Heitor Villa-Lobos and Choros Modernism

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Heitor Villa-lobos and ‘Choros’ no. 3: Modernism, Nationalism, and “Musical Anthropophagy” Gabriel Augusto Ferraz

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Heitor Villa-lobos and ‘Choros’ no. 3: Modernism, Nationalism, and “Musical Anthropophagy” Gabriel Augusto Ferraz, University of Florida, Gainesville, Fl, USA Abstract: In the 1920s, composer Heitor Villa-Lobos wrote a series of fourteen nationalistic pieces called Choros, which was the direct result of his search for an “authentic” Brazilian musical language. In Choros, Villa-Lobos combined elements from the Brazilian urban popular genre choro (from which he drew the title of his series) and Brazilian Amerindian music with European techniques, especially the unbalanced accents, abrupt metrical changes, and dissonances typical of Stravinsky’s primitivism. Villa-Lobos presented some of his Choros in Paris, where he lived in two occasions, and due to what Parisians perceived as musically “exotic,” some Choros achieved great success in that city. While scholars Lisa M. Peppercorn, Eero Tarasti, and Jorge Coli, suggested that Villa-Lobos took advantage of a Paris thirsty for “exotic” music to elaborate the aesthetic of Choros and other pieces from the 1920s, they did not acknowledge that the Choros series resulted from Villa-Lobos’s search for a Brazilian musical language that had started before he went to Paris for the first time in 1923, as his symphonic poems Amazonas and Uirapuru, both from 1917, demonstrate. In addition, the series also reflected the philosophies of an entire class of Brazilian modernist artists who proposed the so-called “anthropophagic art,” by which the Brazilian artist should “devour” (assimilate) European techniques and aesthetics to portray national art. This article examines how the Choros series reflects VillaLobos’s assimilation of local musical elements and European aesthetic ideals in the 1920s, a move that resulted from his personal search for an “authentic” Brazilian musical language and was motivated by the pervading Brazilian artistic ideology of the time. Keywords: Villa-Lobos, “Musical Anthropophagy”, Choros, Paris, 1920s, Hybridity in Music, Musical Nationalism, Musical “Exoticism”

Introduction

I

N THE 1920S, Brazilian composer Heitor Villa-Lobos wrote fourteen nationalistic pieces called Choros, which have been considered to be the direct result of his search for an “authentic” Brazilian language in art music. In composing Choros, Villa-Lobos combined elements from the Brazilian urban popular genre choro and Brazilian Amerindian music with European musical techniques, especially unbalanced accents, abrupt metrical changes, and dissonances like those of Stravinsky’s Primitivism. With the exception of Choros no. 1, which is in fact a popular choro, these compositions reveal a hybrid style, blending European “cosmopolitan” musical techniques and aesthetics with characteristic elements of Brazilian “local” musical practices. As Villa-Lobos affirmed in an interview with the New York Times in 1944, “I have always searched for a synthesis between western culture and that of my own country.”1 Choros offer a good example of this philosophy. Through this series, Villa-Lobos in effect “elevated” a local tradition to the status of art 1

Heitor Villa-Lobos quoted In Simon Wright, Heitor Villa-Lobos (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 120.

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music, developing a musical aesthetic that could be appreciated both locally and internationally. Villa-Lobos presented some of his Choros in Paris, and what the French perceived as “exotic” music was in fact Villa-Lobos’s attempt to musically portray the “essence” of Brazilian people, the so-called brasilidade or “Brazilian character.” The search for brasilidade in arts was the main tenet of modernist Brazilian artists from the 1920s through the 1940s, with which Villa-Lobos was involved to some extent. Due to Brazilians’ mixed ethnic heritages, intellectuals had reflected upon the nature of the “Brazilian character” since at least the late 19th century, and modernists furthered these reflections in the form of artistic expression. Modernists officially launched the Brazilian Modernist Movement through the Week of Modern Art of 1922, and from that point on they started to exercise a fundamental role in Brazilian arts: their philosophies challenged the established modus operandi of Brazilian society, which was firmly rooted in European traditions. Poet Oswald de Andrade wrote two manifestos that epitomized the essence of modernists’ search for brasilidade: the “Manifesto da Poesia Pau Brazil” (Manifesto of Brazil Wood Poetry) from 1924 and the more aggressive and provocative “Manifesto Antropófago” (Anthropophagic Manifesto or Cannibalistic Manifesto), from 1928. In the first work, Andrade suggested that, like the Brazil Wood-the first Brazilian product to be ever exported to Europethe “authentic” Brazilian elements of modernists’ poetry, couched in cosmopolitan techniques, would guarantee its exportation to Europe. On the “Anthropophagic Manifesto” Andrade extended this idea to Brazilian arts as a whole and drew a parallel between Brazilian modernist artists and Amerindian cannibal tribes from Brazil’s colonial times, conveying an “essential” Brazilian outlook to his philosophy. This manifesto asserted that which the previous one had only suggested: that Brazilian artists should “devour” (assimilate) European techniques and aesthetics to portray national art. In other words, these manifestos advocated that although Brazilian modernist artists should draw upon European modern aesthetics, they should do so to reveal the idiosyncrasies of their country, not to simply emulate European art (as most of their fellow Brazilian predecessors had done in the past). Andrade did not propose this aesthetic of assimilation and synthesis, but rather theorized upon it and named “anthropophagic” an aesthetic that had already been established in the modernist Brazilian art. Both his manifestos became emblematic of modernists’ artistic pursuits. Villa-Lobos was well acquainted with Brazilian modernists and even participated in the Week of Modern Art. Thus his ongoing personal search for a synthesis of Brazilian and European music received a major intellectual boost from modernists. Choros reflected the intellectual search and “anthropophagic” aesthetics of Brazilian modernists and along with other Villa-Lobos’s compositions from the 1920s, contributed to a paradigm shift in Brazilian compositional practices: that is, the establishment of an “authentic” Brazilian voice in art music. The importance of the series led Gerard Béhague to affirm that “philosophically, hence aesthetically, the works written after 1930 have been seen essentially as the continued growth of that credo [Choros and other compositions of the 1920s], with recognized occasional improvement in the composer’s technique and aesthetic manifestation but, in general, with less daring experiment and innovation.”2 Furthermore, several generations of Brazilian

