bishops and could not count on the support of his magnates, many of whom were were Protestant Protestant sympathisers opposed to the French alliance and desirous of an accommodation tion with with Englan England. d. There There are are seriou seriouss prob problem lemss with with this this interpretation, which rests rests too heavily heavily on the the notion that religion underpinned underpinned the crisis and that leading leading prelates, prelates, such as Cardinal Cardinal Beaton, were determined to wage wage a holy war against the heretic heretic English in the knowledge that Protestantism threatened their own positi position on in in the the state state.. In fact, fact, the aggresso aggressorr was was not not Jame James, s, but but his his uncle Henry VIII, whose ambitions on the Continent required the neutrality of his northern neighbour; the war war arose arose because Henry could not receiv receive assurances that JamesV would not support Francis I in the ev event of an English invasion invasion of France. France. Henry probably probably wanted merely merely to secure secure his border border,, but his belliger belligerence ence,, coupled coupled with the Privy Council’s enquiry into evidence of the archbishop of York’s ork’s ancient claim to primacy pr imacy over over the Scottish bishops, forced James to muster muster an army. army. There was a degree of dissension among the Scottish magnates, especially between the earls of Moray and Huntly, Huntly, who were were neighbours bours and riv rivals in in north-e north-east ast Scot Scotlan land. d. In addit addition ion,, the earl earl of of Atholl Atholl was seriously ill. ill. There There is, how however ever,, no contempor contemporary ary proof proof that that James James appoin appointed ted a favou favourite rite,, Oliv Oliver Sincla Sinclair ir of Pitcai Pitcairn, rn, to command the force force which was was worsted worsted at Solway Solway Moss, although such an appointment might explain why so many Scottish lords surrendered to the English rather than fighting to the death as at Flodden. What appears to have have happened is that the force gathered gathered at Lauder in October to meet the threat from Norfolk was disbanded because it was too large and cumbersome to invade Northumberland in poor weather and with food in very short supply. supply. Norfolk had returned returned to England, so the army was was no longer needed for its primary primar y purpose, and its disbandment disbandment was was doubtless a relief to the local populace, populace, which had already suff ered ered from the passage of Norfolk’s force and objected to James V’s requisition of food for his troops. troops. There is no need to see the withdraw withdrawal al from Lauder as a mark of magnate rebellion, rebellion, how however ever symbolic it may may have seemed to hostile writers to place the scene of James V’s
Medieval Medieval Scotland
supposed humiliation in the same location as his grandfather’s in nobles had been fully fully prepar prepared ed to support support the king in ; the nobles defending the realm, although some may may have have counselled against a full-scale invasion invasion of England. England. A fresh muster was was then called for a raid on the West March, and it was during this that the army ar my was was defeated defeated at Solway Solway Moss. Moss. It is likely likely that a number number of incursions incursions were planned, and that the unsuccessful raid was not a major invainvasion with a strategic objective objective such as Carlisle, for it was was too late in the season for such an expedition, expedition, although the Scots Scots may may have have hoped to proclaim the papal interdict which had been laid on England. The simplest explanation explanation is that the force force was was outmanoeuvred and its leaders chose to surrender rather than sacri fice themselves themselves to no purpose.There purpose. There is no reason to think that they were were hostile hostile to the king, king, nor that James James suff ered ered a mental breakdown in the face of a magnate rebellion. rebellion. He probably probably died of natural causes, causes, perhaps from cholera. The death of James V at the age of thirty once again plunged Scotland into the crisis of a minority, minority, this time with the added complication of the Reformation. The struggle between between England and France for the the hand of the infant queen, and the problems problems of her turbulent reign, belong to the history of the Scottish Reformation rather rather than than the the medie mediev val king kingdom dom.. At this this poin point, t, there therefor foree, it is is appropriate appropriate to take stock and attempt an analysis of the achievement achievement of the Stewart dynasty up to . The Stewarts Stewarts had survived survived in the direct line, even even though five of the seven kings had died prematurely and the other two had been sidelined sidelined by by other members members of their family. family. Lengthy Lengthy minorities had alternated with with periods periods of assertiv assertivee kingship kingship.. In striving striving to reestablish ro royal authority, authority, James I set the tone tone for his successors, who all worked to maximise the influence of the crown within the context context of a realm with strong strong local particularisms. particularisms. Their eff orts orts were made against the backdrop of an evolving international situation in which the ‘Auld Alliance’ with France against England was no longer an inevitable inevitable foundation of of Scottish foreign foreign policy, policy, as James III realised and James IV discov discovered to his cost. Opportunities now existed for Scotland to be involved in the wider European world, both diplomatically and culturally, culturally, and James IV’s IV’s reign epitomises tomises the new outlook, outlook, although although his his father and son son both both
The Stewart kings
appreciated the the importance of international links.The links. The cost of diplomacy and the need to be ostentatious with one’s wealth meant that the Scottish kings had to increase their income, income, but the potential for conflict with their subjects was off set set by their ability to tap the wealth of the church, both through through the cro crown’s wn’s exploitation of major monasteries monaster ies by having them pro provided to the king’s king’s sons, and through James V’s V’s direct di rect taxation ta xation of the t he clergy cl ergy.. Two major issues i ssues run through through the entire entire period: the question of of relations between between the crown crown and the magnates; and the connected problem problem of imposing royal royal authority in the Highlands. These themes will be explored in the next chapter. chapter.
CRO CROWN AND N OBILI TY IN LATER LA TER MEDIEVAL SCOTLAND .
Any narrative narr ative of the reigns reigns of the medieval med ieval Stewart Stewart monarchs mo narchs demonstrates the fundamental importance of the relationship between the king king and his his leading leading nobles. nobles. In a country country like like Scotland, Scotland, where where central institutions were relativ relatively undeveloped, undeveloped, the co-operation of the magnates was essential for the smooth governance governance of the realm. Especially in areas which were remote from the heartland of the Scottish kingdom, those who could could command strong strong local support and successfully impose their authority over their tenants and dependants could act as eff ective ective agents of the crown, crown, but also had the capacity to defy the king with a degree deg ree of impunity, impunity, or even even to foment rebellion. rebellion. The troubles troubles faced by the the twelfth-century twelfth-century kings in Moray and Ross and on the western seaboard are ample testimony mony to the potential threat threat posed by by great g reat magnates. magnates. It was, was, theretherefore, fore, essential for the cro crown to harness the in fluence of the nobility in the interests of stable gover government nment throughout throughout the realm. Traditionally radition ally,, late medieval Scotland Scotla nd was regarded regarded as a land riv r iven en by feuds among bloodthirsty magnates whose excesses the kings were pow powerless to curb. curb. Such an image was was an inevitable inevitable consequence of our reliance on narrative narrative sources, and our knowledge knowledge of aff airs airs in Scotland is still coloured by the relative paucity of documentary records until the very end of the fifteenth century. Chroniclers were inevitably more interested in noteworthy events than in routine routine matters of gov government. They report report murders, murders, plots,
Crown and nobility in later l ater medieval medieval Scotland
battles, battles, the deaths deaths of kings. They They might condemn condemn violence violence,, or even even place it within the broader broader context of Christian morality, morality, but they they nonetheless concentrate on dramatic incidents. incidents. James II’s II’s murder murder of the eighth earl of Douglas, for instance, instance, was more more newsw newsworthy orthy than a lengthy period of constructive relations with another magnate. When we consider also the embellishment of medieval Scottish history history by sixteenth sixteenth-centu -century ry writers, wr iters, it is not surpr surprising ising that that the more gory aspects have have been emphasised. Recent scholarship has tended to stress the essential stability of Scottish politics. politics. Considerable emphasis has been placed on the fact that fifteenth-century Scotland was much less disturbed than England, where the weak rule of Henry Henr y VI eventually eventually led to political degeneration and the series of military hostilities which became known known as the Wars of the Roses; political executions were were common in Englan England, d, but but much much rarer rarer in Scotla Scotland. nd. Such Such revis revision ionism ism is welcome, but there is always always the risk r isk that it will be taken too far f ar.. To use for comparison England in a period of particular turmoil is not necessarily necessar ily helpful, because in itself it tells us relativ relatively little about Scottish politics, while the view that Scotland was essentially peaceful and stable involves involves arguments from silence against aga inst clear evidence of albei albeitt unusu unusual al incid incident ents. s. It is, is, there therefor foree, necessa necessary ry to assess assess the the extent to which the dramatic events of the chronicles were typical of late medieval medieval Scotland. The king was clearly not in continuous confrontation with his leading leading magnates. magnates. Indeed, Indeed, such a scenario scenario would would hav have requi required red a degree of unity which which the nobility nobility never never enjoy enjoyed. Even Even in , many magnates such as Huntly remained at worst neutral in the conflict between between James James III and the rebels. rebels. The Douglases were were unable to attract sufficiently wide support to depose the king in even though James II had murdered murdered the eighth earl against the , even terms ter ms of a safe-conduct, and they had even even fewer fewer follow followers in . None of the Stewart kings alienated even even the majority major ity of the magnates; had any done done so, so, he would would have have been been constrained by by a baronial council or might even even have have lost his throne. throne. James III came closest closes t to provoking provoking widespread opposition opposi tion by off ending ending his friends as well as his enemies, enemies, but even even after his death there continued continued to be resistance resistance to the the new new regime. regime. Other monarchs monarchs certainly caused off ence ence to individuals, individuals, and both James I and James James II were were ruthless in crushing opponents. Although it would would be inapprop inapproprr iate to see
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
their reigns as straightforward clashes between the authority of the crown crown and the violent ambitions ambitions of a hostile nobility, nobility, equally it would be misleading to see them as peaceful. Both kings had to face magnates with major terr ter r itorial power power and broad personal connections, and although James I put down down the Albany Stewarts Stewarts and James II the Douglases, Douglases, and receiv received ed support from from their subjects while doing so, so, their approach threatened threatened the interests of other nobles and made them nervous about about the king’s king’s ultimate intentions. Although after no magnate (except the lord of the Isles) Is les) enjoyed enjoyed a position of dominance comparable with that of Albany and Douglas, the kings’ demands for money money through through the exploitation of feudal incidents and compositions created the potential for f or conflict with individuals and, under James James III, with a broader broader swathe swathe of the nobility nobility.. It is difficult to define ‘nobility’ ‘nobility’ in late late mediev medieval al Scotland. Scotland. Until the s, when when ‘lord ‘lordss of parlia parliamen ment’ t’ began began to emerg emergee, there there was was nothing in Scotland to compare with the English notion of a parliamentary peerage comprising those who could expect a personal summons, and so the low lower edge of the magnate magnate class is hard to determine, determine, and any line purporting to divide divide ‘nobles’ ‘nobles’ from from ‘lairds’ ‘lairds’ cannot but be arbitrarily drawn. At the upper end of the social scale, how however ever,, were the earls, earls, occasional occasionally ly supplemented supplemented after by those on whom the title of duke was bestowed. On the eve eve of the Wars of Independence, earls still had considerable control over over the provinces provinces from which they took their title, a legacy of the historical histor ical development development of Scotland and a reflection of the strength of local patriotism and particularism which from the crown’s standpoint could be a force for good or ill depending on how how it was harnessed. har nessed.The The coherence of the ancient provinces provinces meant that they could function as a unit even when there was no individual with the title of earl to act as a focus fo cus of loyalty loyalty.. There was a distinct diff erence erence here here between between Scotland and England, for in England the title of earl was already a mark of personal status rather than an office with judicial, administrative administrative and and military responsibilities responsibilities in a particular area. area. The lands of English English earls were were widely widely scattered, scattered, and they could not draw on the undivided un divided loyalty loyalty of the people pe ople of individual regions in the way their Scottish counterparts did. By the middle of the fifteenth fteenth century, century, how however ever,, the close link link between between earls and earldoms in Scotland had broken down, down, although this development did not necessarily increase royal authority in
Crown and nobility in later medieval Scotland
remote remote parts parts of the realm. realm. Fr From om new earldoms were created to honour honour great magnates, magnates, the first being bestowed on Sir William Douglas. The Douglases were were certainly very very wealthy wealthy and became very pow powerful, erful, especi especiall ally y in southe southern rn Scotlan Scotland; d; the third third earl, earl, Arch Archib ibal ald, d, who who die died d in , possess possessed ed the the great great lordsh lordships ips of Gallowa Galloway y, Lauderdale and Selkirk, twenty-four twenty-four baronies baronies and many many other smaller estates. How However, ever,the the earldom of Douglas itself did not not consist consist of a piece of terr territory itory and the rights which which went went with with it. It was a personal honour, honour, just as the earldom of Crawford Crawford was when it was created in . Of th the man many y fifteenth-century creations, only that of Argyll in was comparable to early medieval earldoms, and that was was partly because the the Campbell Campbell estates were were all located in the same area, although the importance of Argyll as a buttress against possible incursions from the Isles meant that a traditional provincial earldom was not inappropriate in that region, provided provided it was held by a loyal loyal servant of the crown. crown. Even Even where an ancient ancient title title was was besto bestow wed, it ceased ceased to to hav have the territorial terr itorial significance of an earlier period, per iod, and the earldoms which were were given given to the king’ king ’s children reverted to the crown crown on their death de ath without witho ut heirs. The pow power of the higher nobility in late medieval medieval Scotland, Scotland, as in England, England, therefor thereforee rested rested less on functions functions carr carried ied out by by virtue of the title of earl than on an ability to achieve local or national supremacy through building up a personal following. following. The problems of fifteenth-cen fteenth-century tury England can be attributed, attributed, at least in part, to changes in the nature of lordship as older types of feudal relationship became became less relevant relevant to society’s society’s demands. The question of ‘bastard feudalism’ is a complex one into which it would be unprofitable to enter here, here, but it is is likely that that inflationary pressures had made the English nobility increasingly reliant on royal favour favour,, and so loss of status sta tus at court became relatively relatively more damaging; moreov moreover, er, crown crown control of appointments to local o ffices meant that exclusion from royal favour could lead to a diminution in a magnate’s authority in the places where he expected to have influence.The uence. The contrast with the earlier period per iod should not, how however ever,, be drawn too starkly. starkly. The barons who opposed opposed Henry III in were complaining at their exclusion ex clusion from patronage patronage just as much as the duke of York and his followers followers two two centuries centur ies later. Access to the king and to the lands, wardships wardships and offices in his gift enriched enr iched magnates who could then use their additional income to o ff er er rewards
Medieval Medieval Scotland
in land land,, office, ce, money money, food or livery livery to potential potential adherents. adherents. If the the lord was was unable to meet the requirements requirements of these men, they might seek a riv r ival al who could. The situation situation in in Scotland Scotland was was essentially essentially similar similar.. Because Because the crown was relatively impoverished,‘money fiefs’ on the the late late medimedieval English model appear only fleetingly at the end of the fourteenth century, century, when Robert III tried to reconstruct his old a ffinity around around his son David; David; with a restricted income, income, the king could not not aff ord ord to pay pay large heritable her itable pensions to his nobles, how however ever much such a practice practice might might bind bind them to to his service. service. Instead, Instead, they they had to be endowed endowed with land or giv g iven en permission per mission to t o appropriate appropr iate royal royal revenues enues such as the customs, customs, a common common feature feature especially especially during Albany’s Albany’s governor governorship ship.. Lands could in certain circumstances be forfeited, and the royal royal demesne was was greatly extended in the fifteenth century century as a result result of the the forfeitur forfeituree of, among others, others, the Albany Albany Stewa Stewarts, rts, the Douglases Douglases and the lord lord of the Isles, but magnates magnates who relied on assignments of royal revenues were in a much more vulnerable position, which is why the earl of Mar’s Mar’s power power in the northeast was so threatened by James I’s return in . For Mar and and others in a similar situation, good relations relations with the cro crown were were essential, unless the noble was was powerful powerful enough to ignore the king altogether. altogether. The creation of new new titles of nobility perhaps strengthened the interdependence interdependence of king king and magnates, but in turn turn heightened the stakes should the equilibrium be destroyed destroyed either by a king who was too rigorous or by a noble family which had ideas above its station. This does not mean that all members of the nobility were involved in a scramble for political in fluence at the ro royal court, court, and even fewer were interested in the minutiae of administrative practice,although tice, although there are are exceptions such as Colin Campbell, first earl of Argyll. Argyll. Most operated operated at a much much more more local local level, level, buildin building g up circles of friends and adherents who usually had interests in the same region. region. Unlike Unlike the situati situation on in England, England, changes changes of po power at the the centre rarely aff ected ected office-holding ce-holding in the localities, localities, where where sheri ff s and other royal royal agents were often appointed on an hereditary basis, and so magnates magnates could, could, if they they wished, remain remain aloof from from national national politics without facing serious loss of in fluence in their own area. As in England, we see a diminution of of the importance of land as the basis of a relationship and more emphasis on a broader range of
Crown and nobility in later l ater medieval medieval Scotland
contractu contractual al arrangem ar rangements, ents, a phenomenon phenomenon marked marked in Scotland by the issue of bonds of manrent, whereby whereby men promised allegiance to a particular lord in return for some fav f avour our.. The background to the bond is often unspeci fied, but it could could involv involvee protectio protection, n, maintemaintenance, land, payments in money, money, or forgiveness forgiveness by the lord for some past misdeed. misdeed. On some occasion occasionss the bond of manrent manrent formalised a long-standing relationship relationship between between lord and dependant, perhaps stretching back generations; generations; in other cases it marked the conclusion conclusion of a dispute or even even a bloodfeud. The bond could have have the e ff ect ect of making the parties as kinsmen to each other, or even even of strengthening connections connections between between existing kinsfolk, while persons of equal equal status could enter into bonds of friendship fr iendship,, such as that between between Albany and Douglas in . Most bonds were were entered entered into for life, life, or even even hereditar hereditarily ily,, although in the fifteenth century some were for a limited limited period, and they they nearly alwa always ys specifically reserved obligatio obligations ns of loya loyalty lty to the king. These bonds bonds acted as social social cement by creating formal relationships which were more flexible and less closely linked to the tenure of land than the ‘feudal’ arrangements of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Although bonds of manrent were a late medieval phenomenon, their purpo rpose was essentially similar to the tenuria rial relationships which remained importa rtant in the fiftee fteent nth h and and sixt sixtee eent nth h cent centuri uries es.. They may have developed partly as a result of the creation of new earldoms which did not bestow on their recipients the terri rritoria rial dominance which earls had previously enjoyed, but this cannot be the whole explanation because changes in social struc ructure had been much less fundamental than this might imply. It is noteworth rthy that many of the survi rviving bonds of manrent from the fiftee fteent nth h and and sixsixteenth centurie ries deriv rive from Highland areas, where feudalism had made little headway. Greater dependence on pastoral farm rmiing, a virtu rtual absence of nucleated villages, and the gre greater emphasis on kinship ties meant that Highland society was somewhat di ff erent erent from its its Lowla wland coun ounterpa terpart rt,, and and the grea greate ter r flexibi ibilit lity – and often the inherent vagueness – of bonds of manrent enabled lords to bind to thei theirr servi service ce and and alle allegia gianc ncee indi indivi vidu dual alss and and kinkin-gr grou oups ps over whom whom previo vious usly ly the they had enj enjoyed lit little forma formall cont ontrol. ol. Bond Bondss of manr manren entt were by no means an exclusively Highland phenomenon, but in Lowland Scotlan land they constituted merely one of a number of ways of dete determi rmin ning ing rela elatio tions nshi hip ps betw etween een a lor lord and his depen ependa dan nts.
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
Compared Compared with with their their English English counterparts, counterparts, the Scottish Scottish kings kings were relati relativ vely undemand undemanding ing of their their subjects. subjects. In the fifteenth century direct taxation was rarely rarely sought, and James I’s I’s difficulties in raising it demonstrate the problems which the Stewart monarchs would have faced if they had made a concerted e ff ort ort to establish central central instituti institutions ons on the English English model. model. In the field of justice, much reliance reliance was still placed on ssheri heri ff s, s, on justiciars on their their ayres, ayres, and on local notables notables who had had the right to hold burgh, baronial baronial or (at a more exalted level) level) regality courts, the last of which gave gave their holder pow powers equivalent equivalent to those of the justiciar, justiciar, including full criminal jurisdiction, jur isdiction, with appeals in civil cases being made only to parliament. The central Court of Session developed developed only slowly slowly from James I’s I’s reign onwards, initially initiall y to relieve the royal royal council of some of its burden burden of judicial judicial business. business. Parliament too was was a court of justice, justice, which alone alone could decree forfeitures for treason, treason, and the judicial function of parliament was more prominent prominent in Scotland than in England, where the king’s king’s regular requests for extraordinary taxation to finance expensive wars had given the House of Commons Commons a grea g reatly tly enhanced enhanced sense of corporate purpose. purpose. Requests Requests for annual annual parliaments in Scotland, for instance in and , show that there was perceived to be a need for centralised royal justice; but kings, doubtless concerned by a lack of resources, were reluctant to encourage petitions and excluded from parliament cases where a remedy could be obtained through ordinary common-law procedure procedure.. In James III’s III’s reign it is possible to detect an increase in the number of appeals in civil actions from local courts to the royal council, but this placed a very heavy burden burden on the king’s king’s o fficials. An attempt was made in to restrict the number of cases, although this was was reversed reversed the following January January.. Ordinary judges possibly resented the increasing involv involvement ement of the crown, crown, and this may have influenced their view view of James James III himself, but the popupopularity of appeals to the council was in fact a reflection of low standards of justice in the localities rather than of aggression on the part of the cro crown. How However, ever,despite despite this trend towar towards ds centralisation, the Stewart Stewart monarchs were were content to hav have most legal business, civil and criminal, executed executed at a local local level. level. Local jurisdiction was was commonplace commonplace in medieval medieval Europe, Europe, and was an essential prop prop for the smooth functioning functioning of society. society. If the intentions expressed in James I’s legislation and the Education
Crown and nobility in later l ater medieval medieval Scotland
Act are anything to go by, by, those who presided over over courts were were almost always always amateurs, often lacking in formal education but surely surely broadly broadly familiar familiar with legal legal procedur procedure, e, whose whose position position in local society society made made them them the most appr appropriate opriate,, if not not the only, only, agents capable of executing executing a sentence. sentence. Ro Royal yal justice exercised exercised by sheri sher iff s and justiciars justiciars was, was, of course, course, not absent absent from from the countryside countryside.. Ayres yres were supposed to take place twice a year, year, although complaints and legislation suggest that the ideal was not not always always realised. realised. James III III was criticised for his personal per sonal lack of participation par ticipation and his propensity to grant pardons, pardons, but the the very very existence of this criticism cr iticism may may demonstrate that his lack of of zeal was unusual. unusual. Ayres did not not penetrate to the extreme north and west west of the realm, but evidence evidence for the justiciars’ activities elsewhere elsewhere does does not support support the conclusion that their work was ineff ectiv ective. Moreo Moreov ver, er, their courts courts were were made made up of the suitors of the sheri ff dom, dom, and it was was these local men who were respon responsibl siblee for making making judgement. judgement. Unlike Unlike England, England, the link link between roy royal al justice and the leaders lea ders of local loca l communities remained strong. How Howev ever er,, the office of sheriff was often held on an hereditary basis and justiciar justic iarss were were frequently great nobles who were not necessarily intereste interested d in legal matters, matters, and it would would be surpr surprising ising if some litigants did not feel that personal animosity or inadequacy on the part of the judge had redounded redounded to their disadvantage disadvantage.. The holder of a barony or regality court was unlikely to administer justice impartially in cases where he had a personal interest, and more more generally generally he could could use his jurisdiction, jurisdiction, for good or ill, ill, to maintain his authority authority over over his dependants. dependants. Ev Even en the king himself, himself, fount of justice though though he theoretically theoretically was, need not scrupulously adhere to the law or or eschew partiality. partiality. Although parliament was was never so subservient to the crown that it acted merely as a rubber stamp, stamp, the king was frequently frequently able to persuade it to condemn his foes, foes, includ including ing the the Alban Albany y Stew Stewarts in and the Black Douglases in . In such such circu circumstan mstances ces it it is unsurpr unsurprising ising that some sought to to pursue their aims extra-judicially extra-judicially,, though such a phenomenon phenomenon is not peculiar to Scotland or to the Middle Ages and cannot be ascribed solely to perceived miscarriages of justice. Companies of armed adherents owing allegiance under bonds of manrent and the existence of powerful kin-groups might contribute to violence but but cannot cannot be held solely responsible responsible for it. Nor
Medieval Medieval Scotland
can the magnates, individually individually or collectively collectively.. An incident incident such as that at Monzievaird in , when some Murrays were were burned in the church church by their Drummond enemies, may appear shocking, as indeed it did to contemporaries, contemporaries, but must must be neither seen as symptomatic of endemic bloodshed nor dismissed as totally exceptional, for comparable events can be found in the history of almost any society, society, especially where the pursuit pursuit of criminals cr iminals was the responresponsibility of the victim and his kin rather than a duty of the state, state, and where reparation reparation was was made to those who had been wronged, wronged, not to the crown. crown. Many disputes, especially ov over property property,, were settled settled by arbitration arbitration rather than than litigation, a method which which promised promised a speedier speedier resolu resolution tion and and a greater chance chance of permanence permanence.. The feud feud betw between th thee Murra Murrays ys and and Drummon Drummonds, ds, whi which ch had been been intensified by James III’s III’s unpredictability and inconsistency inconsistency,, was long-lasting and by no means unique, unique, but the ov overall level level of violence cannot be quanti fied, nor can the the role role of magnates magnates in it be calculated calculated;; it is fruitless fruitless to specula speculate te whethe whether r fifteenth-century Scotland was more or less violent than any other state. Since it is impossible to generalise about the Scottish magnate class as a whole, relations between between the crown crown and the nobility will be analysed by examining the speci fic issue of the Douglases and the question of how how, and to what extent, royal royal authority was exerexercised in the north and west during the reigns of the medieval Stewa Stewart rt kings. Such an appr approach oach runs the the risk r isk of emphasisi emphasising ng the unusual at the expense of the normal, normal, but the particular problems problems and opportunities of the Highlands and a nd border areas areas can shed considerable light on the nature of royal and magnate power in late medieval Scotland.
