erik thomsen japanese paintings and works of art
japanese paintings and works of art
erik thomsen
asian art
Sales exhibition March 31–April 5, 2006 The International Asian Art Fair The Seventh Regiment Armory Park Avenue at 67th Street, New York, NY 10021
Cover: Flowers o the Four Seasons, detail, pair o six-old screens Anonymous art ist o the Rimpa School (Nr (Nr.. 1)
japanese paintings and works of art
Table of contents 5 7 33 45 59 75 84 86 92
oreword and acknowledgements screens paintings bamboo baskets ceramics lacquers signatures, seals and inscriptions notes bibliography
erik thomsen
asian art
foreword and acknowledgements It is with great pleasure that I present this inaugural
today, decades later, in immaculate condition. The
catalog, which includes a selection from my five
simple designs, such as in catalog item 22, are partic-
specialties within classical Japanese art: screens,
ularly eective against the mirror-black roiro ground,
paintings, bamboo baskets, ceramics and lacquers.
and, when examined up close, reveal superb details.
Unlike most Japanese art objects seen in the West,
Hanging scrolls and olding screens have been an
all items presented here were made, not with ex-
important part o Japanese art and culture or over
ports in mind, but rather or the Japanese market.
a millennium. In the tea ceremony, a tea master
Such artwork avoids many o the compromises and
would oten select a scroll with a painting or callig-
alterations in artistic traditions that mark the art
raphy that provided the best match or the season
made to it oreign tastes. Instead, we see works o
and occasion. Screens were also used within the tea
art that were clearly created in line with Japanese
ceremony, as well as in perormances o classical
aesthetics and traditions. Most o the objects here
arts, where they unctioned as dramatic or estive
were made with one or more o the our classical
backgrounds to the event.
arts in mind: the ways o tea, lowers, calligraphy, and incense (Sadô, Kadô, Shodô, and Kôdô).
I would like to thank those who made this catalog possible: the designer Valentin Beinroth for his
Ceramics used in the Way of Tea, Sadô, mirror
clean, imaginative design, attention to detail and
Japanese aesthetics especially well. The simple,
boundless energy, which kept me ocused on the
imperect shapes o tea ceramics draw our attention
catalog in spite o airs and travels; the photogra-
to their beautiul textures and colors that can only
pher Klaus Wäldele or his patience, long working
truly be appreciated upon holding them in one’s
sessions and good eye; Hans Bjarne Thomsen, my
hands.
brother, professor in Japanese art history at the University o Chicago, or his invaluable research,
Bamboo baskets such as the ones presented in this
which uncovered several surprises; and Inger Sigrun
catalog were made or the Way o Flowers, Kadô,
Brodey, my sister, professor in literature at the
to present ikebana lower arrangements. They also
University o North Carolina, or her proo-reading
represent another important element of the tea
and good suggestions.
ceremony, or Way o Tea. Highly prized by tea masters, they commanded princely sums in the peak years o
I would also like to thank Mr. Daizaburô Tanaka,
basket making during the Taishô and early Shôwa
owner o the gallery Tanaka Onkodô in Tokyo, where
periods, ca. 1910 to 190. Their beauty is obvious in
I apprenticed 23 years ago, and my parents, Harry
their orm, and, upon closer inspection, in the skillul
and Ene Marie Thomsen, or giving me the ounda-
workmanship o the ine details. Signed bamboo
tions upon which I could grow.
baskets such as these were largely unknown in the West until the acclaimed exhibition in 1999 at the
Above all I want to thank my wie, Cornelia, or all
Asia Society, New York, of the Cotsen basket
her support, encouragement, and help that she has
collection.
given me now during the catalog production and over the years. I can think o no one else who better
Lacquerwork, such as writing boxes and paper
manages the many tasks as wie, mother, exhibitor,
boxes, are intrinsic to the Way o Calligraphy, Shodô.
student and artist.
They were meant to be used, but, like most artwork in Japan, were careully stored away into tted boxes when not in use. As a result, they are therefore
Erik Thomsen March 2006
5
screens
1 Flowers of the Four Seasons Anonymous artist o the Rimpa School Edo period (1615–16), early 19th century
halves combine to orm a coherent program: the
H 65" × W 1" each
panels urthest to the right display the only cluster
(165 cm × 366 cm)
o spring lowers, rom this, the directions (like that
Pair o six-old screens
o a handscroll) goes let, and we travel through
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on gold oil.
groups o summer and autumn clusters. At the very end, we meet with the only winter group in the
This ine pair o Rimpa School screens presents a
screens: a small group o narcissus peeking rom
journey through the our seasons o the year by
around the arthest corner.
representative plants and lowers or each season. For example, plants representing the spring are the
Similar examples may be seen in a number of
kodemari , sumire, and yamabuki . The summer is
museum collections.1
represented by the iris, lily, nadeshiko, aoi , and kiri . The all by the chrysanthemum, morning glory, bush clover, ominaeshi, and susuki . And the winter is represented solely by the narcissus. Each o the twelve clusters on the screens represents a group o plants rom a particular season. The grouping o the clusters is according to a larger plan: the larger cluster o chrysanthemums growing around a ence orms the let-most panels o the right-hand screen. This group connects to another autumn group in the right-most panels o the lethand screen. Placed next to each other, these two
2 Birds and Flowers of the Seasons Circle o Ogata Kôrin (1658–1716) Edo period (1615–1868), early 18th century
in other works, the fowers o the autumn are clearly
H 65" × W 142 ½" each
avored: the autumn lowers are centered on an
(165 cm × 362 cm)
entire six-old screen, while the other six-old screen
Pair o six-old screens
is divided among the lowers o the three other
Ink, colors, and gofun on paper
seasons.
An anonymous Rimpa School artist has created a
A avorite technique o Rimpa artists can be seen
luxurious and dense undergrowth o fowering plants
here, namely the tarashikomi , a process that involves
and trees, which conceals not only additional lora,
dripping ink o diering modality into ink that has
but also a pair of quail and pheasants among its
not yet dried, thus producing a mottled eect. In
vegetation. This pair o olding screens with painting
addition, the ink modalities are careully varied, in
in ink, colors, and gofun represents a collection o
order to create a convincing sense o depth to the
the lowering plants o the our seasons.
leay undergrowth: there is a clearly articulated layering of leaves, important in a work with this many
There are the spring fowers, wisteria, willow, thistle,
leaves and lowers arranged on top o each other in
kodamari , suzushiro, shakuyaku, and kobushi .
a small space.
The summer plants are represented by mizuaoi , uri , tsuyukusa, iris, lily, peony, and an eggplant. The autumn plants include susuki , kikyô, keitô, nadeshiko, ominaeshi , kuzu, bush clover, morning glory, and gourds. The sole winter plant is the pine. Here, as
2 Birds and Flowers of the Seasons Circle o Ogata Kôrin (1658–1716) Edo period (1615–1868), early 18th century
in other works, the fowers o the autumn are clearly
H 65" × W 142 ½" each
avored: the autumn lowers are centered on an
(165 cm × 362 cm)
entire six-old screen, while the other six-old screen
Pair o six-old screens
is divided among the lowers o the three other
Ink, colors, and gofun on paper
seasons.
An anonymous Rimpa School artist has created a
A avorite technique o Rimpa artists can be seen
luxurious and dense undergrowth o fowering plants
here, namely the tarashikomi , a process that involves
and trees, which conceals not only additional lora,
dripping ink o diering modality into ink that has
but also a pair of quail and pheasants among its
not yet dried, thus producing a mottled eect. In
vegetation. This pair o olding screens with painting
addition, the ink modalities are careully varied, in
in ink, colors, and gofun represents a collection o
order to create a convincing sense o depth to the
the lowering plants o the our seasons.
leay undergrowth: there is a clearly articulated layering of leaves, important in a work with this many
There are the spring fowers, wisteria, willow, thistle,
leaves and lowers arranged on top o each other in
kodamari , suzushiro, shakuyaku, and kobushi .
a small space.
The summer plants are represented by mizuaoi , uri , tsuyukusa, iris, lily, peony, and an eggplant. The autumn plants include susuki , kikyô, keitô, nadeshiko, ominaeshi , kuzu, bush clover, morning glory, and gourds. The sole winter plant is the pine. Here, as
12
3 Fan Screen with Scenes from the Tales of Ise Follower o Tawaraya Sôtatsu (?–163?) Edo period (1615–16), early 1th century
ans signicant? And are there inner meanings within
H 6 ½" × W 7"
the ans themselves? There was certainly an element
(16 cm × 1 cm)
o play within some an screens, or example, the
Single two-old screen
pairs by Sôtatsu in the Kunaichô and the Sanbôin
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on pape r,
o the Daigoji Temple, where each an relates to a
with gold oil ground
speciic literary source. 1 The object or the viewer was then to be able to identiy each scene, poem,
A ollower o Sôtatsu painted this ine and early
or chapter rom the available evidence. Likewise,
two-panel screen with the depiction o twelve ans,
identiication was the key in examples where all the
scattered on a gold ground. O the twelve, two are
ans on a screen stemmed rom one narrative, as,
closed and ten are either ully or partly opened.
or example, ity-our ans representing each o the
Most o the ans are seasonal in nature and depict
ity-our chapters o the Tales of Genji.2
lowers or plants in bloom or in the process o
changing colors. For example, spring is represented
This particular screen may also contain an inner
by cherry blossoms and the willow; the summer
meaning: a meaning that ocused on the only gural
is represented by the hydrangea (ajisai ), and the
representation in the screen, namely Prince Narihira.
autumn by the bush clover ( hagi ) and the maple
The placement o the Prince may be signiicant, as
leaves. In addition, vigorous waves are associated
we have another screen, a six-old screen by the
with the stormy seas o the autumn. The winter is
school o Sôtatsu, that is roughly contemporary to
represented by a pair o ans to the lower let corner,
the two-old screen in this catalog. In the six-panel
which depicts Prince Ariwara no Narihira (25–0),
screen, a an with a seated igure appears at exactly
the main character o Ise Monogatari , on horse,
the same position, i.e., the lower let corner, on the
looking at a snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the neighboring
last panel, second to bottom an. 3 In this case, as
an; the distance between the rider and the ar-away
with the other, a courtier appears among ans whose
mountain is here represented by separating the
subjects are all seasonal markers. In the case o the
scene onto two dierent ans. The source o the
two-old screen, the ensemble o ans, i indeed
image is a poem by Narihira that describes Mt. Fuji
intended as an ensemble, may all be markers to
as seen on a journey:
various poems within the Tales of the Ise. I so, this leaves the viewer (and the reader o this catalog)
Indifferent to the seasons
with a distinctly challenging game: the identiication
Mount Fuji stands aloft
o all the speciic poems represented by the images
Flecked like a kanako cloth
on the screen.
With fallen snow The visual representation o this amous poem usually centers on the Prince on horseback, looking over his side at the snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the distance. Fan screens present us with distinct puzzles: was the placement o the ans on the screen controlled by the artist? Are the groupings and placements o the
1
4 Cranes of Summer and Autumn Tosa School Edo period (1615–1868), 18th century
combined the two compositions. When placed next
H 28 ¼" × W 98 ¾" each
to each other, as intended, large growths o autumn
(72 cm × 251 cm)
lowers anchor the extremes o the larger composi-
Pair o six-old screens
tion. The autumn lowers are composed o various
Ink, mineral colors and gofun
types o chrysanthemums as well as the kikyô plant
on paper and gold oil
(a Chinese belllower). The area between the two large groups o plants is punctuated by smaller plant
Here our pairs o cranes are shown inhabiting a
groups, both autumnal plants (chrysanthemums and
marshy landscape against a rich gold background.
marshy reeds) and summer plants (iris and mizuaoi ).