2

Gerard Béhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos: In Search for Brazil’s Musical Soul (Austin: University of Texas, 1994.), 104.

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composers have cultivated the (anthropophagic) nationalistic aesthetics that Villa-Lobos crystallized through Choros. While scholars Lisa Peppercorn, Eero Tarasti, and Jorge Coli, suggested that Villa-Lobos took advantage of a Paris thirsty for “exotic” music to elaborate the aesthetic of Choros and other pieces from the 1920s, they did not acknowledge that the Choros series resulted from Villa-Lobos’s personal search for a Brazilian musical language that both contributed to and reflected the philosophies of an entire class of Brazilian modernists. Thus, given the importance of the series and the need to contextualize these works within broader artistic ideologies of Villa-Lobos’s time, this article illuminates how Brazilian modernists’ philosophies of nationalism contributed to the crystallization of the aesthetics of Choros. An analysis of Choros no. 3 (1925) will reveal the “anthropophagic” essence of this piece, in which VillaLobos blended Brazilian Amerindian musical elements with techniques from European music. As I argue, the Choros series as a whole can be interpreted as a musical index of social and cultural dilemmas intrinsic to the formation of Brazilian people, and in that sense, contributed to the intellectual search for brasilidade.

Villa-Lobos’s Choros Regarding the beginning of the 1920s, when Villa-Lobos started composing his Choros series, Mário de Andrade (with no family relationship with Oswald), one of the most important Brazilian modernists, known as “the pope of modernism,” felt that Villa-Lobos finally faced the problem of Brazilian music, in which he had made rare incursions […] this leads him to a much more frank and tonal harmonization, in which the enhancement of dissonance acquires more harshness and expression. Villa-Lobos adheres to modern antiimpressionistic music, from which predominates in himself the lesson of Stravinsky’s instrumental music.3 The compositional elements mentioned by Andrade, along with Villa-Lobos’s borrowings from Brazilian folk, Amerindian, and popular music were essential for him to elaborate his own musical language in what Andrade called the “second compositional phase,” which, according to the intellectual, happened only after the Week of Modern Art in 1922.4 Choros exemplify Villa-Lobos’s sense of nationalism and how he translated into music the impressions he had of the vast Brazilian land and all its diversity.5 In his words 3

Mário de Andrade quoted In Jorge Coli, Música Final (Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 1998), 172. Unless indicated otherwise, all translations in this article are mine. 4 Mário de Andrade questioned the chronology of some Villa-Lobos’s works, arguing that the composer might simply have changed the dates of some pieces to earlier years to create an impression that he was innovative. VillaLobos’s rubric in the score of the ballet Uirapuru, for instance, indicates that the piece was composed in 1917 but restructured in 1934, and premiered only in 1935. Due to the lack of documentation and the fact that the piece’s first performance was given eighteen years after it was supposedly composed, it is not possible to gauge how much the piece changed in this process of reformation, and how it would have sounded in 1917 (Coli, Música, 384). The ballet Amazonas, however, was performed for the first time in 1919, and despite Andrade considered that VillaLobos became aesthetically committed with Brazilian music only after 1923, the critic himself recognized the originality of the musical language of Amazonas and its referential importance for furthering the development of an “authentic” Brazilian music. 5 In addition to the fourteen Choros, Villa-Lobos composed the Introdução aos Choros, two Choros Bis, and Quinteto em Forma de Choro.