The rise of the house of Douglas Douglas was dramatic. dramatic. A family of Flemish origin, orig in, related to the Murrays but but of relativ relatively ely little significance in the thirteenth century, century, its members came to dominate Scottish politics before the ninth earl and his brothers fell victim to James II’s aggression in . The seeds of the family’ fa mily’ss greatness g reatness were were sown sown by Sir James James Douglas, one of Robert I’s I’s most eff ective ective military commanders. He organised organised his raids into northern England England from Ettrick Ettrick and Selkirk Forest, Forest, a huge area area of upland upland country which was to prove invaluable in enabling his successors to secure their predominance inance in southern southern Scotland. Scotland. In an an age of war war with with England, England, the
Crown and nobility in later medieval Scotland
militaristic ambitions of the Douglases were the essential foundation of their ability to bind lesser lesse r men to them in loyalty loyalty and service. The family’s power in southern Scotland led to the creation of the earldom of Douglas in . The first earl was was Willi William, am, the nephew of James, but David II relied more more heavily on James’s James’s illegitimate son Archibald the Grim. Aware ware of the strength of Balliol Balliol influence in Gallow Gall oway ay,, manifested manifes ted after afte r David’s David’s capture at Neville’ Neville ’s Cross,the Cross, the king gave gave him lands and judicial authority author ity over over large parts par ts of south-w south-west est Scotland, Scotland, and in the early early s Archibald used his dominant position to obtain for himself the earldom of Wigtown, Wigtown, thereby thereby uniting the whole of Gallowa Galloway y under his control. Gallowa Galloway y prov proved crucial for the continued rise of Douglas power power,, for after Archibald was able to inherit the earldom and most of the family lands on the basis of a tailzie from which restricted their desc descen entt to to the the male male line line.. He overca ercame me his his riv rival, Malc Malcol olm m Drummond, Drummond, because because of his military military power power and lack of scruple scruple.. Archibald had thus used a combination of royal support and brute force to construct for himself an almost unassailable position in the south-west. In the south-east, south-east, the Douglases Douglases had more more potent rivals, rivals, particularly the earls of Dunbar or March, March, and the cro crown too exercised exercised considerable patronage in Lothian when it was strong enough to win supporters from other lords, lords, for instance towar towards ds the end of David II’s II’s reign or after James I’s I’s return from England. When the cro crown was was weak, weak, how however ever,, it was unable unable to compete compete with great regional magnates such as the Douglases, especially in time of of war, war, since the Douglases could off er er their adherents adhe rents a level of protectio protection n which which the king could could not match. match. In the early years years of the fifteenth century the fourth earl of Douglas,Archibald, Douglas, Archibald, built up his pow power in the south-east so eff ectively ectively that the earl of March was confirmed in his English alliance and successive royal lieutenants were forced to acquiesce in Douglas aggression towar towards ds England. The earl’s earl’s capture at Humbleton Hill in and his subsequent imprisonment impaired but did not break the hold of his family on the region, region, as is seen in the disastrous disastrous campaign campaign which which precipita precipitated ted Prince Pr ince James’s James’s exile, and when he returned returned the lordship of Dunbar to the restored earl of March in , many many of March’ March’ss former vassals still regarded regarded Douglas as their natural lord. The other leading
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
border magnate, the earl of Angus, was also captured captured at Humbleton Humbleton and died in English custody, custody, leaving a minor as his heir. heir. With ro royal pow power in eclipse, eclipse, Archibald could enjoy enjoy personal hegemony in Lothian. The fourth earl of Douglas had a reputation which gave him international international standing. standing. His participation participation on the French French side in the Hundred Years War was rewarded by a grant of the duchy of Touraine, ouraine, an unprecedented honour honour for a foreigner in late medieval eval France. France. Charles Charles VII was was prepar prepared ed to be so gener generous ous because because Douglas could promise an army capable of checking the English advance, advance,aa remarkable testimony testimony to the numbers of men in Scotland upon whose military service ser vice he could rely. rely. The crushing of his army ar my at Verneui erneuill in in was a blow both to Charles and to Douglas interests in both France France and Scotland, for the title of the late earl’s earl’s heir to t o Touraine was not recognised recognis ed by the t he French and many ma ny leading lead ing Doug Do ugla lass suppo supporte rters rs had had falle fallen n with with the their ir mas master ter.. In fact fact,, Earl Earl Archibald had been strikingly unsuccessful in the military sphere. At all his major engagement engagementss – Humbleton Humbleton Hill, Shrews Shrewsbury bury in erneuil – he he had finished on the losing side, side, yet his politpolit, and Verneuil ical and diplomatic skill had combined with the extent of his lordship in Scotland to make him a figure of European signi ficance. The death of the fourth earl and the return of James I to Scotland altered the relationship between the Douglases and the crown. James was less willing than Albany Albany to acquiesce in Douglas dominance of the south, and he was able to use his royal royal prestige to attract to his service ser vice some men whose previous previous connections had been with the Douglases. Among these were the Crichtons, who were were to play so prominent prominent a role during the minority of James II. The king’s king’s following lowing also included James Douglas of Abercorn and Balvenie, Balvenie, the younger younger son of Archibald the Grim, who was used as a counterweight to the fifth earl, just as David David II had enhanced the standing standing of Archibald the Grim at the expense of the first earl earl;; and and lik likee Archibald, Archibald, James Douglas was was ultimately to succeed to the earldom. James I also interfered interfered in the Douglas lands in the West and Middle Middle Marches, even even in the Forest, Forest, and confir med the fourth four th earl’ ea rl’ss widow, widow, Margaret, Margaret, in contro controll of Gallowa Galloway y. Fo Forr the first time for over half a century, century, there was competition for local adherents between between the king and the earl of of Douglas, and more more peaceful relations relations with England England weakened the earl’s power by making his tenants and neighbours
Crown and nobility in later medieval Scotland
less dependent on him for protection and the king less anxious about antagonising him. The relative ease with which James II crushed the Douglases in points to the strength of the crown even in areas which were heartlands of Douglas power power.. The indecision of the ninth earl may have have contributed to his failure fa ilure,, but the fact that the king eventually eventually overcame the crisis occasioned by his murder of Earl William in suggests that royal authority was now strong enough to deal with a powerful powerful Lowland magnate magna te so long as the latter la tter did not enjoy active active support from from other nobles, although it remains significant that the king was unable to win support for decisive decisive action against Douglas in and was was forced to acquiesce in a tense, if temporary, rary, stalemate stalemate.. A much much more more potent potent threat threat to the Stewa Stewart rt kings, how however ever,, came from the remote regions regions of northern norther n and western western Scotland, and it was was not until well well into the sixteenth century century that this danger was reduced. As we have have seen, royal royal authority had advanced slowly slowly but inexorably northwards and westwards for much of the thirteenth century, but this progress was halted by the difficult years which followed Alexan Alexander der III’ III’ss death. death. Robert Robert I, build building ing on on his repu reputat tation ion as a victor and endowed endowed with an understanding of the nature of Celtic lordship from from his years as earl of Carrick, Carr ick, re-established the cro crown’s wn’s authority throughout throughout the kingdom, but the the subsequent civil war between between David Bruce and Edward Edward Balliol, coupled with David’ David’ss lengthy absences, gave gave the chieftains of the Highlands and Hebrides the opportunity opportunity to reassert reassert their tradition traditional al independenc independence. e. The history of fifteenth-century Scotland is punctuated by con flicts between between the crown crown and the MacDonald lords of the Isles, with the most obvious obvious remedy to the problem of security being to delegate almost viceregal powers to individual magnates in the north-east and Argyll. The aim was to attempt to control the two ends of the Great Great Glen and other other routes routes thr through the Highlan Highlands, ds, and thus thus prev prevent incursions by Highlanders into the heartland of the Scottish realm, but the the wide-ranging pow powers granted to royal royal lieutenants could themselves pose a threat to the crown. In March Robert II granted to his son Alexander the Highland lordship lordship of Badenoch, clearly with the intention intention of using him as an agent of royal royal authority in the north. This explains why why
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and John Lord of the Isles (d. 1387)
Donald Lord of the Isles (d. c . 1423)
John Mor
Alexander Lord of the Isles (d. 1449)
Donald Balloch
John Lord of the Isles (d. 1503)
Celestine of Lochalsh
Angus Og
Alexander of Lochalsh (d. 1494)
Alexander of Lochaber
John
Donald Dubh (d. 1545) Figure
The MacDonald lords of the Isles
Alexander continued to hold Badenoch even when the earldom of Moray was was granted g ranted to John Dunbar in , but the the division division of of the earldom seriously compromised Dunbar’s Dunbar’s position, since the security of the lowlands lowlands of Moray depended on control control of its mountainous hinterlan hinterland. d. Alexander Alexander Stewa Stewart rt thus had the opportun opportunity ity to enhance his own own position by threatening threatening force, force, if necessary, necessary, against both the earl and the bishop of Moray Moray. Despite the fact that Dunbar was a descendant – albeit through a female line – of Thomas Randolph, Randolph, for whom whom the earldom earldom had been been reviv revived ed in ,
Crown and nobility in later medieval Scotland
Alexander must have resented his promotion to a dignity which he probably probably cov coveted for himself, especially when it was made as part of a deal to enable his elder brother Robert to obtain possession of the earldom earldom of Fife. Fife. His intere interests sts were were being sacrificed in favour of Robert II’s long-standing ambition to ensure Stewart control of Scotland’s Scotland’s premier earldom, and the antagonism between the two two royal royal brothers brothers was to be critically important in the late s. Assessments of the career of Alexander Stewart have been coloured by his attack on Forres and Elgin in and his unsavoury reputation reputation as the ‘Wolf ‘Wolf of Badenoch’. Badenoch’. He has often been regarded regarded as the archetypal ‘ov ‘over-mighty subject’, ready to use violence for his own own ends, drawing drawing on the resources resources of the the ‘wild, wicked wicked Highland men’ of his lordship to wreak wreak terror on the civilised inhabitants of the north-east Lowlands, Lowlands, a cultural distinction which was now being drawn for the first time in Scottish history. His establishment in Badenoch, seemingly free from from royal royal supervision, can be seen as an indictment of Robert II’s II’s weak government, government, and the fact that his actions were used to justify the coups of and lends credence to this view. The reality is more complex. The great magnate families which had earlier exercised exercised power power over over Badenoch had disappeared. The Comyns had been destro destroyed by by Robert Bruce, Br uce, the male line of the Randolph earls of Moray had ended with the death of John Randolph Randolph at Neville’ Neville’ss Cross, Cross, and David David de Strathb Strathbogie ogie,, earl of Atholl, Atholl, who also claimed claimed authority authority in Badenoch, Badenoch, had been killed killed at the battle of Culblean in . This, combined combined with the wanin waning g of roya royall authority, authority, had permitted the expansio expansion n eastward eastwardss of the MacDonalds, descendants of Somerled, and the development development of the political pow power of semi-independent Gaelic kindreds, whose leaders relied on extensive militarised followings. followings. From the standpoint of the roy royal al gov government, er nment, therefore, therefore, the situation in the north was similar to that of the early thirteenth century century,, when the the Comyns Comyns had been been used to consoli consolidate date the crown’ crown’ss authority author ity in a rebellious area. This was why why Alexander Stewart Stewart was granted such wide pow powers by his father. In addition to his lands of Badenoch and Lochaber, he became royal royal lieutenant in the north and sheri ff of In Invernes erness. s. Hi Hiss marriag marriagee in to Euphemia, Euphemia, widow widow of the earl of Ross, led to him being being granted the earldom of Ross for life, with control control ov over the sheri sher iff dom dom of Nairn,
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and he also took the title of earl of Buchan on the strength of some of his his wife’ wife’ss lands. lands. In Octob October er a royal charter removed the barony of Abernethy from the earldom of Moray and bestowed it on Alexander, Alexander, and two years years later the earl of Moray granted him the baron barony y of Bona Bona at the northern northern end of Loch Ness. Ness. By this time time Alexander was in a very very powerful powerful position, controlling controlling the major castles castles of Ruthven, Ruthven, Lochindo Lochindorb rb,, Urquhart, Urquhart, Inv Inverness and Dingwall Dingwall and exercising exercising lordship ov over a considerable area. He had built up his influence partly by his own e ff orts, orts, but also by roya royall fav favour. our. The importance of that royal favour became apparent when it came to be withdrawn. Despite the criticism of Alexander in , and and comp compla lain ints ts in April that he was wrongfully detaining his brother David’s barony barony of Urquhart Urquhart by Loch Ness, which had merely been temporarily leased to him, the lieutenant lieutenant’’s position position remained remained largely largely unaff ected ected by the earl of Carrick’ Carr ick’ss seizure of pow power; by Februar February y Alexan der’ss authority author ity had even been increased by his appoint Alexander’ ment as justiciar north of the Forth. Forth. His predominance predominance came under threat threat only only when when Robe Robert, rt, earl earl of Fife Fife,, repla replaced ced his br brother other as Guardian in . How However ever,, his emplo employment yment of of forces forces of caterans caterans (lightly armed Highland warriors) to uphold his power had involved him in damaging clashes with local prelates and secular lords, lords, especially especially when when the caterans, caterans, as was custom customary ary,, were billeted billeted in areas subject to his authority. Fife’s Fife’s assault assault on Alexander’ Alexander’ss position, position, discussed discussed above, above, allow allowed Alexander Alexander of Lochaber Lochaber,, brother brother of the lord lord of the Isles, to increase increase his own own authority in the Great Glen. Fife’s Fife’s policy thus had the eff ect ect of building up the pow power of a Hebridean Hebr idean chieftain in a crucial stras trategic area. area. More More imme immedia diately tely signi significant cantly ly,, it had had the the eff ect ect of driving his brother brother Alexander to violence. violence. As he stro strove to rereestablish his position, position, he was now now forced to rely rely on his Highland follow followers, knowing knowing that they they would would seek alternative alternative lordship lordship if he failed to demonstrat demonstratee that he could could still protect protect them them and off er er them prosperity prosper ity.. It is, therefor therefore, e, scarcely scarcely surprising that that Alexander Alexander Stew Stewart took advantage of his father’s father’s death to assert himself. His principal target was the bishop of Moray, Moray, with whom he had a lengthy and largely inconclusive inconclusive dispute ov over jurisdiction. He also had more immediate griev gr ievances ances against the bishop, bishop, for in he had been one of the
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prelates who had ordered Alexander to return retur n to his wife rather than continue to live live with the probable mother of his children, Mairead daughter of Eachann.The Eachann. The earl of Buchan was was surely also concerned by the indenture indenture made by the bishop and Thomas Dunbar, Dunbar, eldest son of the earl of Moray and now sheri ff of Inv Inverness, whereb whereby y Thomas promised to defend the men and possessions of the bishopric in return for an annual annual fee. This indication that he was was no longer the recognised source of protection probably encouraged Alexander to demonstrate that he was still a force to be reckoned with with.. The The burn burnin ing g of Elgi Elgin n cath cathed edra rall was was,, ther theref efor oree, perh perhap apss intended as a manifestation of Alexander Stewart’s Stewart’s strength. s trength. If so, so, then the attack on Forres Forres and Elgin failed dismally. dismally. It blackened Buchan’s Buchan’s reputation, and strengthened the increasingly prevaprevalent opinion among Lowland communities that tha t the Highlands were a source of of disorder and a lair for criminals. The destruction of certainly shows Alexander’s Alexander’s vulnerability, vulnerability, but whether it demonstrates the failure of his lordship is much much more questionable questionable.. Forced Forced on to the back foot by by Fife’s Fife’s attack on his formal for mal jurisdiction, from he was driv dr iven en to rely increasingly on Gaelic kindreds and compelled to act in accordance accordance with with their rules. This also sheds light on the raid into the lowlands lowlands of Angus in , which which was was led by two two of Alexander’s bastard sons and which occasioned the death of Walter de Ogilvy, Ogilvy, the hereditary sheri ff of Angus. Angus. This raid can be regarded regarded as an act of naked aggression by an unprincipled cadet line of the royal royal house,or house, or as an indication that Alexander Alexander had lost control of the men of Badenoch, but it could also show show that Alexander had become become,, in eff ect, ect, a Highland chieftain, chieftain, whose whose reputation reputation depended depended on his succes successs as a warlor warlord. d. In this this context, context, it is perhaps perhaps no surprise that he was unable to deal judicially with the dispute between Clan Kay and Clan Qwhele, which reached reached its climax in a bloody bloody duel, organised partly for the the entertainment of the the ro royal court, on the North Inch of Perth in September . Much of the th e landed power which Alexander Stew St ewart art had h ad built up in the north in the s and s also slipped from from his grasp. grasp. The grant of the barony barony of Bona Bona was was cancelled, and Urquhart Urquhart was in crown crown hands ha nds by . More seriously seriously,Alexander ,Alexander lost control control of Ross when in December his wife Euphemia was granted papal permission to separate from from her adulterous adulterous husband. The marriage marr iage had clearly been one of convenience convenience,, although such arrangements were were
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not unusual among among the aristocracy of the Middle Ages, nor was it it unduly scandalous for the husband to have relationships with other women. omen. Alexa Alexande nderr must, must, ther therefore efore,, hav have been been eithe eitherr unluck unlucky y or more than usually incompetent incomp etent to allow the benefits of his marriage marr iage to Euphemia to slither through his fingers ngers.. But But his his disc discom omfiture, howev however er satisfying satisfyin g it may have have seemed to his brother Fife, was not necessarily in the long-term interests interests of the Scottish cro crown. The growing power of Alexander of Lochaber in the Great Glen is seen in an agreement ag reement in September whereby whereby Thomas Dunbar tried to persuade him not to attack the earldom of Moray,1 while the death death of Alexan Alexander der Leslie Leslie, earl of Ross, in May led to the lord of the Isles staking a claim to the earldom by right of his wife Mary, the late earl’ ea rl’ss sister, at the expense exp ense of Alexander Leslie’ L eslie’ss young daughter. ter. The MacDonald claim to to Ross was to play play a major part in the history of northern Scotland for much of the fifteenth century centur y. The year also saw the deaths of David, David, duke of Rothesay Rothesay and earl earl of Atholl, Atholl, and of Malcolm Malcolm Drummond, Drummond, lord lord of Mar, Mar, while the Scottish defeat at Humbleton Hill led to the imprisonment of Murdoch Murdoch Stewart, Stewart, justiciar north of the Forth, and Thomas Dunbar, Dunbar, earl of Moray. Moray. The sudden void void in eff ective ective lordship in the north forced forced the duke duke of of Albany Albany, de facto ruler of the kingdom, kingdom, into a grudging gr udging reconciliation with the earl of Buchan, and in due due course he was forced to accept Buchan’s Buchan’s illegitimate illeg itimate son Alexander as earl of Mar. The unexpected appearance of Alexander Stewart at Kildrummy castle in the summer of , and his marr marriage iage to the the aged Isabella, Isabella, countess of Mar and daughter of the first earl of Douglas Douglas,, came as a shoc sh ock k to Alba Alban ny. On August Isabella granted Alexander the earldom of Mar, Mar, the lordship lordship of Garioch Gar ioch and other possessions, stipulating that, except in the unlikely unlikely event event of the marr iage producing producing children, children, the lands and titles would henceforth pass to her husband’s husband’s heirs. This arrangement arrangement bypassed bypassed the riv r ival al Erskine claim to Mar, Mar, which Albany supported, and Isabella’s Isabella’s charter char ter did not receive receive royal royal confirmation. How However ever,, by the end of the the year year a compromise compromise had been reached, reached, granting Alexander a life interest interest in Mar and Garioch but specifying that the lands would then pass to his wife’s heirs rather than his own. 11
Acts of the Lords of the Isles, Isles, – , ed. ed. J. Munr Munro o and and R. R. W. Munr Munro o (Sco (Scott ttis ish h His Histo tory ry Society, ), – .
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Unlike Unlike his father f ather,, whose northern northern lieutenancy lieutenancy in the s and s had been viewed by Lowland communities and churchmen as alien and oppressiv oppressive, e, fomenting disorder disorder rather than settling it, Mar came to be viewed viewed as a hero, hero, the last eff ective ective defence against the inexorable inexorable advance advance of the lord lord of the Isles. Isles. Mar’s Mar’s battle with Donald of the Isles at Harlaw in was seen not only as a s a deliverance for the threatened burgh burgh of Aberdeen, but as the triumph of Lowland Lowland values ov over Highland savagery savagery.. It mattered little that militarily the battle was indecisiv indecisive, e, and that it failed to determine the fate of Ross or the question of who controlled the central Highlands. Highlands. Mar had pro proved that he could could defend defend civilisat civilisation ion as Lowlanders Lowlanders knew it. The contrast between him him and his father f ather could not have been more starkly drawn. The contrast contrast is, how however ever,, misleading. misleading. Mar’s Mar’s stre strength ngth was based fundamentally on the control that his father had established in the upland areas areas to the the west west of the the earldom. Alexander’s Alexander’s decisiv decisive appearance at Kildrummy in was not unwelcome to the lairds of the the north-ea north-east. st. Fo Forr, unlik unlikee the Erskin Erskines, es, who had had few few inter interest estss in the region region,, Alexan Alexander der promi promised sed attrac attracti tiv ve lordsh lordship ip,, because because he could off er er protection against Highland caterans through his ability to command command them, an ability ability which stemmed stemmed from from his father’s father’s success success in Badenoch. Badenoch. His exploits exploits at Harlaw convince convinced d them still further that Earl Alexander could provide provide the same sort of security secur ity that the Douglases off ered ered their connections connecti ons on the English border, but the presence in that battle of men from Angus and Mearns as well as from Mar and Garioch Gar ioch shows shows that he was already the leading magnate magnate in north-east Scotland. Scotland. Ju Just st as Albany Albany had to acquiesce in the domination of Douglas in the south, so he had to accept that the security secur ity of the north depended on the continuing influence of Mar Mar, and and the the financial nancial concessions concessions obtained obtained by Alexander Alexander were were a mark of the Governor’s support. Royal interests in the north-east were compromised by James I’s single-minded assault on the Albany Stewarts after his return to Scotland in . It is unlik unlikely that, after eighteen eighteen years years in England, England, James understood the complexities of Highland politics or appreciated the value of the earl of Mar.The Mar. The king’s king’s understandable desire to end annuities from the customs was a severe threat to Mar’s capacity to uphold his lordship lordship,, and the king initially also supported the claims claims to Ross of Alexander Alexander,, lord lord of the Isles, whom he saw saw as
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an ally in his attack attack on Duke Duke Murdoch Murdoch and his his connection connections. s. Mar could have found himself in a position similar to that experienced by his father after Fife’s coup in , but but extricate extricated d himself himself by by moving away from the Albany Stewarts and sitting on the assize which condemned them; it is possible that he received received some limited concessions from from the king as a price for his support, although simple self-interest and a shrewd appreciation of the way the wind was blowing must have discouraged him from continuing in a doomed alliance with Murdoch Murdoch and his sons. Once the Albany Stewarts Stewarts had been destro destroyed, there was was less justification for the alliance a lliance between the king and Alexander Alexander of the Isles, Isles, and so, so, despite despite his continu continuing ing distrust of him, James I began began to consolidate Mar’s Mar’s position again, and the earl played a major part in the king’s activities against the MacDonalds right up until his death in . James I’s I’s policy towards towards the Highlands was broadly in line with his general aims of reasserting royal power and ensuring that the magnates appreciated the fact that they were subordinate to the crown. crown. We have have seen how this approach led le d to nervousness ner vousness and sussus picion on the part par t of great grea t nobles and how the king’s king’s concept of his royal office may may hav have contributed towar towards ds his murder murder.. Lowland Lowland magnates were unlikely to object to punitive measures being taken against Highland chiefs, but we we must still ask whether James I’s I’s aggressive aggressive approach was in the best interests of long-term security, security, and whether he really appreciated that diff erent erent social structures and patterns of lordship were to be found in the north and west of his realm. realm. It has been been claimed claimed that that James James identi identified himself with the Lowlands Lowlands to a greater extent than any previous previous Scottish king. 2 Is this true, and if so what consequences consequences did it hav have? e? In James arrested Alexander, Alexander, lord of the Isles, and a number of other Highland chiefs whom he had summoned to Inverness. A few few of of the the latte latterr wer weree subseq subsequen uently tly execu executed ted,, althou although gh the the king realised that that he could not kill or forfeit the the more more pow powerful leaders without fomenting serious and widespread disturbances. Througho Throughout ut this period, how however ever,, James James display displayed a lack of prinpr inciple which augured ill for the acceptance of his rule in the Highlands. Highlands. The chiefs chiefs arrest ar rested ed in appear to have believed that they had been summoned to a form of parliament, and doubtless 2
Nicholson, Scotland , .
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did not expect to be seized. The king also tried to gain control control of Ross for himself by means of a highly dubious dubious claim, and he probprobably attempted to replace Alexander as lord of the Isles by his uncle John Mor. Mor. After John was killed in circumstances which added to Highland Highland suspicion suspicion of of the king’ king’ss good faith, he then released released Alexander and tried to induce him to work work as his agent, but succeeded only in driving dr iving him to rebellion at the instigation of John’s John’s son Donald Balloch.3 The revolt of would potentially have been serious ser ious if the Hebrideans had obtained help from from England and if Murdoch Stewart’ Stewart’ss son James had not died around this time. As it was, Inv Inverness was burned, but Alexander Alexander subsequently subsequently capitulated capitulated after a heavy defeat by royal forces in Lochaber. Despite Despite the king’s king’s victory, victory, nothing nothing of substance substance had been been achiev achieved. James James was was forced, forced, just as Albany Albany had been, been, to turn to the the earl of Mar and appoint him as ro royal lieutenant in the north. north. The Highlands had not been paci fied. In Donald Balloch again rose in rebelli rebellion, on, and two two ro royal yal expediti expeditions ons were were defeated, defeated, an army under Mar at a t Inverlochy Inverlochy and another anot her force in Strathnaver St rathnaver..4 The king now now demanded taxation to deal with the Highland threat, but the estates did not trust James and made elaborate precautions for the security of the pr proceeds, oceeds, probab probably ly feeling feeling that further further northern northern campaigns were less vital than the defence of the English border. The king king was, was, therefor therefore, e, compelled compelled again again to come come to terms with Alexander of the Isles and release him from custody. custody. On the death of Mar without an heir in the earldom was taken into the king’s king’s hands. James saw saw it merely merely as a source of rev revenue, enue, not as the focus for the defence of the Lowlands against the MacDonald threat. He accepted Alexander’s Alexander’s position in Ross and allow allowed him control of Inverness. James I’s I’s belligerence towar towards ds the Highlands had prov proved counterproduc productiv tive. e. Despite Despite the fear of of incursions incursions by by caterans caterans and the the increasing cultural divide between Lowlanders and Highlanders, parliament had demonstrated a marked lack of enthusiasm when asked to provide funding in the wake of the disastrous expeditions 13
14
James I (Edinburgh, ), This interpretation is based on the reconstruction in M. Brown, Brown, James however, er, John Mor is traditionally thought to have have been dead by . – ; howev Bower Bower sees the battle in Strathnaver as one between between caterans, but it was probably probably part of Chron. n. Bowe Bower r , viii a wider campaign against the king’s king’s opponents: Chro viii,, – ; Bro Brown, James I , , .
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of . Such Such expedi expeditio tions, ns, in any any case case, were ere of limit limited ed longlong-term term significance, cance, even even if they were were militarily successful at the time as in were two two fundamental fundamenta l problems problems faced f aced by the crown crown in . There were any attempts to increase royal authority in the north and west. Firstly, Firstly, defeat in battle did not destroy destroy the strong kin-based relationships of Highland society, society, and life returned to nor nor mal when the royal royal forces forces withdrew withdrew. Secondly, Secondly, the king had to find a leader with whom he could deal and who could be prevailed upon to accept royal royal authority. authority. Even Even if he captured that leader and forced forced terms on him, there was was no guarantee that those terms would be upheld upheld after he was was released, nor that the arrest of their chief would would subdue the Highlanders. Highlanders. Alexander Alexander of of the Isles Isles rebelle rebelled d in despite the king’s king’s attempt to assert his power power the previous previous year, year, his cousin Donald Balloch was active in , and Alexander Alexander ended the reign in a more more pow powerful position than he had been at the outset. outset. He had probably been recognised as earl of Ross by January , and during the minority minor ity of James II he was appointed justiciar justiciar north of the the Fort Forth, h, a cle clear ar reflection ection of his prepre-emine eminence nce,, since it was was unlikely that he h e would prove prove an unquestioning unquestioni ng agent of the crown. The only only workab workable le policy policy was one one of containment, containment, and in the context of James I’s I’s reign this meant supporting the earl ea rl of Mar, but the king had temporarily weakened Mar’s Mar’s position in order to engieng ineer the fall of the Albany Stewarts, Stewarts, and he provided provided no replacement when Mar Mar died. This suggests that James James had a limited grasp of both the Highland problem problem and the potential solutions, although we might recall recall that that Robert Robert earl of Fife, Fife, whose experience experience of Scottish politics was was extensive, extensive, had similarly failed to appreciate his brother Alexander’s value as a bulwark against the ambitions of Alexander of Lochaber in the late s. There were were few fundamental changes in the half-century followfollowing James I’s I’s murder. murder. The period saw the rise r ise of the Gordon earls of Huntly in the north-east and of the Campbell earls of Argyll at the southern end of the Great Glen, Glen, but the policy policy remained largely one of containment interspersed with inconclusive military activity. ity. The aff airs airs of the north and west were were not always always uppermost upper most in the minds of the Scottish gov government, nor the priority prior ity for parliament unless Highland raids threatened the interests of Lowland magnat magnates es and and lair lairds. ds. Even Even when when John, ohn, lord lord of the the Isle Isles, s, made made his his bond bond with with Crawfo Crawford rd and and Dougl Douglas, as, James ames II could could do do little little.. He
Crown and nobility in later l ater medieval medieval Scotland
murdered murdered Douglas, but could only acquiesce in John’s John’s gains during dur ing the rebellion of and his appropriation of royal rents in the Inv Inverness area in in the wak wakee of the Douglases’ Douglases’ forfeitur forfeiture. e. James James had more pressing concerns in southern Scotland and no guarantee of parliament parliamentary ary support for a risky Highland expeditio expedition. n. In February February John, along with Donald Balloch Balloch and the latter’s latter’s son and heir John, entered into an agreement with Edward Edward IV of England, the so-called treaty of Westminster–Ardtornish, whereby whereby the lord of the Isles and his kinsmen agreed to take over Scotland and divide it between themselves and the exiled earl of Douglas under Edward’s suzerainty.5 These plans plans came to nothing, nothing, and too much much emphasis emphasis should not be accorded to a fundamentally impracticable scheme, but the very fact that the indenture was made demonstrates the independen independence ce of action action that that John John could enjoy enjoy. As so often, often, the Scottish government was powerless to resist. In December parliament declared the forfeiture of John MacDonald,probab MacDonald, probably ly because the treaty of Westminster–Ardtornish Westminster–Ardtornish had come to light after James III made peace with Edward IV in , and an an expediti expedition on was was launche launched d against against him. him. He submitt submitted ed the following year and lost the earldom of Ross and lands in Knapdale and Kintyre, Kintyre, although he was created a lord of parliament as Lord Lord of the the Isles. Isles. How However ever,, this attemp attemptt to integrate integrate the the great Hebridean chieftain into the mainstream of Scottish political society society failed, just as earlier earlier similar attempts attempts had. had. Jo John’ hn’ss submission submission did not mean that his far-flung wester western n lordship was was brought within the sphere of royal royal authority author ity,, even even though he was much more prepared to act as an agent for f or the king than Alexander had been in the giving the impre impression ssion that he was was identifyin identifying g himself himself s. By giving more closely with the interests interests of the crown, crown, John weakened weakened his own authority and could not control members of his own family such as his illegitimate son Angus Og and his nephew Alexander of Lochalsh. It was was almost impossible for him to be a ro royal agent and a local leader at the same time. The forfeiture of the lordship of the Isles in has often been seen as a notable feature of the successful reign of James IV, IV, marking an appropriate end to medieval anarchy at the dawn of a new age. The reality was was less clear-cut, for the destruction of the lordship lordship did 15
Acts of the Lords of of the Isles, – .
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not reflect a total eclipse of MacDonald power power,, and it made it even more difficult for the king to find an agent in the west who was both reliable and widely respected. There were were several several serious ser ious rebellions in the fifty years following following the forfeiture, forfeiture, all aiming to restore the illegitimate descendants of John MacDonald and well well supported by west-coast west-coast chieftains. Neither James IV’s IV’s expeditions to the Isles, successful in the short shor t run r un though they were, were, nor James V’s V’s royal royal progress through the Hebrides and subsequent formal annexation of the lordship succeeded in bringing the western seaboard fully within the political and administrative structures of the Scottish kingdom. Just as Robert II had aimed aimed to control control the north through through his son Alexander, Alexander, and the dukes of Albany and James James I had relied on the earl of Mar, Ma r, so royal royal policy towards the west in James IV’s IV’s reign was based on enhancing the position position of loyal loyal servants. servants. The situation in provided a good opportunity to forfeit the lord of the Isles, because of internal divisions within the MacDonald kin and because the lord’s lord’s grandson and heir, Donald Dubh, was in the custody of the Campbells. Even Even if this decision decision was was not made at their prompting, prompting, it was the Campbells who remained the principal agents of royal authority on the western seaboard, while in Alexande Alexanderr, earl of Huntly, Huntly, was given sweeping sweeping powers powers in the north, although the crown relied relied also on others willing to do its its bidding, such as John MacIan MacIan of Ardnamurchan, Ardnamurchan, who killed Alexander of Lochalsh in and may have been responsible for the notably thorough destruction of the lord of the Isles’ chief castle and hall at Finlaggan on Islay Islay.6 An act of October decreeing that clan chiefs chief s were were to be personally responsible for the execution of any royal summons against their dependents was clearly an attempt to undermine their authority in the interests interests of increased increased crown crown control, control, although it would be eff ective ective only in proportion to the degree of royal in fluence in the Isles, Isles, which which in practi practice ce was was wielded wielded by by the earls earls of Argyll. Argyll. The Campbells doubtless saw the new enactment as an opportunity to build up their pow power at the expense of other kindreds, kindreds, but it did nothing to pacify the region. James’ James’ss Act of Revo Revocation cation in further fuelled the fires of discontent, because loyal loyal chieftains chieftains found that recent grants of lands and offices to them by the king were 16
D. H. Caldwell Caldwell and and G. G. Ewart, Ewart, ‘Finlaggan ‘Finlaggan and the lords lordship hip of of the Isles: an archa archaeolo eological gical approach’, SHR , (), – .