The cranes represent the dierent species that requent the Japanese archipelago. The image,
In other words, the land mass to the extreme right
o course, represents an ideal space, one in which
and let represents autumn, and the lake, the space
the stylized cranes can strike poses and be shown
that unites the two, represents summer. Traversing
next to the lowers and plants o dierent seasons,
this distance in time, seasons, and space, are the
blooming at the same time within the space o the
cranes and plants, all o which are shown, one ater
screen surace.
the other, in striking poses. The artist has incorporated a relationship o equality between the plants
The two halves o the screen pair were made to
and cranes, all o which occupy about the same
be shown together, and the lake that is depicted
space and have been shrunk (or expanded) to
on both was constructed as the spatial unit that
appear to be the same height and volume as each other. Moreover, the spacings and compositions had been ably planned out on the basis o the twelve individual panels o the screens: the artist has succeeded in creating within each panel pair (traditionally thought out as a unit), a balanced, independent composition. An interesting aspect o the screen is the signature to the right extreme of the combined pair. The signature was clearly added later, as can be seen by the discoloration o the gold surrounding the signature. Another name was probably removed and replaced by one which reads »by the brush o Tosa Mitsuoki, the [honorary] Imperial Guard« and a seal marked Fujiwara. 1 Both names and honorary title are associated with the artist Tosa Mitsuoki (1617–1691), the most important Tosa school painter o the last our hundred years. Although the work is a very ine example o the 18th century Tosa School, a previous
4 Cranes of Summer and Autumn Tosa School Edo period (1615–1868), 18th century
combined the two compositions. When placed next
H 28 ¼" × W 98 ¾" each
to each other, as intended, large growths o autumn
(72 cm × 251 cm)
lowers anchor the extremes o the larger composi-
Pair o six-old screens
tion. The autumn lowers are composed o various
Ink, mineral colors and gofun
types o chrysanthemums as well as the kikyô plant
on paper and gold oil
(a Chinese belllower). The area between the two large groups o plants is punctuated by smaller plant
Here our pairs o cranes are shown inhabiting a
groups, both autumnal plants (chrysanthemums and
marshy landscape against a rich gold background.
marshy reeds) and summer plants (iris and mizuaoi ).
The cranes represent the dierent species that requent the Japanese archipelago. The image,
In other words, the land mass to the extreme right
o course, represents an ideal space, one in which
and let represents autumn, and the lake, the space
the stylized cranes can strike poses and be shown
that unites the two, represents summer. Traversing
next to the lowers and plants o dierent seasons,
this distance in time, seasons, and space, are the
blooming at the same time within the space o the
cranes and plants, all o which are shown, one ater
screen surace.
the other, in striking poses. The artist has incorporated a relationship o equality between the plants
The two halves o the screen pair were made to
and cranes, all o which occupy about the same
be shown together, and the lake that is depicted
space and have been shrunk (or expanded) to
on both was constructed as the spatial unit that
appear to be the same height and volume as each other. Moreover, the spacings and compositions had been ably planned out on the basis o the twelve individual panels o the screens: the artist has succeeded in creating within each panel pair (traditionally thought out as a unit), a balanced, independent composition. An interesting aspect o the screen is the signature to the right extreme of the combined pair. The signature was clearly added later, as can be seen by the discoloration o the gold surrounding the signature. Another name was probably removed and replaced by one which reads »by the brush o Tosa Mitsuoki, the [honorary] Imperial Guard« and a seal marked Fujiwara. 1 Both names and honorary title are associated with the artist Tosa Mitsuoki (1617–1691), the most important Tosa school painter o the last our hundred years. Although the work is a very ine example o the 18th century Tosa School, a previous owner apparently elt it necessary to try to improve on the pedigree o the screen by changing the artist’s name to that o a better-known artist.
20
5 Four Elegant Pastimes Shibata Zeshin (107–191)
2
Meiji period (16–1912), 19th century
This pair is an important work in the oeuvre o Shibata
H ½" × W 109" each
Zeshin. It is one o our variations on a theme by an
(123 cm × 277 cm)
older painting. The screen pair with painting in ink,
Signed (right screen): »Zeshin,« with
black lacquer and mineral colors depicts women and
Zeshin jar seal. (let screen): »emulating older
men partaking in the our classical Chinese elegant
paintings, Zeshin« (Koga ni narau Zeshin); with
pastimes. The our pastimes, or the kinki shoga,
Zeshin jar seal
were traditionally the koto (musical instrument),
Pair o six-old screens
chess, calligraphy, and painting. Within these panels
Ink, colors, gofun, and lacquer on paper
the our undergo humorous changes: the musical
instruments become the samisen and the biwa,
Zeshin based his composition on the amous Hikone
chess becomes backgammon and go, calligraphy
Screen, a single, six-old screen rom the early
becomes the act of letter writing, and paintings
seventeenth century. 1 The screen is presently in a
become the pair o standing screens located within
Hikone museum, but was at the time o Zeshin in a
the right screen.
rich merchant’s house, where Zeshin was allowed to study it closely. From the study and reworking o the
The let screen is signed »emulating older paintings,
Hikone Screen emerged our innovative variations
Zeshin (Koga ni narau Zeshin) and sealed Zeshin;
on the Hikone theme. As a truly inspired artistic
while the right screen is signed and sealed Zeshin.
personality, Zeshin was not satisied with making a
25
mere copy and made all our versions signiicantly
that likely joined our panels o one screen with
dierent rom each other.
two rom another) and stretched it out into a unied twelve-panel composition. Up close, both the new
In this particular version, two o the igures are
and old versions show a similar emphasis on textile
straight copies rom the Hikone Screen, but many
patterns; however, Zeshin also introduces new ea-
others are adaptations, many by slightly changing
tures, such as the innovative use o black lacquer in
angles o depiction. For example, the girl pointing
the w omen’s ha ir.
at the two screens in the present version appears in the Hikone Screen as a girl pointing in the opposite
O the our sets that Zeshin made rom the Hikone
direction. Likewise, entirely new igures abound,
original, one is in the collection o the Metropolitan
most notably the three central dancers. In eect,
Museum, New York, and illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1,
Zeshin started with a single six-panel screen (one
ills. 219–220. The second is in the Lee Institute or
26
Japanese Art at the Clark Center, Hanord, CA, and
Provenance:
illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1, 210–211. 2 The third is the
Collection o Fujiyama Raita 藤山雷太 (163–193)
present screen pair, illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1, ills. 221–222. And the ourth is a pair that has not yet
Exhibited:
been illustrated, but rests in a private Japanese col-
Yugei no Bi at the Fukuoka Municipal Art Museum
lection.3 Most o the our have been passed down
in 1997.
in prestigious collections; the present pair was, or a long time, in the collection o the industrialist
Published:
Fujiyama Raita (163–193).
Gôke Tadaomi, ed. Shibata Zeshin meihinshû: Bakumatsu kaikaki no shikkô kaiga. 2 vol s. Tokyo: Gakken, 191, vol. 1, item 221–222.
27
6 Flower Viewing Season in the Pleasure Quarters Attributed to Bai’ôken Eishun 梅翁軒永春 (active 170–1763)
Edo period (1615–16), circa 1710–1720
be seen to the back o the building; here the doors
H 2" × W 9 ½"
are almost closed, leaving, however, a crack open
(107 cm × 227 cm)
to allow the viewer a voyeuristic glance into the
Single six-old screen
interiors, where a woman is seated and attending
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper
a reclining igure, whose identity cannot be ascertained. The room seems to be lit by an andon lamp,
This early nikuhitsu screen presents the viewer with a
whose light casts the shadows o the shapes within
estive lower viewing scene, complete with interior
the rooms on the paper-covered sliding doors.
scenes o lounging courtesans and outside scenes o playing children and perormers. The scene to the
The exterior scene, that occupies the entire let side
right describes two buildings within a certain plea-
o the screen, shows a larger group o people enjoy-
sure quarter. Judging rom the bucket and brooms
ing a whole range o activities. This is a typical genre
attached the roo o the building seen below and
scene showing the various contemporary games and
rom the blossoming cherry trees lining the streets
occupations. We have a prominently placed blind
surrounding the two houses, this may well reer to
masseur, here seeming to dance with two young
the Yoshiwara area o Edo. 1
women, while observed by a large male gure. Other girls are playing, some with a long stick, others
The interior scene describes a number o courtesans
breaking a branch o the cherry tree, still others are
in relaxed modes; they are seen conversing, drinking
playing with a kemari ball. A dog painted on the ar
rice wine, and playing the samisen, a three-stringed
let completes the last o the six panels.
musical instrument. One group o courtesans, in inely-dierentiated kimono, enjoys the lowering
The painting is unusual or its creative combination
cherry trees rom an open room that has had its
o two known genres: one a type that shows scenes
sliding doors removed. An interior room can also
within the Yoshiwara quarters, and the other showing the daily occurrences o commoners, usually in terms o street scenes. The combination may well connect to the possible authorship by Bai’ôken Eishun, who was an Osaka artist known or his wide repertoire, with not only paintings, but with an oeuvre that includes both surimono prints and illustrated books.2 A number o paintings are known by the hand o this exceptionally long-active artist, including key works in the Freer Gallery o Art in Washington, D.C. 3 Provenance: Formerly in the collection o the Manno Art Museum, Osaka, Japan Published: Kobayashi Tadashi, ed. Manno Bijutsukan, Ukiyoe nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7. (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1996), ca t. nr. 32.
2
paintings
7 Hakuin Ekaku (165–176) Edo period (1615–16), circa 1765
was one o the key rituals in Zen Buddhism, Hakuin’s
H 35 ¼" × W 9" (i ncl. mounti ng 66 ½" × 12 ½")
choice o the seated meditating Bodhidharma
(90 cm × 23 cm, 169 cm × 32 cm)
seems quite apt.
Three seals o artist: Kokanki, Hakuin and Ekaku Hanging scroll, ink on paper
The painting is not, however, simply an illustration o a Buddhist dictum; there are artistic traditions
Bodhidharma in Meditation, Facing a Wall
and other layers o meaning behind the painting.
(Menpeki Daruma 面壁達磨 )
One striking aspect o the painting is its brushwork and ink modulation. It is clear that the brush moved
Inscription:
quickly to create the seated igure and inscription in a ew dramatic strokes, paying little attention to
「為心之師莫師於心」
iner modulation o line. However, by using coarsely ground ink and heavy-sized paper, Hakuin was
Become the master of your heart,
able to create a dramatic mottling eect within the
and do not let it master you.
individual lines o the igure.3 The dramatic tonal contrasts within the lines, the vigorous speed o the
Kokoro no shi to nari, kokoro no shi wa nashi
brush, and the immediacy o the brushwork signiicantly heightens the intensity o the painting. In
In this dramatic hanging scroll, the Zen Buddhist
addition, the curious mottling eect o the ink also
monk Hakuin has adopted an admonition rom the
increases the presence o the igure: the lines seem
Six Parmitas Sutra, and placed it in the context
to imply age and a sense o permanence. Although
o a meditating Bodhidharma (J. Daruma) igure.1
brushed in only a ew strokes, the igure acquires
The sutra text admonishes the reader (and, i n
paradoxically a sense o monumentality that goes
extension, Hakuin his viewer) to disregard his or her
beyond its actual space on the paper. The technique
own heart, or worldly matters, and to instead ocus
is closely connected to the message: they reempha-
one’s energy on ruling the passions. By depicting
size the immobility and greatness o the Zen Bud-
the meditating Bodhidharma beneath this phrase,
dhist patriarch and create a sense o timelessness
Hakuin may well be indicating that strict adherence
or Bodhidharma as well as or Buddhist rituals and
to Zen Buddhist doctrines and rituals such as seated
doctrine. Hakuin uses the mottled ink technique in
meditation is the correct way to become the master
other paintings, including other orms o the seated
o one’s passions.