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[Choros] represent a new form of musical composition, in which the different modalities of Brazilian Indian and popular music are synthesized, having as most important elements the rhythm and any typical melody of popular character that show occasionally or by accident, always transformed according to the personality of the author. The harmonic procedures are, similarly, a complete stylization of the original.6 Villa-Lobos himself addressed Choros as a synthesis of Brazilian Indian and popular music. Indeed, giving himself a poetic license of sorts by invoking “the personality of the author,” Villa-Lobos assumes the freedom to utilize any compositional technique that would fit his purposes. Invariably these techniques were related to European ones, especially Stravinsky’s. In fact, Villa-Lobos once confessed his admiration for Stravinsky to his friend poet Manuel Bandeira, affirming that listening to the Rite of the Spring in Paris was the most emotional moment of his life.7 Due to Villa-Lobos’s admiration for Stravinsky’s music, it is therefore not surprising to find traits of Stravinsky’s musical techniques-especially the treatment of rhythm and dissonances-in Villa-Lobos’s music. As Béhague affirmed in regards to VillaLobos’s treatment of Indianist material (prevalent in Choros): “A frequent technique consists of various combinations of differentiated motivic and timbral layers whose interactions result in an abstract chromatic style similar to Stravinsky.”8 Nonetheless, Villa-Lobos applied these techniques to elaborate his own musical language that reflected his search for brasilidade. Table one provides information about Choros that show some of their individual characteristics, permitting a better understanding of the variety found in these pieces, understood here by cataloging media and durations. This variety is reflected in the musical structure of each Choro as well: although grouped as a series, they each have unique musical structures. As Villa-Lobos said in an interview [In Choros I] had no fixed formulas for the use of the themes. I use them for the development of atmosphere as I feel the need. I never repeat themes merely for the pleasure of repetition or to create ‘cyclic’ music. I do not use ready-made folk songs and dances. My themes often suggest folk themes, that is they have the aspect of folk themes. I do not believe in quoting anyone else’s music. In my music there are no so-called influences. It is thoroughly American—of our continent—belonging to no school or special trend […] I [also] do not know what the word inspiration means. I create music out of necessity, biological necessity […] My artistic creed is la liberté absolue. When I write, it is according to the style of Villa-Lobos.9 Villa-Lobos actually used ready-made melodies on his Choros no. 3, no. 7, and no. 10 for instance, but despite that he may have exaggerated the passion of his words to convey a sense of originality to Choros, these words reveal his truly nationalistic pursuits and the “local” Brazilian elements that he used to convey brasilidade to Choros. Regarding VillaLobos’s borrowings from Amerindian and popular music, for instance, Gerard Béhague affirmed: “one could venture the generalization that numbers 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, and partially 9 and 6

Heitor Villa-Lobos, preface to Choros n° 3 (Paris: Max Eschig). Manuel Bandeira, “Villa-Lobos” In Presença de Villa-Lobos vol. VIII (Rio: MEC-Museu Villa-Lobos 1973), 106. 8 Béhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 77. 9 Villa-Lobos quoted In Wright, Villa-Lobos, 67. 7

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12, do exhibit some aspects, however stylized of the popular choro of the beginning of the century, while numbers 3, 6, 8, and 10 evoke in part Indian Primitivistic music, however idealized. In some, both evocations appear.”10 However, despite the differences among Choros and the lack of thematic connection among them, the pieces are founded on the same ideological conception: Villa-Lobos freed himself of formalistic structures to elaborate music that reflected his country, and he found in modernists’ nationalistic philosophies the intellectual support that he needed to pursue this undertaking and crystallize his musical aesthetics. Table 1: This Table was Inspired by the One Presented in Wright, Villa-Lobos, 60-61 Date Number

Instrumentation

First Performance

Duration in Minutes

1920

1

Solo guitar

Not known

3

1924

2

Flute, clarinet

18 Feb.1925, São Paulo

3

1925

3

Clarinet, bassoon, saxophone, 3 horns, 30 Nov.1925, São Paulo

6

trombone, male voices

5 Dec.1927, Paris

1926

4

3 horns, trombone

24 Oct., 1927, Paris

6

1925

5

Solo piano

16 Oct.1940, New York

5

1926

6

Orchestra

18 July 1942, Rio de Janeiro

26

1924

7

Flute, oboe, clarinet, saxophone, bas- 17 Sept. 1925 Rio de Janeiro

9

soon, violin, cello, tam-tam, orchestra, with 2 pianos 1925

8

Orchestra, with 2 pianos

24 Oct. 1927, Paris

18

1929

9

Orchestra

15 July1942, Rio de Janeiro

23

1926

10

Orchestra and chorus

11 Nov. 1926, Rio de Janeiro

11

5 Dec. 1927, Paris 1928

11

Orchestra and solo piano

18 July 1942, Rio de Janeiro

60 (without cuts)

1929

12

Orchestra

1929

13

2 orchestras and band (lost)

1928

14

Orchestra, band and chorus (?) (lost)

21 Oct. 1945, Boston

35

Nationalism vs. Exoticism: A Matter of Perspective Because of their varied “Brazilian” sonorities, the Choros that Villa-Lobos performed in Paris in the 1920s were warmly received. Henry Prunières’s review in the Revue Musicale of an all Villa-Lobos concert performed in that city on December 5, 1927, for instance, displays the successful impact of Villa-Lobos’s music in a Paris thirst for “exotic” music: ‘‘It is the first time in Europe that one hears works coming from Latin America that bring with them the wonders of virgin forests, of great plains, of exuberant nature, profuse in dazzling 10

Béhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 76.