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insecure and would have to be renewed at considerable expense. Huntly’s aggrandisement provoked widespread resistance and alarmed the Campbe Campbells, lls, while while the mysterious mysterious escape escape of Donald Donald Dubh in led to several several disturbed years years in the west, west, the threat threat posed by Donald being intensified after the death of his grandfather John in in January January . The rebels did not imperil James IV’s IV’s throne, throne, but they nonetheless nonethel ess demonstrated demo nstrated how tenuous the crown’s crown’s control was ov over the former for mer lordship of the Isles; even even the earl of Argyll, alienated by Huntly’s increased influence, uence, may may have have contemplated contemplated support for Donald Dubh.The Dubh. The recapture recapture of Donald in did little to relieve the underlying tensions in the west. It is, therefor therefore, e, hard hard to sustain the argument argument that that the crown crown had greater influence in northern and western Scotland in the early sixteenth century than it had enjoy enjoyed in the thirteenth. Military expeditions had little permanent impact. Ro Royal yal pressure pressure on individual individual leaders was a blunt instrument because any chieftain who appeared a ppeared too subservient to the king would lose the local authority that he required if he was to act as an e ff ective ective agent of the crown. Containment was possible if trusted lieutenants could control control both ends of the Great Glen and other routes through the central Highlands, but this meant bestowing bestowing wide jurisdictional jur isdictional and territerr itorial pow powers on individual magnates and allowing them considerable latitude in entering into arrangements with their neighbours. Direct royal involvement in the north-west Highlands and the northern norther n Hebrides Hebr ides was rarely attempted and the crown’ crown’ss in fluence there there was epheme ephemeral ral at best; when in Decemb December er the rebel Torquil MacLeod of Lewis was summoned to appear to answer charges of treason, treason, the proclamation proclamation was was made at Inverness, Inverness, over a hundred miles mi les from Torquil’s orquil’s castle ca stle at Stor S tornow noway ay.. The MacDonal M acDonald d lords of the Isles have a much stronger claim even than the Douglases to be late medieval Scotland’s ‘over-mighty subjects’. MacDonald power can be explained partly by geographical factors and partly by the accidents of succession. The MacDonalds and their numerous kinsfolk and followers were the king’s subjects, and they inhabited lands which were indubitably part of the Scottish realm, but the lordship lordship of the Isles was was physically set apart from the heartland of the kingdom by the great barrier of the Highland massif, and the culture culture and social customs of of the western western seaboard were difficult to integrate into a Scotland which was
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
increasingly dominated by Lowland values and spoke a language derived from from English rather than Gaelic. This physical and cultural isolation isolation encour encouraged aged the concep conceptt of a great, semi-indepe semi-independent ndent maritime lordship, lordship, harking back (consciously (consciously or otherwise) otherwise) to the old kingdom of the the Isles and with lords who who were were still inaugurated inaugurated on a hallow hallowed stone in the traditio traditional nal manner manner of Celtic rulers. It was from the great Somerled that the MacDonalds claimed descent. They were were able to dominate the entire entire west coast because of the eclips eclipsee of thei theirr MacDou MacDougall gall cousin cousinss during during the the Wars of Independence and because they inherited the lands of Clan Ruairi Ruair i by marriage when the male line failed in the fourteenth century, while the claim to Ross articulated by Donald of the Isles enabled the family to unite under a single lord those parts of the realm that the kings of Scots had always always found most di fficult to contr control. ol. In the the middle of the fifteenth century Alexander of the Isles and his son John arguably regarded regarded Ross as the most important part of their dominions, a shift of emphasis eastwards eastwards which served to reinforce reinforce the MacDonalds’ role as major magnates in mainland Scotland Scotland as well as in the Hebrides. It is no wonder wonder that that the lords lords of the Isles felt strong strong enough, enough, and remote remote enough, enough, to negotiate negotiate with forei foreign gn rulers such as the kings of England and to issue charters which did not even pay lip-service to the superior authority of the king of Scots. The contrast between the MacDonalds and the Douglases must not be too firml rmly drawn, because both families rose to prominence by a combination of dynastic success, bru rutte force and possession of the means to reward and protect follower s. The Douglases controlled Selkirk and Ettric rick Forest for generations without apprecia ciable cro crown interfer rfereence, just as the MacDo acDon nalds lds were largely autonomous in the west. The royal gover nment accepted the terri rrittoria rial acquisitions of both fam families, bestowed offices on them, and helplessly acknowledged their role on the wider political and diplomatic stage. But the scale of the MacDonalds’ activities sets them apart even from the Douglases: they cap captured cas castles les, such as Ruthven and Urquhart in ;they led a sizeab eable army rmy almo almosst to Abe Aberdeen in and fought a major battle at Harlaw which ended as a draw; and they defeated royal forces at Inverlochy in and at ‘Lagebraad’ in Ross around
Crown and nobility in later medieval Scotland
. The lords of the Isles were by no means unique in using
force to achieve their ends, but their capacity to defy the crown was un unpa paral rallel leled ed.. Neither the Douglases nor the MacDonalds were typical even even of the higher nobility of later mediev medieval al Scotland. The history of both families, how however ever,, illustrates how how the crown crown needed great magnates to protect protect the realm against both external and internal threats, and how those magnates could themselves undermine royal authority. The foundat foundation ion of Douglas Douglas po power, er, as we we hav have seen, rested rested on a requirement requirement for defence against the English.The English. The crown crown built up the territorial terr itorial and jurisdictional jur isdictional authority of the family to meet a longterm need for fir m rule on the border border,, and in doing doing so successive successive kings and Governor Governorss were were forced to accede to Douglas ambitions, both within Scotland and in the context of cross-border raiding. The reduction in the English threat threat under the inept rule of Henry VI enabled assertive kings such as James I and James II to weaken Douglas lordship lo rdship by detaching detachi ng some local lairds from their previous allegiance, a policy which was feasible only because the crown crown could off er er richer r icher rewards rewards than the Douglases and because the lairds were were no longer so heavily heavily dependent on the Douglases’ ability to protect protect them. The same period period saw the the intensi intensification of the threat from the lord of the Isles, who pro proved much more more intractable than the Douglases because his power power base was more remote and less dependent on ro royal favour favour.. Attempts Attempts to control control the Highlands Highlands and Hebrides through the lord lord of the Isles prov proved abortive, abortive, because the MacDonalds acceded to royal demands only when it suited their interests;ev interests; even en the appointment of Alexander as justiciar in the north was little more than a recognition that he was the major figure in the region region.. In order order to to combat combat the the lord lord of of the Isles, Isles, the cr crown bestow bestowed wide powers powers on individual individual magnates: Alexander Stewart and his son; the Campbells; the earls of Huntly. Huntly. They performed the same function with regard to the lords lords of the Isles as a s the Douglases did towar towards ds the English, a parallel which demonstrates both the virtual independence of the MacDonalds and the threat they posed to the king of Scots’ Scots’ authority authority within his realm. realm. This use of great magnates to defend the realm and exercise a vestige of royal authority in distant provinces was not a sign of weakness on the part of the crown, crown, merely a recognition recognition that medieval eval Scotland could be ruled in no other way way. The policy was not
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
peculiar peculiar to the Stewa Stewart rt monarchs. monarchs. We need only look look at the wide-ranging Comyn influence in the north in the thirteenth century to appreciate the essential point that royal government in Scotland was heavily heavily devolv devolved ed to the localities. The danger was that magnates would abuse their position to threaten the interests of the crown, crown, and so kings had to be assertive assertive while at the same time not alienating alienating those those on whom their their authority ultimately ultimately rested. rested. It was a di difficult balancing act, especially when late medieval medieval Scotland saw so many royal royal minorities, but it was one with which David I would would have been broadly familiar. As disc discus usse sed d abo above, arist aristoc ocra rati ticc pow power in the the fiftee fteent nth h cent century ury was essentially based on establishing and extending a retinue of followers, rs, though not necessaril rily by gra grants of land such as had marked the ‘feu ‘feuda dal’ l’pe perio riod. d. Su Such ch foll follo owers ers mi migh ghtt be attr attrac acte ted d to a part partic icul ular ar lor lord because he could off er them protection, or because his wealth and influence gave them the prospect of office, lands or other materia rial gain. Any diminution in the territ rritorie ries or juris risdictional power of a parti rticular magnate would, therefore, make him less attractive as a lord, and if the magnate owed his position partl rtly to royal fav favour, any reduction in that favour would prove detr imental to his local influence. Kings could use their patronage to support their frie riends and and harm harm thos thosee who who were ere luk lukewarm in thei theirr alle allegia gianc ncee, but the the exer exer-cise of that patronage had to be skilfully managed if the king were not to be su surr rrou ound ndeed by disg disgru runt ntle led d magna agnate tes. s. Jame ames III did did not not hav have that skill, which explains why he fac faced so many political cris rises. In England, the Wars of the Roses came about largely because Henry VI was unable to use his patronage to control his nobles. Fifteenth-century Scotland experienced no similar breakdown of royal royal authority, authority, nor the dynastic upheavals upheavals that followed followed.. This was partly because Scotland had already been through a comparable catharsis catharsis during the Wars of Independence Independence,, and, notwithstan notwithstanding ding their popular reputation, reputation, medieval medieval nobles were were usually disinclined to indulge in violent feuds, rebellions or civil civil war. war. Such events events were were destructive destructive of property, property, and might well lead to forfeiture, forfeiture, exile or even even death. Self-interest therefore therefore predisposed predisposed magnates towar towards ds peaceful settlements of their disputes. So how much political violence was there in late medieval Scotland? Few Few magnates succumbed to the executioner’ executioner’ss axe, axe, but several several perished per ished prematurely prematurely as a result of political political upheavals. upheavals. The
Crown and nobility in later l ater medieval medieval Scotland
duke of Rothesay Rothesay,, the sixth sixth and eighth eighth earls of of Douglas, Douglas, and first duke James III’s III’s brother brother John, earl of Mar, Mar, all fall f all into this category, category, and significantly all four died through the initiative of the king or his represe representati ntativ ve. Albany’ Albany’ss rough rough treatmen treatmentt of the Drummonds, Drummonds, his elimination eliminat ion of Rothesay, Rothesay, and the threat to Prince Pr ince James which drove drove him into exile demonstrate the lack of scruple scr uple which so frequently characterised Scottish politics at this period. And even even if Albany is dismissed as a special case,ev case, even en kings could be arbitrary. arbitrary. James I exeexecute cuted d Hi High ghla land nd chie chiefs, fs, im impris prison oned ed Do Doug ugla las, s, and and overturned erturned Albany’s Albany’s judgement in favour favour of the the earl of March. March. James II’ II’s conduct towar towards ds the Douglases can hardly be described as gentle, or indeed indeed legal. legal. James James V pursued pursued Lady Glamis Glamis and and Hamilton Hamilton of Finnart. These instances of violence violence do not amount to the bloodbloodsoaked centur centuries ies of traditional Scottish historiography, historiography, but they they do show that kings as well as magnates were sometimes prepared to achieve their ends by violence. The survival of the direct line of the Stewart monarchs has been seen as a mark of the stability of late medieval medieval Scottish politics, particularly when contrasted with England. This is partly a reflection of an inher inherent ent lo loyalty alty to a legiti legitimat matee king, king, which which is is seen, seen, for instance, in the way way the dynasty survived survived so many many minorities, in the vengeance meted out to the murderers murderers of James I, by the fact that James II faced no long-term consequences from breaking a safeconduct, and by by the albeit reluctant reluctant consensus which which marked marked the early years of James IV’s IV’s reign. As so often, James III’s III’s reign provides provides something something of a contrast, contrast, but ev even he managed to surviv survive until Sauchieburn, and would would still have have enjoyed enjoyed signi ficant support after the battle battle had he not been killed. killed. The durabilit durability y of the dynasty rested also, also, how however ever,, on the lack of a realistic alternative. alternative. In the Douglases could off er er no rival rival candidate to James James II, while in Alexander, Alexander, duke duke of Albany Albany, required required English help in his bid to topple his brother brother James James III. James James IV succeeded succeeded in as the late king’s eldest son. The royal royal line started with an enormous enor mous inherent advanadvantage, tage, and its remo remov val would would requir requiree a broad politi political cal consensus. consensus. It was,after was, after all, a long time before anyone was was prepared to relieve relieve even even Henry Henr y VI of his crown. crown. Any serious threat to the ruling king would most probably probably come from a close relativ relative, e, and indeed the thesis of crown–magnate crown–magnate harmony depends in part on excluding many political crises on the
Medieval Medieval Scotland
grounds that they were were events events in a Stewart Stewart family feud.This feud. This distinction is unhelpful; indeed, the Wars of the Roses could be interpreted inter preted similarly. similarly. The fecundity of Robert II led to the Stewartisation of the higher nobility in the the later fourteenth century, century, and the years years up to were were marked by often violent events which owed owed their orig or igin in to this this pheno phenomenon menon:: the coups coups of and ; the the atta attack ck on Elgin by the Wolf of Badenoch; the death of Rothesay; the exile of James; the elimination of the Albany Stewarts; Stewarts; James I’s I’s murder; murder; the execution execution of Atholl.These Atholl. These incidents were all caused by strife str ife within the ruling family f amily,, but the fact that the chief protagonists were were closely related surely does not minimise the political importance of bloodletting on such a scale that by very few earls remained and in the s the Douglases could find no alternativ alternative to James James II. Many Many of James III’s III’s problems problems can also be seen as internecine: he had Mar killed;Albany killed; Albany tried to oust the king; James’s James’s eldest son opposed him at Sauchieburn. James III’s III’s inadequacies as a ruler meant that he had other enemies too, too, but his father had to fight the Douglases and the earl of Crawford, Crawford, his grandfather forfeited the earl of March, and all three faced the power power of the MacDonalds. In the end, how however, ever, co-operation between between crown crown and magnates was beneficial to all concerned. concerned. The civil civil strife of the period of the Wars of Independence, though exacerbated by by external exter nal pressures, pressures, had clearly illustrated the dangers inherent in a breakdown breakdown of relations, tions, just as a similar similar period of political instabil instability ity between between and the s was followed by a reaction against internal con flict and a desire to tackle the problem problem of feuding. The threat of instability was was most serious when the nobility nobility was was reduced in size, size, as in James II’s II’s reign, and the creation of new earldoms and lordships of parliament helped redress redress the balance. balance. But pow powerful nobles nobles could still wield considerable pow power in their own own areas, as the Campbells and Gordons were were to demonstrate as clearly as the Black Douglases had earlier done, done, and the fall of a great g reat lord lord could create create fresh turbulence in particular localities, as is seen in Perthshire Perthshire after Atholl’s Atholl’s execution in and in Galloway after , while the the crown’ crown’ss intervention in areas hitherto outside its sphere of direct in fluence could could also cause tension, tension, as when James James I intervened intervened in Ettrick, Ettrick, James IV tried tr ied to pacify the Isles, and James V mov moved against the border reivers. reivers. It is unrealistic unrealistic to envisage envisage the political community community of late medieval Scotland invariably invariably resolving its internal inter nal diff erences erences
Crown and nobility in later l ater medieval medieval Scotland
by reasoned debate and compromise, compromise,but but equally it would be wrong to return to the now discredited view of interminable feuds and bloodshe bloodshed d throughou throughoutt the realm. As so often, the reality reality lies somewhere between the two extremes.
THE ROAD TO R EFO RMATION .
The dramatic events of the Protestant P rotestant Reformation have have tended to cast a long shadow shadow ov over the preceding centuries, and as a result the failings of the late medieval church have often been emphasised at the expense of its virtues.This virtues. This is perhaps especially true of Scotland, both because of the vir virulence ulence of many early Protestant commentators such as John Knox, Knox, and as a result of the paucity paucity of evidence about religious practice in pre-Reformation Scotland S cotland which might be set against the much more abundant abundant material mater ial relating to the institutional aspects of of the church. church. It is a straightforwar straightforward d matter to discover examples of scandalous promotions and avaricious clerics holding several bene fices, note the decline decline in the ideals ideals of monasticism, and dismiss as half-hearted the attempts at reform by the hierarchy in the s. This approach, approach, needless needless to say, say, presents presents only only part of the picture, picture, and implies that the Scottish church church was so debased by the middle of the sixteenth century century that it required required drastic, drastic, not piecemeal, piecemeal, reform. reform. Such reform reform was hampered hampered,, it might might be argued, argued, by Scotland’s adherence to the corrupt and venal Renaissance papacy. This chapter examines the late medieval medieval church in Scotland from a number of standpoints, standpoints, investigating investigating the impact impact of the papacy on ecclesiastical patronage, patronage, relations between between the popes and Scottish kings at a diplomatic level, level, the undoubted abuses abuses of pluralism and non-residence non-residence and the breakdown breakdown of monastic life, the evidence for
The road to Reformation
continued vibrancy vibrancy,, particularly in the context of popular religious practice and a gro g rowing wing interest in native native Scottish saints, and the incidence of heresy in Scotland. Developments Developments are viewed viewed in their their historical context rather than simply from the standpoint of the Reformation, for it was was not inevitable inevitable that Scotland would would break break with Rome, Rome, let alone adopt a more extreme extreme doctrinal position than England. Relations between Scotland and the papacy continued to be very importan important. t. How However ever,, instea instead d of the legal legal busin business ess condu conducte cted d by judges-delega judges-delegate te which which consti constituted tuted the most most signi significant point of contac contactt in in the the thirteen thirteenth th century century,, the main main ar areas of papal papal involvement in the two centuries before the Reformation were the granting of dispensat dispensations ions and the the increasing increasing number number of papal papal appointmen appointments ts or provisio provisions. ns. Many Many dispensations dispensations were were issued issued to meet the spiritual requirements of pious individuals of both sexes and all classes, for example permitting named individuals individuals to choose choose a confessor and receive from him plenary remission of sins at the point of death. Papal sanction was was also required required if marriage marr iage partners were too closely related to be joined in legitimate wedlock under the complex rules of canon law law, and dispensations to marry were frequently sought in the upper echelons of society, society, partly so that any children of the relationship would not face the moral stain or material material disadv disadvant antages ages of illegiti illegitimac macy y. Some Some dispen dispensati sation ons, s, for instance those allowing clerks to hold several several bene fices or monks to serve parish churches, were open to abuse, abuse, but most were were relativ relatively ely uncontro uncontroversial, and the papacy’s papacy’s role as a ‘well ‘well of grace’ g race’ was largely undisputed. Provisions Provisions were were much much more more contentious. The practice of papal provision must be understood within the broader broader context of ecclesiastical patronage. patronage. With the exception of bishoprics, bishoprics, monasteries monasteries and a few other benefices such as deaneries of cathedrals, cathedrals, which which were were filled by election election,, a particular individua individuall or corporation had the legal entitlement to nominate a candidate to a vacant bene fice.The ce. The bishop would, would, unless the clerk clerk in question was ob obviously unsuitable, unsuitable, then write a letter of institution institution to the nominee, nominee, formally appointing him to the living, living, and order order the archarchdeacon or dean of Christianity to induct the new incumbent, usually in a symbolic ceremony ceremony whereby he was formally given corporal possessio possession n of the church. church. Many Many churches churches were were originally in
Medieval Medieval Scotland
lay patronage, patronage, especially when the local lord had taken the initiative initiative in their foundation, foundation, although often the r ight to present present had subsequently been granted to a monastery monastery or other ecclesiastical body. body. It was an important important asset, because it enabled the the patron to support his family or friends and rewa reward rd his his clerical servants; servants; and kings, kings, secular secular lords, lords, bishops, bishops, abbeys abbeys and academi academicc colleges colleges all used used the bene benefices in their patronage patronage for this purpose. It was was much cheaper cheaper than granting younger sons land of their own or o ff ering ering salaries to officials, and the routine administration of the realm and its great lordships could not have have operated had the right r ight of patronage to ecclesiastical benefices not existed. The crown was in a particularly strong position in this regard, because rights of presentation, presentation, like other secular property property,, could fall into the king’s king’s hands through forfeiture or wardship. wardship. The extinction extincti on of the lordship of the Isles in , for example example,, brought brought the the cro crown much much patronage patronage in the Hebrides Hebr ides and Argyll. Argyll. In addition, addition, royal royal privileges could could be be exerc exercised ised during during the vacanc vacancies ies of bishoprics. bishoprics. In England this regalian right included control over the patronage exercised exercised by the bishop bishop,, which meant that any any benefice normally under episcopal collation which fell vacant within the period in question could be filled by the the king, who stoutly defended his his rights r ights in the roy royal al courts and occasionally occasionally through through legislation. Although the evidence is much less full, a similar situation probably probably prevailed prevailed in Scotl Scotland and,, and in in Janu January ary the prelates formally conceded royal rights to the temporalities of vacant sees in return for James II’s permission for bishops to dispose of their movable property by will, a long-standin long-standing g ambition ambition of the Scottish Scottish hierar hierarch chy y. It is possible that the crown crown subsequently sought to extend exte nd its rights r ights of presentation during vacancies and obtained permission from Scottish church councils councils to do so, so, but the nature nature and outcome of the inevitable conflicts with rival claimants have never been adequately assessed. assessed. What is clear clear is that that the Scottish Scottish kings, kings, like like their English English counterparts, counterpar ts, were determined deter mined to press to the limit any any opportunities to exercise patronage over benefices. Papal prov provision ision was based on the principle pr inciple that the pope had the right to fill all benefices, and it therefore therefore threatened threatened the patronage patronage of both laymen laymen and local local ecclesiastics. ecclesiastics. While this this princi pr inciple ple was was never never pressed to extremes, provisions provisions were were numerous numerous in late medieval ieval Scotland, Scotland, especially especially in the the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
The road to Reformation
and created both opportunities and problems for patrons and hopeful clerics alike. It must be noted that nearly all pro provisions were were granted as the result of a petition to the pope by the candidate himself himself or someone someone acting on his his behalf, and the great registers registers of these supplications constitute a priceless source for late medieval Scottish history. history. After the thirteenth century only a very very small proportion of recorded provisions were attempts by the pope to promote promote a favourite, favourite, and only a minority of papal grants o ff ered ered preferment to clerks who were not native to the area where they sought the benefice. ce. One of of the most most nota notabl blee featur features es of the the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries centur ies is the skill with which the king and his leading lords were able to exploit a system which at first sight might seem inimical to their interests. There were were two two basic types of papal provision. provision. Some clerks were were granted a particular benefice which had fallen vacant in a manner specified as making it liable liable for pro provision, for instance because the the previous previous incumbent had died at the the papal curia, had been a papal papal official, or had been promoted promoted from from the now now vacant vacant benefice by papal authority authority.. In practice practice,, many supplications for pro provision vision were were made on the basis that the benefice was legally vacant (in the eyes of the supplicant) and had had long been so, so, but where where to all intents intents and purposes there was a current incumbent. A direct pro provision gave gave a clerk only a claim to seek the benefice by due process of law, law, not an absolute right to it, and disputes disputes between between rival rival candidates candidates were were numerous. numerous. The second type of provision provision was the expectative expectative grace g race,, which promised a benefice which was not yet vacant but would in due course course be so so.. Some such such graces graces wer weree wide-ra wide-ranging, nging, but most reserved a prebend in a speci fied cathedral or a benefice in the gift of a named ecclesiastical ecclesiastical patron. patron. Long queues of hopeful hopeful clerks often formed, with consequent squabbles over ver precedence precedence,, and the position was further complicated by the practice of the papal chancery of backdating some graces to give their recipients advantage over those who were were already waiting. waiting. Especially in the early years years of provision, when direct direct grants to benefices already a lready vacant were were relatively rare, rare, expectative expectative graces posed the greater g reater threat threat to local patronage, patronage, because it could be many years before patrons could clear the backlog of papal provisors and start presenting their own candidates again. This was was why bishops and monasteries monasteries sometimes petitioned the pope for for provi provisions sions to be made to their their own own clerks, or for
Medieval Medieval Scotland
permission briefl y to set aside the queue of men with expectativ expectative graces and present present their their own own nominees. nominees. Pr Pro ovisions, visions, how however ever,, were ere much more likely to aff ect ect benefices in the gift of ecclesiastics than of laymen, laymen, and this encouraged encouraged lay lords lords to petition the pope pope for favour favour to be shown shown to their relative relativess and connections, thereby thereby using the system of provision provision as a valuable adjunct ad junct to their th eir own patronage. It is helpful to make a distinction between provisions to bishoprics and monasteries on the one hand and those to lesser bene fices such as cathedra cathedrall prebends prebends and parish parish churches churches on the other other.. In strict str ict legal terms the distinction is not not especially meaningful,but meaningful, but the greater political and financial importance of bishoprics and abbeys meant that tha t appointments appoint ments to them were much more likely to involve involve the king and his magnates than were promotions to humble parochial benefices. ces. Pro Provisi vision on was was,, mor moreov eover, er, the the norma normall mean meanss of appointment of Scottish bishops from the middle of the fourteenth century century onward onwards; s; Michael Michael de Malconhalgh Malconhalgh,, who was elected elected to Whithorn in , was probably probably the last prelate to enjoy enjoy possession of his see without without papal title until until after the Reformation. Provisions Provisions to Scottish Scottish religious religious houses, houses, which were were rare rare in the fourteenth fourteenth century, century, were much much commoner commoner in the fifteent fteenth h and sixtee sixteenth nth,, so that all the major abbeys came to be filled by provision rather than capitular election.This election. This raises the question of where the initiative initiative for these provisions came from. It is often assumed that appointments to bishoprics were eff ectiv ectively in the hands of the cro crown, and those to monasteries monasteries under the control control of the king or his leading subjects. In other words, words, the pope was asked to provide provide a particular par ticular individual in dividual and was happy to oblige. oblige. This system was was formalised in , when Innocent VIII granted an indult indult allowing allowing James James III eight eight months’ grace during which the king could suggest a candidate for vacant abbeys and bishoprics, bishoprics, and in Paul III extended the period to a year year.. It can be argued that royal control over the higher offices of the church had been secured even before , and that that subsequen subsequentt instances instances where the pope took the initiativ initiative, as after the death of the excomex communicate James IV at Flodden or when he could exploit rivalries within Scotland dur dur ing ro royal minorities, were exceptions rather rather than the rule. For the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries centur ies this may be broadly true, although although the years years immediately immediately before before the indult had been
The road to Reformation
marked by a dispute over the see of Dunkeld and by much confusion ov over the status of Coldingham Coldingham priory. priory. It explains how how many monasteries passed into the nominal control of young young members of the royal royal house or had a ser ies of abbots abbot s from the same noble family f amily.. In view of the extensive lands held by bishops and their value as counsellors, administrators and diplomats, the king had ev every reason to want to promote those who were were likely to be loyal loyal servants, while the great wealth of the major abbeys was too tempting to be overlooked looked by either the cro crown or the Scottish nobility. nobility. If the prelate was below below the age at which he could lawfully lawfully hold land, his temporal estates could be exploited by the crown crown or those to whom the right of administration administration had been granted, granted, while monastic monastic superiors were naturally disposed to fav f avour our their own kinsfolk, for instance by feuing land to them or making a member of their family bailie of the abbey’ abbey’ss estates. For these reasons, reasons, lay lords had ev every incentive incentive to use papal provision provision to exploit the wealth of the Scottish church, and in many respects it was easier to prevail on the pope than to intimidate the chapter to elect a suitable candidate. While it must be remembered that Innocent VIII did not undertake under take in that he would necessarily approv approve the king’s king’s nominee, and may even even have have envisaged that the th e indult would terminate ter minate on James III’ II I’ss death, the royal candidate started with a considerable advantage over potential rivals. rivals. Not only had the pope promised promised to consider him, but he could expect support from the crown within Scotland. How However, ever, before the Great Schism irreparab ir reparably ly damaged the prestige of the medieval papacy, papacy, popes were were much more more inimical to secular control ov over the church. The reform mov movement of the late la te eleventh eleventh and twelfth centuries had sought to curb lay patronage, patronage, and this remained a papal priority prior ity.. This does not mean that popes deliberately antagonised secular rulers by refusing to sanction their requests, and the royal royal candidate would usually receive receive provision provision so long as a petition on his behalf reached the Apostolic See before a rival lodged a claim of his own. own. In the fourteenth century, century, how however ever,, most Scottish bishops were initially elected by the cathedral chapter and then provided provided by the pope, pope, who normally quashed the election on the grounds that it was technically illegal because nearly all episcopal sees had been formally reserved to papal collation. collation. Powerful werful laymen may have exerted pressure on the chapters in some cases, but but there there is little little evide evidence nce for for it. Some Some bishops bishops,, moreo moreov ver, er, owed
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
their promotion promotion to their service to the papacy, papacy, examples being Alexander de Kininmund in Aberdeen in and Thomas de Wedale in Whithorn Whithor n in . Others were were succes successful sful because because they they approached approached the pope before the local election had been reported to the curia. John de Stram Stramigl iglot, ot, for instan instance ce,, obtain obtained ed the the abbey abbey of of Dunfermline in because, because, as a student student at Paris, Paris, he was was able able to demonstrate to Clement VI that it was liable for provision before the conv convent’s ent’s candidate candidate,, Jo John hn Black, Black, had had the the opportunity opportunity to petition for con firmation. These men were were not not necessarily unacunacceptable to the cro crown, but the king was was not behind their appointment ment.. Alth Althou ough gh ro royal in influence undoubtedly increased as the Middle Ages wore wore on, we must still be cautious before we assume that the crown was directly concerned in promotions to all bishoprics, let alone alone monasteries; monasteries; even even in the wak wakee of the indult indult of , opportunities surely remained for for magnates, royal royal counsellors, counsellors, chapters and a nd even even the hopeful individuals individuals themselves to suggest possible names for the king to notify notify to the pope, pope, and this helps to explain the lengthy and complex disputes which were fought over many monasteries in the sixteenth century. century. The papacy had a financial incentive to become involved in appointments appointments to bishoprics bishoprics and major monasteries, monasteries, for it levied levied a series of taxes on the provisor provisor,, collectively collectively known as service taxes. taxes. Prelates entered entered into a solemn obligation to pay, pay, usually by instalments at specified dates, dates, although in practice adjournments were were frequently frequently granted. Popes sometimes sometimes allow allowed bishops bishops to borrow borrow money, money, despite the church’s church’s objection to the charging charg ing of interest on loans, but these these licences disappear disappear from from the records records after after the middle of the fourteenth century. century. During the Great Schism some Scottish bishops, most notably Henry Henr y Wardlaw ardlaw of St Andrews, Andrews, paid service taxes in tiny instalments,1 while others such as Gilbert de Grenlaw of Aberdeen managed manag ed to pay in full almost a lmost immediatel i mmediately y.2 It was doubtless the di fficulty of inducing prelates to pay which prompted the papal chamber or Camera to demand that prelates fulfil their obligations for service taxes before their bulls were issued, although this inv involved olved them in a considerable considerable financial 11
12
Vatican Archives, Registra Avinionensia , fol. fol. , v; , fols fols.. , v; , fol. fol. ; , fol. fol. v. H. Hoberg, rg, Taxae pro Communibus Servitiis (Vatican City, ), ; Vatican Archives, Archives, Introitus et Exitus , fol. fol. v.