Bodhidharma, but in ew other example has he so successully created a simple igure o monumental
A meditating Bodhidharma, here acing an imagi-
strength through so ew lines.
nary wall, is a singularly apt symbol o strict adherence to ritual. The central, deining event in the lie
The painting is clearly also intended to take a place
o Bodhidharma, a semi-legendary monk, credited
in the »one-brushstroke Bodhidharma« (Ippitsu
with bringing Zen Buddhism rom India to China in
Daruma) tradition, in which the robes o the Bod-
the sixth century CE, was seen as his single-minded
hidharma were drawn with one continuous stroke
period o meditation, said to have been conducted
o the brush. 5 The tradition ultimately derives rom
in a cave, acing a blank stone wall, or nine years.
early Chinese depictions o the patriarch, in which
Distractions were done away with, or example,
the robes were described with a bare minimum o
ater alling asleep during meditation, he tore away
strokes. Numerous examples o one-brushstroke
his eyelids.2 Moreover, as seated meditation (zazen)
paintings exist, including a Sengoku period (133–
3
1392) example at the Erinji Temple in Kai that may
depth rom the deeper implications o this switch in
have served as a prototype or Hakuin as well as
identities. By representing himsel as iconic igures,
examples by Shôkai Reiken (1315–1396), Isshi (160–
Hakuin challenges our preconceptions through
166), and other Zen monks o the Edo period. 6
lashes o insight and humor.
Hakuin, however, takes that pictorial tradition a step urther by incorporating another word-and-image
Although this painting was probably perormed as
tradition, that o incorporating hidden characters
a sekiga (»seat painting«) or a perormance piece
and messages into an image.
completed in an instant with only a ew brushstrokes at a communal occasion, the painting is by
The idea o hiding characters within images is an
no means a trile o little meaning. Many layers and
older Japanese tradition that has been incorporated
traditions operate behind this seemingly simple
into a number o media, including sutra rontispiece
painting, giving it a proound sense o depth and
paintings and lacquer boxes. Hakuin, however,
importance and, at the same time, playing humor-
seems to have been the irst to combine the two
ous games with the viewer. Hakuin’s paintings were
into a single image. The question then arises or
never entirely serious or entirely playul: orming a
the viewer: what speciic character? Various authori-
key element within his complex and timeless art.
ties have attempted to describe Hakuin’s seated Bodhidharma igure as one character: Katô Shôshun
The painting is housed in a itted kiri wood box,
suggests that it represents the character gu (愚,
certiied and inscribed in 1960 by Tsûzan Sôkaku
»oolishness«), and others the character nin (忍 en-
(191–197), the seventeenth abbot o Hakuin’s
durance). Both are possible in terms o the standard
temple, the Shôinji Temple, in Hara.
Japanese reductions o Chinese characters. Another possibility is the character in (the right part o the
Published: Morita Shiryû. Bokubi Tokushû: Hakuin
character 隠) that orms Hakuin’s own name. This is
Bokuseki. Kyoto: Bokubi sha, 190, nr. 279.
supported by a pair o Menpeki Daruma paintings in the Konchi’i n Temple in Tokyo. 7 The two paintings o the pair were painted by Hakuin at the same time to commemorate the meeting between him and Gudô 愚堂 , a ellow Rinzai sect monk. From reading the in-
scriptions, it is clear that the two seated igures were the two riends, reduced to simple Chinese characters o gu and in, representing Gudô and Hakuin. This is then a clear case where the seated Daruma can represent the name o Hakuin and also a clear indication that Hakuin’s Menpeki Daruma may have multiple meanings. In other words, the seated Bodhidharma painting in this catalog may also be a playul representation o the monk Hakuin himsel engaged in seated meditation. I so, this would also play in with the Hakuin we know rom other paintings, where the painter sometimes takes the place o Daruma, Hotei, or other igures, thereby gaining complexity rom the layering o identities and
36
8 Hakuin Ekaku (165–176) Edo period (1615–16), Late 1750’s
Chinese versions usually showing him in a group
H 12 ¾" × W 12 ½" (incl. mounting 60 ¾" × 1 ¾")
image with other legendary rulers, while Japanese
(32.5 cm × 32 cm, 15.5 cm × 7.5 cm)
artists have tended to depict him alone, seated on
Three seals o artist: Rinzai seishû, Hakuin, and
a rock in wilderness. Notable Japanese depictions
Ekaku no in
o Shennong include those made by Hakuin, Sesson
Hanging scroll, ink on silk
Shûkei (150–159), Kano Tsunenobu (1636–1713), and Ike Taiga (1723–1776), but a whole range o
God o Agriculture Viewing Waterall
painters, carvers, and printmakers participated in
(Takimi Shinnô zô 瀧見神農像)
the tradition.2 Interest in the god increased during the eighteenth century—at which time this image
Inscription:
was made—partly through the renewed interest in Chinese culture, through the importation o Chinese
撃草知薬 / 劉木為犁 / 人身牛首 / 斯道神農氏
visual materials, and through the antiquarian interest o Japanese sinophile cultural igures.
Crushing herbs to understand medicines, uprooting trees to plow the land.
At the same time, this painting by Hakuin presents
Human body and head of ox:
us with a number o innovations in this venerable
this is the way of the Shennong
tradition. One curious departure in this painting, which the Hakuin scholar Takeuchi Naoji has
Kusa o uchi, yaku o shiru / Ki o koroshite, suki to
described as possessing a strange expression or
nasu / Karada wa hito, kubi wa ushi / Shidô Shin-
a works rom his last years, 3 is the ox head and
nôshi
the rope leash worn around its neck. While the ox head was long an aspect o the literary tradition
The exotic igure with human orm and ox head
o Shennong that emphasized a human body and
in this painting is Shennong (J. Shinnô), a legend-
an ox head, the visual tradition has persisted in
ary ruler o China irst mentioned by Mencius and
depicting his head in mostly human orm, hinting at
also known as the Emperor o Fire. 1 He is said to
the ox connection through the pair o horns on his
have taught humans a variety o abilities, includ-
orehead. Hakuin’s depiction o a ully bovine ace
ing the use o ire, the ways o agriculture, and the
makes that aspect explicit and marks a signiicant
knowledge o herbs and medicine. The complex
departure rom tradition—seemingly unprecedented
mythological status o this god is retold in numerous
in the visual culture o Japan and China. Hakuin may
sources, including his conception at the sight o a
in part have been inluenced by Hakutaku images,
dragon and an upbringing in the wilderness. At one
where depictions o the ox-headed creature vary
time, he is also said to have harnessed dragons in
between a human ace and an ox-like head.5
order to measure the circumerence o the earth. Another unusual eature o the painting is the Shennong’s legendary status is also emphasized by
placement o a seated Shennong by a waterall.
visual media that usually depict the god with horns,
Hakuin has in act taken the iconography o the
wildly unkempt hair, and clothes made o natural
waterall-viewing Kannon Takemi Ka nnon and
leaves. He usually also holds blades o grass in his
adapted that to the Shennong. While Hakuin has
hand or mouth, symbols o his knowledge o herbs.
made a number o waterall-viewing Kannon gures
A long tradition o depicting Shennong in paint-
with similar compositions, upon looking through
ings and sculpture exists throughout East Asia, with
Hakuin’s extant oeuvre, it becomes apparent that
3
this work represents the unique example o a waterall composition centered about a person who is not the Kannon. It is hard to give a speciic reason or this change in iconography, except to point to other examples where Hakuin has excluded, merged, and otherwise adapted iconographical eatures o his subjects. In such variations we clearly see the hand o an experimenting artist, unaraid o trying new ideas in his paintings.6 The composition may also relate to the unusual small, square ormat o the painting, in which the god could hardly be seen standing up, which is how Hakuin usually presented Shennong in his paintings.7 The combination o unusual actors o this painting, including the above-mentioned eatures, its appearance on silk, the high state o inish and details, the unusual square ormat, and the unusual calligraphic style, point to a special occasion and purpose. Perhaps it was made or a special customer? Hakuin oten did so, according to other documented cases. Here we may look at the topic o this painting. We know that it was a common yearly ritual or medical doctors and pharmacists to display an image o Shennong at the winter solstice and to make oerings to the god. And we also know that Edo-period doctors were oten wealthy collectors o art works. It would make perect sense or Hakuin to have made this inely painted work on relatively costly silk or such a person in return or a generous contribution to Hakuin’s Shôinji Temple. The painting is housed in a itted kiri wood box, certiied and inscribed in 1960 by Tsûzan Sôkaku (191–197), the seventeenth abbot o Hakuin’s temple, the Shôinji Temple, in Hara. Published: Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô, 196), 0.
0
9 Watanabe Gentai (17 – 122) Edo period (1615–16)
short time in the country, created great interest in
H 19 ½" × W 27 ¼" (incl. mounting 5 ¼" × 33 ½")
his painting style which was new or the Japanese.
(9. cm × 69.3 cm, 13 cm × 5 cm)
Ater his departure, he let behind a growing group
Inscribed: Hen’ei
o ollowers, which is popularly reerred to as the
Seals: Hen and Ei
Nagasaki school o painting. The inspiration i
Hanging scroll, colors and ink on silk
not prototype o this particular painting was likely a work o this school: we see the characteristics
The artist has depicted ive inely-detailed horses
through the strong color contrasts o the horses; the
in a marshy meadow by a lake. Each o the horses
balanced composition o the work; the lush, marshy
seems to be o a dierent color and type and each is
placement o the work; and the strong ink brushwork
shown in a dierent activity: whether drinking water,
o the tree trunks.
grazing, scratching its head, looking away, or simply lying down. The season is clearly spring and the sot,
This painting seems also to be a loose adaptation
light greens o the willow branches and meadow,
o the popular Chinese Eight Horses of Mu Wang
as well as the light blues and grays o the lake and
theme, in which eight horses o dierent colors and
ar-away shores, orm the stage or the bright and
types belonging to a legendary emperor are shown
assertive colors o the ive horses.
in a marshy meadow. Typically they are shown in expressive reedom, interacting with each other in an
The artist o this painting, Watanabe Gentai (17–
equine paradise, without the intererence o human
122), was one o the many talented students o
beings. Three Chinese horses, however, get lost in
the Edo-based painter Tani Bunchô (1763–10).
the translation to this particular Japanese paint-
Gentai’s connection to Bunchô may be seen here in
ing, and as a result, the connection to the story o
his interest in naturalistic detail and harmonic color
the Chinese emperor becomes loosened, but other
patterns, as well as in his interest in contemporary
elements, such as the setting and the idea o the
Chinese paintings, particularly the type made popu-
reedom-loving horses are kept. Gentai may have
lar by the Qing dynasty painter Shen Nanping and
chosen a smaller number o horses in order to better
his ollowers. Shen traveled to Japan and, during his
show the individual details o the horses. Ater his apprenticeship with Bunchô, Gentai started an atelier o his own and succeeded in establishing a smaller school by training sons and relatives, who in turn trained their ospring. He seems to have been successul in gaining customers during a time o intense competition between artists, perhaps by balancing the publ ic’s interest in China and other oreign countries with domestic needs, such as paintings o animals or the various zodiac years. This painting was very possibly created or such a purpose, or a discriminating merchant who needed a painting or the year o the horse.