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fruits, flowers and birds…One may have another conception of the art music, but one could not remain indifferent to works of such power and one must recognize with Florent Schimitt that the truly creative afflatus (‘soufflé’) has passed.’’11 Despite his positive criticism, Prunière simply utilized adjectives to describe the music, and in failing to provide more technical accounts about it he essentially “exoticized” it as a product of the tropics. Some scholars have criticized Villa-Lobos for having allegedly exaggerated brasilidade in his compositions of that period to achieve success in Paris. Lisa M. Peppercorn, for example, argued that in the first Paris period (1923-1924)12 Villa-Lobos came to the conclusion that he would have to turn his back on internationalism and express the ‘soul’ of Brazil in his music, as folklore and national elements were the fashionable trends in Europe in those days. They helped to make their composers successful. Villa-Lobos approached this problem intellectually. It became his turning point as a composer.13 This “turning point” referred, among other pieces, to the Choros series. Indeed, other scholars have agreed with Peppercorn. Eero Tarasti, for instance, affirmed that ‘‘Villa-Lobos comprehended what his social position in Europe at that moment was: he interested the European musical world overall as an interpreter of the brasilidade, with rhythms and the primitive force of his compositions, original harmonies, folkloric melodies and musical sounds that reflect the variety of colors of the tropic.’’14 And Brazilian historian Jorge Coli even suggested that Villa-Lobos perhaps exaggerated a sense of tropical exoticism during this period.15 But all the musical elements that Parisians were eager to hear, such as unusual rhythmic accents and characteristic instruments of non-Western music, among others, were already part of Villa-Lobos’s music by that time. Villa-Lobos was aiming at forging an “authentic” Brazilian musical language and his pursuit was corroborated by the philosophies of Brazilian modernists.16 Although this favorable Parisian atmosphere may certainly have contributed to Villa-Lobos’s further development of his musical language, it did not define his musical choices; if Parisians were eager to hear such musical language it was only an advantage for

11

Henry Prunières In Béhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 19. Among other pieces, Choros no.3 and no.10 were performed in this concert. 12 In the 1920s Villa-Lobos stayed in Paris on two separate occasions with the sponsorship of the industrialists Arnaldo and Carlos Guinle. The first period occured between 1923 and 1924, and the second from 1927 to 1930, when he went back to Brazil (to the state of São Paulo) to conduct in a series of eight concerts. 13 Lisa M. Peppercorn, “The Fifteen-Year-Period in Villa-Lobos’s Life” in Villa-Lobos: Collected Studies (Hants, England: Scolar Press, 1992), 77. To be fair, Peppercorn gets much more to the point in her article “Heitor Villa-Lobos,” where she writes that “the fruit of his sojourns in Paris in the 1920s was not that he became subdued by European contemporaries; rather, Paris awakened him to the possibility of creating his own, very personal musical idiom – to originate and compose music that, in form and content, was not only novelty for non-Brazilians, but for his own compatriots as well.” Curiously, this article was published in 1975, four years before her previously mentioned article. Peppercorn, “Heitor Villa-Lobos” in Villa-Lobos: Collected Studies (Hants, England: Scolar Press, 1992), 40. 14 Eero Tarasti cited by Jorge Coli. In Flávia C. Toni, Mário de Andrade e Villa-Lobos (São Paulo: Centro Cultural São Paulo, 1987), preface. 15 Jorge Coli In Toni, Mário de Andrade e Villa-Lobos, preface. Tropical exoticism refers to the exoticism Europeans saw in art from tropical countries (sometimes in connection to these countries’ native ethnicities). 16 The ballets Amazonas and Uirapuru, for instance, had already been composed when Villa-Lobos went to Europe.

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Villa-Lobos, but what they perceived as “exotic” was the settling down of Villa-Lobos’s most aggressive nationalism.

Villa-Lobos and the International Nationalistic Trend The mixture of local musical traditions with cosmopolitan musical features that could be understood outside of a composer’s national boundaries was a trend that had begun with European composers in the nineteenth century. These composers engaged in a sort of musical archaeology, collecting folk material that supposedly represented some remote Golden Age of their respective cultures, a time devoid of foreign influence.17 These collected materials were then elaborated upon by using cosmopolitan musical techniques to create a more outreaching national music. The idea was to find the apparently best local traditions and modernize them via cosmopolitan compositional techniques to create the best national art. This art in turn would then serve to represent the nation both locally and internationally given its simultaneously traditional and cosmopolitan character. Carl Dahlhaus’s thoughts on musical nationalism in the nineteenth century are relevant to the present discussion:18 Most nineteenth century composers tried to effect a compromise between cosmopolitan ideas […], and their own sense of national identity, which was something that none of them could ignore in the climate of the times. Even after the mid-century, and in spite of the inducements to support the more aggressive form of nationalism, the “national schools” in general preserved a cosmopolitan outlook, insofar as they had no intention that the music they created or felt themselves on the way of creating should be excluded from universal art (a difficult thing to define), on the contrary, the national character was what would ensure for it a place in universal art […] The national substance of Russian or Czech music was a condition for its international worth, not an invalidation.19 Dahlhaus here suggested that the enhancement of the local style through fusion with cosmopolitanism rather than the blind repetition of European models made national art music more valuable in XIX century Europe. Several nationalist European composers, such as Bartók, Smetana, and Grieg, among others, had used this formula. It was their music’s national character that guaranteed their place in the international stage. In Brazil, Villa-Lobos was in line with this aesthetic, as the “local” elements that he used in his music and his compositional philosophy demonstrate. 17