The road to Reformation
undertaking which normally involved the engagement of Italian banking houses and could leave leave sees and monasteries legally vacant for lengthy periods. Leading laymen could also be involved in provisions to less important benefices, especially where where the prospectiv prospectivee incumbent incumbent had close connections with the royal royal court or was in the service of a great lord, but most bulls bulls were were obtained obtained by the hopeful clerks themselves. themselves. Although many many graces were were unopposed, achieving corporal possession of the bene fice was often difficult, cult, and much much litilitigation at the the papal curia ensued. Probl Problems ems could could arise for several several reasons. reasons. In the middl middlee of the thirteenth thirteenth century century,, when the the system system was novel in Scotland and operated largely to the bene fit of papal servants and other foreigners, some pro provisions failed in the face of a combination of prejudice prejudice,, antipathy antipathy to the notion that the pope could interfere with local patronage, patronage, and fear of setting an evil precedent. When native native clerks began to exploit the system the commonest reason for a dispute was that there was more than one candidate for the same benefice. ce. This This could could come come about about in in a number of ways. ways. Sometimes the pro provisor encountered encountered a riv r ival al who had been presente presented d by the normal patron, patron, although although such direct direct clashes between papal and local jurisdiction j urisdiction were much less frequent than the post-Reformation notion of interfering popes might suggest. It was was probably probably more more common for there to be be more than one provisor seeking the same benefice, ce, or for for indiv individu iduals als with with expectative graces to compete among themselves or against men with direct provisions on the grounds of a speci fic vacancy. vacancy. What is striking is that, at least in the the fourteenth fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, relati relativ vely few benefices were available for provision at any one time, which tended to lead to disputes over over those those which were were,, such as Cavers in Roxburghshire.3 The rules which governed governed liability for provision provision were were strictly str ictly adhered to, to, and although the categories were later extended, those who supplicated for papal fav favour had to select their target in accordance with the criteria which the papacy had laid laid down. down. Not all the the peti petitio tioners’ ners’ statem statement entss wer weree accura accurate te,, and possession often proved proved to be nine-tenths of the law, law, although we must assume that few laid claim to a benefice which they had little realistic chance of obtaining. 13
Papacy,, Scotland and Northern England (Cambridge, ), – . A. D. M. Barre rrell, The Papacy
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In addition to the practical di fficulties of bringing a bull of provision to eff ect, ect, the candidate candidate faced considerable considerable expenditu expenditure re.. Even Even if he could avoid avoid the cost of a trip tr ip to the curia cur ia by having having his name included included on a list sent sent by the king, king, a university university or other other patron, patron, he still needed to pay charges for the writing and release of the bull itsel itself. f. Mor Moreov eover, er, from from all those who obtained a direct provision to a specific benefice were bound to pay a tax known as annates. annates. Initially Initially,, the amount amount demanded demanded was theoret theoretically ically equiv equivaalent to a year’s year’s income, which inevitably inevitably meant that payment in the fourteenth century was slow slow, especially when the tax was levied by local agents agents of varying varying degrees degrees of diligence diligence.. By the early early fifteenth century Scottish clerks usually had to make a personal obligation in the Apostolic Camera to pay annates at specified terms terms,, as with with service taxes, before the the pro provisor knew knew whether in practice the the benefice would would be available available to him. Expectative Expectative graces were rather cheaper to obtain, as only occasionally occasionally did the Camera attempt to levy annates from benefices obtained as a result, but they were were little more than promises of future preferment and did not o ff er er an immediate source of revenue with which to recoup the costs of seeking the provision in the first place. In view view of these problems, problems, it is legitimate to ask why why so many many Scottish clerks actively actively sought provision. provision. One reason was was that those who had gone abroad abroad to university university,, which was was necessary until St Andrews was founded in , had lost contact contact with with local patr patrons and so sought papal favour favour instead. While this was was undoubtedly sometimes the case, case, and Scottish clerks are are prominent prominent in the great rolls sent to the Apostolic See by French universities in the fourteenth teenth century, century, many many of those who had the the means to read read for degrees were were already wealthy wealthy and well well connected, and their links with Scotland Scotland had not been been totally totally sev severed. ered. Graduates Graduates may may, howev however, er, have have been inclined incline d to obtain papal papa l provisions provisions in order to give themselves another option beside those available at the hands of Scottish Scottish patrons. patrons. What graduates did did first, non-grad non-graduat uates es could could emulate, emulate, and lay lords lords in particular could encourage their clerks clerks to seek provisions because it reduced the pressure on their own patronage, ronage, which was was rarely disrupted by papal papal graces. As more more pro provisions were made to Scottish benefices, those alre already ady in possessi possession on became increasingly nervous and sought con firmation of their tenure from the pope even if they had no particular reason to
The road to Reformation
suppose that their incumbency was uncanonical. The process therefore gathered momentum momentum all the time. The added demand for provisions necessitated a broadening of the categories of bene fice which were were availab available le for papal collation, which in turn drew yet yet more more clerks clerks into into the system. Such developm developments ents had had financial advantages from from the standpoint of the Apostolic See, but it would would be too cynical to see them totally in fiscal terms. Increased Increased demand demand had to be met by increased supply, supply, for after all the initiative initiative for particular provisions almost always lay in the locality rather than in Rome. After the end of the Great Schism, few prov provisions isions were were made to churches churches within the dominions of the English king, including those parts of Ireland which which he controlled. controlled. Only bishops continued continued to be provided, provided, and their appointment was was regulated by the cro crown. Several Several European European monarchs also entered into agreements, formal or informal, with the papacy, papacy, taking advantage advantage of its financial and political difficulties in the wake wake of the Schism. Schism. James I enacted several several measures which have have a bearing on relations with the papacy papacy,, in which he was was follow followed by later kings, but pro provisions continued continued seemingly seemingly unabated. unabated. Before Before dismissing dismissing the measures measures as ineff ective, ective, howev however, er, we must examine the legislati leg islation on more closely. closely. A statute of laid down that no clerk was to cross the sea or send a procurator on his behalf without obtaining royal royal licence, licence, or purchase a pension out of any bene fice. ce. The legislati legislation on of of additionally forbade the king’s king’s subjects to indulge in ‘barratry’. ‘barratr y’. The term is somewhat somewhat obscure, obscure, but a ‘barrator’ ‘barrator’ appears to hav have been a cleric who was considered to have have used underhand means to obtain a benefice which properly properly belonged to another, another, the root root meaning of ‘barratry’ ‘barratry’ being being ‘to deceive’. deceive’.4 The stress on pensions and the fact that the issue of deception is raised point to the legislation being directed towards those who made frivolous claims to bene fices in the hope of persuading the lawful incumbent to o ff er er financial compensation rather than undergoing the risk and expense of a long lawsuit, lawsuit, and there are are in fact strong indications indications that this practice was on the increase and that some clerks were blackmailing incumbents in the hope of being granted a pension on the fruits of the benefice. ce. Although Although he he was was undoubt undoubtedly edly concerned concerned by by the 14
APS , ii, , ; D. E. R. Watt, att, ‘The ‘The papacy papacy and Scotla Scotland nd in the fifteen fifteenth th century century’, ’, in B. Dobson,ed.,The Dobson,ed., The Church, Politics and Patronage Patronage in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, ), .
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export of money from the realm to transact business at the papal curia, it was probably probably never never the king’s king’s intention to hinder bona fide pro provisions, visions, particularly particularly when he and his his leading subjects subjects could could derive such benefits from from the the system. system. How How eff ective ective the legislation was, even even in in thos thosee limit limited ed terms, is har hard d to to assess assess.. The practi practice ce would be difficult to eliminate when popes granted provisions on the basis of the content of the petitions presented to them without checking the facts, but the legislation could be employed employed against those who subsequently tried to have the provision executed in Scotland. It is unclear whether Scottish courts did proceed against barrators. Parliame Parliament nt periodically enacted enacted legislation concerning concerning proviprovisions, but increasingly increasingly it was directed at possible infringements of regalian regalian right. Pensions ensions were were certainly certainly being being paid out out of many many benefices at the time time of the Reformation, Reformation, and someti sometimes mes the the amount amountss wer weree substan substantia tial. l. In the the early early s, for for inst instan ance ce,, John Davidson not only only held two two vicarages, valued collectiv collectively ely at £, but also a pension of £ from the church of Kinkell in Aberdeenshire and one of £ s d from the parsonage of Glasgow Glasgow. Andrew Andrew Galloway Galloway had a similar pension from Kinkell, Kinkell, although this drain on the church revenues must be put into the .5 The context of the parson’ par son’ss residual income of a little under £ origin orig in of some pensions was a device known known as resignatio in favorem, a resignation of a benefice to another cleric.This cleric. This was di diff erent erent from ‘simple’ resignations of churches churches through through old age or in firmity or for the purpose of exchanging bene fices, ces, sinc sincee the resignatio in favorem usually involved involved a compensatory compensat ory grant g rant by the new incumbent to his predecessor. predecessor. These devices devices hav have been variously interpreted. Because of their similarity to grants of land to heirs in an attempt to evade feudal payments payments on the death of the original or iginal possessor, they hav have sometimes been seen as a means whereby benefices were kept out of royal royal hands. They have have also been regarded regarded as attempts to retain particular benefices,inclu ces, including ding monasteries, monasteries, in the same family, family, with, say, say, an uncle resigning resigning in favo favour ur of a nephew. nephew. Both these theories contain some truth, but such a resignation might also occur in the context of a lawsuit, lawsuit, with one party relinquishing relinquishing his claim claim to the other in return for financial nancial compens compensation ation.. It has has been suggested suggested 15
The Books of Assumption of the Thirds of Benefices: Scottish Ecclesiastical Rentals at the Reformation, ed. ed. J. Kirk Kirk (Oxf (Oxfor ord, d, ), , , .
The road to Reformation
that the resignation resignation was was normally made not by the incumbent, incumbent, but by a litigant who had scant chance of success, who was was then bought off by the lawful possessor on the groun g rounds ds that doing so was cheaper than a lengthy period of litigation.6 If this is so, so, then the device device of resignatio in favorem was used to legitimise the very practice that the statutes against barratry were meant to address. The Great Schism marked a watershed in the history of the late medieval medieval papacy. papacy. Because of the interminable inter minable political strife of Italy, Italy, the popes had been based north of the Alps for much of the fourteenth century, century, usually at Avignon, where the papal curia develdeveloped a strongly French French ethos. Most of the Avignon popes professed professed a desire to return return to Rome, and Urban V and Gregory XI brie fl y did did so so,, but but Gr Gregory egory died died in Mar March and a disputed election follow followed. The cardina cardinals ls initially initially chose the archbis archbishop hop of Bari, Bartholome Bartholomew w Prignano, Prignano, but the the new pope pope, who took the the name of Urban VI, prove proved d less pliable than they had hoped, and a number of cardinals proceeded to elect Robert of Geneva on the grounds that their choice of Urban had been influenced by the Roman mob. Robert took the name of Clement VII and subsequently returned to Avignon. Each pope claimed that the other was a usurper, and both attracted attracted support support from from secular secular pow powers. Rulers Rulers determined their their loyalty loyalty through through political political considerations: the French French adhered to Clement VII, for instance, instance, and were were joined in that allegiance by the Scots, Scots, while while the English English government government backed backed Urban VI. Both popes were succeeded succeeded by by fresh fresh claimants, and in a third pontiff was chosen by by the Council Council of Pisa, which had been called to heal the breach. breach. It was was only after after more more than than forty years years of schism schism that Christendom united behind a single pope in the person of Martin V, and in the meantime the Council of Constance had sought sought to elevate elevate the authority author ity of general councils over ver that of the pope, laying laying the foundations for a struggle between the two ecclesiastical powers which lasted through the first half of the fifteenth century. century. While it was not especially unusual for rival popes to be chosen by disgrundisg runtled rulers, usually usually the the Emper Emperor or,, the length length and bitterness bitterness of the Great Schism had a serious impact on papal authority authority.. In order order to buy and retain retain secular support, the popes had to make make concessions, and they continued continued to do so during dur ing the conciliar period and beyond. 16
I. B. Cowan, The Scottish Reformation: Church and Society in Sixteenth Century Scotland (London, ), .
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The impact of the Great Schism S chism and the conciliar conc iliar movement movement was felt most keenly at the level level of internationa inter nationall diplomacy. diplomacy. Wars against ag ainst r ival powers powers could frequently be justi jus tified as campaigns against schismatics. The duke of Albany risked isolation by persisting in his allegiance to t o the Avignonese pope Benedict XIII until the summer of , when most of of his fello fellow-rulers w-rulers had had deserted his cause cause.. The Scottish government was able to exploit the fact that Eugenius IV was at loggerheads loggerheads with the Council of Basle, although kings were were generally disposed to support support the pope, as a fellow-monarch fellow-monarch with whom a working working relationship relationship could usually be forged, rather than put total faith f aith in the oligarchic and unpredictable general councils. In the intellectual sphere, sphere, the problems problems occasioned by the Schism led to much debate about the nature and extent of papal authority, authority, and several universities were founded in various parts of Europe, including St Andrews. Andrews. It must be doubted, doubted, how however ever,, that the Schism had much bearing on the everyday life of the Scottish church. Pontiff s occasionally made provisions provisions to bishoprics bishopr ics outside their allegiance in order to oblige oblige secular rulers without formally for mally degrading the the prelate prelate in in question question.. In , for instance instance,, Alexander Alexander Neville Neville was translated to St Andrews from York because he had fallen foul of Richard II’s II’s government. government. Political developments developments also explain the provision provision of Gru Gr uff ydd Yonge, Owain Glyn Dw ˆ r’s r’s bishop of Bangor, Bangor, to Ross in . In neither neither case was was the new bishop bishop able able to exerexercise any authority in what was was essentially a titular see. see. The three Scottish bishoprics which were were not named in Cum universi became especially entangled in the events of the Schism because of their continuing continuing links with foreign metropolitans. metropolitans. In Gallowa Galloway y, memory of York’s ork’s jurisdiction was fresh. fresh. The diocese of Sodor came to be split between between a line of bishops based on Man, who adhered to the Roman obedience, obedience, and a line exercising exercising authority authority in the Scottish part of the diocese diocese.. In Orkney Orkney,, which which ecclesiastic ecclesiastically ally was was still part of the province of Trondheim and politically not yet part of the Scottish realm, the bishops appointed by the Avignon Avignon popes perhaps had difficulty in gaining a foothold,although foothold, although the situation is unclear in view of the strong Scottish in fluence in Orkney by this date. These issues did not necessarily aff ect ect the pastoral work of the bishop who was accepted locally, locally, but they emphasised the anomaly of ecclesiastical obediences cutting across political boundaries when Christendom Christendom was was split into rival rival camps. camps. After the the Schism Schism the the
The road to Reformation
diocese diocese of Sodor remaine remained d split, with the Scottish Scottish portion portion now now detached from the in fluence of the cathedral cathedral at Peel Peel on Man, while York’ York’ss jurisdiction jur isdiction in Gallowa Galloway y was not reviv revived. ed. In James I declared that the Galwegian clergy should be treated like their counterparts in other Scottish dioceses, 7 which removed the final vestiges of Whithorn’s Whithorn’s subordination subordination to York, although the papal provision provision of its bishops bis hops since , by removing removing the requirement for metropolitan confirmation, had already already severe severed d the link. Whithorn Whithorn had long been taxed with the rest of the Scottish church and its bishop had receiv received ed mandates along with his Scottish colleagues. In Alexander Vaus was translated translated to Whithorn Whithorn from from , when Alexander Caithness, his new see was was said to be be immediately subject to the papacy.8 The Schism consolidated this new relationship, relationship, but did not create it. The politics of the Schism provide the backdrop for an incident which demonstrates the value to the crown of controlling the appointment of bishops while simultaneously showing the importance of papal papal appr appro oval. In the duke of Albany attempted to remove remove the maverick Walter Danielston Daniels ton from Dumbar D umbarton ton castle cas tle by having having him appointed as bishop of St Andrews, Andrews, an office for which he had few obvious quali fications. Albany hoped thereby thereby to recover recover the castle for the crown and secure the stronghold for the future advantage advantage of his son Murdoch Murdoch,, who had married marr ied the daughter daughter of the earl of Lennox. Lennox. This interference by by a lay magnate in the sucsuccession to Scotland’ Sco tland’ss premier see was possible because becaus e the pope was virtually a prisoner pr isoner in his palace at Avignon, which meant that the election in of Robert III’s III’s half-brother half-brother,, Thomas Stewart, Stewart, had not been con firmed by Benedict Benedict XIII. Albany Albany persuaded persuaded Thomas Thomas to resign his claim in favour favour of Danielston, but the latter’s latter’s death around Christmas rescued St Andrews from his clutches and neatly solved the problem of Dumbarton. 9 These were, were, how however ever,, unusual circumstances. Normal business was was soon resumed. At a low lower level, level, the Schism impinged impinged little. little. There were a few compli complicat cation ions, s, such such as the the pastora pastorall care care of the the churc church h of Kirkgunzeon, which was was normally served ser ved by monks monks of the English 17 19
18 RMS , ii, . CPL , vii, vii, . S. Boardman,‘The Boardman,‘The man who who would would be king: the lieutenanc lieutenancy y and death of David, David, duke duke of Rothesay, – Mason n and and N. Macd Macdou oug gall, all, eds., ds., People and Power in ’, in R. A. Maso Scotland: Scotland: Essays Essays in Honour Honour of T. C. Smout (Edinburgh, ), – , .
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abbey of Holm Cultram, but such problems problems could be circumven circumvented ted by appoint appointing ing a Scottish Scottish cleric, cleric, in this case a monk monk of Glenluce Glenluce,, to minister there.10 In the Roman pope Boniface IX granted g ranted the bishop of Durham diocesan pow powers in Berwick, Ro Roxburgh xburgh and and other parts of St Andrews Andrews diocese which were under English occupation, and attempts were were made to exercise exercise this this jurisdiction until .11 It was the end of the Schism which paradoxically caused the greatest difficulties. culties. Clerks Clerks who who ow owed their their preferment preferment to the Avignon popes were concerned concer ned that Scotland’ Scotl and’ss adherence to Martin Mar tin V might jeopardise jeopardise their tenure tenure,, and many, many, sensing which way way the wind was blo blowing wing,, sought sought con confirmation by the new pope even before Albany’s Albany’s gov government had deserted deser ted Benedict XIII. There was even some doubt about the status of the new university of St Andre Andrews. ws. In the event event,, how however ever,, Martin Martin V’s V’s pragma pragmatic tic approac approach h enabled most Scottish clerks to retain their bene fices and the university continued to function. Relations between crown and papacy were perhaps strained in Andrews was raised to the status of an arch, when the see of St Andrews bishopric, well over over three centuries after David I had petitioned the pope for this concession. The move move would have have been logical in the twelfth twelfth century, century, but was was less obviously obviously necessary in the fifteenth, when the metropolitan’s right to con fir m bishops within his provprovince had been set aside as ide by the use of papal provision provision and the Scottish bishops had become familiar with the notion that they were all legally equal. Over Over the next next twenty twenty years years some sought exemption exemption from the jurisdiction of the new archbishop archbishop of St Andrews, Andrews, and in Glasgow Glasgow too was raised to metropol metropolitan itan status. status. While the exemption in of Thomas Thomas Spens, bishop bishop of Aberdeen, Aberdeen, could could be justified on the grou g rounds nds that he was conducting a lawsuit against the archbishop, archbishop, the elevation elevation of St Andrews Andrews clearly had serious and undesirable consequences. The events of have often been regarded as reflecting the ambition of the then bishop of St Andrews, Andrews, Patrick Graham, or even even as a hostile move by the pope in a long struggle over ecclesiastical 10
11
Calendar of Papal Letters to Scotland of Clement VII of Avignon, – , ed. C. Bur ns (Scottish History Society, Society, ), . For later later deve developme lopments nts see Calendar of Papal Letters to Scotland of Benedict XIII of Avignon, – , ed. F. McGurk McGurk (Scottish (Scottish History History Society Society,, Chron. n. Bowe Bower r , vi, . ), , – ; Chro (London, ), . R. L. Stor Storeey, Thomas Langley and the Bishopric of Durham, –
The road to Reformation
patronage patronage.. How However ever,, it has also been argued that the initiati initiativ ve for the elevation came from the royal government in an attempt to achieve achieve co-extensive co-extensive boundaries for church and state, to lessen the number of appeals to Rome by enabling suits over bene fices to be held in Scotland, and to have have a single trusted prelate in a position to discipline others; it has even even been suggested that the the creation of a Scottish archbishopric archbishopric was a mark of of national consciousness. None of these standpoints is entirely entirely convincing. convincing. The notion that Sixtus IV deliberately sought a confrontation with the king is hard to justify unless it is believed that relations between between Scotland and the papacy in the fifteenth century were were punctuated by by crises, cr ises, as the frequent reissue of legislation against barratry might at first glance suggest. suggest. There There is, how however ever,, no clear indicatio indication n that such crises cr ises took place, nor is it apparent how how the creation of an archbishopric archbishopric at St Andrews Andrews might resolve resolve clashes over over patronage. patronage. On the other hand, it is not obvious why James III might want St S t Andrews to have metropolitan ropolitan status. He may may have have felt that it would would enhance the presprestige of his kingdom and vicariously of himself, but he (or at least his counsellors) should perhaps have realised that the elevation of St Andrew Andrewss would would inevitab inevitably ly cause tension elsewher elsewhere. e. Suits ov over benefices, moreo moreov ver, er, continu continued ed to be taken taken to Rome, Rome, as they they had been in fourteenth-century fourteenth-centur y England despite there being tw t wo archbishops in the English church. Patrick Graham’s Graham’s ambition cannot be ruled out, and his subsequent madness madness has been attributed to the persecution he received received at the hands of a vindictive vindictive monarch, but it is unlikely that the pope would have have changed the status of a see on the petition of a single individual, and surely more probable probable that he either desired it himself himself or, or, more likely likely,, had been prompted prompted by the king. The king was probably probably behind Innocent VIII’s VIII’s declaration of the primacy of St Andrews in and the appointment of the archbishop as papal legate, a move move which may also have have received received backing from a papal nuncio who had visited Scotland Scotlan d the previous previous year, year, although it is conceivable conceivable that the elevation ow owed something to a priv pr ivate ate initiative initiative on the part par t of Graham’s Graham’s successor, William Scheves. Scheves. In the ev event, the pope soon soon yielded to the inevitable inevitable complaints and exempted the bishops of Glasgow and Moray from the jurisdiction of St Andrews, Andrews, and after Sauchieburn the new regime appears appear s to have have backed Glasgow’s Glasgow’s claim for metropolitan status. stat us. The manoeuvres which led to the bull of ,however,remain obscure.
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Examples of abuses within the pre-Reformation Scottish church are easy to find in record record sources sources and contemporary literature, literature, but are much less straight st raightforward forward to quantify. quantify. We have have seen how some clerks deriv der ived ed large pensions from benefices, and how how the device device of resignatio in favorem could sometimes be used to ensure that churches passed to another another member member of the same family. family. Clerical concubinconcubinage appears to have have been widespread, widespread, with senior ecclesiastics such as David Beaton, latterly archbishop of St Andrews Andrews and cardinal, cardinal, paying little attention to canonical teaching on chastity. chastity. According According to the critics, critics, pluralism pluralism was common common,, and non-residen non-residence ce among among clerics meant that the faithful were deprived of the sacraments, while the regular life was in disarray as nobles plundered the revenues of monasteries monaster ies for their own profit. This wholly wholly negativ negative view must must be challenged. challenged. The belated belated attempts at reform by the hierarchy from show that abuses existed, but in many many cases they they always always had. Concerns over over the levels levels of clerical cler ical learning lear ning and competence were were intensified by the increasing degree of lay literacy and the threat from heresy, heresy, but there is no evidence that sixteenth-century parish priests were appreciably more more ignorant ignorant than their their predeces predecessors. sors. Non-reside Non-residence nce had long long been prevalent prevalent among at least the higher clergy, clergy, who could use their position and influence uence to seek dispensati dispensations ons and, and, moreo moreov ver, er, could could justify absenteeism on the grounds that their talents enabled them to perform signi ficant duties duties for for the cro crown, for which which their their benefices pro provided the the necessary income. income. Pluralism Pluralism too had long long been a feature featu re in the lives lives of the higher clergy cl ergy.. Walter Bower Bower tells us, albeit with a degree of exaggeration exaggeration,, that when William William Wishart Wishart was postulated as bishop of St Andrews in he was already bishop-elect of Glasgow, Glasgow, archdeacon of St Andrews Andrews and holder of twenty-tw twenty-two o rectories and prebends, as well as being royal royal chancellor,12 and there were several notorious pluralists in thirteenthcentury century England. England. The papal bull bull Execrabilis of attempt attempted, ed, with with some success, to regulate regulate pluralism by by emphasising the distinction between benefices which inv involved olved the cure of of souls, such as parish churches, churches,and and those which which did not, not, like like cathedral cathedral prebends. prebends. In practice,it tice, it was possible to hold several several sinecures simultaneously without 12
Chro Chron. n. Bowe Bower r , v, , .
The road to Reformation
facing any penalties, but in the period immediately before the the Great Schism pluralism appears to have been strictly controlled by the pope, pope, and Urban V gave gave Thomas Harkars a brusque br usque response when he petitioned for the removal of a clause in an earlier bull whereby he had been ordered to resign a bene fice.13 It is clear that pluralism was sanctioned more readily in the fifteenth century and that it was widely prevalent prevalent in Scotland Scotland in the sixteenth, although not all pluralists were were greedy careerists. The decline in the real real value of penpensionary vicarages meant that some churches could not be served unless the incumbent had alternativ alter nativee sources of income,which income, which were were normally based on a second benefice; the prob problem lem was less less a reflection on sixteenth-century clergy than on the acquisitiveness of thirteenth-century monaster monasteries. ies. Non-residence Non-residence is harder to trace than pluralism pluralism without without recor records ds of episcopal episcopal visitation visitations, s, but an absentee rector or vicar did not necessarily mean that parishioners were depr depriv ived ed of the sacraments. In England there was a sizeable clerical clerical prole proletariat, tariat, especi especiall ally y before before the the fourte fourteent enth-c h-cent entury ury plagues, and much routine routine pastoral care in in the parishes fell to underpaid stipend stipendiary iary priests with no no security of tenur tenure. e. In Scotland Scotland,, which was was a poorer and more more thinly populated country, country, the clericler ical underclass underclass was probably probably smaller, smaller, and it must be doubted doubted that many churches were served directly by the ‘sublime and literate persons’ so beloved beloved of Urban V, but we we should be wary of assuming that the sacraments were not being performed. perfor med. Although the Scottish monasteries were not dissolved at the Reformation like their English English counterpar counterparts, ts, recruitment ceased in and those who chose to remain in their communities gradually died off . Mate Materia riall dama damage ge in inflicted during English invasions, especially in the s, and by by the actions actions of reformers, reformers, for instance instance at Lindores, Lindores, Scone Scone and Dunfermline, Dunfermline, reduced reduced the viability viability of some monasteries and encouraged their further dilapidation, although at some houses there there is evidence evidence of repair repair and rebuilding. rebuilding. Over Over the ensuing half-century most of the former monastic estates were erected into lay baronies for the bene fit of the families which controlled them, and it was was the fact that many rev revenues enues had already already been diverted to laymen before the Reformation which explains why why there was was no need, and no enthusiasm, enthusiasm, for formal dissolution dissolution.. 13
Barrell, Papacy, – .
Medieval Medieval Scotland
Becaus Becausee religio religious us house housess disappe disappear ared, ed, how however ever,, they they could could be identified much more more closely than parishes par ishes and universities universities with the discredited pre-Reformation church, church, and so there there has been a tendency among Protestant Protestant writers writer s to condemn monasteries as at best lax and and at worst worst dens dens of vice vice.. Again, Again, examples examples of declin declinee can be found, and by the later Middle Ages many monks had mov moved away away from a truly communal life and enjoyed private accommodation and generous individual individual allowances, allowances, but some houses were thriving in the sixteenth century, century, perhaps taking advantage of a probable probable rise r ise in the population which may have made the security of monastic life more attractive. attractive.At At Kinloss in Moray two two abbots,Thomas Crystal and Robert Reid, increased increased the numbe numberr of monks, monks, built built up up the monastic monastic library library,, and attracted attracted the services of Giova Giovanni nni Ferrerio, Ferrerio, a Renaissance scholar from Piedmont who settled at Kinloss and taught taught the the youn young g monks. monks. At Cambu Cambusk skenn enneth eth near near Stirlin Stirling g Alexander Alexander Myln, Myln, who became became abbot abbot in , impro improved the the acaacademic standing of the monastery and attempted to introduce strict observance of the Augustinian rule,14 and eff orts orts towards reform and greater emphasis on university attendance are found at several other Scottish Scottish houses. houses. A Carthusian monastery monastery was established established at Perth as late as James I’s I’s reign. Such examples pro provide a necessary corrective corrective to the image of decadence and decline. decline. The role role of the abbot abbot was was crucial. He was was a father-figure for the monks, monks, and his attitude attitude to regular regular observan observance ce and disciplin disciplinee set the tone for for the whole whole monaste monastery ry.. Before Before the dev development elopment of the the system of papal provision, provision, he was elected by the chapter either from within its own number or from another house of the same order, and until even those Scottish abbots who were provided had invariably invariably already espoused es poused the regular life.15 In that year, howev however, er, ff and a secular Alexander Alexander Fraser, Fraser, vicar of Abertar ff secular clerk, clerk, was granted the priory prior y of Beauly, Beauly, and thus began the practice practice whereby whereby monasteries ter ies were bestowed bestowed on clerks who w ho were were not members member s of the order. Although examples are few before the s, the change change turned out out to be highly significant, because it enabled enabled career careerists ists to seek regular benefices as well well as secular ones. Previou Previously sly,, a clerk with ambition ambitionss 14
15
M. Di Dillworth, orth, Scottish Monasteries in the Late Middle Ages (Edinburgh, ), – , ; Medieval Church Churc h, – . Cowan, Medieval On what follows follows see M. Dilworth, Dilworth,‘The ‘The commendator commendator system in Scotland’, Scotland’, IR , (), – .