2
bamboo baskets
10 Iizuka Rôkansai (190–195)
H 9 ¾" × L 10 ¼" × W 10"
with those illustrated or 1936–199 in Iizuka R ôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi Preectural
(25 cm × 26 cm × 25.5 cm)
Museum o Fine Arts, 199, pages 11–119); the box
Signed: Rôkansai saku
signature most closely matches those illustrated or
Shôwa period (1926–199), circa 1936–191
1936–1. The striking bamboo ikebana basket illustrated here is a masterpiece by Rôkansai. The cubic orm
For similar bamboo works by Rôkansai, see Iizuka
is simple yet bold and dramatic. In keeping with
Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts , e.g.,
the simple orm, the handles are composed o two
item 1, a cubic brazier (ca. 1927) and item 32, a
short cylindrical sections. The body is woven with
lower basket using a similar architecture o dark
light-colored split bamboo in the triangular asa-no-
vertical supports against a light body (ca. 1932).
ha pattern and is dramatically oset by dark brown vertical supports, which continue rom the inside to
Rôkansai is widely acknowledged as the greatest
the outside and rom one side to the other, crossing
Japanese basket maker o the 20th century. The
each other below and thereby orming a dynamic
sixth son o the basket maker Hôsai I, he started out
pattern on the bottom. The two wide flattened
making intricate baskets in the karamono-style but
bamboo sections are the most striking eature o
went on to develop many new ideas and techniques.
this basket.
He pioneered modern bamboo crats and exerted
great infuence on numerous post-war bamboo artists. It is signed on the side with an incised signature
His works are in the collections o many institutions,
reading »Rôkansai saku« or »made by Rôkansai.«
including the Tokyo National Museum o Modern Art
It comes with the original itted sugi wood box,
and Idemitsu Museum o Art.
which is inscribed on the top o the beveled lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside o the lid it is titled »Shikô« or »Four Bright Things,« which reers to the wide bamboo strips on the our
sides; signed »Rôkansai saku« or »made by Rôkansai;« and sealed Rôkansai. The red oval seal is consistent
6
11 Iizuka Rôkansai (190–195)
(29 cm, 30 cm)
Accordingly, Rôkansai must have inscribed and signed this box between 1920 and 193, but the basket itsel is an earlier work by him, made probably in the late
Signed: Rôkansai
1910‘s. The original box had been lost and he signed
Taishô peri od (1912–1926), 1910’s H 11 ½", D 11 ¾"
this replacement box later or the owner o the basket, This round ikebana basket by the bamboo artist
using more valuable kiri wood.
Rôkansai is woven with darkly colored split bamboo in the square yottsu-me pattern, here arranged
For a similar bamboo basket using the same weave
diagonally; the inside bottom is in the hexagonal
in a round orm, see Iizuka Rôkansai , item 5, a lower
kumo-no-suajiro (spider web) pattern.
basket rom circa 192.
The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised
For biographical details on Rôkansai, see previous
signature reading Rôkansai. It comes with a itted
catalog en try.
kiri wood box, which is inscribed on the top o the beveled lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside o the lid, he signed »Rôkansai kyû-saku« or »made long ago by Rôkansai,« and stamped three red seals, together reading Rôkansai. According to Iizuka Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, 199, pages 11–119), this set o three red seals was used by Rôkansai rom the early 1920’s to circa 193. The signature is consistent with those illustrated in this catalog o the large Rôkansai exhibition in 199 at the Tochigi Preectural Museum o Fine Arts, where 110 o his works were exhibited.
12 Maeda Chikubôsai I (172–1950) Shôwa period (1926–199), circa 1930 H 16" × L 15 ¾" × W 6 ½" (1 cm × 0 cm × 16. cm) Signed: Chikubôsai kore tsukuru According to Chikubôsai’s box inscription, this outstanding bamboo ikebana basket is made in the shape o a drum; it could, however, equally well be in the shape o the ull moon. Indeed, a very similar basket is illustrated and entitled »Moon-shaped lower basket« in Japanese Bamboo Baskets: Masterworks of Form & Texture from the Collection of Lloyd Cotsen (Los Angeles, Cotsen Occasional Press, 1999), item number 91. Apart rom the dramatic design, the exceptionally ine details using numerous weaving techniques sets this basket apart. It is a delight to examine the basket details up close. The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised signature reading »Chikubôsai kore tsukuru« or »this made by Chikubôsai.« It comes with a copper liner or ikebana use and with the original itted sugi wood box, which is inscribed on the top o the lid »Taiko-shiki Hanakago« or »Drum-shaped Flower Basket.« On the inside o the lid it is signed »Senyô Kuzezato Chikubôsai-zô« or »made by Chikubôsai o the Senyô Studio in Kuzezato« and bears a red seal reading Chikubôsai.
50
Chikubôsai was one o the greatest basket makers o the Kansai region. His son, Chikubôsai II (1917–
2003), continued the tradition and was named a Living National Treasure or the bamboo crats in 1995.
13 Morita Chikuami Active circa 1900–1935 Taishô period (1912–1926), circa 1920 H 2", D 7 ½" (61 cm, 19 cm) Signed: Chikuami kore tsukuru This elegant basket in the karamono-style has a tall handle and a hexagonal body that becomes round at the opening. It is woven using a combination o very narrow split bamboo strips and wide lacquered bamboo pieces. The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised signature reading »Chikuami kore tsukuru« or »this made by Chikuami.« It comes with the original itted wood box, which is inscribed on the top o the lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside o the lid it is signed »Chikuami zô« or »made by Chikuami« and bears a round red seal reading Chikuami. Chikuami was the artist name o Morita Shintarô, who lived in Kyoto and was active rom the late Meiji to early Shôwa periods.
52
14 Tanabe Chikuunsai II (1910–2000) Shôwa period (1926–199), circa 1950
makers o Osaka. Chikuunsai I lived rom 177 to
H 23 ¾", D ¼"
1937; this basket was made by his son Chikuunsai
(60.5 cm, 21 cm)
II; he in turn passed on the artist name to his oldest
Signed: Chikuunsai kore tsukuru
son, Chikuunsai III (b. 190), in 1991.
This tall bamboo ikebana basket in double-gourd
shape is woven with very narrow strips o split bamboo. The attractive shape is enhanced by the superb details throughout the basket using numerous weaving techniques. In spite o its size, it is surprisingly light in weight. The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised signature reading »Chikuunsai kore tsukuru« or »this made by Chikuunsai.« It comes with the original itted kiri wood box, which is inscribed on the top o the lid »Hyô-gata Taka-te Hanakago« or »Gourdshaped Flower Basket with Tall Handle.« On the
inside o the lid it is signed »Sakaiu Nansô Chikuunsai zô« or »made by Chikuunsai o the Nansô Studio in Sakai-u« and bears two red seals reading »Tanabe no in« (»seal o Tanabe«) and Chikuunsai. The artist name Chikuunsai belongs to the Tanabe amily, one o the most important bamboo-basket
5
15 Chikuunsai II (1910–2000) Shôwa period (1926–199), dated 1969
For biographical details on Chikuunsai, see previous
H 9", D 1 ½"
catalog en try.
(22.6 cm, 37 cm) Signed: Chikuunsai zô The illustrated large bamboo ikebana basket is woven in the hexagonal muttsu-me pattern using very narrow split bamboo strips. Entitled »En« or »circle,« it was exhibited at the th Japanese Contemporary Art Exhibition in 1969. The artist signed the basket on the bottom with an incised signature reading »Chikuunsai zô« or »made by Chikuunsai.« It comes with the original itted kiri wood box, which is entitled on the top o the lid »En« and inscribed »Kikkô-sukashi-ami Hanakago« or »Hexagonal Open-Mesh Weave Flower Basket.« On the inside o the lid, it bears the inscription »Dai Hachi-kai Nihon Gendai Kôgei Bijutsu Tenrankai Shuppin« or »Exhibited at the th Japanese Contemporary Art Exhibition« and is signed »Tekisuikyo Chikuunsai zô« or made by »Chikuunsai o the Tekisuikyo Studio« and stamped with two red seals reading »Tanabe no in« (»seal o Tanabe«) and Chikuunsai.
56
ceramics
16 Hagi Tea Bowl, Named Usumomiji »Pale Fall Colors« Edo period (1615–16), 1th century
the inely carved oot with the janome kôdai , or
H 3 ¼" × L 5 ½"
»snake-eye« oot, completed with a inely ormed
(.5 cm × 1 cm)
Kugibori »carved nail« pattern in the center, ormed
With itted silk brocade pouch
while turning on the potter’s wheel. The wabi aes-
and inscribed kiri wood box.
thetics o incompletion are especially eective when areas o unbalance and spontaneity are contrasted
This striking Hagi tea bowl (chawan) carries with it
with such areas o planned symmetry.
a long history o the tea ceremony and a complex layering o meaning. The bowl has received its name
The name o the bowl, Usumomiji , or »pale autumn
rom a tea master and it has been handed down in
colors,« likely reers to the unusual patterning o the
Japanese tea master collections or centuries and
glaze, which varies in color rom creamy white to
comes with its set o pedigree.
light red as one looks across the mottled surace o the bowl. The bowl seems to have been praised or
The bowl was turned on the potter’s wheel as seen
the colors and or the poetic connotations that they
in its overall symmetric orm: the body curves out
would awaken, especially in the all tea season. The
graceully rom a small well-ormed oot, creat-
word itsel appears quite oten in Japanese poetry
ing rows o lines on the lower hal o the bowl and
and many poems use the word as a marker o the
culminating in a slightly asymmetric, uneven rim.
season and or creating speciic settings with their
The bowl has been immersed in a vat o glaze into
deeper implications.2 In giving names to bowls, it
which it was dipped two or three times, as can be
was important to choose a name that would awaken
seen in the uneven application o glaze close to the
poetic connotations, either to speciic poems or to
oot. Some glaze was even splashed on to the oot
broader poetic sentiments. 3
itsel, a sign o the speed with which the application was undertaken, adding to the sense o spontane-
This bowl has a ascinating pedigree, as listed on
ity that was highly prized by the tea connoisseurs.
the outermost paper wrapper. The inscription to
Other spontaneous expressions o wabi , the tea
the lower let describes the nature o the various
term that denote the sense o incompleteness and
layers o appreciation and inscriptions that have
imperection,1
grown around this particular tea bowl. First o all, it
can be seen in the small circles o
unglazed areas on the side o the bowl; these could
describes the »three-character ink inscription« on
have been bubbles in the glaze that hindered the
the wooden box to have been written by a Hokô
direct contact o the glaze to the clay surace. With
甫公 , which we know to be one o the artist names
time, these imperections have become emphasized
used by the noted tea master, Kobori Enshu 小堀遠州
through the tea stains on the glaze on the inside o
(1579–167). The inscription goes on to say that a
the bowl, which represent evidence o appreciation
paper attachment (kakitsuke) has a »our character
and constant use o the object within the tea world.
inscription« by a Sôchû, who is Kobori Sôchû Ma-
The stains have with time highlighted the glaze im-
sayasu 小堀宗中政優 (176–167), the eighth genera-
perections by orming circular stains around them.
tion head o the Enshû school, originally ounded by Enshû. Another layer in this trail o tea appreciation
The piece was made by a potter who was highly
and tea bowl ownership is provided by the unidenti-
aware o tea aesthetics and o the need to produce
ied writer o this inscription, who, by tradition, does
imperect elements within a controlled ramework.
not write his own name. 5 We can only assume that
The areas o imperection are here balanced by
he was the owner o the tea bowl ater Sôchû parted
areas o total control and symmetry, or example,
with it.