The idea of a Golden Age that held the true essence of a people was first established by German philosopher J.G. Herder (1733-1803), who was concerned with the loss of German identity due to foreign (mostly French) influence. For more information on this subject, see Johann Gottfried Herder, Philosophical Writings, translated and edited by Michael N. Foster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 18 Carl Dahlhaus, “Nationalism in music,” in Between Romanticism and Modernism: Four Studies in the Music of the Later Nineteenth Century, translated by Mary Whittall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). In this text Dahlhaus expounds upon musical nationalism and national identity in 19th century Europe. Some of his ideas also apply to musical nationalism in the early 20th century, especially with respect to former colonies such as Brazil. In these countries, the establishment of national identity became an important matter, and artists tried to capture the essence of their nationality in their production, presenting it to European countries as a demonstration of cultural independence. 19 Dahlhaus, “Nationalism,” 83-84.

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Villa-lobos and the Brazilian Nationalistic Ideology Mário de Andrade’s influential Ensaio sobre a Música Brasileira,20 (Essay on Brazilian Music) from 1928 somewhat anticipated in Brazilian grounds Dahlhaus’s elaborations on nationalistic music. Andrade’s Essay is exclusively about Brazilian music, but the underlying principle of his text is the same as Dahlhaus’s. Among other things, these scholars’ similar approach to nationalistic music substantiates the widespread notion of the aesthetic concept of “elevating local traditions through cosmopolitan techniques” that formed nationalistic languages. When he spoke about national music, Andrade criticized the suggestion given by “some Europeans,” as he put it, that authentic Brazilian music would have to contain aboriginal elements. It is interesting to note which elements Andrade considered important in the making of national art: This [the fact that national music should contain aboriginal elements] is a puerility that includes ignorance about the sociology, ethnicity, psychology, and aesthetics [of Brazil]. National art is not made through discretionary and dilettante elements: a national art is already made in the unconscious of a people. The artist has only to confer to the preexisting elements a sophisticated transposition that transforms popular music into art music, what means: completely disinterested.21 In other words, what Andrade proposed here was an aesthetic of assimilation and synthesis much like the hybrid musical language that Villa-Lobos was forging in his music in the 1920s. Andrade also suggested that […] the actual period of Brazil, especially in the arts, is of nationalization. We are attempting to conform the human production of the country to national reality. It is in this thread of thought that the concept of Primitivism applied to today’s orientation is justifiable. It is a mistake to imagine that Brazilian primitivism is aesthetic. It is [actually] social.22 Several Brazilian artists drew on Primitivism (especially Indian) to connect their arts with the roots of the country. Villa-Lobos was one of these artists and proceeding from Andrade, it is conceivable that expressing brasilidade through Primitivism in his Choros was for VillaLobos a problem of social order, meaning that the aesthetic of this series was a result VillaLobos’s social and cultural conditions as Brazilian, not simply an aesthetic choice to guarantee his success in Europe.

20

Andrade’s Essay, loaded with nationalism, became a sort of aesthetic manual for Brazilian composers of that and future times. This work has the tone of a nationalistic manifesto. Andrade asserts that a composer that did not write nationalistic music in that time should be considered useless. Although Villa-Lobos had been developing his own nationalistic musical aesthetic before Andrade wrote the Essay, the composer’s attitude was similar to most of the precepts Andrade outlined in his text, which corroborates the idea that Villa-Lobos was in line with the philosophies of Brazilian modernists. 21 Mário de Andrade, Ensaio Sobre a Música Brasileira (Brasília: Livraria Martins Editora, 1972), 15-16. Andrade conceptualizes disinterested music as music that has no clear social function, which means music performed in the concert hall, as opposed to interested music, which has a much more evident social function (popular and folk music). 22 Andrade, Ensaio, 18.

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Most Choros, especially the Indianist ones, drew on Primitivism, and conveyed the most aggressive manifestations of Brazilian musical nationalism available in the 1920s. Indian Primitivism was inherent to the nature of Brazilian society because Indians were part of the national landscape and became emblematic figures of the “untouched essence” of Brazil. By drawing upon Indian Primitivism, Villa-Lobos connected his art to an immemorial Brazilian past that conveyed an “authentic” outlook to his music. By using European musical techniques to display this Indianism, Villa-Lobos created an outreaching avenue to display abroad the Indianist “essence” of his country. In respect to this musical aesthetic of assimilation, Villa-Lobos affirmed: “The original creator is that who, while demonstrating in his work the exact knowledge of the diverse styles of Music [capital letter meaning European cosmopolitan music], employing in an elevated manner the folkloric motives of the country in which he has been living and forming his mentality, reveals in his compositions the natural tendencies of his predestination and the ethnic influence of his temperament, forming, therefore, the characteristic traits of his personality and of the country in which he was born […].”23 Although Villa-Lobos mentioned only folklore, any source material that an artist believed to hold the “essence” of the country, would reveal what he referred to as a composer’s “predestination and ethnic influence of his temperament.” Indeed, along with folklore, VillaLobos also drew upon the popular choro and Brazilian Amerindian musical elements (to some extent) to compose his nationalistic music, as the Choros series demonstrates.