The road to Reformation
for abbatial dignity had to enter enter a monastery, monastery, and could expect to be there for many many years before his chance of promotion promotion came, came, if it ever ever did. did. Now Now it was was possibl possiblee to seek parish parish churches, churches, cathedral cathedral prebends, archdeaconr archdeaconr ies and other other secular benefices and then petition for a vacant vacant abbey or or priory prior y when the opportunity opportunity arose. arose. Even Even if the pope required that the new monastic superior super ior should take the habit, habit, as he frequen frequently tly did in the fifteenth fteenth century, century, this was was little more than a condition which the provisor could accept or reject; he had not had to make an earlier commitment to the restrictions imposed imposed by by membership membership of a religious religious orde orderr. Not all those those appointed in this manner were neglectful of their duties – neither Myln nor Reid had previously belonged to an order – but the way was open for the abuse of papal provisions by the king and his magnates. Sometimes Sometimes monasteries monasteries were were ruled by commendators. commendators. A commendator was was not a regular abbot, but rather assumed the office and emoluments of abbot without necessarily making a monastic profession. fession. He was was basically basically an adminis administrator trator,, and for for centuries centuries comcommendation had been used to enable someone who was not the legal holder of an ecclesiastical office to exercise the functions attached to it, usually in cases of emergency when the duties might otherwise not hav have been performed. The arrangements made during the Great Schism to serv ser ve the church of Kirkgunzeon, discussed above, above, are an example example.. In sixteenth sixteenth-cent -century ury Scotland, Scotland, how however ever,, the pracpractice was used to benefit the commendator rather than the institution of which he was head, and appointments were increasingly increasingly made for for life. life. Bishops Bishops were were sometimes sometimes made made commendat commendators ors of religious houses in order order to increase their income, income, and in the years years between Flodden and the Reformation almost half of the Scottish monasteries were used for this purpose, while the cro crown took the revenues of houses which had been granted to youthful members of the royal royal family f amily.. The appointment of unsuitable monastic superiors was was condemn condemned ed by by, among others, a friar of Jedbur Jedburgh, gh, Adam Abell, who called upon James V to remedy the evil practices of his two two predecessors, but the system was was too useful to leading laymen laymen to be abandoned. The appointment of a commendator commendator did not, how however, ever, alter the status of the benefice,and ce, and a regular abbot abbot frequently succeeded succeeded right up until the s. Excluding Excluding Iona and Tongland, ongland, which which were held
Medieval Medieval Scotland
by successive successive bishops of the Isles and Whithorn respectiv respectively, ely, only one house, house, Dunfermline, was ruled continuously continuously by by commendators from before to the Reformation. Reformation. The Cister Cistercian cian abbe abbey y of Balmerino, Balmerino, by contrast contrast,, was never never ruled by by a commendator commendator or or an abbot who had not been a monk, although regular observance observance there was lax.16 Nor were were commendators commendators in Scotland laymen, as is often suggested. They were were frequently frequently secular clerks rather than professed monks or canons, but were were expected to be in, or at least to assume, major clerical orders, which implied celibacy celibacy.. Whether commendators paid more than lip-service to this last requirement requirement or or not, they were unable to marry marr y and produce legitimate heirs until after , a clear indication that until then they were were considered clerks rather than laymen. The period which produced commendators also saw the dispoThe syste system, m, whic which h was was sal of much church land at feu-ferm. 17 The encouraged by act of parliament in ,18 was not limited to ecclesiastical holdings, although most of the surviving evidence evidence relates to estates which had been granted to bishoprics and monasteries in earlier centuries. Feuing invo involv lved ed the granting of a charter whereby whereby the recipient was was to hold the land heritably in return for an advance payment, an annual feu-duty which was higher than existing rents, and sometimes other other less frequent frequent dues. From the standpoint of of the grantor, grantor, feuing feuing provided provided an immediate immediate financial windfall and the prospect prospect of increased increased rents, although in an inflationary age the real value of of these rents soon diminished. diminished.The The feuar obtained security of tenure, tenure, although he might hav have to take on particular problems problems of estate management, management, for instance instance dealing with truculent truculent tenants or making making good damage damage caused by by natural disasters, disasters, and the initial initial outlay was considerable. considerable. It is hardly hardly surprising surpr ising that often a generation or two passed before the feuars could a ff ord ord to obtain the requisite papal or royal con firmation of their charter. The rapid increase in feuing in the sixteenth century threatened the customary rights r ights of inheritance of those who already occupied the lands in question. There was was a danger that landlords, anxious to 16 17
18
M. Dilworth, Dilworth,‘Scot ‘Scottish tish Cistercian Cistercian monasteries monasteries and the Reformation’, Reformation’, IR , (), . On this this topi topicc see see M. H. B. Sand Sander erso son, n, Scottish Rural Society in the Sixteenth Century (Edinburgh, ). For a rather rather different different interpreta interpretation tion of this statute statute see A. Grant, Grant, Independence and Nationhoo Nationhood: d: Scotland Scotland – (Edinburgh, ), .
The road to Reformation
raise as much capital capital as possible, possible, might sell the land to the highest bidder bidder and thereb thereby y harm their erstwhile erstwhile tenants. tenants. In fact many lands were feued to people of humble humble stock, and the process process therefore therefore created a new class of propr propr ietors originating or iginating from below below that of the lairds. A considerable considerable proportion proportion of these feuars already occupied the land, so feuing did not necessar necessarily ily cause much dislocation in the possession patterns of local society. society. Even Even if the new new proprietor proprietor was an outsider, outsider, he must often have have preferred preferred to collect rents from from the existing tenants rather than introduce new settlers or exploit the estates himself himself by by paid agricul agr icultural tural labour labour.. A grant at feu-ferm did not usually cause the removal of the local peasantry from their holdings. Feuing was a part of the series of processes in the sixteenth century whereby monasteries divested themselves of their former rights and responsibilities.The responsibilities. The practice was not new new, and indeed can be traced back into the thirteenth century and even even earlier, earlier, but it became much commoner after James V began to tax the church heavily in the s. The preambles preambles of charters frequently use taxation as the the excuse for for a grant at feu-ferm, but this this may may partly be aimed at making the transactions look less like business deals and thereby thereby keeping keeping them within the the bounds of canon canon law, law, which forbade the alienation of ecclesiastical property in most circumstances. The heads of many corporations doubtless saw advantages advantages in realising realising some of the value value of their landed landed assets in cash, which could be used by by themselves themselves and their families, rather than facing the possibility of expropriation if the Scottish king should choose to follow Henry Henr y VIII’s VIII’s example and a nd dissolve the monasteries for his own profit. Even Even if in the the longer longer term term the feuars feuars gained, gained, they they iniinitially faced churchmen who were determined to strike a hard bargain. This stress on material considerations can give the impression that the higher clergy had little interest interest in, or aptitude for, for, the propagapropagation of Christian Chr istian doctrine. Assessments of the the quality of prelates prelates as pastors must, how however, ever, have have due regard regard to the very very di ff erent erent function of leading churchmen in the Middle Ages compared with more recent recent times. times. Bishops Bishops were were expected expected to to be able adminis administrators, trators, and were often employed by the king both internally as royal o fficials and abroad abroad as diplomats. The pastoral side of their their duties is harder harder
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
to detect, detect, and may may often hav havee been delegated delegated to to assistants; assistants; during the trial of an apostate priest in , Bishop Bishop George George Crichton of Dunkeld Dunkeld admitted that he had never never read the Bible. Bible. Some prelates, such as Cardinal David Beaton, have have been portray por trayed ed as worldly and selfish, pursuing policies at home and abroad abroad in their own own interests while paying scant regard to the abuses of the contemporary church. church. On the other hand, James Kennedy Kennedy of St Andrews Andrews has been the subject of a eulogistic biography, biography, while William Elphinstone, Elphinstone, bishop of Aberdeen, has been described descr ibed as ‘remarkably ‘remarkably unselfseeking and indi ff erent erent to pow power’ and ‘a genuine patriot patr iot [who] strove strove constantly to make the community of the realm a workable reality’.19 It may be no coincidence that both Kennedy and Elphinsto Elphinstone ne founded founded educational educational establis establishment hments. s. In any case, case, even even if we accept the favourable favourable judgements on them, they are not typical of the Scottish episcopate as a whole, any more more than Beaton is representative of the sixteenth-century hierarchy. There is little evidence which sheds light on the religious practices of the Scottish Scottish people people in the late Middle Ages, although although in broad broad outline they were probably probably similar to elsewhere. elsewhere. The centralisation of the Western church under the aegis of the twelfth- and thirteenth-century popes had served to clarify issues of doctrine doctr ine and impose impose a series of rules which which were were,, in theory theory at least, univ universally applicable. The parish church remained remained at the centre centre of local life, life, both spiritually and physically. physically. Many parish churches in Scotland were were small and plain compared with their counterparts in the richer areas of England, England, but they they still dominated dominated the local local landscape. landscape. The church church was often the only stone building in the village, village, and compared with the sometimes flimsy dwellings of the peasantry peasantr y it must have seemed a fitting setting for the mystic mystic link between between mankind and God. In the burghs, burghs, where where more more ample funds funds were were av available ailable to adorn churches, churches, there was was greater sophistication in architecture architecture,, and some late mediev medieval collegiate collegiate churches churches such as Roslin, Roslin, south of Edinbur Edinburgh, gh, contained contained intricate carving. The services in a medieval church were conducted in Latin. Because they followed fixed patterns, the congregation congregation must must hav have gained a certain familiarity familiar ity with them,ev them, even en if actual comprehension comprehension 19
Macfarlane, William Elphinstone , .
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was limited to a very few. few. In great churches such as cathedrals and abbeys there was was an almost constant succession of services ser vices through the day day and and night; night; even even in in lesser lesser churches, churches, the prolife proliferatio ration n of private altars in the later Middle Ages meant that divine offices were being celebrated almost continuously. continuously. Virtually everyone everyone was baptised and thereby thereby a member of the Christian Chr istian family, family, but by by modern standards there was relatively little participation in services by the congr congrega egati tion on.. The The musi musicc, altho althoug ugh h ofte often n elab elabor orate ate in in larg larger er churches, churches, was largely the property property of the clergy. clergy. Holy Communion Communion was rarely off ered ered to the laity, laity, and even even then only the priest pr iest partook of the wine. wine. The sacrament was was often celebrated on the other side of a screen,which screen, which served to emphasise emphasise the diff erence erence between between cleric cler ic and layman. layman. Although Although parishioners parishioners were were encourag encouraged ed to confess confess their sins, sins, the church church demanded demanded this only only at Easter, Easter, and we we cannot tell whether even this rule was eff ectiv ective. Preachin Preaching g was probab probably ly relativ relatively uncommon, especially in rural areas, and was perhaps perhaps most eff ectively ectively off ered ered by by the friars, and so there there was was little little formal formal instruction in the faith within the context of services in the parish church. church. And while some lay lay people undoubtedly undoubtedly had a deep vein vein of piety and reverence reverence even even for things they did not fully unders un derstand, tand, were struck by by the aw awe-inspiring mystery of the sacraments, and indulged in priv pr ivate ate contemplation and devotion devotion outside the context of organised religion, religion, others were were doubtless very very bored and restless during services. services. Whoev Whoever the the legal rector rector or or vicar vicar might might be, be, the clerk who officiated was was probably probably usually drawn, drawn, if not from from the local community, community, at least from the same social stratum as a s the majority of the parishioners, a fact which may have have made some members of the congreg congregation ation,, familiar with with his his past and character character,, sceptical sceptical that he really could act as a s a mediator between them and God. The medieval church placed ced con considerab rable emphasis on the idea of judgement, both after death and, ultimately, at the end of the world. ld. By stressi ssing the etern rnal al con consequences ces of misb isbehaviour on ear th, the church hoped to impose some discipline on a society which, even if not senselessly violent and brutish, was often not exactly subtle in sorti rting out its problems; and by drawing attention to the end of the world, and the impossibility of predicting when it might happen, the church hoped to encourage people to con conte temp mpla late te on th thei eirr liv lives an and d acti activi viti ties es.. The The mess messag agee was brou brough ghtt home partl rtly through wall paintings, stained-glass windows and
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
other visual aids, because themes such as the end of the world and the pains of hell could be depicted in such media more eff ectively ectively than could more abstract concepts such as love and redemption. Most medieval windows have long since been broken, and the paintings were whitewashed at the Reforma rmation, and we therefore know little about them in a Scottish context, but where they do sur vive they illustrate, better even than words, the nature of the Chris ristian doctrin rine which many medieval people received. Evidence for the response of the congregation to the practices of the church is is very scanty. scanty. In England complaints were were made during the visitations of bishops to parishes par ishes if services ser vices were were not being held, which suggests that the laity missed them when they were were not performed. It is unlikely unlikely that that the faithful in Scotlan Scotland d were were any diff erent, erent, especially when the church placed such emphasis emphasis on the importance of attendance at Mass even even though the laity rarely took comm commun unio ion. n. Pi Pilgrim lgrimag ages es to loca local, l, nati nation onal al and and inte internat rnatio iona nall shrines were were also encouraged, encouraged, either as part of a penance enjoined enjoined by a priest or to pursue private devotions or seek a cure for illness or infirmity. rmity. James James IV was was an assiduous assiduous pilgrim pilgr im to the shrines of St Ninian at Whithorn and St Duthac at Tain, thereby thereby following the trend towards greater interest in native Scottish saints which led to the production of the Aberdeen Breviary in the early years of the sixteenth century and the replacement of the English service books known known as the Sarum Use, Use, imports of which were prohibited prohibited in .20 Pilgrimages can be regar regarded ded as excuses excuses for holida holidays, ys, the medieval medieval equivalent equivalent of a trip to the seaside, and they were were sometimes encouraged by off ering ering indulgences as incentives incentives to pilgrims, pilgr ims, but it would be too cynical simply to dismiss the spiritual side of the practice on these groun g rounds. ds. Late medieval popular religion was dominated by prayers for the dead, a consequence of the increased emphasis placed by by the church on the doctrine of purgatory. purgatory. Purgatory was a state between heaven heaven and hell, where the dead were were chastised for sins committed on on earth and purified prior to entering enter ing the blessedness blessedness of heaven. heaven. The doctrine had developed partly in view of the fact that penances on earth were becoming less severe and so had to be replaced by the 20
Registrum Secreti Sigilli Regum Scotorum , ed. M. Livingsto Livingstone ne and others (Edinburg (Edinburgh, h, –), i, – .
The road to Reformation
expiation of guilt after death, but the increasing increasing stress stress on the existence of purgatory was also part par t of the medieval church’ church’ss judgemental approach. approach. The length of time spent in purgatory could run to thousands of years, but could be reduced reduced by the prayers prayers of those still aliv alive, by the interc intercession ession of saints, saints, particularly particularly the Blessed Blessed Virgin Mary, Mary, and by obtaining indulgences. Indulgences first appear in the context context of the crusades, participaparticipation in which was seen as so meritorious as to deserve direct entry into paradise. At least that appears to have have been the impression given given by those those recruiting recruiting for the the expeditions expeditions.. It is unlikely unlikely that Pope Pope Urban II intended to be so generous when he launched the First Crusade in , but theologians subsequently developed developed a theory to meet the popular perception of what an indulgence was. Moreov Moreover, the issue of plenary indulgences soon extended outside the context of the crusades. As well well as widening the circle of reciprecipients to to those who who helped helped crusaders, crusaders, popes off ered ered similar remissions to those who attended the periodic Jubilees in Rome and made suitable off erings er ings on the altars of the city’s city’s churches. churches. These Jubilees began in and were originally meant to be every hundred years, but in practice they they were were financially profitable and excuses were were found found to stage them much more frequently, frequently, for example in when the eighth earl of Douglas made such an impression impression in Rome. Rome. It was was a short step from from this this to the pope pope off ering ering plenary indulgences indulgences on demand, demand, in return return of course for a fee; and in the fourteenth fourteenth century century,, especially especially after the arriv arr ival al of the Black Death, considerable numbers numbers sought plenary remissions from from the papacy. papacy. People from from the British Isles were were particularly enthuenthusiastic, but the grace was was limited to those who who could aff ord ord it, it, and and that was was a small percentag percentagee of the ov overall populat population. ion. Greater Greater accessibility access ibility to indulgences indulg ences was provided provided by by itinerant questores operating under papal or episcopal episcopal licence, licence, whether genuine genuine or otherwise, wise, of whom whom Chaucer Chaucer’’s fictional Pardoner is the most famous example. example. The abuse abuse of indulgences indulgences in Germany Germany was one of the factors which drove Martin Luther to rebel against the established church, church, but pardoners pardoners are rarely mentioned in Scottish Scottish sources.This sources. This may be be because indulgences were rarely rarely hawked hawked in Scotland, or simply because the work of pardoners is hidden by the lack of surviving evidence evidence,, but we we should note both the enthusiasm of Scots for indulgences issued directly by the pope in the later fourteenth
Medieval Medieval Scotland
century and the silence on this issue of Knox and other Protestant historians who would would surely have have castigated the activities of pardoners in Scotland had the opportunity presented itself. Smaller indulgences were were also issued by popes, bishops and occasionally other churchmen, churchmen, promising promising remissions of of fixed periods of penance if the recipient performed certain speci fied action actions. s. This This usually involved visiting a church on a named feast day and making an appropriate appropriate contribution to its repair or refurbishment, refurbishment, or for the use of the the poor poor. It could could also extend extend to to other other meritorious deeds deeds such as buildin building g bridges. Until Until the end of the fourteenth fourteenth century century at least, the length of time promised promised in the remission remission was was generally smal sm all: l: in , for for inst instan ance ce,, the the pope pope off ered ered only a year and forty days for those visiting visiting the allegedly ruined cathedral of Elgin Elg in at the feast of the Tr inity, inity, even even though the bishop had requested seven have been quite times as much.21 Indulgences seem nonetheless to have popula popularr. In part, part, they they off ered ered an excuse for a day day out, like a pilgrimpilgr image might, but there there was a strong strong obligation to give according according to one’s one’s means to the good cause in question; it is hard to deny, deny, therefore, fore, that those who who participated participated expected expected some future future benefits, and trusted that the the pope or bishop bishop could could deliv deliver the promise promised d remission. As we we have have seen, the belief in the efficacy of prayers for the dead had underpinned donations to the church and its institutions for centuries. Those who endow endowed monasteries in the twelfth twelfth and thirteenth centuries expected that the monks would pray for their souls and thereby thereby help them after their death. By the fourteenth century, century, few were sufficiently committed to traditional monasticism to establish houses, and most funding in the two two centuries before the Reformation Refor mation was was directed instead towar towards ds chaplainries, equivalent equivalent to the English chantries. chantries. A chaplainry chaplainry was a foundation foundation dedicated dedicated to prayers prayers for the souls of the founder founder and his or her family, family, and usually usually, piously piously,, the souls souls of ‘all the faithful faithful departed’. departed’. Sometimes Sometimes a whole chapel or collegiate church was dedicated for this purpose, more often an altar or a candle on on an altar; some chaplainries were were supposed to last for for ever, ever, others for a limited time. This meant that, as well as being much cheaper to set up than conventional conventional monasteries, they they suited a range range of income income groups. groups. Donors also sometim sometimes es 21
Calendar of Entries in the Papal Papal Registers Relating to Great Great Britain and Ireland: Petitions to the Pope , ed. ed. W. H. Blis Blisss (Lon (Londo don, n, ), .
The road to Reformation
used them as a form of advertising, advertising, because inscriptions and pictures pictures on windows windows reminded those who remained of the person who had died and of his his or her generosity generosity to the church, church, but most of the benefits were were intended to be in the next world rather than on earth. Chaplainries and colleges were were still being founded in the early sixteenth century, century, which points to a continuing continuing belief in their usefulness in the eyes of a br broad oad spectrum of society. society. It may be easy today to be sceptical about about indulgences and prayers prayers for the dead, and to marvel at the gullibility of people from all walks walks of life who bought plenary indulgences, and of citizens who reserved a considerable considerable proportion proportion of their estate for the establishment of a chaplainry, chaplainry, but to do so would be to misunderstand the nature of late medieval religion. How How much the central doctrines of Christianity Chr istianity were were understood by the common common people is almost impossible impossible to evaluate. evaluate. Although lay lay literacy was was increasing increasing,, especially especially in the burghs, burghs, and may may have have been encouraged by the foundation of three universities in fifteenth-century Scotland and by the Education Act of , and although printing had come to Scotland in the first decade of the sixteenth sixteenth century, century, most Scots must hav have remained remained illiterate. illiterate. They They could, could, of course course,, still still listen listen to to preac preachers hers,, whethe whetherr from from withi within n or outside outside the institutio institutional nal church, church, and it was was the charisma of such preachers which ultimately enabled Reformed opinions to take root root in Scotland. But even even they must have have found found it di fficult to foster a general interest in theological niceties as they were discussed among among intel intellec lectua tuals. ls. This This does does not, not, of course course,, mean mean that that ordin ordinary ary folk were indiff eren erentt to religi eligion on.. In an age age of of igno ignora ranc ncee, with with scientific knowledge knowledge virtually non-existent, the hand of supernatural pow powers was visible visible everywhere. everywhere. Many of the the religious rituals of the farming far ming year can have have been little di ff erent erent from the pagan ceremonies emonies of the the pre-Christian pre-Christian era, era, and had had the same funct function. ion. The church had sancti fied these rituals, rituals, but it it had not not brought brought – and and could not bring – the people as a whole to a deep and sincere understandin understanding g of Christian doctrines. doctrines. In some some respects, respects, the religion religion of mediev medieval Christians was was based on terror of the the hereafter hereafter,, on superstition superstition,, on a blind, blind, unquestion unquestioning ing faith in the saints and in in churchmen churchmen as intercessors, even even on a baleful and suff ocating ocating ignorance. ance. But the familiar trappin trappings gs of religion religion were were alwa always ys there, there, and in times of trouble the very changelessness of the church’s services
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
must have been a comfort to the a fflicted. icted. It is in this this fund fundame amenntally conservative cons ervative context that we must investig investigate ate the development of heterodoxy in Scotland. The incidence of heresy in late medieval Scotland is hard to assess. There must always have been many who held unorthodox opinions, if only only out of ignor ignorance ance of theolo theological gical precept precepts, s, but these people usually enter the records only when the church was actively hunting hunting down down heretics. heretics. In Britain an impetus to persecution persecution was was provided provided by the dissemination dissemina tion of the views of the Oxford academic academ ic John Wyclif, who died in after several years of bitter invective against the pope and the friars fr iars and the production of learned works works denying transubstantiation (the doctrine that the bread and wine consecrated in the Mass are transformed into the body and blood of Christ) and advocating advocating predestination, predestination, a doctrine which underundermined the church’s advocacy of good works in order to obtain salvation salvation.. Wyclif ’s anti-clericalism anti-clericalism,, especially especially his his calls for for the disendowment endowment of the church, church, struck a chord in the England of the late s and early s, a period of of milita military ry defeat, defeat, politi political cal conf confuusion and social unrest. unrest. From these beginnings sprang the mov movement known known as Lollardy, Lollardy, although most of its adherents came from the lower echelons of society after it became linked with treason in a rebellion in and was no longer politically acceptable among the the ruli ruling ng class classes es.. In the statute De heretico comburendo was promulgated promulgated in England, allowing allowing for the burning burning of heretics who had relapsed after previously acknowledging their errors and accepting the forgiveness forgiveness of of the church. church. At around around the same time Jan Hus was the inspiration for a reforming mov movement in Bohemia, which was savagely repressed by the ecclesiastical authorities. Lollards and Hussites both desired a return to a more primitive church, church, as the friars had, and they they too placed placed great emphasis emphasis on the the study of Scripture. Scripture. The Bible was translated into vernacular vernacular languages, guages, which which alarmed the church. church. The official version of the Bible was St Jerome’ Jerome’ss translation into Latin, known known as the Vulgate, and the science of theology was based on the study of this hallowed text. Translations ransla tions of Scripture Scr ipture can distort dis tort – as the Vulgate had done – and a nd the presence of heretical glosses in some Lollard Bibles caused the English ecclesiastical authorities to regard possession of vernacular religious religious works works as tantamou tantamount nt to heresy heresy.. They They saw privat privatee
The road to Reformation
Bible-r Bible-readin eading, g, and uncontr uncontrolled olled popular popular preachin preaching, g, as threa threats ts to order in the hierarchical society in which the church played so prominent a role. Some English bishops were very active in proceeding against Lollards in the fifteenth century, century, although there were were few execuexecutions and it must be qu questione estioned d how many of those who were interrogated held doctrinally unorthodox views rather than being merely merely anti-clerical anti-clerical or ignorant. ignorant. Reluctance Reluctance to pay pay teinds, which is is a common feature of the records of sixteenth-century civil courts in Scotland, does not necessarily imply heterodo heterodoxy xy,, although it may may hint at dissatisfaction with the church church and its activities. activities. The fact that James IV lightly dismissed allegations against some Ayrshire folk in suggests that he did not see heresy as a threat, but it would would be reasonable reasonable to suppose that some Lollard ideas had reached Scotland during the fifteenth fteenth century. century. A man called James James Resby, Resby, described by Bow Bower as ‘an English priest pr iest of the school of John Wyclif ’, had been burned at Perth in , and anot another her her hereti eticc perished perished in Glasgow diocese in . At least one Bohemian exile,Paul exile, Paul Crawar Crawar,, also reached Scotland, for he was executed executed in July . It is unli unlik kely that these were were isolated individuals. individuals. Bow Bower makes much much of the diligence of the inquisitor inquisitor,, Laurence of Lindores, Lindores, saying that he gave gave no peace to heretics anywhere anywhere in the kingdom, and suggests that Wyclif still had followers in Scotland in the s, whereas whereas anothe another r chronicler chronicler,, Andrew Andrew of Wyntoun, draws attention to the first duke of Albany’s Albany’s hatred of heretics. One of the avow avowed purposes pur poses of the new univers university ity of St S t Andrews was to be a bulwark against agains t heretical views. In parliament made a statute against heresy, heresy, although burnings had already taken place without without it. Bow Bower’s er’s stress on the advantages of hearing hear ing Mass may imply that anti-sacramental views were circucirculating in Scotland. This all suggests that heresy was perceiv perceived to be a problem in the fifteenth century, century, although it may have have appeared a greater threat to the institutional church church than it really was. The church was faced with a much more serious danger when the ideas of Martin Luther began to enter Scotland in the s, probably probably direct direct from the Continent Continent rather than via England, England, especially cially at the outset. outset. In parliament promulgated a statute against the import of Lutheran works, threatening threatening with imprisonment imprisonment and escheat those who brought brought such literature literature through Scottish seaports, and prohibiting the discussion of Luther’s ideas except for the
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purpose of refuting refuting them.22 This measure presupposes that heretical books, books, probab probably ly mainly mainly Englis English h vernacular vernacular Bibles, Bibles, were ere reachi reaching ng Scotland, and they presumably presumably had a market market if merchants were were prepared pared to carry carry them. The act act of was ratified and extended in government rnment felt that a fresh fresh , and , as and when the gove clampdo clampdown wn was warranted. warranted. The parliament reaffirmed traditional Catholic doctrine on the sacraments and the worship of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mary, declared that no one was was to impugn papal authority on pain of death and forfeiture forfeiture of goods, and banned discussion of the Bible except by theologians approved by universities, but also called upon churchmen to reform themselves. 23 We can detect here both James V’s determination to remain in the Roman fold, fold, doubtl doubtless ess becau because se of the the financial advantages such a policy promised, promised,and and a feeling that ecclesiastical reform was needed in order order to combat heresy. heresy. It is, of course, course, impossible to ascertain exactly exactly how how widely Protestant Protestant opinions were were held, or the extent to which religious considera consideration tionss dictated, or were were dictated dictated by, by, individua individuals’ ls’ views views on relatio relations ns with England England and France. France. Post-Reformati ost-Reformation on writers naturally dwelt dwelt on instances instances of martyrdom, such as the burning burning of Patrick Hamilton in , and and cast castig igat ated ed Jam James es V for for fail failin ing g to follow follow the example of his uncle, uncle, HenryVIII, Henry VIII,in in breaking breaking with Rome. Rome. There There is no contemporary evidence for the tale that the king had a blacklist of prominent individuals who could be accused of heresy when he wanted to proceed against them,24 but James’s continued allegiance to the pope necessitated both legislation and direct action against iconoclasts and others who held Protestant sympathies. How However ever,, there is no sign of a marked Protestant Protestant resurgence after James’ James’ss death, death, which may indicate that the level level of repression repression during his reign was lower than some later writers alleged. The arriv arr ival al of Lutheran Lutheran doctrines doctrines must, how however ever,, hav have created created debates debates within within families, circles circles of friends, religious religious houses, houses, univ universities and the growing growing number of schools, schools, where there there is evidence for sustained intellectual and ideological activity in the late Middle Ages. Orthodox Orthodox religion religion was was hard hard to champio champion n because because of the the undoubted undoubted abuses abuses of pluralism, pluralism, absenteeism absenteeism and the the holding holding of benefices by minors, minors, and the widespread widespread diversion diversion of ecclesiastical rev revenues to the cro crown and leading leading magnate families. Despite this, 22
APS , ii, .
23
Ibid., – .
24
Cameron, James V , – .
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many Scots were probably reluctant to accept major changes in liturgical practice and rreligious eligious belief, and it was was not until the the series of events which culminated in the so-called Reformation Parliament of that a decisive shift towards Protestantism occurred. occurred. The relati relativ vely late date date of the Scottish Scottish Reformation Reformation meant that it owed more to the fervent rejection of past practices by John John Calvin than to the more moderate views of Luther and his disciples, disciples, and was was fuelled by by the expansion expansion of Bible study study after reading it in the vernacular became lawful by act of parliament in This act, with with its safegu safeguar ard d against against here heresie sies, s, has been been seen seen as . This evidence of the in fluence of evangelical humanists at the royal royal court in the latter part par t of James V’s V’s reign, reign ,25 and it may be that at this point the running was still being made by moderates seeking reform refor m from within within the the existi existing ng ecclesi ecclesiasti astical cal estab establis lishme hment. nt. John Kno Knox x exemplifies the passion of of Scottish Protestantism, Protestantism, but his influence before was much more limited than his own writings imply. Apart from a brief visit to Scotland in – , he was was abroad abroad from from to , and it was was during his period on the Continen Continentt that he drank so deeply at the Calvinist well. The parliamentary measures of were negative rather than positive. positive. They abolished the Mass and rejected rejected papal jurisdiction, but did not create fresh administrative structures for the church. Bishops remained in office, and lost only those pow powers which they derived from from the pope, pope, while incumbents continued continued to enjoy enjoy the revenues of their bene fices, ces, and former former monks monks their their portions, portions, irreirrespective spective of what doctrines doctrines they held. At least super ficially, cially, the structure of of the old church was still intact, and the reformer reformerss faced the thorny problem of how Protestant ministers were to be endowed. There was was no enthusiasm among the nobility for the dissolution of the monasteries, because much of their wealth wealth was was already in lay hands, hands, and legal legal di difficulties prevented the ejection of clerks from benefices to which which they had been canonically canonically instituted. Although the parliament of had, unusually, unusually, been attended by by many lairds lairds who were presumably keen to be involved in such signi ficant changes, the greater magnates were were lukew lukewar arm m about any any mov moves which might threaten them financially by depriving them of the lands and revenues they had obtained from the church. 25
Lindsay of the Mount C. Edin Edingt gton on,, Court and Culture in Renaissance Scotland: Sir David Lindsay (Amherst, ), .