60
It is possible to match other evidence to these assertions. Enshû was known or his ability to provide
poetic names and many examples o bowls that were named by him exist; moreover, the inscription on the box is done in his well-known calligraphic style. Also, Sôchû was known or his reinvigoration o the Enshû line, which had allen into disrepair; he was known or his immense collection o tea utensils and also or his unusual running script calligraphic style.6 While we do see both the Enshû-like three-character inscription on the box and a Sôchû-like our-character inscription on a (now tattered) piece o paper that belongs to the top o it, other elements need to be taken into consideration beore conclusions can be made. One is a list o objects in the collection o Enshû, the Enshû kurachô 遠州蔵帳, which is a long list o items owned by Enshû and his son, as written by Kobori Sôjitsu, the third generation head. Our bowl is not listed on this document. Also, the age o the ceramic bowl itsel, is more likely to be eighteenth century than seventeenth century. One possible conclusion is that the bowl was given a name and a box by someone beore Sôchû, who gave the bowl a box in the style o Enshû. The Sôchû inscription could be genuine and the anonymous owner ater Sôchû may have interpreted the calligraphy as being that o Enshû. The tea ceremony is celebrated or its ability to give layers o meaning to objects and rituals. Sometimes the layers harmonize with each other and at other times there are contradictions. This bowl is a case in point: the bowl itsel has taken on layers ater requent use over two centuries and the staining by tea has now changed the original appearance o the bowl and glaze. Likewise, the layering o provenance provides layers o meaning surrounding the bowl within its box: here, the link o previous owners includes a misinterpretation o one and the lack o identity o another. The complexity o meaning in the tea ceremony itsel is here aptly echoed in this ne Hagi bowl that continues to echo the pale colors o early autumn.
62
17 Takatori chawan Edo period (1615–16), 1th century
o porcelain. The glazes applied on the bowl are
H 2 ¾", D 5 ¼"
also typical to the Takatori tea wares; these glazes
(7.2 cm, 13.5 cm)
were thick and o various colors and consistencies,
With inscribed kiri wood box
mainly produced by mixing dierent minerals, ashes, and stones. The glazes were then applied to the
This Takatori tea bowl (chawan) was created by the
objects and mixed in a rich tapestry o colors. The
descendants o Korean laborers taken rom Korea
yellow-gold glaze orming the central glaze on this
during the Japanese invasions in the 1590’s. The
tea bowl is called the dôkeiyû and is one o the
Korean potter Palsan (later given the Japanese
more amous o the Takatori glaze types. The glaze
name Takatori Hachizô) let Korea with his wie and
application method is also typical or Takatori wares:
amily and set up a kiln in the domain o Kuroda
broad bands are applied and allowed to run down
Nagamasa, orming the origin o the Takatori kiln. 1
the sides, producing mutations in colors where
In the process o the next generations, the Takatori
glazes mix and a drop design along its bottom
line o potters was in charge o a number o kilns in
edge. On this bowl, some areas on the outside did
the domain throughout the Edo period. At the time
not get covered with glaze. In the tea world, such
o the production o this tea bowl, the third-genera-
places o imperection are considered to imbue a
tion Takatori Hachizô was in charge o the Higashi
tea object with its own personality; and, rather than
Sarayama Kiln, where tea utensils were made.2 This
detractions, they are seen as the embodiment o tea
kiln, which was modeled on Korean climbing kilns,
ceremony aesthetics o rusticity, incompletion, and
is the likely source o this bowl. The Takatori pot-
astringency.5
ters combined Korean technology with Japanese tea aesthetics; the irst generation Hachizô even
traveled to Kyoto with his son to receive instructions in tea ceramics rom the amous tea master Kobori Enshû (1579–167) and their tea ceramics bear the traces o the tastes o the Kyoto tea masters. 3 This tea bowl bears the marks o the type o clay used at Higashi Sarayama, which was highly reined to a density and strength approaching that
6
18 Shino Serving Bowl Momoyama (1573–1615) to early Edo period
»carved nail« indentation in the center o this area:
(1615 - 16), irst hal o 17th century
this indentation orms a single curving wave in the
H 2 ¼" × L 6" × W 6"
middle o the three birds. The viewer is rewarded or
(5.7 cm × 15.3 cm × 15.3 cm)
looking closely and the puzzle is now solved.
Stoneware with underglaze iron. With kiri wood box inscribed Shino Perorated
The second zone o decoration is on the rim. The
Small Bowl
decoration here is ormed o quickly-drawn, stylized vines, curling out rom two diagonally opposed
This small Shino bowl was made or the kaiseki sec-
corners. Two other sides are marked with series o
tion o the tea ceremony, in which guests were served
parallel lines along the edges o the vessel. The ine
rom small dishes lled with various rened dishes.
perorated design o round clusters are placed close to the vines and may well represent clusters o ruit,
This vessel was created through a number o sepa-
such as the grape. 3 While the design appears simple
rate steps. It was initially thrown on the wheel and
and spontaneous, it is in act highly sophisticated.
then sculpted by hand. Three loop eet were then
Such a design could easily be imagined to have
added to the bowl and it bears traces o spur marks
been ordered by a tea master or artist with a keen
on both the top and the bottom o the bowl, indicat-
sense o play and visual design.
ing that it was ired as a stack o smaller bowls and dishes. The stoneware vessel was then covered with
Similar Shino bowls and dishes were oten made in
a thick eldsparic glaze, which ired milky-white over
sets o ive and ten and used in the tea ceremony,
a simple iron decoration that had been applied with
during the kaiseki meal.5 This particular type o bowl
a brush.1
would have been appreciated as a kaiseki vessel or a number o reasons. First, as stated above, or its
The design on the upper surace o the bowl is
visually appealing, sophisticated design. Second,
separated into two zones. The inner, round area is
or ease o use: the central area could easily hold a
decorated with a simple moti o three lying plovers
small amount o ood without spilling, the three eet
(chidori ) on a blank ground. In Japanese visual cul-
giving the vessel stability. In addition, the uneven
ture, plovers are almost always paired with waves, 2
surace o the vessel, with its heavy glaze, would
and the lack o waves on this design is at irst puz-
have provided a pleasantly tactile surace to hold
zling until one notices the ine under-glaze kugibori
during the meal. Finally, the bowl would have created an interesting temporal program: when ood was served, the ood would have been in the center o the bowl, ramed by the outer zone with the design o vines and ruit. Upon eating the ood, the central design o the plovers become gradually visible, and, when the ood was entirely gone, the indented central wave would suddenly become visible, perhaps accented by the ood’s liquid runo settling in the wave-shaped indentation. The bowl carries yet another association as both the plover / wave design and that o the vines/grapes carry an autumnal association. This Shino bowl would have been an ideal vessel to serve that important guest at the autumn tea setting.6
66
19 Ko-Seto Vase Muromachi period (1392–1573), 15th century
Seto ware excavated throughout the country, and
H 9 ¾", D 6 ½"
it is entirely possible that the Asihikaga shogunate
(2.5 cm, 16.7 cm)
government in the city o Kamakura was a close
Stoneware with green wood-ash glaze
sponsor o the kiln in its earlier days. As the gov-
With inscribed kiri wood box
ernment also largely controlled the importation o luxury vessels rom outside Japan, it made excellent
This early stoneware vase stems rom a Seto ware
economic sense or the government to also control
kiln, near the present city o Seto, in present-day
the production o the Japanese imitations.
Aichi Preecture. The vase, which has been ormed on a potter’s wheel, is elegantly shaped in the
This particular vase was made in the imitation o
meibing shape with a gradual outward curvature
Chinese Yingqing ware porcelain vases rom the
as one goes up the object. The vase ends in a irm
Jingdezhen area. 2 The type o vase was the meibing
shoulder and a generous neck and mouth, the latter
(lit. »lotus blossom«) type that were imported to
with a large midri. The vase has been decorated
Japan at this time.3 As the Japanese potters could
with three sets o lines (again, while on the wheel)
not produce porcelains at the time, the next best
on the mid-body, on the edge o the shoulder and
solution was to produce stoneware with a thick
halway between the second line and the mouth.
wood-ash glaze to give the impression o a celadon
There is no stamped decoration; rather, through a
porcelain vase. These vases have in the past been
generous application o ash-glaze, small rivulets o
discarded by some commentators as mere imita-
olive-green glaze (caused by the reductive kiln) run
tions. Recently, however, persuasive arguments
down the sides o the vase. 1 This particular piece is
have been made or the aesthetic values o these
in excellent condition with only a small chip on the
remarkable objects. It is important to remember
mouth that has been repaired with gold lacquer.
that the act o copying in East Asia is signiicantly dierent than that in the West, and it is likely that
The Seto kiln is traditionally seen a s one o the Six
the imitations were seen as acts o homage to the
Old Kilns, taken to be the six medieval kilns active
luxurious imports rom exotic places. 5
in Japan at the time. Later research has shown that there were a much larger number o kilns active at
This type o vase was used or storing liquids or
this time, including Suzu ware, which also appears
both religious and non-religious occasions. The
in this catalog. According to tradition, the Seto kiln
pronounced midri on the neck allowed ropes and
was ounded by one man, a Katô Kagemasa, who
sti paper to be tied to the top or a close seal
traveled to China in 1223 and learned the Chinese
over the plug. An earlier type o Ko-Seto vases with
way o producing ceramics. Upon returning to Ja pan
similar orms were produced in the Kamakura period
and the Seto area, he set up production here. No
(115–1392). This earlier type, however, had various
matter whether a historical Katô Kagemasa existed or
stamped patterns, whereas the type seen in this
not, it certainly seems true that Chinese and Korean
entry was without the stamped designs and is seen
ceramics played a large role in the early history o the
to stem rom the Muromachi period (1392–1573). 6
kiln, as many o the rst products were imitations o oreign luxury objects. Tenmoku bowls rom China
A oremost ceramic expert, Katsura Matasaburô
were imitated as were Celadon vases rom Korea and
(1901–196) has certiied this particular piece to
China.
have come rom the Seto kiln and to date to the mid-Muromachi period. 7 His certiicate, including
The Seto kiln also seems to have been one o the
the size o the vase, and his signature and seals, is
most avored kilns at the time, judging rom the
placed on the underside o the kiri box lid.