Brazilian Modernists’ “Anthropophagic” Philosophy Mário de Andrade’s thoughts in the Essay were related to Brazilian modernists’ efforts to establish a national Brazilian identity through their art. In this process, the incorporation of elements related to the roots of Brazilian people and references to modern European aesthetics became common themes for modernist artists.24 Among others, writers referred to Freud’s psychology (the concept of the subconscious) and existential dilemmas of modern man. They used French words in their poetry and prose to make allusion to the French cultural influence in Brazil. Plastic artists used European techniques such as cubism and surrealism to portray themes related to Brazil. In music, Villa-Lobos worked toward the same goals of other modernist artists and developed this aesthetic of assimilation as well. Oswald de Andrade’s Manifestos epitomized this quest of Brazilian modernists’ aesthetic approach in the 1920s. For instance, the most celebrated phrase from Oswald’s Anthropophagic Manifesto, “Tupy, or not tupy that is the question,”25 reveals much of the essence of modernists’ philosophies. Oswald used a well-known phrase from Shakespeare’s Hamlet, but changed the original ‘to be’ for tupy, a native cannibal tribe from colonial times in Brazil who ate their enemies both to absorb their powers and as an act of revenge. Provocatively, 23

Heitor Villa-Lobos, “Apologia à Arte” in Presença de Villa-Lobos volume III, 1st ed., (Rio de Janeiro: MEC – Museu Villa-Lobos, 1969), 104. 24 Modernists employed historical themes related to Native Brazilians, African Brazilians, Portuguese, and some European minorities that lived in Brazil, all of which were important to the formation of the diverse Brazilian ethnicities. In this sense, (taking into account the obvious disparities between the racial and cultural formation in Brazil and European countries), these ethnicities held, in their own ways, the cultural elements of the Brazilian Golden Age that modernists were aiming to portray in their art. 25 Oswald de Andrade, Revista de Antropofagia, ano 1, no.1 (May 1928), 293. Andrade purposely changes the place of the comma from Shakespeare’s original “To be or not to be, that is the question.” In addition, he spelled tupy instead of tupi, the correct Portuguese spelling.

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Andrade subtlety suggested that Tupis ate Shakespeare and absorbed his “powers” (in this case, the “power” of his emblematic phrase). Through allusion to Brazilian natives and the existential dilemma from the ‘European structure’ of Shakespeare’s celebrated passage, Andrade profoundly and succinctly sums the primary concern of Brazilian modernists, namely the formation of a Brazilian identity independent of, but historically bound to Europe; and which could be appreciated in Brazil as a synthesis of the Brazilian character and exported to Europe as signal of artistic independence. The synthesis of both European-ness and nativeness intrinsic to the structure of Oswald’s “anthropophagic” phrase reflected the essence of the ethnic and socio-cultural diversity of Brazilian people and embodied the artistic philosophy of the Brazilian Modernist Movement.

Choros no. 3: “Musical Anthropophagy” Villa-Lobos’s Choros no. 3 (subtitled Pica-pau, which means Woodpecker) provides a musical example of modernist’s “anthropophagic” aesthetic. Villa-Lobos even dedicated this work to Oswald de Andrade and his first wife Tarsila do Amaral, the pioneers of the “Pau Brazil” and “Anthropophagic” philosophies. In this piece, for male chorus and wind ensemble, Villa-Lobos used as important source material the melody Nozani-Na Orekuá, a feasting song of the Pareci Indians collected by ethnologist Roquete Pinto26 in the state of Mato Grosso. According to Villa-Lobos, Choros no. 3 represents the “sonorous atmosphere of the primitive music of the aborigines of the states of Mato Grosso do Sul e Goiás.”27 Regarding the Indianist character of this piece, Eero Tarasti observed that “the theme Nozani-Ná itself and its arrangement for male chorus and wind ensemble […] may well be thought to imitate corresponding wind groups of the Brazilian Indians,”28 and he further affirmed that “The timbre is ascribable to Brazilian Indian music, which includes both choral singing and wind ensembles.”29 In the beginning of the piece the indigenous melody is presented first by the tenor voice and two horns in F in unison followed by consecutive imitative entrances of the same melody, creating a thick imitative polyphonic texture (figure 1). Although Indians’ music may have some degrees of polyphony, they make no such use of rich imitative structures. Thus, in using an indigenous melody to elaborate imitative polyphonic texture (emblematic of European musical techniques) Villa-Lobos made a clear reference to the idea of assimilating the foreign to portray the national in the very opening bars of Choros no. 3. As Simon Wright noticed, “Choros no.3 opens with a canonic exposition of the ‘Nozani-Ná’ theme, following 26