Medieval Medieval Scotland
The success success of the Scottish Scottish Reformation Reformation was not, not, therefor therefore, e, assure assured. d. Queen Queen Mary Mary nev never rati ratified the legislation of and remained a Roman Catholic, Catholic, even even though her third marr marriage, iage,to to the earl of Bothwell, Bothwell, so enraged the pope that she forfeited the support she might otherwise hav have receiv received ed from from that source. source. Protestant modes of worship spread only slowly and fitfully to the more conservative servative parts of the realm, realm, and although many incumbents incumbents and former monks took up o ffices in the reformed reformed church, church, it is unceruncertain in many cases whether they were motivated by conviction or expediency. expediency. There was was thus no abrupt break with the past, and this makes the actions of the Reformation Parliament appear all the more more sudden and and unexpected. unexpected. Contempor Contemporary ary and later writers in the Protestant Protestant tradition were were,, unsurprisingly unsurpr isingly,, determined deter mined to conv convey the impression that there there had been a profound spiritual transformatransfor mation in sixteen sixteenth-ce th-century ntury Scotland, Scotland, and their their influential accounts have caused historians to search for religious explanations for the political standpoints of individuals. individuals. While it would would be rash to deny that some Scots Scots acted in accordance accordance with with their conscienc conscience, e, it is surely relevant relevant to seek alternative explanations for events such as the debacle at Solway Moss in , the split after James James V’s V’s death between those who sought to continue the French alliance and those who advocated advocated a closer relationship with England, and indeed the events of the parlia parliamen mentt itself. itself. Until Until at the earliest the Scottish Scottish political political commu community nity had been indeci indecisiv sive, e, neither neither wholeheartedly embracing Protestantism nor demonstrating much attachment to an old church widely acknowledged to be in grave need of reform. reform. The sudden focus of of the next two two years years is striking, str iking, and probably probably owes owes its origin or igin to events events outside Scotland rather than internal factors. The accession accession of Elizabeth Elizabeth to the English English throne throne after the five-year ve-year reign of her Catholic sister Mary raised the prospect of a renewed alliance between Scottish Protestants and the English gov government er nment and ended the period per iod during which the regent Mary of Guise could aff ord ord to indulge indulge Protestants in Scotland,while Scotland, while the succession of the Scottish queen’s first husband Francis as king of France in July threatened a closer co-ordination of policy between Scotland and France even than that which had prevailed under Mary of Guise. The reformers must have have found this situation especially threatening since the warring warr ing powers powers of France and Spain had recently come to terms in the treaty treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, and
The road to Reformation
so a clampdown on Protestant activity in Scotland was now more likely. likely. But even even those who had little interest interest in doctrinal change must have felt apprehensive at the prospect of Scotland becoming little more than a satellite of the French kingdom, and this may hav have fostered a sense of national identity which provided fertile ground for the legislation legislation of of the Reformation Reformation Parliam Parliament. ent. In the ev event, the unexpected death of Francis in December once again transformed the situation because it drov drove Queen Mary Mar y to return to her realm, realm, so that, after a long period when gov government had been conconducted in the name of an absentee minor minor,, Scotland had to face the personal pers onal rule r ule of a woman who may may already have been showing signs of the unpredict unpredictabili ability ty and capriciousness capriciousness which, more more than her adherence to Roman Catholicism, Catholicism, were to lead to her forced abdication in . In the the short short term, Mary’s Mary’s return return may may hav have heightheightened the stakes, but it also initiated a series of events which which were were to be crucial to the success of the Scottish Reformation. The queen’s queen’s behaviour behaviour served to discredit discredit the old church, church, and her replacement replacement by her infant son gave the reformers the opportunity to consolidate their position. position. Through Throughout out these momentous momentous events, events, how however ever,, political expediency played at least as great a part as religious convictions. Summarising the essential features of the late medieval Scottish church is a task fraught with difficulty. culty. This is not only because our knowledge is so heavily weighted towards institutional matters which interested the higher clergy and their families fa milies but impinged little on the everyday everyday lives lives of humble parishioners, but more more especially because the church, church, for all its conservatism, was no no more more static than the world world in which it operated. In Scotland there there was both both an increasing interest interest in the saints of the distant Celtic past and a close and multi-faceted relationship with a papacy which had been instrumental in standardising ecclesiastical practices throughout western Christendom. Christendom. In a late mediev medieval al context context close relatio relations ns with the popes meant provisions (with their fiscal consequences) and numer numerous ous dispensatio dispensations ns of various kinds. kinds. Both areas areas of papal activity were were capable of being abused, and some of the problems problems of the Scottish church stemmed from inappropriate relaxations of canon law, law, for instance to allow allow the king’s king’s illegitimate illeg itimate children to hold bishoprics and abbeys, and provisions provisions which in practice served served
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
to strengthen the hold of the crown and leading magnates over ecclesiastical appointments. The Protestant reformers were were easily able to break the power power of the pope in Scotland, but the removal removal of lay control over the patronage and revenues of the Scottish church was an altogether diff erent erent matter. matter. David I may may have have been ‘ane sair sanct for the Croune’, Croune’, but his sixteenth-century successors had to some extent ext ent recovered recovered the endowments so s o generously bestow b estowed ed on ecclesiastical institutions in a very di ff erent erent age of faith and religious renewal.
.
CONCLUSION .
This book has been prim rimaril rily concern rneed with the five cen centuri uries es bet etw ween een the acce access ssio ion n of Malco alcolm lm Can anm mor oree an and d th thee Reforma formattio ion n Parli arliam amen ent. t. In Ineevi vita tab bly, ly, th this is period period saw saw cons consid ider erab able le poli politi tica cal, l, eccl eccleesiastical and social developments within Scotland and changin ging relat elatio ion ns with ith th thee outsid tsidee world.Th rld.Ther eree is no sin single gle, unifyi ifying ng fact facto or which explai lains how the Scottish kingdom evolve lved as it did or why its histor y diff ers from that of other parts of the Br itish Isles. Rath ather er,, medie ediev val Sco Scotlan tland d must be exam examin ined ed fro from the stan standp dpo oin intt of a number mber of overla rlappin pping g an and d some someti tim mes con contrad radict ictory th them emes es.. The extent ext ent of royal royal power power in Scotland Sco tland was a ff ected ected by both geographical realities and strong provincial provincial identities. The twelfth- and thirteenth-century kings were responsible for the introduction of new administrat administrativ ivee structur structures, es, many many imported imported from from Norman Norman England, and they they strov strove to consolidate consolidate their authority by using trusted agents to act on their behalf in the peripheral regions of their realm. Freskin and his descendants in and beyo beyond nd Moray, Moray, the Bruces in Annandale, Annandale, the Stewarts Stewarts in the Clyde estuary and, a nd,somewhat somewhat later, later, the Comyns in Buchan Buch an and Badenoch Bad enoch were all employ employed ed to control dangerous areas where the crown’s in fluence was reduced by distance or the the existence existence of pow powerful local local lords. lords. These men all all belonged belonged to immigrant families, and their role role in Scottish Scottish history can giv g ivee a misleading impression of the significance of feudalisation and the introduc introduction tion of Anglo-Norman Anglo-Norman institutions institutions.. For David David I
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
and his successors were neither able nor willing to reject the past: they enjoyed enjoyed good relations relations with some native native magnates, especially the earls of Fife; and the survival survival of thanages and the continued use use of officials with Gaelic names clearly demonstrate the element of continuity in Scottish government. The thir teenth centur y witnessed the absor ption into the Scot cottis tish stat statee of areas eas wh whic ich h hith ither erto to had succ succeessfu ssfull lly y resis esistted royal auth au thorit ority y, in incl clud udin ing g Mora Moray y, Ross Ross,, Gallo Gallow way, even Argy Argyll ll an and d argu argu-ably ably th thee sout southe hern rn Hebri Hebride dess as well.Th ell.This is exte extens nsio ion n of cent centra rall pow power was destined to be of short duration, partl rtly because of the confusion of the Wars of Independence but more especially because its roots were ver y shallow. The descendants of Somerled who ackn cknowledged the Maid of Norw rwaay as Alexander III’s I’s heir in may have issued cha charte rters which used feudal termi rminology, but they had not beco becom me full fully y assi assimi mila late ted d in th thee polit litical ical comm commun unit ity y. From the late fourte rteenth century onwards the MacDonalds, who had benefited from the eclipse or extinction of their MacDougall and MacR MacRua uairi iri cous cousin ins, s,w wer eree able able to defy defy succ succes essi siv ve king kingss of Scot Scotss wi with th virtu irtual al imp impun unit ity y, sin since mili milita tary ry exp expedit ditio ions ns aga again insst th them em had only tran transi sito tory ry eff ect. Royal policy was to allow loyal magnates such as the earls of Argyll and Huntly to enhance their own power in strategic gically importa rtant areas, just as the twelfth-century kings had done. The threat from England meant that similar measures had to be taken on the border, hence the ris rise of the Douglases and the dev develop elopme ment nt of a fron fronti tier er cult cultur uree wh whic ich h was in inim imic ical al to royal in inte terrvention. Scotland could not be ru rulled from the centre; successful govern rnaance depended, as it always had done, on the development and maint ainten enan ance ce of con constru struct ctiive relat latio ion ns bet etw ween the cro crown an and d leading local cal magnates. Royal power was sometimes in abeyance because the king was a minor, a captive, an exile or (in the case of Robert III) inadequate, but loyalty to the legit gitimate monarch was a powerful force for stability. The Stewart kings were often ru rutthless and sometimes vindictive, but James III’s brother Alba lbany still had to rely on English help for his bid for the throne. The close ties which had bound together the nobility of Scotland, England and France in the twelfth twelfth and thirteenth centur ies were severed severed by the Wars of Independence, Independenc e, but Scottish kings king s and magnates magnate s still strove strove to play a role on the wider European stage. stag e. Relations with the papacy remained important and usually cordial
Conclusion
well into the sixteenth century, century, and trade with the Lo Low w Countries, northern norther n Germany Ger many and Scandinavia Scandinavia contributed to the prosperity of many east-coas east-coastt ports. James James II, James III and James James V all sought sought wives wiv es overseas, overseas, and similar marriage marr iage alliances were were made by other members of the ruling family. family. Diplomatically, Diplomatically, ho how wev ever er,, France was was the major continental powe powerr from a Scottish perspectiv per spective. e. The alliance between Scotland and France against England was a central feature of the Wars of Independence and the Hundred Years War, among other things leading David II to disaster at Neville’s Cross and the fourth earl of Douglas to a French duchy and a military reputation reputation that that he scarcely deserved. deserved. But political contacts contacts with with France were not new in . William the the Lion was captured at Alnwick during a rebellion against Henry II which involved the French king; king; Alexander II performed homage to Louis in his war war against John; John; both Alexander II and Alexander III sought their second wives wives in France; some Scots fought alongside the French at Tuni uniss in i n . Nor did the alliance end with the English expulsion from France in , although the changed changed international international situation created complications for for Scottish diplomacy. diplomacy. James IV met his his death on an invasion invasion of northern norther n England which, in broad outline, outline, would hav have been familiar to many of his predecessors. predecessors. Expeditions southw southwar ards, ds, wh wheth ether er they they originate originated d in a quest quest for for territory, territory, a desire desire for booty booty, a hope of embarrassing embarrassing the rulers of England, England, or (as here) the need to ful fil international international obligatio obligations, ns, can be found in the reigns of most Scottish kings from Kenneth MacAlpin onwards. The development development of national national identity is the most elusive, elusive, but perhaps perhaps most most important, important, issue in in mediev medieval al Scottish Scottish histo history ry.. The fusion of the peoples of early Scotland had enabled a recognisable state to be created by the end of the eleventh eleventh century, century, although its borders were as yet imperfectly defined and the relationship between the king and local potentates by no means resolved in favour favour of the former. Whether there there was any perception perception of a Scottish identity identity is, ho how wev ever er,, very doubtful, and links with the Irish Ir ish Sea and Norse worlds worlds remained remained strong. strong. Immigration from England England and France, France, the advent advent of feudalism and the the establishment within within the realm of international inter national religious orders brought Scotland into a world of chivalry which transcended the boundaries of individual states; although only a privileged pr ivileged few few could avail avail themselves themselves of that
Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotl and
world, the outlook outlook of the Scottish Scottish gov government and church had been transformed. transformed. With extensive extensive cross-bord cross-border er landholding landholding and generally peaceful relations between Scotland and England in the thirteenth century, century, we might expect a diminution of the sense of a Scottish identity identity,, at least among among the ruling classes, yet yet the successful resistance to Edward I by the Comyns and their allies demonstrates the pull which the concept of Scotland had on the loyalty of many many magnates. Moreov Moreover, many leading clerics such as Bishop Bishop Wishart were were prominent prominent opponents opponents of of English rule, ev even en after Robert Bruce had incurred incurred excommunication; excommunication; the internationalism of the church did not preclude defence of the interests interest s of a particular state. The Wars of Independence were the catalyst for the articulation of a view of Scottish history which stressed the distinctiveness distinctiveness of the t he Scot Scotss and, and, for for the the first time time,, downp downpla lay yed thei theirr Irish origin. The arguments presented to Boniface VIII and the more famous Declaration of Arbroath increasingly portray the Scots as a nation rather than merely merely the inhabitants inhabitants of a state, state, although it was was the existence of a viable and well established Scottish realm which enabled resistance resistance to Edward Edward I to be organised, and it is debatable how far individuals were conscious of a distinctive ethnic identity before Edward’s aggression forced them into that awareness. Antipathy towards towards the English Englis h was certainly certainl y a marked feature of the late medieval medieval Scottish mentality, mentality, as James III was to discover discover when he made peace with Edward IV. IV. It is manifest in chronicles, chronicles, and even even more clearly in epic works on Scottish heroes like the Bruce of John Barbour and the Wallace ascribed ascr ibed to Blind Harr Harry y. Those who liv lived near the border were acutely aware aware of their identity, identity, even even though families on both sides had a common interest in warding o ff the attentions of the governments governments of their respective respective countries. countr ies. This subsequent perception of the crisis as a national struggle underestimates the element of civil strife in Scotland after . Robert Bruce, Bruce, who emerged emerged as the victor, victor, had an uneasy relatio relationnship with the Comyn-led government and was prepared to enter into Edward I’s peace when it looked as though their common enemy John John Balliol might return to Scotland in , and after after the Comyns adhered to the English because of what had happened in the Greyfriars Greyfriars of Dumfries. Loyal Loyalties ties were were not not determined primarily by patriotism, and indeed the concept was unfamiliar to the
Conclusion
majority of contemporaries, but later commentators saw the Wars of Independen Independence ce as a watershed, atershed, and in terms of Anglo-S Anglo-Scotti cottish sh relations that view is justified. Paradoxically, Paradoxically, increasing animosity animos ity towards towards England was matched by a greater consciousness of the distinction between between Highlands and Lowland Lowlandss and antipathy antipathy to the Gaelic language. language. Anglo-Norman Anglo-Norman immigrants in the twelfth century had assimilated many of the customs of the people over whom they now exercised lordship, while native native magnates had entered into relations with the king of a recognisably recognisably feudal type. type. Kings were were still inaugurated in ceremonies ceremonies which which had their their roots roots deep deep in the the Celtic Celtic past. past. Continu Continuity ity had thereby been preserved preser ved and provincial provincial loy l oyalties alties were were upheld even in areas areas which which were were heavily heavily settled settled by by newcom newcomers. ers. While the Highland economy was more thoroughly pastoral and English speech was becoming predominant in most of eastern and southern Scotland, there there is no hint before before the later fourteenth fourteenth century that contemporaries drew drew a meaningful line between Lowland Lowland and Highland. Yet later medieval writers frequently draw draw attention to the evils evils perpetrated perpetrated by by caterans, caterans, parliament parliament told told James James I that that Highlanders were were not to be trusted, and the earl of Mar built built a reputation on his opposition to Donald of the Isles at Harlaw. To some extent ex tent this development was an inevitable consequenc c onsequencee of historical processes. The Gaelic language had long been in retreat, and the cultural distinction between between the peaceful Lowlands Lowlands and the wild areas to the north nor th and west reflects the t he limits limit s of royal royal power power in the late Middle Middle Ages. Although Although the early early sixteenth sixteenth century century saw renew renewed interest in native native saints, the Scottish identity so manifest in the late medieval period still owed much less to Celtic traditions than might have have been expected. There was was no conscious rejection of ideas and institutions which had originated or iginated south of the border, border, although Scots law and administrative practice were su fficiently divergent divergent from their English counterparts counter parts to be a recognisable recognisable mark of distincti distinctiv veness at the end end of the thirteenth thirteenth century century.. Scottish Scottish nationhood was founded founded partly on anti-English anti-English feeling, but more more importantly on a sense of pride in the achievements of a small country country which had been been forged from from div divergent traditio traditions, ns, had developed developed a method of governance governance suitable for its political and geographical peculiarities, peculiarities, and could play play a significant part in the community of European European states and the international inter national Christian church.
.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY .
This bibliography lists works which have have been particularly par ticularly valuable in the composition of this book and some others to which interested readers reader s may refer for further enlightenment enlightenment on individual topics. It is by by no means exhaustive exhaustive,, and in particular does not include primary primar y sources, even even if these are cited in the footnotes. footnotes. Full details details of most of these can be found in D. D. Steve Stevenson nson and W. B. Calendars: An Analytical Analytical Guide to Serial Publications Stevenson, Scottish Texts and Calendars:An (Royal (Ro yal Historical Society and Scottish History Society, Society, ); and and List of Abbreviated Titles of the Printed Sources of Scottish History Histor y to published hed as a ,, publis supplement to the SHR in . Anderson, Anderson, M. O.,‘Loth ., ‘Lothian ian and the early early Scottish Scottish kings’, kings’, SHR , (), – Kings and Kingship in Early Scotland (Edinburgh, ) Angus,W Angus,W., ., and Dunlop Dunlop,, A. I.,‘The I., ‘The date date of the birth of of James James III’, SHR , (), – Arthurson, I.,‘The I., ‘The king’s king’s voy voyage age into Scotland: Scotland: the war war that never never was’, in D. D. Willia Williams, ms, ed., England in the Fifteenth Century: Proceedings of the Harlaxton Symposium (Woodbridge, ), – ’, in G. W. S. Ash, M.,‘Will M., ‘William iam Lamberton, Lamberton, bishop bishop of St Andrews, Andrews, – Scott ish Tradition (Edinburgh, ), – Barrow Barrow, ed., The Scottish ‘The diocese of St Andrews Andrews under its “Norman” bishops’, SHR , (), – Balfou Balfour-M r-Melv elvill ille, e, E. W. M., James I, King of Scots, Scots, – (London, ) Bannerman Bannerman,, J., Studies in the History of Dalriada (Edinburgh, ) ‘The Scottish takeover takeover of Pictland and the relics of Columba’, IR , (), – Papacy,, Scotland and Northern England, – Barr Barrel ell,A. l,A. D. M., M., The Papacy (Cambridge, )
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’, IR , ‘The background to Cum universi : Scoto-papal Scoto-papal relation relations, s, – (), – Barro Barrow, G. W. S., The Kingdom Kingdom of the Scots: Government, Government, Church and Society Society from the Eleventh to the Fourteenth Century (London, ) The Anglo-Norman Era in Scottish History Histor y (Oxford, ) Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland (rd edn, edn, Edinburgh Edinburgh,, ) . : secular ‘Badenoch and Strathspey, – secular and political political’, ’, Northern Scotland , (), – . : the chur ‘Badenoch and Strathspey, – church’ ch’,, Northern Scotland , (), – Kingship Kingship and Unity: Scotland Scotland – (repr.,, Edinburgh, Edinburgh, ) (repr. ‘Frontier and settlement: which influenced which? England and Scotland, – ’, in R. Medieval Frontier Societies R. Bartle Bartlett tt and and A. MacK MacKaay, eds. eds.,, Medieval (Oxford, ), – ‘A kingdom in crisis: cri sis: Scotland and the Maid of Norway’, Norway’, SHR , (), – Scotland and Its Neighbours in the Middle Ages (London, ) ‘The ‘The Scots Scots and the the north north of Engla England’ nd’,, in E. King, King, ed., The Anarchy of King Stephen’s Reign (Oxford, ), – ‘The date of the peace between Malcolm IV and Somerled of Argyll’, SHR , (), – Early Stewart Kings: Kings: Robert II and Robert III, – Boardman, Boardman, S., The Early (East Linton, ) ‘Lordship in the north-east: the Badenoch Stewarts, : Alexander Alexander Stewart, Stewart, earl of Buchan, Buchan, lord lord of Badenoch’, Badenoch’, Northern Scotland , (), – Bonner, Bonner, E. A.,‘The A., ‘The genesis of Henry VIII’s VIII’s “Rough “Rough Wooing” ooing” of the Scots’, Scots’, Northern History, (), – Brooke, Brooke, D., Wild Men and Holy Holy Places: St Ninian,Whithorn and the Medieval Realm of Galloway (Edinburgh, ) Ir ish Identity of the Kingdom of the Scots in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Broun, Broun, D., The Irish Centuries (Woodbridge, ) Brou Broun, n, D., Finl Finlaay, R. J., and and Lyn Lynch ch,, M., M., eds. eds.,, Image and Identity:The Making and Re-making of o f Scotland Through the Ages (Edinburgh, ) Brown, Brown,A. A. L.,‘The L., ‘The priory of Coldingham Coldingham in in the late fourteent fourteenth h century’, century’, IR , (), – ‘The Scottish “Establishment” in the later th century’, Juridical Review , new ser. (), – Bro Brown, wn, J. M., M., ed., ed., Scottish Society in the Fifteenth Century (London, ) :Violence, Justice Justice and Politics in an Bro Brown, wn, K. M., M., Bloodfeud in Scotland, – :Violence, Early Modern Society (Edinburgh, ) Brown, Brown, M. H.,‘“That H., ‘“That Old Old Serpent and Ancient Ancient of Evil Days”:W Days”:Walter alter,, earl of Atholl and the death of James I’, SHR , (), – James I (Edinburgh, ) ‘Scotland tamed? Kings and magnates in late medieval Scotland: Scotland: a review review of recent work’, IR , (), –
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‘Regional ‘Regional lordship lordship in north-east Scotland: Scotland: the Badenoch Badenoch Stewarts, Stewarts, II: Alexander Stewart earl of Mar’, Northern Scotland , (), – ‘The development of Scottish border lordship, – ’, Historical Research, (), – The Black Douglases:War Douglases:War and Lordship in Late Medieval Scotland, – (East Linton, ) Burn Burns, s, J. H. H.,, Scottish Churchmen and the Council of Basle (Glasgow, ) ‘The conciliarist tradition in Scotland’, SHR , (), – Cald Caldw well, ell, D. H. H.,, ed., ed., Scottish Weapons and Forti fications, – (Edinburgh, ) Caldw Caldwell ell,, D. H., and Ewart, Ewart, G.,‘Finlagga .,‘Finlaggan n and the lord lordshi ship p of the Isles: Isles: an archaeological approach’, SHR , (), – Cameron, Cameron, J., J., James V:The Personal Rule, – , ed. N. Macd Macdou ouga gall ll (Eas (Eastt , ed. Linton, ) Campbell, J.,‘England, Scotland and the Hundred Years War in the fourteenth century’ ry’, in J. R. Hale ale, J. R. L. Highfield and and B. Smalle Smalley y, eds., eds., Europe in the Late Middle Ages (London, ), – Cant Cant,, R. G.,‘Norse .,‘Norse influences in the organisation of the medieval church in the Western Isles’, Northern Studies, (), – Cow Cowan, an, I. B., The Scottish Reformation: Church and Society in Sixteenth Century Scotland (London, ) The Medieval Medieval Church in Scotland , ed. ed. J. Kirk Kirk (Ed (Edin inb burgh urgh,, ) Cow Cowan, an, I. B., and and Shaw Shaw, D., eds., eds., The Renaissance and Reformation in Scotland (Edinburgh, ) Crawfor Crawford, d, B. E.,‘The E., ‘The pawning pawning of of Orkney Orkney and Shetland: Shetland: a reconsider reconsideration ation of of the events of – ’, SHR , (), – Scandinavian Scotland (Leicester, ) Davi Davies es,, R. R. R.,, Domination and Conquest:The Experience of Ireland, Ireland, Scotland and Wales, – (Cambridge, ) Br itish Isles, Isles, – Comparisons,, Contrasts Contrasts and Connection Connectionss ed., The British : Comparisons (Edinburgh, ) Dickinson,W Dickinson,W.. C., Scotland from the Earliest Times to (rd edn edn, rev. A. A. M. Duncan, Duncan, Oxford, Oxford, ) Dilworth, Dilworth, M.,‘The M., ‘The commendator commendator system in Scotland’, IR , (), – Scottish Monasteries Monaster ies in the Late L ate Middle Ages (Edinburgh, ) ‘Scottish Cistercian monasteries and the Reformation’, IR , (), – Donaldson, Donaldson, G., The Scottish Reformation (Cambridge, ) Scotland: Scotland: Jam James es V to Jam James es VII (Edinburgh, ) Scottish Kings (London, ) Scottish Church History (Edinburgh, ) Dowden, J.,‘The appointment of bishops in Scotland during the medieval medieval period’, SHR , ( – ), – The Medieval Medieval Church in Scotland (Glasgow, ) The Bishops of Scotland , ed. ed. J. M. Thom Thomso son n (Gla (Glasg sgo ow, ) Driscoll, Dri scoll, S. T.,‘Church ., ‘Church archaeology in Glasgow Glasgow and the kingdom of Strathclyde’, Strathclyde’, IR , (), –