6
20 Suzu Jar with Paddled Design Kamakura period (115–1392), 13th century
to a high point o technical sophistication. As usual
H 13 ¼", D 11 ½"
with works o this type, the outline o the jar, an
(33.5 cm, 29 cm)
egg standing on its thin end, displays traces o the
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
clay coils rom which the upper part o the body
was ormed on top o a sculpted base. The outwardThe Suzu 珠洲 kilns were located on the northern tip
opening short mouth o the jar is segmented into
o the Noto 能登 peninsula in present-day Ishikawa
two parallel parts and successully counter-balances
Preecture, on the coast o the Japan Sea. The kilns
the widening shape o the jar beneath it. This
are thought to be a development o the medieval
jar does not display the heavy ash glaze o other
Sueki ware culture, a type o ceramics closely related
contemporary kilns, such as Tamba or Shigaraki,
to Korean prototypes that once spread across Japan. 1
but rather a thin glaze with traces o white spotting
Some scholars have posited that the production o
rom ash that ell on the parts o the body that were
the Suzu ware with its characteristic sandy clay, dark
exposed during the reductive iring.
gray coloring, and egg-shaped vessels, was initiated by Korean potters that had arrived in the twelth
A distinctive kiln mark can be seen on the shoulder
century rom the Korean peninsula, not very ar rom
o this work in the orm o three arcs that orm a
the Noto area. 2 Whatever the origins o the kilns, the
circle. Marks such as this, possibly made rom the
kilns enjoyed sponsorship by religious institutions
carved end o a bamboo stick, are sometimes ound
and aristocratic amilies, partly through the large
on Suzu vessels of this period. Specialists have
Wakayama manor on the same peninsular. Through
speculated on the exact meaning o these marks;
these connections Suzu vessels spread widely: ves-
theories oten center on possible religious unctions
sels have been excavated rom numerous places
of the vessels. 5 It is certainly possible that this
along the western coast o Japan, reaching as ar
particular vessel with its sophisticated and careully-
as southern Hokkaido. The irst pieces o Suzu ware
done design may also have been created as a com-
that clearly dierenciated rom Sueki ware can be
mission or a special religious ceremony.
placed in the twelth century during the late Heian period (79–115) and the last pieces in the teenth
The Suzu kilns have gained considerable attention
century during the Muromachi period (1392–1573).
since the discovery o the kiln site in the 1950’s and
Ater this period, the kilns were abandoned, perhaps
Suzu objects are now eagerly collected by museums
due to intense competition rom the nearby Echizen
and collectors. Although the kilns were discontinued
and Tokoname kilns.
during the Muromachi period, the area has since und new ceramic lie as numerous potters have now
This outstanding jar dates rom the thirteenth century ,
set up businesses in the Noto peninsula, in attempts
which, judging rom the relatively large number o
to renew the lost traditions o the Suzu kilns. 6
pieces produced at this time, was a period o high activity for the Suzu kilns. 3 The pieces from this period oten display a highly developed paddling technique (tataki 叩き ) – where wooden paddles with incised lines are beaten on the still-sot clay, resulting in a distinct appearance, oten likened to plowing marks or pinecones. On well-designed pots, the resulting texture alternates seamlessly between areas o horizontal lines and diagonal lines, and this particular pot is notable or carrying this technique
70
21 Shigaraki Jar Muromachi period (1392–1573), 15th century
o this vessel possibly also occurred through the
H 1 ½", D 15 ¼"
spontaneous accidents o the iring process.
(7 cm, 39 cm) Stoneware with natural ash glaze
The surace o the jar, with its warm, glowing mosaic o earth tones and textures presents the viewer with
This stoneware jar stems rom the Shigaraki region,
an exciting spectacle of spontaneous events. As
a mountainous area in the modern-day Shiga Preec-
the clay used in this unpretentious country kiln was
ture, to the southeast o Kyoto. The jar embodies a
largely uniltered, many pieces o rocks and minerals
sense o austere beauty and a tour-de-orce display
became exposed during the construction and the
o surace detail, including iring spots, stone inclu-
iring. Larger pebbles appear in the surace, some-
sions, cracks and melted minerals throughout the
times (in the case o eldspar and quartz) using and
vessel. The construction o this bulbous, generously
partly melting away. Other times, producing minor
bulging jar echoes that o other jars rom this period:
explosions during the ring, leaving a burst pattern
rom its silhouette, it becomes clear that the jar
in the clay. Yet in other places are holes, where
was created in our rounds o clay-coil construction,
pebbles were orced out o the hardening clay during
where the clay was allowed to partially dry between
the iring process. 1
applications. The neck and mouth was added at the end, on the strongly articulated shoulder. As the jar
The Shigaraki kiln was thought to be one of the
was not turned on a potter’s wheel, its asymmetry
Six Ancient Kilns that were thought active during
displays a complex sense o movement, partly bal-
medieval Japan.2 We know now rom excavations
anced by the irm base, made larger than the mouth.
that dozens o other kilns were also active during this time, including the Suzu kiln, and that the medieval
Reading the surace o the jar provides us with a
ceramic world was quite complex and dierentiated.
close, blow-by-blow history o its iring process. The
Shigaraki kilns, however, were one o the kiln sites
dramatic color patterns on the jar shows us where
to gain fame from an early date, partly due to its
the jar was placed within the kiln: where it was partly
proximity to the capital city o Kyoto, and partly due
exposed directly to the ire (the dark koge spots),
to the many tea masters, rom the sixteenth century
where partly exposed to ire without being touched
onwards, who actively promoted the ceramics rom
by it (the lighter browns), and where it was placed
this area. Prior to the discovery of the kiln by the
right next to other ceramic vessels (the light oranges) .
tea aicionados, however, the Shigaraki kilns made
In this last group o light spots, it is possible to locate
unpretentious objects or local armers, merchants,
sections where a ceramic object next to the jar
and religious institutions. 3 Their jars were used pri-
actually touched it during iring and became used
marily or storage, or storing ood and seeds or the
together – the resulting chip occurred when the two
next season, and or Buddhist rites, or example, or
vessels were separated ater the iring. In addition,
burials and the storing o ritual objects.
the large amounts o ash rom the burning pine wood settled on the vessel during ring and created a pattern o gray glazes. Here, too, it is possible to map out the location o the jar within the kiln: rom the amount o glaze, we can see which side o the jar aced the ire at the ront o the kiln and we can tell rom areas untouched by glaze, where objects
shielded the jar rom the ash-carrying wind that blew at high speeds through the kiln. The broken mouth
72
lacquers
22 Stacked Writing Box with Quails Kôda Shûetsu (12–1933) Taishô period (1912–1926), 1920’s
removed or the identity o the artist to be known.
H 7" × L 13" × W 9"
Kôda Shûetsu 迎田秋悦 (12–1933) was a major
(1 cm × 32.7 cm × 22.5 cm)
twentieth-century Kyoto lacquer artist. He was born
Signed: Shûetsu saku (»Made by Shûetsu«)
into a amily o lacquer artists, his ather being
With itted kiri wood box, inscribed by the artist.
the ith-generation lacquer artist Yamamoto Rihei (139–190), and he became one of the leading
This inely executed stacked writing box ( suzuribako)
lacquer artists o his generation. He actively took
is composed o a lower box or paper and an upper
part in national and regional exhibitions and in orm-
box or recessed ink stone and water dropper. On
ing artist organizations to urther the work o ellow
the outside is the inely delineated design o seven
lacquer artists. He was one o the artists to take part
quails, two on the upper lid and ive around the our
in the inluential Kôshuen (Fragrant Lacquer Garden)
sides. The quails, a symbol o autumn, are crated in
under the direction o Asai Chû (156–1907) in 1906.
gold takamakie with a high degree o naturalism and
In 1927 he ormed Kôgei Shunsôsha (Spring Grasses
are shown peaceully locking in nature, orraging or
Society o the Arts) together with Ida Kôshû and in
ood on the roiro mirror-black lacquer ground o the
1930, he took was the leading orce behind the or-
box exter ior.
mation o the Kinki Shukôka Kyôkai (The Kinki-Area Lacquer Artist Association), which dissolved ollow-
The box interior is ormed by a textile pattern in the
ing his untimely death three years later.
togidashi technique on a nashiji ground; the design playully alludes to the ine brocade silk interiors o
Shûetsu took part in numerous major exhibitions,
many writing boxes. The artist, Kôda Shûetsu, was
starting with the exhibition in 1915 to mark the
the author o an important book on lacquer design,
seventh anniversary o his ather’s death. In 1920,
and that expertise seems to have come to good use
he, together with Akazuka Jitoku (171–1936), took
in deciding the particular textile pattern that would
part in the irst Tokyo exhibition, which was one o
it with the overall design o the box. 1 The orms o
the more important exhibitions o the Taishô period
the box are placed in a dynamic balance between
(1912–1926). And in 1932 he was selected by the
the angular orms o the water pourer, the ink stone,
government to take part in a large government-
and the outer box, and the s otly rounded shapes o
sponsored exhibition for export of the arts.
the abstract lower designs and the quails.
Shûetsu’s works are in many major institutions, including the Tokyo National Museum.
The artist has hidden his signature inside the writing box, beneath the ink stone, which must be
76
23 Box with Pines and Sakura Blossoms Taishô period (1912–1926)
traditionally seen as symbolic plants o the autumn.
H 5" × L 15" × W 13"
To finish the box design, the artist has had the
(12.9 cm × 3.2 cm × 32. cm)
lacquered edges o the top and bottom halves en-
With itted black lacquer kiri kiri wood wood box
cased in heavy silver rims. No expense is spared in producing the most luxurious eects. The only place
The anonymous designer o this spectacular lacquer
let devoid o design is the inside bottom, which was
box or paper documents (ryoshibako ( ryoshibako)) designed
purposely let bare, as this is where the documents
the box with a inely detailed décor o pines and
were meant to be stored.
blossoming cherry trees across its outer suraces. Moreover, he has divided the top cover into two
The seasons o the plants were calculated to rep-
opposing sections, the lower right being occupied
resent a contrast o the inside and outside: as the
by pine trees among fowering plants and the upper
winter and spring seasons are represented on the
let showing a misty landscape with fowering cherry
outside, so the autumn season will contrast on the
trees, pine trees, and smaller lowering plants. The
inside. The beginning o the year is represented by
plants are detailed with the most luxurious gold
the buoyant spring scene on the front, while the
lacquer eects, including details in makie, takamakie
autumn intimates the coming end o the year. And
and kirigane techniques on kinpun and nashiji
rather than inviting the viewer to look at individual
ground.
details, the artist has elected to go or massive eects: the rich sweeps o plants, both outside and
The cover opens to reveal generous prousions o
inside the box, stand in order to impress the over-
autumnal grasses and flowers in takamakie and
whelming richness o design and sheer prousion o
kirigane on nashiji nashiji and and kinpun clouds. Myriad types
gold details and techniques.
o all lowers are represented, including the hagi, kuzu, sekichiku, Suzuki, kikyô, and otokoeshi , all
7
24 Box with Plum Blossoms Taishô period (1912–1926)
has a relatively simple design o bamboo leaves by a
H 5" × L 15 ½" × W 12 ¼"
lowing stream, which could also be interpreted as a
(12.3 cm × 39.7 cm × 31 cm)
winter design.
With inscribed itted kiri kiri wood wood box The moment o triumph or the plum is oten deInscription on lacquer box:
picted in the orm o the uguisu or bush wa rbler,
Uguisu no haru »Spring o the bush warbler«
perched on the branches o the lowering plum. In
this case, the bird appears to be absent, but, in act, This large black lacquer box or paper documents
the two symbols, the plum and uguisu uguisu,, are united
(ryoshibako) displays a thick takamakie décor o a
in the orm o the mother-o-pearl character or the
lowering plum branch surrounded by straw and
word uguisu uguisu,, which is located next to the lower right
inlaid mother-o-pearl characters in the lower right
o the branch. Here, then, a word takes the part o
upper let corners. The lowering plum tree is a
an image, and the symbolic pair is united in two
symbol o perseverance o the tree in winter’s cold,
dierent media.
and o the dying winter and o the spring which is ast approaching. The dramatic moment o triumph
The box comes with the original kiri wood box,
against the cold is urther emphasized by the stark,
which, according to an attached label, belonged
mirror-black roiro background surrounding the
originally to the Taishô Emperor beore it was given
lowers and by the straw, which has been wrapped
as a present, to mark the anniversary o his death
around the plum tree trunk in order to keep it rom
in the spring o 1927, the second year o the new
dying in the rost. The inside o the document box
Shôwa reign. I this is indeed the case, then the design o the cover plays perectly along with the occasion: the inscription, »the spring o the bush
warbler,« warbler ,« reers to a new start, the regeneration o a something old and venerable, and, here, the plum could be seen as the ancient Japanese imperial line and the new spring, heralded by the uguisu uguisu,, is the ascent to the throne o the new Shôwa emperor.