Roquete Pinto was an ethnographer, physician, essayist, anthropologist, and professor. He was part of the socalled Missão Rondon (Rondon Mission), named after the chief of the expedition, Brazilian Marshal Cândido Mariano da Silva Rondon. The Rondon Mission’s objective was to expand the telegraphic line within the state of Mato Grosso and take it to other neighbor states. In that trip, in which Pinto came in contact with different Amerindian tribes such as the Parecis and Inhambiquaras, he collected ethnographic material that generated the book Rondônia: Antropologia Etnográfica (Rondônia: Ethnographic Anthropology) in 1917, an important anthropological book about Brazil. Among the material Pinto collected are Amerindian melodies (archived in the Museu Nacional), which Villa-Lobos incorporated into some of his compositions. In Choros no.3, for instance, Villa-Lobos used the Pareci melodies Nozani-ná Orekua, Noal anaue, and Ena-mô-kocê. 27 Heitor Villa-Lobos in Béhague, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 76. 28 Eero Tarasti, Heitor Villa-Lobos: The Life and Works, 1887-1959 (Jefferson, North Carolina: Mc Farland and Company Inc, 1995), 95. 29 Tarasti, Heitor Villa-Lobos, 95.

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Schloeza’s prediction that Villa-Lobos would ‘adopt European methods’ within his new forms.”30 After the imitative entrances of the Nozani-ná theme, Villa-Lobos added two other Pareci melodies, “Noal anaue” and “Ena-mô-kocê,” also collected by Pinto. Following these melodies Villa-Lobos wrote glissandi on the syllables “Iô-Ê” and the vocal effect “zzzizzz” (figure 2), both of which sound like an emulation of Indians’ vocalizations, and the piece moves to what Wright called a “Jungle atmosphere […] caricatured by an Indianist imitation of a woodpecker.”31 In the new section, Villa-Lobos introduced the word “pica-pau” (woodpecker), a bird commonly found in Brazil’s forests, in the chorus and created a rich rhythmic texture that emulates the pecking of this bird. Against the rhythm of the “pica-pau,” Villa-Lobos introduced a fragment of the Nozani-ná melody with the rhythm in triplets and note values augmented. According to Wright, this technique became very common in the Choros and later works. Wright affirmed: “juxtaposing long-breathed lyrical melody together with reiterated syllabic patterns imitative of Indian incantation […] became, in truth, a convenient method of demonstrating any combination of Brazilian racial or cultural elements”32 (figure 3). After the “pica-pau” section, Villa-Lobos re-introduced the Nozani-ná theme, which, this time was “accompanied” by a rhythmic reminiscence of the “pica-pau” section. Toward the end of the piece, the tempo is marked “Lento” and Villa-Lobos brings the word “pica-pau” back again and combines it with the word “Brazil,” suggesting the word “Pau-Brasil,” which makes reference to Oswald de Andrade’s manifesto (figure 4). As Béhague observed, the music material in the final passage of Choros no. 3 corroborates the modernist aesthetic of assimilation and synthesis. He suggested that in this passage VillaLobos musically portrayed a “tupi de casaca,” or a dressed up tupi. Béhague’s analysis revealed that in this passage Villa-Lobos used the minor pentatonic melody C-Eb-F-G-Bb (referring to Indian music) on the first tenor part, and through chromatic altered tones VillaLobos obscured even more the nonfunctional modal harmonic progression. According to him, the fact that the word “Brasil” is set within modal (pentatonic) rather than on a strong cadential dominant-tonic resolution evades any sense of a triumphant and rejoicing character [typical of Western music]. Moreover, the final tonic chord, approached through glissando techniques reminiscent of the first section of “Indian” singing, not held very long in spite of the fermata, on a “vuzfzfzf…” nonsensical “text,” can only be interpreted as an ironic intention on the part of the composer.33

30

Wright, Villa-Lobos, 65. Wright, Villa-Lobos, 65. Wright, Villa-Lobos, 66. 33 Béhague, Villa-Lobos, 81. 31 32

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Figure 1: (First Three Pages of Choros no. 3), All Score Excerpts in this Article were Transcribed by me from the following Edition: Heitor Villa-Lobos, Choros no. 3. Paris: Max Eschig

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Figure 1: (continuation)

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Figure 2: Glissandi on “zzzizzz”

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Figure 3: Fragment of the Nozani-ná Melody with the Rhythms Altered, and the “PicaPau” Rhythm

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Figure 4 : Final passage of Choros no. 3

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Indeed, if one agrees with Béhague and interprets this final passage as ironic, Choros no. 3 displays not only Villa-Lobos’s “anthropophagic” aesthetic, but also the same provocative and ironic attitudes that Oswald de Andrade-and other modernists-laid out in his manifestos and poetry. Such an interpretation confirms Villa-Lobos’s engagement with the Brazilian modernistic aesthetic.