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Dunbar Dunbar,, J. G., and Duncan Duncan,, A. A. M.,‘Tarb M.,‘Tarbert ert cast castle: le: a cont contribut ribution ion to the history history of Argyll’, SHR , (), – Duncan Duncan,, A. A. M.,‘Counci M.,‘Councils ls general general,, – ’, SHR , (), – ‘The early parliaments of Scotland’, SHR , (), – The Nation of Scots and the Declaration of Arbroath (Historical Association, ) Scotland:The Making of the Kingdom (Edinburgh, ) ‘The battle of Carham, ’, SHR , (), – ’, SHR , (), ‘Honi soit qui mal y pense : David David II and Edward Edward III, – – ’, TRHS , th ser. (), – ‘The war of the Scots, – ‘The process of Norham, ’, in P. R. Coss Coss and and S. D. Llo Lloyd, yd, eds. eds.,, Thirteenth Century England V: Proceedings of the Newcastle upon Tyne Conference, (Woodbridge, ), – ‘Yes, ‘Yes, the earliest Scottish charters’, charter s’, SHR , (), – Duncan Duncan,, A. A. M., and Bro Brown,A. L.,‘Argyll L.,‘Argyll and and the the Isle Isless in the earlier earlier Midd Middle le Ages’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland , ( – ), – Kennedy, Bishop of St Andrews Dunl Du nlop op,, A. I., I., The Life and Times of James Kennedy, (Edinburgh, ) Durkan Durkan,, J., William Turnbull, Bishop of Glasgow (Glasgow, ) Scotland: Sir David Lindsay Lindsay of the Edington, Edington, C., Court and Culture in Renaissance Scotland: Mount (Amherst, ) Ewan, Ewan, E., Townlife in Fourteenth-Century Scotland (Edinburgh, ) Medieval Papal Representatives in Scotland: Legates, Legates, Nuncios, Nuncios, and Fergu Ferguson son,, P. C., Medieval Judges-Delegate, Judges-Delegate, – (Stair (Stair Society, ) Scotland’s Relations with England:A England: A Survey to (Edinburgh, ) Ferguson,W., Scotland’s Fisher,A., William Wallace (Edinburgh, ) Studies, (), – ’, Irish Historical Studies, Frame, Frame, R.,‘The R., ‘The Bruces Bruces in Ireland, Ireland, – The Political Development of the British Isles – (Oxford, ) Medieval Scotland: Sco tland:A A Study of Gemmil Gemmill, l, E., and Mayhe Mayhew w, N., Changing Values in Medieval Prices, Money, Money, and Weights and Measures (Cambridge, ) Reser ves in Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, Gilb Gilbert ert,, J. M., M., Hunting and Hunting Reserves ) Goodma Goodman, n,A., A., and Tuck Tuck,, A., eds., eds., War and Border Societies in the Middle Ages (London, ) )’, Grant,A.,‘Earls and earldoms in late medieval Scotland (c. – )’, in J. J. Bossy and P. Jupp Jupp,, eds., Essays Presented to Michael Roberts (Belfast, ), – ‘The development development of the Scottish peerage’, SHR , (), – ‘The revolt revolt of the lord of the Isles and the death dea th of the earl of Douglas, – ’, SHR , (), – Independence Independence and Nationhood: Nationhood: Scotland Scotland – (repr.,, Edinburgh, Edinburgh, ) (repr. Medieval Scotland: Scotland: Crown, Lordship Lordship and Gran Grant,A., t,A., and and String Stringer er,, K. J., eds., eds., Mediev Communi Community ty.. Essay Essayss Presente Presentedd to G. W. S. Barrow Barrow (Edinburgh, ) ’, in M. Jones Green, Green, J., J., ‘Anglo-Scot ‘Anglo-Scottish tish relations relations,, – ones and M.V M. Vale, ale, eds., eds., England and Her Neighbours, – Essays in Honour of Pierre Chaplais Chaplais : Essays (London, ), –
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‘David I and Henry I’, SHR , (), – Gri ffiths, R. A.,‘Edw A., ‘Edward ard I, Scotland Scotland and the chro chronicles nicles of English English religious religious houses’, Journal of the Society of Archivists, (), – Hadle Hadley y William Williams, s, J., ed., ed., Stewart Style, – Essays on the Court of James V : Essays (East Linton, ) Head, Head, D. M.,‘Henry VIII’s VIII’s Scottish policy: policy: a reassessment’ reassessment’,, SHR , (), – Henderso Henderson, n, I., The Picts (London, ) Hill, P., Whithorn and St Ninian:The Excavation of a Monastic Town, – (Stroud, ) Hudson, B. T.,‘Kings ., ‘Kings and church in early Scotland’, SHR , (), – Johnsen, Johnsen, A. O.,‘The ., ‘The payments from from the Hebrides and a nd Isle of Man to the crown crown : annual of Norway Nor way,, – annual ferme or feudal casualty?’, casualty?’, SHR , (), – Kirby, Kirby, D. P.,‘Strathclyde ., ‘Strathclyde and Cumbria: a survey survey of historical development development to ’, Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society , new new ser. ser. (), – Lunt,W Lunt,W.. E., Papal Revenues in the Middle Ages ( vols., New York, York, ) Lustig Lustig,, R. I.,‘The treaty treaty of Perth Perth:: a re-exami re-examinat nation ion’, ’, SHR , (), – Scott ish Medieval Town Lynch ynch,, M., M., Spearm Spearman an,, M., M., and and Stel Stell, l, G., eds. eds.,, The Scottish (Edinburgh, ) McDonald, McDonald, R. A.,‘Scoto A., ‘Scoto-Norse -Norse kings kings and the the reformed reformed religious religious orders: orders: patterns of monastic patronage in twelfth-century Galloway Galloway and Argyll’, Albion, (), – ‘Matrimonial politics and core–periphery interactions in twelfth- and early thirteenth-century Scotland’, Journal of Medieval History, (), – The Kingdom of the Isles: Scotland’s Scotland’s Western Seaboard, c. –c. (East Linton, ) McDona McDonald, ld, R. A., and McLean, McLean, S. A.,‘Somerle A.,‘Somerled d of Argyll Argyll:: a new new look look at at old old problems’, SHR , (), – III: A Political Study (Edinburgh, ) Macdougall, Macdougall, N., N., James III:A James IV (repr., (repr., East Linton, Linton, ) Politics and and Society: Society: Scotland Scotland – ed., Church, Politics (Edinburgh, ) Scotla nd and War, ar, AD – ed., Scotland (Edinburgh, ) ’, IR , (), Macfarlane, Macfarlane, L.,‘The L., ‘The primacy of the Scottish Scottish church, church, – – ’, Renaissance Studies , ‘Precedence and protest at the Roman curia, – (), – ‘The elevation of the diocese of Glasgow into an archbishopric archbishopric in ’, IR , (), – William Elphinstone and the Kingdom of Scotland, – :The Struggle for Order (rev (rev.. edn, edn, Aberdee Aberdeen, n, ) McGladdery McGladdery,, C., C., James II (Edinburgh, ) Mack Mackie ie,, R. L., L., King James IV of Scotland:A Brief Survey of His Life and Times (Edinburgh, ) Macl Maclean ean,, L., L., ed., ed., The Middle Ages in the Highlands (Inverness, )
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McNamee, C. J.,‘William Wallace’s allace’s invasion invasion of northern norther n England in ’, Northern History, (), – The Wars of the Bruces: Scotland, Scotland, England England and Ireland, Ireland, – (East Linton, ) McNeil McNeill, l, P., and Nicho Nicholso lson, n, R., eds., eds., An Historical Atlas of Scotland, c. –c. (St Andrews, ) McNe McNeil ill, l, P. G. B., and and MacQ MacQue ueen en,, H. L., L., eds. eds.,, An Atlas of Scottish History to (Edinburgh, ) Macquarrie,A., Scotland and the Crusades, – (Edinburgh, ) ‘Early Christian religious religious houses houses in Scotland: foundation foundation and function’, function’, in J. Pastoral Care Before the th e Parish (Leicester, ), Blair Blair and and R. Sharpe Sharpe,, eds. eds.,, Pastoral – ‘An eleventh-century eleventh-century account of the foundation legend of Laurencekirk, and of Queen Margaret’s Margaret’s pilgr image there’, IR , (), – The Saints of Scotland: Essays in Scottish Church History Histor y, A D – (Edinburgh, ) Medieval Scotland MacQ MacQue ueen en,, H. L., L., Common Law and Feudal Society in Medieval (Edinburgh, ) MacQueen, MacQueen, J., St Nynia (nd edn, edn, Edinburgh, Edinburgh, ) McRoberts, D.,‘The ., ‘The Scottish church church and nationalism in the the fifteenth century’, IR , (), – ed., Essays on the Scottish Reformation, – (Glasgow, ) Madden, C.,‘Roy C., ‘Royal al treatment of feudal casualties casualties in late medieval medieval Scotland’, SHR , (), – ‘The royal royal demesne in northern norther n Scotland during dur ing the later Middle Ages’, Northern Scotland , ( – ), – Mason, Mason, R. A.,‘Kings A., ‘Kingship hip,, tyranny tyranny and the right to resist resist in fifteenth-century Scotland’, SHR , (), – – ed., Scotland and England, (Edinburgh, ) Maso Mason, n, R. A. A.,, and and Macd Macdou ouga gall ll,, N., eds., eds., People and Power in Scotland: Essays in Honour Honour of T. C. Smout Smout (Edinburgh, ) Meehan, Meehan, B., B., ‘The siege siege of Durham, the battle battle of Carham and the the cession of of Lothian’, SHR , (), – Menz Menzie ies, s, G., ed., ed., Who are the Scots? (London, ) ed., The Scottish Nation (London, ) Moonan, L.,‘The L., ‘The Inquisitor’ Inquisitor’ss arguments against Resby Resby, in ’, IR , (), – Murray,A.,‘The procedure of the Scottish exchequer in the early sixteenth century’, SHR , (), – ‘The Comptroller, – ’, SHR , (), – Neville Neville,, C. J.,‘The ., ‘The political political allegiance of the earls of Strathearn during the War of Independence’, SHR , (), – Nicholson, R., R.,‘A ‘A sequel to Edward Bruce’s Bruce’s invasion invasion of Ireland’, SHR , (), – Edward Edward III and the Scots:The Formative Years of a Military Militar y Career, Career, – (Oxford, )
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‘David II, the historia historians ns and the chroniclers’, chroniclers’, SHR , (), – ‘Feudal developments developments in late medieval Scotland’, Juridical Review , new new ser ser. (), – Scotland:The Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh, ) c. ’, Oram, R. D.,‘In ., ‘In obedience obedience and rev reverence:Whithorn erence:Whithorn and York, c . – c IR , (), – ‘A family business? Colonisation and settlement in twelfth- and thirteenth century Galloway’, SHR , (), – Galloway: y: Land and Lordship (Edinburgh, ) Oram Oram,, R. D., and and Stel Stell, l, G. P., eds. eds.,, Gallowa Kingship and Cultur Culture e (East Linton, Owen, en, D. D. R. R.,, William the Lion, – : Kingship ) A fell coniuracioun agayn agayn Robert the douchty douc hty king : the Soules Penman, enman, M.,‘ A Soules ’, IR , (), – conspiracy of – Power, ower, R., R.,‘Magnus ‘Magnus Barelegs’ expeditions to the west’, west’, SHR , (), – Prestwich Prestwich,, M.,‘The M., ‘The English English campaign in Scotland Scotland in , and the the surrender surrender of John Balliol: some supporting evidence’, BIHR , (), – Edward I (London, ) ‘Edward I and the Maid of Norway’, SHR , (), – Scot tish Frontier Fr ontier,, – Rae Rae,T ,T.. I., I., The Administration of the Scottish (Edinburgh, ) Medieval Reid, N.,‘Margar ., ‘Margaret et “Maid of Norway” Norway” and Scottish queenship’, queenship’, Reading Medieval Studies, (), – ’, SHR , ‘The kingless kingdom: kingdom: the Scottish guardianships guardianships of – (), – ed., Scotland in the Reign of Alexander III, – (Edinburgh, (Edinburgh, ) Reid,W. Reid,W. S., S., ‘Clerical taxation: taxation: the Scottish Scottish alternative alternative to dissolution dissolution of the ’, Catholic Historical Review , (), – monasteries, – ‘Trade, ‘T rade, traders and Scottish independence’, Speculum, (), – ‘Sea-power in the Anglo-Scottish war, – ’, Mariner Mariners’ s’ Mirror Mirror , (), – Richar Richardso dson, n, H. G., and Sayle Sayles, s, G.,‘Th ., ‘Thee Scottish Scottish parliam parliament entss of Edward Edward I’, in Parliament in the Middle Ages (London, ), no. XIII their The English Parliament Ritc Ri tch hie, ie, R. L. G., The Normans in Scotland (Edinburgh, ) Sand Sander ersson, on, M. H. B., Scottish Rural Society in the Sixteenth Century (Edinburgh, ) Cardinal Cardinal of of Scotland: Scotland: David Beaton Beaton,, c. – (Edinburgh, ) Ayrshire Ayrshire and the Reformation: People and Change, Change, – (East Linton, ) – Scammell, Scammell, J., J., ‘Robert I and the north north of England’, England’, EHR , (), Sellar Sellar,W ,W.. D. H.,‘The origins and ancestry of Somerled Somerled’, ’, SHR , (), – ‘Family origins in Cowal and Knapdale’, Scottish Studies, (), – ‘The earliest earliest Campbells Campbells – Norman, Briton or Gael?’, Scottish Studies, (), – ‘Warlords, ‘Warlords, holy men and matrilineal succession’, IR , (), – Moray: Province Province and People (Edinburgh, ) ed., Moray: Shead, N. F.,‘The ., ‘The origins of the medieval medieval diocese of Glasgo Glasgow’, SHR , (), –
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‘The administration of the diocese of Glasgo Gla sgow w in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, SHR , (), – Simpson, Simpson, G. G., G., ‘The claim claim of Flore Florence nce,, count of Holland, Holland, to the Scottish Scottish thron throne, e, – ’, SHR , (), – ‘The Declaration Declara tion of Arbroath revitalised’, revitalised’, SHR , (), – ed., Scotland and Scandinavia, – (Edinburgh, ) ed., The Scottish Soldier Abroad, – (Edinburgh, ) ed., Scotland and the Low Countries, – (East Linton, ) Smyth Sm yth,, A. P., Warlords and Holy Men: Scotland AD – (repr., Edinburgh, Edinburgh, ) (repr., Stones Stones,, E. L. G.,‘The Engli English sh missi mission on to Edinb Edinburg urgh h in ’, SHR , (), – ‘The Anglo-Scottish Anglo-Scottish negotiations of ’, SHR , (), – ‘The treaty of Northampton, ’, History, (), – ’, SHR , (), ‘The submission of Robert Bruce to Edward I, c . – – ‘The appeal to history in Anglo-Scottish relations between and ’, Archives, (), – , – ‘English chroniclers and the a ff airs airs of Scotland, – R. H. C. Davis ’, in R. Histor y in the Middle Ages: and J. M. Wallace-H allace-Hadrill adrill,, eds., eds., The Writing of History Essays Presented to Richard William Southern (Oxford, ), – Stones Stones,, E. L. G., and Blount Blount,, M. N.,‘The surrend surrender er of King King John John of Scotla Scotland nd to Edward I in : some new new evidence’, evidence’, BIHR , (), – Storey, Storey, R. L.,‘The L., ‘The wardens wardens of of the marches of England towards towards Scotland, – ’, EHR , (), – Thomas Langley and the Bishopric of Durham, – (London, ) Strin Stringe gerr, K. J., Earl David of Huntingdon, – : A Study in Anglo-Scottish History (Edinburgh, ) ‘State-buil ‘State-building ding in twe twelfth-c lfth-century entury Britain: David David I, king of Scots, Scots, and northern northern Englan England’, d’, in J. C. Appleb Appleby y and and P. Dalton Dalton,, eds., eds., Government, Government, Religion Religion and Society in Northern England, – (Stroud, ), – Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, ) ed., Essays on the Nobility of Medieval ’, Swanson, R., R.,‘The ‘The university university of St Andrews and the Great Great Schism, – Journal of Ecclesiastical Ecc lesiastical History, (), – Thomson, Thomson, J. A. F.,‘Some ., ‘Some new new light on the the elevation elevation of Patrick Patrick Graham’, SHR , (), – The Later Lollards, – (Oxford, ) ‘Innocent VIII and the Scottish church’, IR , (), – : noble Thornton,T.,‘Scotland and the Isle of Man, c . – noble power power and royal royal presumption in the northern norther n Irish Ir ish Sea province, province, SHR , (), – ’, SHR , Topping, P.,‘Harald ., ‘Harald Maddadson, earl of Orkney and Caithness – (), – ’, in Watson, F. J.,‘Settling the stalemate: Edward I’s I’s peace in Scotland, – M. Pres Prestw twic ich, h, R. H. Britn Britnel elll and and R. Fr Fram amee, eds. eds.,, Thirteenth Century England VI: Proceedings of the Durham Conference, Conference, (Woodbridge, ), – Under the Hammer: Edward Edward I and Scotland, – (East Linton, )
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Watt, D. E. R., R.,‘Uni ‘Univ versity clerks clerks and rolls rolls of petitio petitions ns for bene benefices’, Speculum, (), – ‘The minority of Alexander III of Scotland’, TRHS , th ser. (), – ‘The papacy and Scotland in the fifteent fteenth h century century’, ’, in B. Dobson Dobson,, ed., ed., The Church, Politics and Patronage in the Fifteenth Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, ), – ‘Scottish university university men of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries’, in T. C. Europ e, – Smout, Smout, ed., ed., Scotland and Europe, (Edinburgh, ), – Webster, B.,‘David B.,‘D avid II and the government government of fourteenth-century Scotland’, TRHS , th ser. (), – Scotland from the Eleventh Century to (London, ) Medieval Medieval Scotland:The Making of an Identity (Basingstoke, ) Weiss, R., R.,‘The ‘The earliest account of the murder of James James I of Scotland’, EHR , (), – Whyt Whytee, I. D., Scotland Before the Industrial Revolution:An Economic and Social History, History, c. –c. (Harlow, ) Williamson Williamson,, D. M.,‘The M., ‘The legate legate Otto Otto in Scotland Scotland and Ireland, Ireland, – ’, SHR , (), – Woolf,A.,‘Pictish matriliny reconsidered’, IR , (), – Wormald, J.,‘Bloodfeud, kindred and government government in early modern Scotland’, Past and Present , (), – Lords and Men Men in Scotland: Bonds of Manrent – (Edinburgh, ) Court, Kirk and Community: Community: Scotland Scotland – (repr.,, Edinburgh, Edinburgh, ) (repr. Young, Young, A., Robert the Bruce’s Rivals:The Comyns, – (East Linton, )
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INDEX .
Abell, Abell, Adam, friar of Jedbur Jedburgh, gh, Abercorn castle of, episcopal see at, Aberdeen, , , , bishop of, see Elphinstone, William; William; Grenla Grenlaw w, Gilbert Gilbert de; Kininmun Kininmund, d, Alexander Alexander de; Spens,Tho Spens,Thomas mas customs duties of, university university of, of , Aberdeen Breviary, Breviary, Abernethy (Inverness-shire) (Inverness-shire),, barony barony of, Abernethy (P (Perthshire), erthshire), , Abertar Abertarff, ff, vicar vicar of, Act of Annexation (), Act of Annexation (), Act of Revocation (), , – Ada, daughter daughter of David David earl of Huntingdon, Ada, daughter daughter of Henry Henry son of David I, Adam, bishop bishop of Caithness, Caithness,
Aed, earl of Mora Moray y or Ross, Aida Ai dan, n, St, St, Alan, lord of Galloway Galloway,, , , Albany, Albany, duke of, see Stewart, Alexan Alexander; der; Stew Stewart, John; ohn; Stewa Stewart, rt, Murdoch; Murdoch; Stewa Stewart, rt, Robert Albany Stewart family, – , , , , , , , ,
Alexander Alexander III, III, pope, pope, Alexander Alexander I, king of Scots, Scots, , , , , , Alexander Alexander II, king of Scots, Scots, – , , , , actions in Galloway, , – actions in northern Scotland, , , , actions in western Scotland, , , naming of Robert Bruce as heir presumptive, , , relations with England, , – relations with France, – , relations with papacy, – ,
Index
Alexander Alexander III, III, king of Scots, Scots, – ,
actions in western Scotland, , – , consequences of death, , , , , , , , , minority, , , , , relations with England, , , , , relations with France, relations with magnates, , , , , relations with papacy, , Alnwick, capture of William I at, , , Alston, silver silver deposits at, Angus, earl of Moray, Moray, , , Angus earldom of, earls of, see Douglas,Archibald; Douglas, Douglas,Arc Archibal hibald; d; Douglas, Douglas, George; George; Douglas,Willi Douglas,William; am; Gillebrigte; Gillebrigte; Stewa Stewart, rt, Thomas sheriff of, Annandale church lands in, lordship of, , , , , , , , mottes in, anointing of Scottish kings, , ,
Anstruther, Appleby, Appleby, lordship of, appropriation of churches, – Arbroath abbey of, , abbot of, see Bernard Declaration of, , – , – , , , , , Archibald, bishop of Moray, Moray, Ardchatt Ardchattan, an, priory of, Argyll cathedral of,
creation of earldom of, diocese of, earls of, , , , ; see also Campbell,Archibald; Campbell, Campbell, Colin sheriffdom of, Arkinholm, Arkinholm, battle battle of, of, Armstrong, Armstrong, Johnnie Johnnie,, Arran, Arran, earl earl of, of, see Hamilton, Hamilton, James James Athelstan, Athelstan, king of England, England, Atholl Atholl,, earl earl of, see Stewa Stewart, rt, David; David; Stew Stewart, John; ohn; Stew Stewart, John; ohn; Stewart, Stewart,W Walter; Strathbogie, David de Auchterar Auchterarder der,, thanage thanage of, Avandale, vandale, earl of, see Douglas, Douglas, James, James, th earl of Douglas Avandale,Andrew Lord, Avenel, Robert, Ayr, , Ayrshire, yrshire, mottes in, Badenoch lord of, see Comyn, Comyn, John; ohn; Comyn, Comyn, John; Stewart, Stewart, Alexander lordship of, , , – Balliol, Balliol, Bernard Bernard de, Balliol, Balliol, Dervorgu Dervorguilla, illa, , , Balliol, Balliol, Edward, Edward, , – , , , , , , Balliol, Balliol, Jo John, hn, see John John Balliol, Balliol, king of Scots Balliol family, , , , , , , , Balmerino Balmerino,, abbey abbey of, Bamburgh, Bannockbu Bannockburn, rn, battle battle of, , , , , barratry barratr y, legislation against, – ,
Basle, Basle, Council Council of, of, Bass Rock, Beaton Beaton,, David David,, cardin cardinal, al, archb archbish ishop op of St S t Andrews, , ,
Index Beaufort, Beaufort, Jo Joan, an, wife of James James I, , , , Beauly Beauly, priory of, Beaumont, Beaumont, Henry, Henry, Benedict Benedict XIII, pope, pope, , , , Berewald, ,
Bernard, Bernard, abbot of Arbroath, Arbroath, Bernham, David David de, bishop bishop of of St St Andrews, , Berwick, , , , , , , , , , , , castle of, , sheriffdom of, Bewcastle, Birgham, Birgham, treaty treaty of, , , Birsay, Birsay, episcopal see at, Bisset, Bisset, Baldred, Baldred, Bisset,Thomas, Bisset,Walter, Bisset family, Blacad Blacader er,, Robert, Robert, bishop bishop of Glasgow, Black, Black, John, ohn, Blackness, Blathmac Blathmac,, abbot of Iona, Bohun, Bohun, Humphre Humphrey y de, de, earl of Hereford, Hereford, potential claim to Scottish throne by, Bona, barony barony of, , , , Boniface VIII, VIII, pope, pope, – , , Boniface IX, pope, pope, Borgue, Borgue, castle castle of, of, Boroughb Boroughbridge, ridge, battle battle of, Bothwell, Bothwell, earl of, see Hepburn, James; Hepburn, Patrick; Hepbu Hepburn, rn, Patrick atrick Boyd, Boyd, Robert Lord, Lord, Boyd,Thomas, Boyd family, Brechin, – battle of, , diocese of, –
Brittany Brittany, Jo John hn of, lieutenant lieutenant of of Edward I in Scotland, – Brittany, Brittany, proposed invasion invasion by James III of, Bruce,Alexander Bruce, Alexander,, dean of Glasgow Glasgow,
Bruce, Bruce, Edward Edward,, , – , , , Bruce, Bruce, Marjorie, Marjorie, daughter daughter of Robert I, Bruce, Bruce, Mary, Mary, Bruce Bruce, Robert Robert (d. ), , , , , , Bruce Bruce, Robert Robert (d. c. ), , Bruce Bruce, Robert Robert (d. ), , , , , – , , Bruce Bruce, Robert Robert (d. ), earl earl of of Carrick, , , , Bruce Bruce, Robert Robert (d. ), see Robert I, king king of Scots Scots Bruce family, , , , , , , , , , , , , , Bruce,The , epic by John Barbour, Barbour, Buchan countess of, see Isabel earl of, see Comyn,Alexander; Comyn,Willi Comyn,William; am; Fergus; Fergus; Stewa Stewart, rt, Alexander; Alexander; Stewart, Stewart, James; Stewart, Stewart, John earldom of, , ‘hersch ‘herschip’ ip’ of, , , Bur,Alexander Bur, Alexander,, bishop of Moray, Moray, , , – Burgh, Burgh, Richard Richard de, de, earl of Ulste Ulsterr, inclusion in Turnber Turnberry ry Band of, Burgh-by-Sands, burghs establishment of, , revenues to king from, Bute, ,
Index
Caerlaver Caerlaverock, ock, castle of, cain, – , Caithness bishop of, see Adam; Adam; John; ohn; Moravia, Moravia, Gilbert de;Vaus, de;Vaus, Alexander diocese of, , Cambuskenneth, abbey of, abbot of, see Myln,Alexander parliament at, Campbell,Archibald, nd earl of Argyll, , Campbell, Campbell, Colin, Colin, st earl of Argyll, Argyll, – , , Campbell family, , , , , , Canterbury links of Queen Margaret with, Quitclaim of, Carham, Carham, battle battle of, – Carlisle, , , , , , , , , , creation of see of, earl of, see Harcla,Andrew Carrick, earl of, see Bruce Bruce, Robert; Robert; Duncan Duncan;; Robert Robert I, I, king king of Scots; Scots; Robert Robert III, III, king king of Scots earldom of, , , , cathedral cathedrals, s, developm development ent of, – Cav Cavers, church church of, Cecilia, daughter of Edward Edward IV of England, Celestine V, V, pope, célidé , at St Andrews, Cenél Loairn, , , Cenél nGabráin, chaplainries, – Charles IV, IV, king of France, Charles VII, king of France, Chepman,Walter,
Christian, Christian, bishop bishop of Whithorn, Whithorn, Clackmann Clackmannan, an, thanage thanage of, Clan Kay, Clan Qwhele, Clare, Clare, Thomas de, inclusion in Turnberry Band of, Clement Clement VI, VI, pope, pope, Clement Clement VII, VII, pope, pope, Clement, Clement, bishop of Dunblane, Dunblane, coinage debasement of, , introduction introduction of, of , , Coldingha Coldingham, m, priory of, , , , , , , College of Justice, – Columb Columba, a, St, relics of, commendators commendators,, monastic monastic,, – Comyn, Comyn,Alexa Alexander nder,, earl of Buchan, , , Comyn, Comyn, Jo John, hn, lord lord of Badenoch Badenoch (d. c. ), , Comyn, Comyn, Jo John, hn, lord lord of Badenoch Badenoch (d. ), , – , , Comyn,Will Comyn,William, iam, earl of Buchan, ,
Comyn family, , , , , links with Balliols, , , , , , , , , power power in northern nor thern Scotland, , , – , , , role dur d uring ing Wars of Independence, , , , , , tenure of office of justiciar, Constance Constance,, Council Council of, Constanti Constantine ne I, king of Scots, Scots, Constanti Constantine ne II, king of Scots, conveth, coronation coronation of Scottish kings, see anointing of Scottish kings Cospatric, Cospatric, earl of Dunbar, Dunbar, – Cospatric Cospatric son of Uhtred, Uhtred, sheriff of Roxburgh,
Index Court of Session, , , Courtrai, Courtrai, battle battle of, Cowal, , Crawar, Crawar, Paul, Crawford creation of earldom of, earl of; see Lindsay,Alexander; Lindsay, Lindsay, Alexander; Lindsay, Lindsay, David; David; Lindsay Lindsay,, David David Crawfordmuir Crawfordmuir,, gold mines on, Cressin Cressingham, gham, Hugh, Crichton Crichton,, George George,, bishop bishop of Dunkeld, Crichton,William, , Crichton family, , Crinan, abbot of of Dunkeld, Dunkeld, Cruggleton, Crystal,Thomas, Crystal,Thomas, abbot of Kinloss, Kinloss,
Culblean, Culblean, battle battle of, , Culross, Cum universi , , , , , , Cunningha Cunningham, m, lordship lordship of, , , Dalriada Dalriada,, kingdo kingdom m of, , , Dalry, Dalry, battle battle of, Danielston,Walter Danielston,Walter,, bishop-elect of St Andrews, , Darnley, Darnley, John Lord, earl of Lennox, Lennox, , David David I, king of Scots, Scots, , , , , , , , , , , – actions in northern Scotland, , , , actions in western Scotland, ,
administrative administrative and fiscal policies, – , – , , as earl of Huntingdon, – – as ruler of southern Scotland before accession, , – creation of feus f eus by, by, , , , , , , , , ,
ecclesiastical reforms of, , , , , , – , , occupation of northern England by, by, , , – relations with papacy, , , David David II, king of Scots, Scots, , , , , , , active rule, – minority, – , negotiations with England, – , , ransom, , – , rebellion of against,
relations with magnates, , , , , , David, David, earl of Huntingdon, Huntingdon, , , , , grant of Garioch to, , grants to Lindores abbey by, Davidso Davidson, n, Jo John, hn, demesne demesne,, roya royal, l, use for feus of, – Desnes Ioan, , , , Dingwall, Dingwall, castle castle of, , diocesan structure, structure, – Disinherited, , , , , Donald Donald III Bán, king of Scots, Scots, , , , Donald, Donald, earl of Mar Mar,, Donnan Donnan,, St, Dornoch, Douglas,Archibald, th earl of Angus, , Douglas,Archibald, th earl of Angus, – , – , Douglas,Archibald, rd earl of Douglas, , , , , , , Douglas,Archibald, th earl of Douglas, duke of Touraine, Touraine, , , , , – , , agreement with duke of Albany, , ,
Index
Douglas,Archibald, th earl of Douglas, , , , , , Douglas, Douglas, George George,, st earl of Angus, Angus,
Douglas, Douglas, Isabella, Isabella, countess countess of Mar Mar,, , , Douglas, Douglas, James, James, nd earl of Douglas, , , Douglas, Douglas, James, James, th earl of Douglas, earl of Avandale, Avandale, , Douglas, Douglas, James, James, th earl of Douglas, , – , , , ,
Douglas, Douglas, James James (d. ), , Douglas, Douglas, Janet, Janet, Lady Glamis, Glamis, ,
Douglas, Douglas, Margare Margaret, t, sister sister of th earl of Douglas, Douglas,William, nd earl of Angus, Angus, , , , Douglas,William, st earl of , , , , Douglas, , , , Douglas,William, th earl of Douglas, , , Douglas,William, th earl of Douglas, – , , murder of, – , , , , , Douglas,William (d. ), Douglas family, , , , , , , – , , ,
importance for defence of English border of, , – , , , relations with James II, – , , , , , , , , , , relations relat ions with James V, – , – , – Douglas castle of,
creation of earldom of, , ,
earldom of, Dover Dover,, visit of Alexander II to, Drummond, Drummond, Annabella, Annabella, wife of , Robert III, Drummond, Drummond, Malcolm, Malcolm, lord lord of Mar, Mar, , , , Drummon Drummond, d, Margar Margaret, et, wife wife of , David II, Drummond family, , Dryburgh, Dryburgh, abbey abbey of, , Dub, Dub, king of Scots, Scots, Dumbarton, , , , , , , , , Dumfries, , murder of John Comyn in , Franciscan friary at, – , sheriffdom of, Dunbar,Agnes, Dunbar Dunbar, George, George, earl of of March March (d. c. ), , , , , , , Dunbar Dunbar, George, George, earl of of March March (d. c. ), , Dunbar, Dunbar, John, earl of Moray Moray,, , Dunbar Dunbar, Patrick, Patrick, earl of Marc March, h, , Dunbar, Dunbar, Thomas, earl of Moray, Moray, Dunbar,
battle of, castle of, , earl of, see Cospatric earldom of, see March lordship of, Dunblane bishop of, see Clement diocese of, – Duncan Duncan I, king of Scots Scots,, , , Duncan Duncan II, king of Scots, Scots, , , ,
Duncan, Duncan, earl of Carr Carrick, ick, –
Index Duncan, Duncan, earl of of Fife (d. (d. ), , Duncan, Duncan, earl of of Fife (d. (d. ), , Duncan, Duncan, earl of Lennox, Lennox, , Dundrennan Dundrennan,, abbey abbey of, , , Dunfermline Dunfermline,, abbey abbey of, , , , , , , Dunkeld, abbot of, see Crinan bishop of, see Crichton, Crichton, George; George; Geoffrey; Geoffrey; Kennedy Kennedy,, James James diocese of, – dispute over over bishopric bishopr ic of, Dunnichen, Dunnichen, battle battle of, , Dunoon, Dunoon, castle castle of, Dunskeath, Dunskeath, castle castle of, Dupplin Dupplin Moor, Moor, battle battle of, Durham assaults by Scottish kings on, , , , powers powers in Scotland of bishop of,
priory of, Durward,Alan, Durward family, Duthac Duthac,, St, shrine shrine of, , Eadulf, Eadulf, earl of Northumbria, Northumbria, Edgar, Edgar, king of England, England, Edgar, Edgar, king of Scots, Scots, , , – , , n Edinburgh, , , , , castle of, , , , development development as capital of, of ,
legatine council at, sheriffdom of, , treaty of, , Education Act ( ), , , – , Edward Edward the Elder, Elder, king of England,