0
25 Kôetsu Lacquer Box with Poem Ishikawa Rôseki 石川蝋石, 3rd generation (1950–) Heisei period (199–present), 1996
Yet Rôseki did not see the original box by Kôetsu
H 3 ¼" × L ¾" × W ¾"
but rather a copy that Ogata Kôrin (165–1716) had
(.2 cm × 22 cm × 22 cm)
made o the original. This copy is now in the Seikadô Foundation and comes with an inscription by Kôrin
With itted wood box inscribed on top: Kazaribako:
saying that he saw the original box in Kôetsu’s home
Kôetsu utsushi suminoe makie
in Takagamine. 2 Moreover, the copy that Kôrin made
「飾箱・光悦写住ノ江蒔絵」
was clearly not an exact copy as we see distinct
»Ornamental Box: Copy o Kôrin’s Lacquer Suminoe.«
elements o Kôrin’s pictorial style in the depiction
Inscription on side of fitted box: Heian Shishô
o the waves. Furthermore, Rôseki, when making his
Rôseki zô 「平安・漆匠蝋石造」 »Made by Kyoto
copy o the Kôrin copy, also made transormations,
Lacquer Master Rôseki«
changing, for one thing, a writing box with utensils to a display box. So we have a copy o a copy o an
Inscription on lacquer box:
original, where both copies changed elements o the original.
Does my bellowed / avoid the eyes o others / Even on dream paths / visited by night as [waves] /
Copying lacquer works o prior masters was a time-
Visit Suminoe [shore]? 1
honored tradition in Japan, and there are many records o such events, partly caused by the high
Suminoe no / [kishi] ni yoru [nami] /
incidence o ire and the likelihood o masterpieces
yoru sae ya / yume no kayoiji /
going entirely lost i not replicated. Documented
hitome yoguramu
examples o such events include the amous set o notes written by Kôami Nagasuki (1661–1723), when
This display box has a complex decoration and his-
he was asked by the Shogunate to make a aithul
tory. As or the decoration, a raging sea with wild
copy o »a box with a plum branch design,« originally
waves in hiramakie technique is pounding over a
made by Kôami Michikiyo (132–1500). 3 Likewise,
shoreline careully ormed by tted lead plates using
industrialists such as Iwasaki Koyota, (the ourth
the ikakeji and kakewari techniques. The characters
president o the Mitsubishi and one o the ounders
o the poem are in silver takamakie. The poem winds
o the Seikadô Foundation) were known or commis-
its way around the box, starting on the top and go-
sioning copies o key works in their collections rom
ing down, right to let. The third line is placed in the
artists and artisans.
lower let corner, and the last two lines run around the sides o the box. There are two omissions, how-
The third generation Ishikawa Rôseki (1950– ), a
ever, as the words or kishi »rocky shore« and nami
lacquer artist active in Kyoto today, is known or his
»waves« are not included in words, but are instead
creative recreations o major lacquer works rom
placed next to places with actual depictions o the
the Momoyama and early Edo periods. 5 According
objects, the images taking the place o the words.
to the artist, he sees the act o recreating a amous
Thus the artist creates a witty and sophisticated
work as an act o homage to the master who origi-
design where the cover speaks through lacquer,
nally made the work. 6 Beside the obvious aesthetic
poetry, words, and images, all in one.
appeal and high level o technical cratsmanship o his version o Kôetsu and Kôrin, the present work is
The history o this box is also complex. A lacquer
important or illustrating the process o transerring
box by Kôetsu (155–1637), now lost, was the origi-
(and altering) designs o older masterpieces, and
nal o this design, hence the title o this lacquer box.
the act o creating, in the process, new visions in art. 7
2
signatures and seals Reproduced actual size
Nr. 5 right
Nr. 7
Nr. 5 let
Nr. 11 Nr. 10 Nr. 12
Nr.
Nr. 9
Nr. 1
Nr. 15
Nr. 22
Nr. 13
box inscriptions Reproduced hal size
Nr. 13
Nr. 10
Nr. 1
Nr. 11
Nr. 12 Nr. 2
Nr. 16
Nr. 15
Nr.
Nr. 25
Nr. 19
5
notes 2 See also Ishida Yoshiya and Yamamoto Yukari, eds.
Nr. 1 Flowers of the Four Seasons
Delightful Pursuits: Highlights from the Lee
1 See Kôno Motoaki. Ogata Kôrin. Nihon bijutsu
Institute for Japanese Art at the Clark Center .
kaiga ze nshû, vol. 17. (Tokyo: Shûeisha , 1976), ill . 17;
(Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shimbun, 2002), 96–7.
Minamoto Toyomune and Hashimoto Ayako, eds.
Tawaraya Sôtatsu. Nihon bijutsu kaiga zenshû, vol. 1 .
3 See reerence in Gôke, vol. 1, 211 and Yoshiya and
(Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), cat nr. 6; Takeda, Tsuneo,
Yamamoto, 97.
et al. Nihon byôbue shûsei . (Tokyo: K ôdansha, 1977–1), VII, 51 a nd 95 / 6; and Yamane Yûzô and Kobayashi Tadashi, eds. Nihon no bi: Rimpa ten
Nr. 6 Flower Viewing in the Pleasure Quarters
zuroku. (Tokyo: NHK Promotion, 1996), cat. nr. 17.
1 See Asano Shûgô’s article in Kobayashi Tadashi, ed. Manno Bijutsukan, Ukiyoe nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7.
Nr. 3 Fan Screen with Scenes from the
Tales of Ise
(Tokyo: Kodansh a, 1996), cat. nr. 32. This type o early ire-extinguisher was common to the Yoshiwara
1 Minamoto Toyomune and Hashimoto Ayako,
district. However, the identity should not be identi-
eds. Tawaraya Sôtatsu. Nihon bijutsu kaiga zenshû,
ied too irmly as the Yoshiwara, since the artist may
vol. 1. (Tokyo: Shûeish a, 1976), cat nrs. –12 an d 23.
also be describing an expansive restaurant with garden, establishments that were gaining popular-
2 A diary entry rom 13 by Fushimi no Miya Sada-
ity at this time, or he may be describing a generic
usa, in his Kanmon gyoki mentions such a screen,
pleasure quarter, o which there were many, not only
with 5 ans pasted on a screen with a depiction o
in Edo and the eastern regions, but also in western
lowing water. See also Minamoto and Hashimoto,
Japan, rom where the artist originally came.
cat. nr. , or an example by Sôtatsu.
2 Also called Takeda Harunobu 竹田春信 and 3 Yamane Yûzô and Kobayashi Tadashi, eds. Nihon
Koga bikô 『古画備考』has Hasegawa Mitsunobu
no bi: Rimpa ten zuroku. (Tokyo: NHK Promotion,
長谷川光信. Another well used artist name was
1996), cat. nr. 16. Other exa mples are an screens
Shôsuiken 松翠軒 . Eishun had a very long career, an-
where all ans had depictions o or allusions to
chored by an early handscroll dated 170 (illustrated
amous sites.
in Kokka 76) and works dated up to 1763. See also Shimada Shûjirô, ed. Zaigai hihô. 6 vols. (Tokyo: Gakushû Kenkyûsha, 1969), 2, 39, or a discussion o
Nr. 4 Cranes of Summer and Autumn
this artist.
1「土佐将監光起筆」(Tosa shôgen Mitsuoki hitsu)
3 See Shimada, 1, ill. 3; and also a handscroll illustrated in Kokka 76.
Nr. 5 Four Elegant Pastimes Nr. 7 Hakuin Ekaku: Daruma 1 For images o the »Hikone Screen,« see, Hikonejô
The ull title o the sutra is 『大乗理趣六波羅蜜多経』
Hakubutsukan, ed. Ii-ke denrai no meihô: kinsei
1
daimyô no bi to kokoro. (Hikone: Hikone-shi Kyôiku
and the above phrase appears as the eight rule in a
Iinkai, 1993), 2–5.
set o ten admonitions or Buddhist ollowers: 「八者常為心師不師於心」T. .9b. This inluential
6
phrase reoccurs in numerous other Japanese Bud-
2 See images, or example, in Nihon Ishi Gakkai, ed.
dhist writings, or example, in Nichiren’s »Reply to
Zuroku Nihon iji shiryô shûsei (Tokyo: Mitsui Shobô,
the Lay Monk Soya« 『曽谷入道殿御返事』.
191), vol. 5, 11–15.
2 For a study on the legendary nature and historicity
3 Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô,
o Bodhidharma, see Yanagida Seizan. Daruma.
196), Addendum, 1.
(Tokyo: Kôdansha, 191).
4 For example, the early 1th century encyclopedic 3 The ink was allowed to pool and naturally ormed
publication, Terashima Ryôan. Wakan sansai zue.
concentric circles around small pieces o unground
(Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1970), vol. 1, 202, des cribe him
ink. The pooling eect can also be seen within the
in a text, as having a head o an ox.
characters o the inscription.
5 For Hakuin’s visions o the Hakutaku, see 4 See, or example, Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin.
Takeuchi, 0–1. See also current Hakutaku research
(Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô, 196), 332–33, and 337,
by Donald Harper.
and Morita Shiryû. Bokubi Tokushû: Hakuin Bokuseki . (Kyoto: Bokubisha, 190), 150.
6 The creative changes within Hakuin’s Hamaguri Kannon paintings is the subject o an upcoming
5 See, or example, Jan Fontain and Money Hick-
article by the author.
man. Zen: Painting & Calligraphy . (Boston: Museum o Fine Arts, 1970), 102–3.
7 Besides this image, at least three Hakuin depictions o Shennong are known to be extant: two are
6 See, Takeuchi, addendum, 9; Fontain and Hickman,
depicted in Takeuchi, 7 and 79 and a third exists in
103; Katô Shôshun and Fukushima Shun’ô. Zenga no
the Shin-wa’an Collection, Japan.
sekai . (Kyoto: Tankôsha, 197), 36, 1, 99, 159, and 15; and Zen Bunka Kenkyûjo. Bodhidharma Exhibition. (Tokyo: Isetan, 19), cat. nr. 26, 31–33, a nd .
Nr. 16 Hagi Tea Bowl, Named Usumomiji »Pale Fall Colors«
7 Takeuchi, 6. 1 For a discussion o wabi aesthetics, see Haga, 8 See Takeuchi, Addendum, 9 and also ibid, cat
Kôshirô, »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the Ages«
nr. 33 or a Menpeki Daruma in the gu character
in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu.
that had been in Gudô’s private collection.
Kumakura Isao and Paul Varley, eds. Honolulu: University o Hawai’i Press, 199, 195–230.
Nr. 8 Hakuin Ekaku: God of Agriculture
2 For example, a poem by Nozawa Bonchô (160?– 171) in Bashô’s anthology Saruminoshû (1691,
1 Shennong was described the ist time in a th
vol. 3): »Hada samushi takekiri yama no usumomiji«
century BCE text, 『滕文公章句』．He was urther
(my skin grows cold / the pale autumn colors / o the
elaborated by the Tang historian Sima Qian 司馬貞
bamboo cutters’ mountains.« In this case, the words
(15–90 BCE) in his 『史記補・三皇本紀』, where he
reer to the season: as bamboo are typically cut
is irst described as having detailed knowledge o
down in the eighth month, when the all colors are
medicine and the hundred medicinal herbs.
not yet ully developed, hence »pale.« The sense o paleness also implies a sense o distance, to the ar-
7
away bamboos and the workers who cut them.