Conclusion As I suggest, the Choros series is a musical synthesis of the Brazilian realities in the 1920s. Two elements had special importance in the formation of Villa-Lobos’s musical language at that time: his knowledge of Brazilian local musical idioms and his assimilation of modern compositional techniques. Through the analysis of Choros no. 3, I demonstrated that VillaLobos synthesized local Indian elements and European musical techniques together to elaborate the nationalistic musical language of this piece. Along with the rest of the Choros series, Choros no. 3 not only resulted from Villa-Lobos’s own philosophical and musical pursuits, but also received a major intellectual boost from modernists’ philosophies. Indeed, in Choros no. 3 (as in rest of the series) Villa-Lobos fulfilled several principles of modernists’ philosophies that were epitomized in Oswald de Andrade’s “Anthropophagic Manifesto,” such as the assimilation of the foreign to portray the national (almost in a “cannibalistic” way), which guaranteed the “exportation” and success of his Choros in Paris. Thus, despite French’s exoticization of these pieces, this article demonstrated that Choros fulfilled the principles of Brazilian modernist philosophies, and should be understood not as opportunism but as Villa-Lobos’s contribution to the foremost Brazilian artistic pursuits of his time. This endeavor reflected the major intellectual dilemma of post-colonial Brazilian society: the search for the Brazilian character. The artistic effervescence in Europe certainly provided Villa-Lobos with the right environment to become the composer he was aiming to be, and if Europeans were receptive to the type of music that Villa-Lobos composed, it was certainly an advantage that he used in his favor. But to say that he exaggerated brasilidade simply because he wanted to fulfill Parisians’ expectations and become popular is a mistake that discredits his preoccupations with conveying the ideals of Brazilian modernistic nationalism in his music. Along with other pieces, Villa-Lobos’s Choros fulfilled an important role within Brazilian culture, fostering national culture within Brazil, and representing brasilidade overseas as a symbol of Brazilian artistic independence. An in-depth study of his compositions from the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s in relation to the social context in which they were produced could help to better comprehend how the breed of Villa-Lobos’s nationalism evolved throughout his life due to different social, political, and cultural environments in which he lived. This task still needs to be thoroughly pursued.

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About the Author Gabriel Augusto Ferraz Brazilian musician Gabriel Ferraz is a PhD Candidate in Historical Musicology and Teaching Assistant in Music History at the University of Florida. He pursued a Master’s Degree in Piano Performance at Miami University (OH) and a Master’s Degree in Musicology at the University of São Paulo, Brazil. His ongoing PhD dissertation investigates the mechanisms in which the program of music education implemented by Heitor Villa-Lobos in Brazil contributed to the dissemination of the nationalistic ideologies of Getúlio Vargas’s regime from 1932 to 1945. In his interdisciplinary research Mr. Ferraz draws upon Benedict Anderson’s concept of “imagined communities,” and Thomas Turino’s concept of “indexicality,” demonstrating that Villa-Lobos actively participated in forming a community of children that “imagined” itself united through shared nationalistic and patriotic values “indexed” in their minds through musical practices in schools. This research will be imperative to the understanding of this neglected aspect of Villa-Lobos’s career as well as it will enlighten several elements of the interactions between music and politics. Mr. Ferraz presented papers in several conferences in the USA such as the 2011 American Musicological Society National Meeting and the 2009 American Musicological Society Southern Chapter Meeting, as well as in Italy, Brazil, France, and Portugal. He was awarded the 2010 University of Florida Outstanding International Student Award and, more recently, won the 2011 Otto MayerSerra Award for Music Research for the “Best Unpublished Article of Latin American Music” with his article “Heitor Villa-Lobos e Getúlio Vargas: Doutrinando Crianças por Meio da Educação Musical.” This award was sponsored by the University of California Riverside and the Center for Iberian and Latin American Music and carried a cash prize and a publication in the Latin American Music Review. As a pianist, Mr. Ferraz has performed in Brazil and the USA and has worked extensively as a collaborator with instrumentalists and singers.

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Editor Bill Cope, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA

Editorial Advisory Board Caroline Archer, UK Type, Birmingham, UK Robyn Archer, Performer and Director, Paddington, Australia Mark Bauerlein, National Endowment for the Arts, Washington, D.C., USA Tressa Berman, California College of the Arts, San Francisco, USA; UTS-Sydney, Australia Judy Chicago, Artist and Author, New Mexico, USA Nina Czegledy, University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada; Concordia University, Montreal, Canada James Early, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., USA Mehdi Faridzadeh, International Society for Iranian Culture (ISIC), New York, USA, Tehran, Iran Jennifer Herd, Queensland College of Art, Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia Fred Ho, Composer and Writer, New York, USA Andrew Jakubowicz, University of Technology, Sydney, Australia Mary Kalantzis, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, USA Gerald McMaster, Curator, Art Gallery of Ontario, Toronto, Canada Mario Minichiello, Birmingham Institute of Art and Design, Birmingham, UK Fred Myers, New York University, New York, USA Darcy Nicholas, Porirua City Council, Porirua, New Zealand Daniela Reimann, Karlsruhe Institute of Technology KIT, Institute of Vocational and General Education, Karlsruhe, Germany; University of Art and Industrial Design, Linz, Austria Arthur Sabatini, Arizona State University, Phoenix, USA Cima Sedigh, Sacred Heart University, Fairfield, USA Peter Sellars, World Arts and Culture, University of California, Los Angeles, USA Ella Shohat, New York University, New York, USA Judy Spokes, Arts Victoria, South Melbourne, Australia Tonel (Antonio Eligio Fernández), Artist and Art Critic, Havana, Cuba Marianne Wagner-Simon, World Art Organization, Berlin, Germany

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Heitor Villa-Lobos and Choros Modernism

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