Edward Edward I, king of England, achievements in Scotland, –
ambitions in Scotland, – , , , , , appointment of English clerics by,
as judge of Great Cause, , , , , attempts to rule Scotland directly, – , – , – , effect on Scottish national iden, tity, portrayal portrayal in Declaration of Arbroath, relations with Alexander III, , , , , relations with Guardians, – ,
relations with John Balliol, – , – , , , , relations with papacy, – relations with Robert Bruce, , , – , , , , , Edward Edward II, king of England, , , , , – Edward Edward III, king of England, , – , , , , , , , , support for Edward Edward Balliol, – , , Edward Edward IV, IV, king of England, , , , , , Eilean Eilean Donan, Donan, castle castle of, Elgin, , attack by by Alexander Stewart Stewart on, , , , , cathedral of, , Elizabeth Elizabeth I, queen of England, England, Elphinston Elphinstone,Wil e,William, liam, bishop bishop of Aberdeen, , Eochaid Eochaid son of Rhun, Rhun, king of Strathclyde, Eric II, king of Norw Norway ay,, claim to Scottish throne throne of, of , Erroll, Erroll, creatio creation n of earldom of,
Index
Erskine, Erskine, Robert, Erskine family, , , , Ettrick, forest forest of, , , , , , , , Eugenius IV, pope, Euphemia, Euphemia, countess countess of of Ross, Ross, wife of Alexander Stewart Stewart earl of Buchan, – , – Execrabilis, Falaise, Falaise, treaty treaty of, , , Falkirk, battle of, – , Falkland, , , Faughart, Faughart, battle battle of, , Fergus Mor mac Erc, Erc, king of Dalriada, Fergus, Fergus, earl of Buchan, Buchan, Fergus, lord of Galloway Galloway,, , , , – Ferrerio, Giovanni, Giovanni, Ferteth, Ferteth, earl of Strath Strathearn, earn, feu-ferm disposal of church land at, , – grant of burghs at, grant of crown lands at, Fife countess of, see Isabella earl of, ; see also Duncan; Duncan Duncan;; Stew Stewart, Robert Robert earldom of, , , , , relationship with crown of earls of, , , Finlaggan, Fleming, Fleming, David, David, Flodden, Flodden, battle battle of, , , , , Florence Florence,, count of Holland, Holland, claim to to Scottish throne of, – , , Forbe Fo rbes, s, John, ohn, Master Master of, of, forests, , Forfar,
Forres, attack by by Alexander Stew Stewart art on, , Fotheringhay, Fotheringhay, treaty of, , Francis Francis I, king of France France,, Francis Francis II, king of France, France, – Fraser Fraser, Alexander Alexander,, vicar of Abertarff,
Fraser Fraser,William, ,William, bishop bishop of St Andrews, Freskin, , , , , descendants of, , , , ; see also Murray family friars, – , , Gallowa Gall oway y, Andrew And rew,, Galloway early history of, – jurisdiction of archbishop of York in, – lady of, see Margaret laws of, , lords of, , , , ; see also Alan; Alan; Fergu Fergus; s; Gilbert Gilbert;; Roland; Roland; Uhtred Uhtred , , lordship of, , , – mottes in, , rebellions in, , , sheriffdoms in, Garioch, lordship lordship of, , , , Gartloaning, Gartloaning, battle battle of, Geoffrey, Geoffrey, bishop of Dunkeld, Gilbert Gilbert,, bishop bishop of Whit Whithorn, horn, abbot abbot of Glenluce, Gilbert, lord of Gallowa Galloway y, Gillebrigte Gillebrigte,, earl of Angus, Angus, Glamis, Janet Lady Lady,, see Douglas, Douglas, Janet Janet Glasgow, bishop-elect of, see Wishart, William bishops of, , ; see also Blacader Blacader,, Robert; Jo Jocelin celin;; Turnbull,William;Wishart, Robert
Index cathedral of, creation of archbishopric at, , dean of, diocese of, , , ,
establishment of bishopric at, parsonage of, Glenluce Glenluce,, abbey abbey of, , Gordon,Alexander, st earl of Huntly, , , Gordon,Alexander, rd earl of Huntly, , Gordon, Gordon, George, George, nd earl of Huntly, – , , Gordon, Gordon, George, George, th earl of Huntly, , Gordon family fami ly,, – , , , Govan, , Gowrie, Gowrie, earldom earldom of, of, Graham, Graham, Malise, Malise, earl of Menteit Menteith, h, , , , , Graham, Graham, Patrick, Patrick, archbish archbishop op of St Andrews, , Graham Graham,, Robert, Robert, , Graham family, Great Cause, , – , , Great Schism, impact on Scotland of, – Gregory Gregory IX, IX, pope, pope, , Gregory Gregory XI, XI, pope, pope, Grenla Grenlaw w, Gilbert Gilbert de, bishop bishop of Aberdeen, Gruoch, Gruoch, wife of MacBet MacBeth, h, Guala, Guala, papal legate legate,, , Gullane Gullane,, church church of, Haakon IV, IV, king of Norway No rway,, Haddington, , , constabulary of, , Hailes, Hailes, church church of, of, Haldane Haldane,, Jo John, hn, Halidon Halidon Hill, Hill, battle battle of, , Halkirk, Hamilton, Hamilton, James, James, earl of of Arran,
Hamilton, Hamilton, James James Lord, Hamilt Hamilton, on, James, ames, of Finnart Finnart,, – ,
Hamilton, Hamilton, Patrick, Patrick, Hamilton family, Harcla,Andrew Harcla, Andrew,, earl of Carlisle, Carlisle, ,
Harkars,Thomas, Harlaw, Harlaw, battle of, , , , Hastings, Hastings, Jo John, hn, , Hebrides attempt attempt by Alexander Alexander II to purchase, cession to Norway of, cession to Scotland of, , , expedition exped ition of James V to, , Henry I, king of Englan England, d, , , , , , , , Henry II, II, king of Engla England, nd, , , – , , , , , Henry III, III, king of Englan England, d, , , , , – , , , Henry IV, IV, king of England, , ,
Henry V, king of England, , ,
Henry VI, king of England, England, , , , , , , Henry VII, king of England, England, , , Henry VIII, VIII, king of England, England, – , , , , , , ,
Henry, Henry, duke duke of Lancaster Lancaster,, grant of earldom of Moray to, Henry, Henry, son of David David I, earl of of Northumbria, , , , ,
Henry, Henry, son of Henry II of England,
Hepburn, Hepburn, James, James, th earl of Bothwell, Hepbu Hepburn, rn, Patrick, atrick, st earl of Bothwell,
Index
Hepburn, Hepburn, Patrick, Patrick, rd earl of Bothwell, heresy incidence in Scotland of, – statutes against, , – Hermitage, Hermitage, castle castle of, Holm Cultr Cultram, am, abbey abbey of, , Holyrood abbey of, , , general council at, parliament at, Home, Home, Alexander Alexander,, Master Master of, Home family fami ly,, , , Honorius III, pope, pope, , Humbleton Humbleton Hill, Hill, battle battle of, , , , Huntingdon earl of, see David David I, king of Scots; Scots; David earldom of, – , – , , Huntly Huntly, earls of, , , , , ; see also Gordon, Alexander; Alexander; Gordon, Gordon, Alexan Alexander; der; Gordon Gordon,, George George;; Gordon, Gordon, George George Idulb, Idulb, king of Scots, Scots, Inchaffray, , Inchcolm, indulgences, – indult indult,, papal papal (), – , Ingibiorg, Ingibiorg, wife of Malcolm Malcolm III, III, Innerwick, Innocent Innocent III, III, pope, pope, Innocent Innocent VIII, VIII, pope, pope, , , Inverloch Inverlochy y, battle of, of , , Inverness, , , , , , castle of, customs duties of, sheriff of, , Inv Inverurie, battle battle of, Iona, , , , , , Ireland, Ireland, Bruce invasion invasionss of, of , , – ,
Irvine, Isabel, Isabel, countess countess of Buchan, Buchan, , Isabel, daughter of David earl of Huntingdon, Isabella, Isabella, countess countess of Fife, Isabella, wife of Edwar Edward d II of England, , Isles forfeiture of lordship of, – , , , – , lord of, see MacDonald, Alexander; Alexander; MacDonald, MacDonald, Donald Donald;; MacDon MacDonald ald,, John; ohn; MacDonald, MacDonald, Jo John hn Hebrides;; Sodor Sodor see also Hebrides James I, king of Scots, , , , – , , active rule, – attack on Albany Albany Stewarts, Stewarts, – , , – , , captivity, , – creation of regality regal ity,, – exile, , , , legal and constitutional reforms, , – , – murder, , – , , , policy towards Highlands, – , – , , , relations with Douglases, , , , – , , ,
relations with earl of Mar, , , , – , , ,
relations with earl of March, , , relations with papacy, , – taxation during reign, , , – , , , , ,
James II, king of Scots, , , – , , , active rule, –
Index minority, – , , , relations with Douglases, – , – , , , , , – , , , relations with lord of Isles, , , , – James James III, king of Scots, , , , , , , , , acquisition of Northern Isles, – active rule, – crisis of , – , , , crisis of , – attitude to justice, justice, – , – , , , debasement of coinage by, ,
foreign relations, , , , , , , minority, – , policy towards Highlands, relations with papacy, , ,
James IV, king of Scots, , , , as duke d uke of Rothesay, Rothesay, , exploitation of church, financial policy, policy, – foreign relations, , – , ,
policy towards Highlands, – , , – , reign, – religious convictions, convictions, , , , James V, king of Scots actions against border reivers, ,
actions in Hebrides, , active rule, – attitude towards heresy, , ,
exploitation of church, – , , ,
financial policy, policy, , – minority, – , relations with France, , relations with magnates, , , – , relations with papacy, , – James VI, king of Scots, James, papal chaplain and legate, legate, ,
Jedburgh, Jedburgh, castle of, , forest of, friar of, Joan, wife of David II, II, Jocelin, Jocelin, bishop of Glasgow Glasgow, , John XXII, XXII, pope, John, king of England, , , – , , , John Balliol, Balliol, king of Scots, , , , , , , abdication, , – , , claim to throne, , , , , , – , , establishment of sheriffdoms, ,
link with Comyns, , , , , , , plan to return to Scotland, – , , reign, – relations with France, , ,
relations with papacy, – , ,
John, bishop of Caithness, , John, son of David earl earl of Huntingdon, John of Gaunt, Gaunt, son of Edward Edward III of , England, Jubilee, Jubilee, , judices, , justiciar, justiciar, activities of, – , , ,
Index
Kelso Kelso,, abbey abbey of, , , Kennedy, Kennedy, James, bishop of Dunkeld and St Andrews, , , – , Kennedy family fami ly,, Kenneth Kenneth I MacAlpin, MacAlpin, king of Scots, Scots, , – , , , , Kennet Kenneth h II, king of Scots, Scots, Kennet Kenneth h III, king of Scots, Kentige entigern, rn, St, Kildrummy, Kildrummy, castle of, , , Kilrenny, Kinglassi Kinglassie, e, church church of, Kininmund Kininmund,, Alexander Alexander de, de, bishop bishop of Aberdeen, , Kinkell, Kinkell, church church of, Kinloss abbey of, abbot of, see Crystal,Thomas; Reid, Reid, Robert Robert Kinross, Kinross, thanage thanage of, Kintyre, , , , sheriffdom of, Kirkcudbright, Kirkgunzeo Kirkgunzeon, n, church church of, – , Kirkwall, Knapdale, , Knox, Knox, Jo John, hn, , , ‘Lagebraad ‘Lagebraad’, ’, battle battle of, Lamberton,Will Lamberton,William, iam, bishop bishop of St – , Andrews, Largs, Largs, battle battle of, Lateran Third Council of, Fourth Council of, , – Lauder, , , , , , Lauderda Lauderdale le,, lordship lordship of, , , ,
Laurencekirk, Lennox disturbances in, , , , earl of, see Darnley, Darnley, John Lord; Lord; Duncan
earldom of, , , , Leslie Leslie,, Alexander Alexander,, earl of Ross, Leslie Leslie,, Mary, Mary, wife of Donald Donald MacDonald, Leslie family fami ly,, Lindores Lindores,, Laurence Laurence of, Lindores Lindores,, abbey abbey of, , , Lindsay,Alexander, nd earl of Crawford, Lindsay,Alexander, th earl of Crawford, – , – , , , Lindsay, Lindsay, David, th earl of Crawford,
Lindsay, Lindsay, David, th earl of Crawford, , – , Lindsay family fam ily,, Linlithgow, constabulary of, , Livingston,Alexander, , Livingst Livingston, on, Elizabeth, Elizabeth, Livingston family, , – , ,
Llywelyn Llywelyn Bren, Bren, rebellion in Glamorgan by, Lochaber, , Lochindor Lochindorb b, castle castle of, Loch Leven, , Lochmaben battle of, castle of, Logie, Logie, Jo John, hn, Lollardy, – London, London, treaty treaty of, Long Hermiston Hermiston Moor, Moor, battle battle of,
Lorn, sheriffdo sheriffdom m of, Louis Louis VIII, VIII, king of France, France, as claimant to English throne, , Louis Louis IX, king of France France,, Louis Louis XI, king of France France,, as Dauphin, Louis Louis XII, king of France, France,
Index Lulach, Lulach, king of Scots Scots,, Lumphanan, Lyons, Lyons, Second Council Council of, , , MacBeth, MacBeth, king of Scots, Scots, – , , , , , MacDonald, MacDonald,Alexa Alexander nder,, lord lord of the Isles, Isles, earl of of Ross, Ross, , , – , , , , MacDonald, MacDonald,Alexa Alexander nder,, of Lochaber Lochaber,, , , MacDonald, MacDonald,Alexa Alexander nder,, of Lochalsh, , MacDonald,Angus Og, MacDonald, MacDonald, Donald, Donald, lord lord of of the the Isles, , , , , MacDonald, MacDonald, Donald Donald Balloch, Balloch, , , MacDonald, MacDonald, Donald Donald Dubh, , MacDonald, MacDonald, Jo John, hn, lord lord of the the Isles Isles (d. ), MacDonald, MacDonald, Jo John, hn, lord lord of the the Isles, Isles, earl of Ross (d. ), – , , , , , , – , , , MacDonald, John Mor, Mor, MacDonald, MacDonald, Jo John, hn, son of Donald Donald Balloch, MacDonald family, , , , , , , , , , – , , MacDougall,Alexander, MacDougall family, , , , , MacDuff of Fife, Fife, appeal to Edward Edward I by, by, MacHeth, MacHeth, Malcolm, Malcolm, earl of Ross, – , MacHeth family, , , , MacIan, MacIan, Jo John, hn, of Ardnam Ardnamurc urchan, han, , MacLeod,Torquil, MacLeod,Torquil, of Lewis, MacRuairi family, , , MacWillia MacWilliam, m, Donald, Donald, –
MacWilli MacWilliam, am, Gilleasb Gilleasbuig, uig, MacWilli MacWilliam, am, Guthred, Guthred, MacWilliam family, , Maddadson, Maddadson, Harald, Harald, earl of Orkney Orkney, , , Madeleine of France, wife of James James V, , Maeldomhna Maeldomhnaich, ich, sheriff of Scone, Scone, Maelrub Maelrubha, ha, St, Magnus Barelegs, king of Norway Norway,
Mairead, Mairead, daughter daughter of of Eachann Eachann,, mistress of Alexander Stewart Stewart earl of Buchan, mairs, Malcolm Malcolm II, king of Scots, Scots, , , – Malcolm III III Canmore, Canmore, king of , , , , , Scots, – , , n, Malcolm IV, IV, king of Scots, , , creation of feus, , , , internal opposition, , , – , – , relations with England, – Malcolm, Malcolm, son of Malcolm Malcolm III, n Malconhal Malconhalgh, gh, Michael Michael de, de, bishop bishop of Whithorn, Man cession to Scotland of, lordship of, politics of kingdom of, , responsibilities to Norway of king of, manrent, manrent, bonds of, between James II and earl of Douglas, Mar claims to earldom of, , , , countess of, see Douglas, Douglas, Isabella Isabella earl of, see Donald; Donald; Stewart, Stewart, Alexan Alexander; der; Stew Stewart, John; ohn; Thomas
Index
Mar (cont.) lord of, see Drummond, Drummond, Malcolm Malcolm seizure by James James I of earldom of, of , , March creation of earldom of, – earls of, ; see also Dunbar, George George;; Dunbar Dunbar,, George George;; Dunbar Dunbar, Patrick Patrick earldom of, Margaret ‘Maid of Norway’, queen , of Scots, , acceptance by magnates, , – , , death, projected marriage, – , , Margaret, daughter of William I, Margaret, daughter of David earl of Huntingdon, Margaret, wife of Alexander III, ,
Margaret, wife of Malcolm III, , , , , Black Rood of, Margaret of Denmark, wife of James James III, Margaret Tudor, wife of James IV, IV, , , Margare Margaret, t, wife of th earl of Douglas, Douglas, duchess duchess of Touraine, lady of Galloway Galloway, , , , Marischal, Marischal, creation creation of earldom earldom of,
Marjorie, wife of William Comyn, Comyn, – Martin V, V, pope, , Mary I, queen of of England, England, Mary, Mary, queen of Scots, , , , – Mary of Gueldres, Gueldres, wife of James James II, , – tocher of, Mary of Guise, wife of James V,
Matilda, Matilda, daughter daughter of Henry Henry I of England, Matilda, Matilda, daughter daughter of Malcolm III, III, Matilda, Matilda, wife of David David I, , May May, priory of, Mearns, Mearns, earldo earldom m of, Meigle, Melrose, abbey of, , , Menteith earl of, see Graham Graham,, Malise Malise earldom of, , Methven, Methven, battle battle of, Millar,Andrew, monasteries, monasteries, establishm establishment ent of, – Monymusk, Monzievaird, Moravia, Moravia, Gilbert Gilbert de, de, bishop bishop of of Caithness, Moray bishop of, see Archibal Archibald; d; Bur, Bur, Alexander; Alexander; Murray Murray, David; David; Stewart,Andrew diocese of, earl of, see Aed; Aed; Angus; Angus; Dunbar Dunbar,, John; Dunbar, Dunbar, Thomas; Randol Randolph, ph, John; ohn; Randol Randolph, ph, Thomas Thomas;; Stewa Stewart, rt, James James;; William, William, son of Duncan Duncan II earldom of, , , , , , , , , early medieval rulers of, – , , , sheriffdoms in, warden warden of, of , Moreville Moreville,, Hugh de, , Moreville,William de, , Moreville family fam ily,, , , lands of, Mortimer Mortimer, Katherine, Katherine, mistress mistress of David II, Mortimer Mortimer, Roger Roger,, mottes, mottes, geographica geographicall distribution distribution of, of , –
Index Mowbray, Mowbray, Philip, Mure, Mure, Elizabeth, Elizabeth, wife of Robert Robert II, II,
Murray,Andrew (d. ), Murray,Andrew (d. ), Murray, Murray, David, bishop of Moray Moray, Murray family, , ; see also Freskin, Freskin, descendant descendantss of Muthill, Myln, Myln, Alexander Alexander,, abbot of Cambuskenneth, , Nairn, Nairn, sheriffdo sheriffdom m of, Nechton, Nechton, king of Picts, Picts, Neville Neville,, Alexander Alexander,, bishop bishop of St Andrews, Neville’s Neville’s Cross, Cross, battle of, , , , , , , Newcastle Newca stle upon upo n Tyne, , Nicholas IV, pope, Ninian Ninian,, St, , shrine of, , Nithsdale lord of, see Ralph son of Dunegal mottes in, non-reside non-residence nce,, clerical, clerical, , , Norfolk, Norfolk, duke duke of, expedition expedition to Scotland of, Norham, , Northampton council at, treaty of, Northumbria earl of, see Eadulf Eadulf;; Henry Henry,, son of David I; Siward; Siward;W Waltheof earldom of, – , , kingdom of, , , , Ogilvy, Ogilvy, Walter de, sheriff of Angus, Angus,
Orkney acquisition by Scottish crown crown of, of , – diocese of,
earldom of, earls of, , , ; see also Maddadson, Maddadson, Harald; Harald; Sinclair Sinclair,, Henry; Sinclair Sinclair,William ,William;; Thorfinn the Mighty early bishops in, effect of Great Schism on, expedition exped ition of James V to, Ormond, Ormond, earldo earldom m of, Otterburn, Otterburn, battle battle of, Otto, Otto, papal legate, legate, , Ottobuono, Ottobuono, papal legate, , , Owain the Bald, king of Strathclyde, Strathclyde, , Paisley Paisley, abbey of, parochial system, establishment of, – Patrick, son of Thomas of Gallowa Galloway y, , patronage, patronage, ecclesiastical, – Paul Paul III, III, pope, pope, Peebles, eebles, sheriffdom of, of, Peel, cathedral cathedral of, of, Penrith, Scottish Scottish kings’ kings’ land in, pensions from ecclesiastical benefices, – , Percy, ercy, Henry (d. ), Percy, ercy, Henry (d. ), Percy family, Perth, , , , , , Carthusian monastery at, murder of James I at, parliament at, treaty of, , Philip IV, IV, king of France, , ,
Philip Philip VI, king of France, France, Piccolomini,Aeneas Silvius, Picts, – , , church among, , , pilgrimages, Pisa, Pisa, Counci Councill of, Pitgaveny,
Index
pluralism pluralism,, clerical, clerical, , – Pluscar Pluscarden, den, prior of, printing, introduct introduction ion of, , , – , pro provisions, visions, papal, – – Ragnva Ragnvald, ld, king of Man, – , Ralph son son of Dunegal, Dunegal, lord lord of Nithsdale, , Randolph, Randolph, Jo John, hn, earl of Moray Moray, Randolph,Thomas, earl of Moray, Moray, , , Ratho, Redcastle Redcastle,, castle castle of, Reid, Reid, Robert, Robert, abbot abbot of Kinlos Kinloss, s, , Renfrew, , , , , Resby, Resby, James, resignatio in favorem, – , Richard Richard I, king of England, England, – , , Richard Richard II, king of England, England, , , , impostor claiming to be, Richard Richard III, III, king of England, England, as duke of Gloucester, Rieva Rievaulx, ulx, abbey abbey of, Robert I, I, king of of Scots, Scots, , , , , alienation of thanages, as Guardian, attempt to settle succession, , conspiracy against, – , excommunication, – , , , military strategy, , – – , reign, , – relations with Comyns, , – , , , , ,
relations with western Scotland, , , , – ,
seizure of throne, – , – submission to Edward I, , , , treaties with England, , , Robert II, II, king of Scots, Scots, – , , , , career before accession, , – , , , , , Robert III, III, king of Scots Scots,, – , as earl of Carrick, , , – ,
Robert, son of William William I of England, Roger, Roger, bishop of St Andrews, Andrews, Roland, lord of Galloway Galloway, , – , , , Rome pilgrimage of MacBeth to, , visit of th earl of Douglas to, , Roslin, Roslin, collegiate collegiate church church of, Ross bishop of, see Yonge, Yonge, Gruffydd countess of, see Euphemia diocese of, , duke of, see Stewa Stewart, rt, James James earl of, see Aed; Leslie, Leslie,Alexa Alexander; nder; MacDonald,Alexander; MacDon MacDonald ald,, Jo John; hn; MacHet MacHeth, h, Malcolm;William;William earldom of, , , , ,
Rothes, Rothes, creation creation of earldom earldom of, Rothesay, Rothesay, duke of, see James James IV, king of Scots; Scots; Stew Stewart, David David Roxburgh, , , castle of, , , – , assault by James I on, – , sheriff of, sheriffdom of, Ruairi, grandson grandson of Somerled, Somerled, ,
Index Ruthergle Rutherglen, n, parliament parliament at, Ruthven, Ruthven, castle castle of, , Ruthwell, Saddell, Saddell, abbey abbey of, St Andrews, archbishop of, see Beaton, Beaton, David; David; Graham, Graham, Patrick; Patrick; Schev Scheves, William; William; Stewa Stewart, rt, Alexander; Alexander; Stewa Stewart, rt, James James archdeacon of, attempts by David I to create metropolitan metropolitan see at, , ,
bishop of, see Bernham, David David de; Fraser, Fraser, William; Kennedy, Kennedy, James; Lamberton,William; Lamberton, William; Neville Neville,, Alexander; Alexander; Roger; Roger; Trayl,Walter;Wardlaw, Henry;Wishart,William bishop-elect of, see Danielston, Walter; Stewart, Stewart,Thomas Thomas cathedral priory of, , , , célidé at, collegiate church of St Mary at, , creation of archbishopric at, , – diocese of, , , disputes over over bishopric of, , parliament at, , primacy of see of, university university of, of , , , , ,
St Salvator’s College at, St Vigeans, Salerno, Salerno, Jo John hn of, papal legate, legate, Sauchiebu Sauchieburn, rn, battle battle of, of, , , , , Scheves,William, Scheves,William, archbishop of St Andrews, , Scimus fili , – , Scone abbey of,
royal inaugurations at, , , , sheriff of, Scott, Scott, George, George, of the Bog, Bog, Scrabster, Selkirk abbey of, forest of, see Ettrick lordship of, sheriffdom of, sheriffdoms, sheriffdoms, developm development ent of, , , – , sheriffs, activitie activitiess of, , , , , , , , Shetland, acquisition by Scottish crown of, – shires, , , , Shrewsbury Shrewsbury,, battle of, Sinclair, Sinclair, Henry, Henry, earl of Orkney Orkney, , , Sinclair Sinclair,, Oliv Oliver, er, of Pitcairn, Pitcairn, Sinclair, Sinclair, William, earl of Orkney, Orkney, Siward Siward,, earl of Northumbria, Northumbria, , Sixtus IV, IV, pope, Skinburness, Skye parish churches on, sheriffdom of, Snizort, Snizort, church church of, Sodor bishops of, cathedral of, , , effect of Great Schism on, – Solwa Solway y Moss, battle battle of, , , Somerled, , – , – , – , descendants of, , , , , , , , Soules, Soules, Jo John hn de, de, Soules, Soules, Ranulf Ranulf de, de, Soules,Willi Soules,William am de, conspirac conspiracy y of, of , – , Spens, Spens, John, ohn, Spens,Thomas, Spens,Thomas, bishop bishop of Aberdeen, Aberdeen,
Index
Standard Standard,, battle battle of, – , Stephen, Stephen, king of England, England, , , Stewart, Alan son of Walter, Stewa Stewart, rt, Alexander Alexander,, archbish archbishop op of St Andrews, Stewart, Stewart, Alexander, Alexander, duke of Albany Albany, , – , , , Stewa Stewart, rt, Alexander Alexander,, earl of Buchan, lord of Badenoch, , , , – , , , – , , , , , Stewart, Stewart,Alexan Alexander der,, earl of Mar, , , , , , , – , , , , ,
Stewart,Alexander son of Murdoch,
Stewart, Stewart, Andrew, Andrew, bishop of Moray, Moray,
Stewart, Stewart, David, duke of Rothesay Rothesay,, earl of Atholl, – , , , , , , , Stewart, Stewart, David, David, earl of Strath Strathearn, earn, , Stew Stewart, James, ames, duke duke of Ross, archarchbishop of St Andrews, Andrews, ,
Stewart, Stewart, James, James, earl of Buchan Buchan,, Stewart, Stewart, James, earl of Moray, Moray, Stewart, Stewart, James James (d. ), , , Stew Stewart, James, ames, of Lorn, Stewart, Stewart, James son of Murdoch, Murdoch, ,
Stewart, Stewart, John, duke of Albany, Albany, Stewart, Stewart, Jo John, hn, earl of Atholl Atholl (d. ), , Stewart, Stewart, Jo John, hn, earl of Atholl Atholl (d. ), Stewart, Stewart, Jo John, hn, earl of Buchan, Buchan, Stew Stewart, John, ohn, earl earl of Carrick, Carrick, see Robert III, III, king of of Scots Stewart, Stewart, Jo John, hn, earl of Mar Mar,, , , ,
Stewa Stewart, rt, Margare Margaret, t, daughter daughter of James James I, – Stewa Stewart, rt, Mary, Mary, daughter daughter of James II,
Stewart, Stewart, Murdoch, duke of Albany, Albany, , , , , , , , , , , , ,
Stewa Stewart, rt, Robert, duke duke of Albany Albany, earl , of Fife, , , – , , , , , , , , , , agreement with earl of Douglas, , , as governor during James I’s captivity, – , , , relations with earl of Mar, , , , , , relations with papacy, – , ,
Stewa Stewart, rt, Robert, see Robert Robert II, II, king king of Scots Stew Stewart, Robert, Robert, son of Robert Robert duke of Albany, Stewa Stewart, rt, Robert, grandson grandson of Walter earl of Atholl, – , Stewa Stewart,Thomas, rt,Thomas, bishop-ele bishop-elect ct of St Andrews, Stewa Stewart,Thomas, rt,Thomas, earl of Angus, Stewart, Stewart,W Walter, alter, earl of Atholl, , – , , , Stewart,Walter (d. ), Stewart,Walter (d. ), Stewart,Walter (d. ), Stewart,Walter son of Alan, , ,
Stewart,Walter son of Murdoch, , Stewart family fami ly,, , , , , , , , Stirling, , , , castle of, , , , , , parliament at, –
Index Stirling Stirling Bridge, Bridge, battle battle of, – , , Stone of Destiny De stiny,, , Stornoway Stornoway,, castle of, Stracathr Stracathro o, battle battle of, Stramiglo Stramiglot, t, Jo John hn de, abbot of Dunfermline, Stratha Strathav ven, castle castle of, Strathbogie Strathbogie,, David David de, earl of Atholl Atholl,, , Strathclyd Strathclyde, e, kingdom kingdom of, , , – , , , , , , Strathearn earldom of, , , – earls of, , ; see also Ferteth; Stewa Stewart, rt, David David Strathnaver, Super anxietatibus, Sutherland earl of, earldom of, Tain, shrine of St Duthac at, , Tantallon, castle of, Tarbert, castle castle of, taxation, taxation, papal, , – , , – , thanages, , – , , , , thanes, , , , Thomas, Thomas, earl of Mar Mar,
Thomas, son of Alan of Gallowa Galloway y, , Thorfinn the Mighty, Mighty, earl of Orkney, Thorfinn, Thorfinn, son of Harald Maddads Maddadson, on, , Threave Threave,, castle of, , Thurstan, archbishop of York, Tongland, abbey of, Toulouse, oulouse, expedition of Malcolm IV to, to, , Trayl,W rayl, Walter, bishop of o f St Andrews,
Trondhei rondheim, m, archbish archbishop op of, metrometro-
politan authority in Scotland of, , Tunis, Scottish crusaders at, , Turnberry urnber ry,, castle of, Turnberry urnber ry Band, , , Turnbull,William, urnbull, William, bishop of Glasgow, Tweedmouth, weedmouth, castle at, Tynedale, Scottish kings’ land in, Uhtred, lord of Galloway Galloway,, , Urban II, pope, pope, Urban V, V, pope, , Urban VI, pope, pope, Urquhart barony barony of, of , , castle of, , , , Vaus, Alexander, Alexander, bishop of Caithness and Whithorn, Verneuil, battle battle of, , Vikings, – , , – , Wake,Thomas, Wallace,William, – , , ,
Wallace,The , epic by Blind Blind Harry, Harry,
Waltheof, earl of Northumbria, ,
Warbeck, Perkin, Wardlaw ardlaw, Henry, Henry, bishop of St Andrews, , Wedale,Thomas de, bishop of Whithorn, Westminster–Ardtornish, estminster–Ardtornish, treaty of,
Whithorn, – Anglian bishopric at, bishops of, ; see also Christian; Gilbert; Gilbert; Malconhalg Malconhalgh, h, Michael de;Vaus, de;Vaus, Alexander; Wedale,Thomas de
Index
Whithorn (cont.) cathedral priory of, dispute over over bishopric of, – links with York of bishops b ishops of, of , , , , – shrine of St Ninian at, , Wigto Wigtown, wn, earldom earldom of, , , ,
William William I, king of England, England, , William II Rufus, king of England, England, , , , William I the Lion, Lion, king of Scots, Scots, , – , , , , , actions in northern Scotland, , , – actions in south-west Scotland, , , administrative and legal developments under, – , capture at Alnwick, , , , creation of feus, , , relations with England, – , – , , William, William, son of of Duncan Duncan II, II, earl of Moray, , William, William, earl of Ross Ross (d. ),
William, William, earl of Ross Ross (d. ),
Wishart, Wishart, Robert, bishop bishop of Glasgo Glasgow, , , , Wishart,Willi Wishart,William, am, bishop bishop of St Andrews Andrews,, bishop-elec bishop-electt of Glasgow, Wyclif, Jo John, hn, followers followers in Scotland of, of , Yolande Yolande of Dreux, wife of Alexander III, Yonge, Yonge, Gruffydd, bishop of Ross,
York York archbishop of claims to jurisdiction in Scotland by, – , , jurisdiction in Gallowa Galloway y of, – links with Orkney of, see also Thurstan treaty of, Zouche, Zouche, Helen la, Zouche,William la,
Cambridge Cambr idge Medieval Textbooks Already published published Germany in i n the High Middle Mi ddle Ages c. ‒
The Hundred Hund red Years ear s War War England Engla nd and a nd Franc F rancee at War c. ‒ c. c.
Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Ages: Social Change Change in England, England, c. ‒
Magic in the Middle Ages
The Papacy ‒: Continuity Continuity and Innovat Innovation ion . .
Medieval Med ieval Wale Waless
England in the Reign of Edward III .
The Norman Kingdom of Sicily
Political Thought in Europe ‒
The Church in Western ester n Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century
Translated by Timothy Reuter The Medieval Spains .
England in the t he Thirteenth Century Centur y
Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain ‒
Religion and Devotion in Europe c. –c. . .
Medieval Medieval Russia, ‒
The Wars of the Roses: Po Politics litics and the Constitution in England, c. ‒
The Waldensian Dissent: Persecution and Surviv Sur vival, al, c. –c.
Translated by Claire Davison The Crusades Crusades,, c. –c.
Translated by Jean by Jean Birrell Medieval Medieval Scotland Scotla nd . . .
Other titles are in preparation