2 In contrast to the Nishi Sarayama, which made utilitarian objects. For details, see Takeshi Nagatake.
3 For a useul discussion o this phenomenon, see
Agano, Takatori . (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1975), 5–95
Yagi Ichio. »Uta-mei: The Poetic Names o Tea Uten-
and 136–10; and Andrew Maske. »A Brie History
sils.« Chanoyu Quarterly 3 (1996), 16–0.
o Takatori Ware.« Originally published on Morgan Pitelka’s Japanese Ceramics website. See also his
4 See, or example, the secret records o Enshû,
upcoming book: Takatori Ware: Potters and Patrons
preserved at the Secret Transmissions of Hokô
in Edo Japan. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
甫公伝書, one o the »our tea transmissions«
Council on East Asian Studies Publications, 2006).
Chadô shiso densho 茶道四祖伝書. Published in
the Chadô koten sôsho 茶道古典叢書 series, edited
3 Nagatake, 116–7, 13.
by Matsuya Hisashige, Matsuyama Yonetarô, and Kumakura Isao (Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 197).
4 Maske, »A Brie History.«
5 For the various traditions associated with the
5 For a discussion o tea aesthetics, see Haga,
inscriptions on boxes and documents, see two
Kôshirô, »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the Ages«
articles by Louise Allison Cort. »Looking at White
in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu.
Dew.« Chanoyu Quarterly 3 (195), 36–, and
Kumakura, Isao and Paul Varley, eds. Honolulu:
»The Kizaemon Teabowl Reconsidered: The Maki ng
University o Hawai’i Press, 199, 195–230
o a Masterpiece.« Chanoyu Quarterly 71 (1992), 7–30.
Nr. 18 Shino Serving Bowl 6 For examples o the two, see Oda Eiichi. Chadô no hako to hakogakii (Kyoto: Tankôsha, 2003), 9–5.
1
Shino ware is thought to have been the rst ceramic
type in Japan to have decoration applied by brush.
Nr. 17 Takatori Tea Bowl
2 Inluence o Kakinomoto Hitomaro and his poem in the Manyôshû: »O plovers, lying over the evening
1 Many Japanese warlords took Korean potters and
waves, / On the lake o Ômi, / When you cry, my heart
other laborers with them back to Japan. For ex-
grows heavy, / With memories o by-gone days.«
ample, the daimyô o Hirado, Satsuma, Nabeshima
「淡海の海夕波千鳥汝が鳴けば心もしのにいにしへ思
took with them 125, 0, and »a large number« o
ほゆ」 Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkôkai. The Manyôshû.
Korean laborers, there amongst potters. For details
(New York and London: Columbia University Press,
on the Korean Takatori potters, see Andrew Maske.
1965), 50.
»The Continental Origins o Takatori Ware: The Introduction o Korean Potters and Technology to
3 The grape was a non-native plant, but was well-
Japan through the Invasions o 1592–159.« Trans-
known through its appearance in Chinese paintings
actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan th ser., 9
and through reerences in classical Chinese litera-
(199), 3–61. Andrew Maske posits that, since Pals an
ture. Another possibility is the yamabudô, a native
let Korea with his amily and received a generous
Japanese vinous plant with small ruits, somewhat
stipend, he must have let voluntarily. However, this
similar to the grape.
does not necessarily ollow.
4 Japanese scholars have claimed that the Shino designs derive entirely rom native sources. See, or
example, Tadanari Mitsuoka. »Momoyama jidai no
3 See example excavated at Ehime Castle in Tsugio
tôgei.« Sekai tôki kôza. Nihon section. (Tokyo:
Mikami. The Art of Japanese Ceramics. (New York
Yûzankaku, 1972), 2, 2, 12. Japanese sources do
and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1972), 2.
seem to predominate, and this bowl is such an example. However, other sources, such as the imported
4 Soame Jenyns writes: »…Seto kilns’ attempts to
Chinese Tianqi porcelain plates may also have inlu-
copy these [Chinese] celadon wares were a ailure. It
ences Shino designs through their simply drawn, but
was impossible to imitate these successully with the
sophisticated designs, especially as they were also
clay that was available. They only achieved a brownish
used in the kaiseki section o the tea ceremony.
olive-green glaze, which, owing to the over-lavish application o wood ash, coagulated and ran down
5 Similar bowls and dishes can be seen in many
the surace o the vessels in rivulets, giving them a
museums, or example, Barbara Brennan Ford and
curiously mottled and wrinkled appearance.«
Oliver Impe y. Japanese Art from the Getty Collec-
Japanese Pottery . (London: Faber and Faber, 197), 1.
tion in The Metropolitan Museum. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum o Art, 199), 53; Lorna Price,
5 See, or the aesthetics o imitation Koga Kenzô,
ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of Japanese Art .
»Utsushi: The Aesthetics o Imitation.« Chanoyu
(Seattle: Seattle Art Museum, 197), 20–5; Edmund
Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–3.
Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International Cultural Corporation
6 Numerous examples o both types can be ound
o Australia, 192), 136–7; and Yoshiko Kakudo. The
in museum collections. For the Kamakura types, see:
Art of Japan: Masterworks in the Asian Art Museum
Barbara Brennan Ford and Oliver Impey. Japanese
o San Francisco. (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum
Art from the Getty Collection in The Metropolitan
and Chronicle Books, 1991), 166–9.
Museum. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum o Art, 199), ; Okuda Naoshige. Ko-Seto. Nihon tôji
6 For an English-language summary o the kaiseki
taikan, vol. 6. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 199), ills. 1–27;
meal, see Hiroichi Tsutsui. »The History o the Kaiseki
Hakone Museum o Art. Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô
Meal.« Chanoyu Quarterly 78 (199), 7–6.
tebiki . (Atami: MOA Museum o Art, 192), ill. 22; and Lorna Price, ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of Japanese Art . (Seattle: Seattle Art Museum,
Nr. 19 Ko-Seto Vase
197), 200. Examples o the Muromachi type can be seen in: Edmund Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces
1 In an oxidizing kiln, the glaze would turn dark
from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International
olive brown. See color examples o both types in:
Cultural Corporation o Australia, 192), 130–1;
Joe Earle, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
and Louise Allison Cort. Japanese Collections in
and Design. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
the Freer Gallery of Art: Seto and Mino Ceramics.
196), ills. 11 and 12.
(Washington DC: Freer Gallery o Art, Smithsonian Institution, 1992), 62–.
2 A number o other similarly-shaped vases were made rom other models, such as vases rom China
7 Katsura wrote over thirty books on older Japa-
and Korea. Points o dierentiation were the size
nese ceramics and was seen as the world’s greatest
and orm o the mouth and the slope o the shoulder.
authority on old Bizen ware.
See the various styles in Okuda Naoshige. Ko-Seto. Nihon tôji taikan, vol. 6. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 199), ills. 1–27
9
8 The older inscription on the lid misdates the vase
Nr. 21 Shigaraki Jar
to the Kamakura period. It also states that the vase stems rom an excavation.
1 Two jars with almost exactly the same orms, iring patterns, and proportions can be seen in Mitsuoka Tadanari. Shigaraki Iga. Nihon tôji taikei, vol. .
Nr. 20 Suzu Jar with Paddled Design
(Tokyo: Heibonsha, 199), ill. 6, and Louise Allison Cort. Shigaraki, Potters’ Valley . (Tokyo, New York,
1 For a thorough discussion o this question, reer to
and San Francisco: Kodansha International, 1979), ill. 2.
Yoshioka Yasunobu. Chûsei sueki no kenkyû. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 199).
2 The Shigaraki area saw the production o sueki ware rom the ith to the twelth centuries. The
2 Sawada posits that the Korean potters brought the
exact nature o contact between the sueki ware
tataki technique with them to the Noto peninsular.
produced in the area and the succeeding Shigaraki-
Sazawa Yoshiharu, Tokoname, Atsumi, Echizen, Suzu.
type ceramics has not been established. Although a
Nihon tôji taikei. Vol. 7. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 199),
large number o ancient kilns have been excavated
p. 125.
in the Shigaraki, none o the kilns o the Shigarakitype predate the Muromachi period. See Masahiko
3 Other examples o this period can be seen in
Kawahara. Shigaraki . Nihon tôji zenshû, vol. 12.
Sazawa, ill. –5; Gotô Art Museum, Hokuriku no
(Tokyo: Chûô Kôransha, 1977), 50.
kotô: Echizen, Suzu. (Tokyo: Nihon Kokusai Bijutsu Sentâ, 195), ills 7–1. Hakone Museum of Art.
3 For examples o Shigaraki Jars rom the same
Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô tebiki . (Atami: MOA
period in museum collections, see: Barbara Brennan
Museum o Art, 192), ill. 25. See also the collection
Ford and Oliver Impey. Japanese Art from the Getty
o the Suzuyaki Shiryôkan, Ishikawa Preecture.
Collection in The Metropolitan Museum. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum o Art, 199), 6–7;
4 A similar kiln mark ormed o three circles can be
Hakone Museum o Art. Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô
seen in Gotô, ill. 79, and in Yoshioka, 0 (113–5)
tebiki . (Atami: MOA Museum o Art, 192), ills. 31–35;
and 10 (172).
Lorna Price, ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of Japanese Art . (Seattle: Seattle Art Museum, 197),
5 Sawada suggests that the marks were intended as
200–201; Edmund Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces
marks or devotion or as speciic prayers. Some jars
from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International
were indeed also used as containers or sutra burials.
Cultural Corporation o Australia, 192), 126–7; and
Sawada, 125–6.
Joe Earle, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art and Design. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
6 A museum now stands in the area: the Suzuyaki
196), 36–37.
Shiryôkan oers visitors and locals publications and tours o the local history, ceramic traditions, and excavated objects—while showing the works o con-
Nr. 22 Stacked Writing Box with Quails
temporary artists. A clear attempt is made to unite the old and new traditions o Suzu ware.
1 Together with younger brother Gôda Katei (16– 1961), wrote the Kyô makie monyôshû 『京蒔絵文様集』 (Kyoto Lacquer Design Collec-
tion), published posthumously by the Kyoto publisher Tankôsha in 190.
90
Nr. 25 Kôetsu Lacquer Box with Poem 1 Poem 559 in the Kokin wakashû. Above translation by Helen Craig McCullough in Kokin Wakashû: The First Imperial Anthology . (Stanord: Stanord University Press, 195), 127.
2 See, or example, Seikadô Foundation. Seikadô Art Treasures. 2 vols. (Tokyo: Seikadô Foundation, 1992), I, ill. 170 and II, –9.
3 These notes were themselves copied by Shibata Zeshin and we now have the copies o the notes, but not the originals, which are presumed to have been lost to ire. See Bijutsu Kenkyû 99 (190), 95–509 and Andrew Pekarik. Japanese Lacquer, 1600–1900 . (New York: Metropolitan Museum o Art, 190), 121–3. 4
See, for example, Christine Guth. Art, Tea, and
Industry . (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
5 Ishikawa Kometarô, the irst generation Rôseki established his workshop in central Kyoto during 15 and was active until 19. Ishikawa Yasuji, the second generation relocated the shop to i ts present location in Fushimi, where the third generation Ishikawa Kôji became head o the workshop in 1992.
6 Personal communication with the artist. 7 For the aesthetics o recreating amous works, see Koga Kenzô, »Utsushi: The Aesthetics o Imitation.« Chanoyu Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–3.
91
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93
Erik Thomsen Asian Art Ernst-Ludwig-Straße 30 D-64625 Bensheim Germany Tel. +49 – 62 51– 6 67 65 Fax +49 – 62 51– 61 04 99
[email protected] www.erikthomsen.com
erik thomsen japanese paintings and works of art © 2006 Erik Thomsen Text Nr.1–9 and Nr.16–25: Hans Bjarne Thomsen Photography: Klaus Wäldele Design: Valentin Beinroth Production: Henrich Druck + Medien GmbH, Frankfurt am Main Printed in Germany
