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OVERVIEW
Globalizations Dimensions, Historical Waves, Regional Effects, Normative Governance
Göran Therborn Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences, Uppsala Globalization is a plural phenomenon. There are at least five major discourses on it that usually ignore each other: competitive economics, social criticism, state (im)potence, culture and planetary ecology. The dimensions of globalization include a number of substantial social processes as well as two different kinds of dynamics: systemic and interacting exogenous actors. Globalizations are not new phenomena. At least six historical waves, beginning with the spread of world religions, may be identified. An attempt is made to systematize the effects of globalizations on different world regions and social actors. Issues of governance are raised, focusing on states and norms.
abstract:
keyw keyw ords: ords: global history
globalization ✦ governance ✦ world culture ✦ world system ✦
Challenges of the Global
Globally speaking, there are so far five major topical 1 discourses o globalization. Each of them includes scholarly as well as ideological o journalistic argumentation. One, arguably the most widespread and economics, which focuses on intensified world proactive, is competition economics, Sign up to vote on this titlestates. Th wide competition and its implications for firms, workers and Useful useful NotDylan’s: basic message is captured most briefly by aline of Bob ‘You’d ‘You’d better start swimming, or you’ll sink like a stone’. 2 But it also include less apocalyptic versions that focus instead on the potentially benign
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A second topic (from now on my listing order order becomes rather arbitr is sociocritical, sociocritical, namely expressing a critical concern with, and ofte strongly negative reaction against, the perceived social consequence globalization as competitive economics. Socioeconomic critiques globalization are often couched in religious and/or moral terms. An quent example is a recent statement by Julio Terrazas, the archbishop Santa Cruz and the president of the Episcopal Conference of Bolivia – country where Jeffrey Sachs earned his spurs as a global econom advisor in the 1980s before being invited to post-Communist Russia. ‘ globalize globalizers rs of the economy economy will be treated treated with with more severity severity tha Sodom and Gomorrah, which already is a rather strong threat to th who in their arrogance think that well-being is only for a few and excl Prensa, 1998).3 the rest forever’ (La (La Prensa, An important analytical contribution of this kind is a report on ‘ Social Effects of Globalization’ to the World Summit for Social Devel ment in 1995 by the UN Research Institute for Social Developm (UNRISD, 1995). It should be noted that the starting-point and driv this sociocritical discourse on globalization are not only Third World left of center. Versions of it may also be found among the First Wo right, right, particularly particularly in the USA (e.g. Buchanan, Buchanan, 1998). The third topic has a more ideological sweep and centrality than the two, and it is more concentrated in academia, which does not dimin the heat of controversy. The topic is that of state (im)potence in the fac the global economy. The controversies here center around questions ab the extent that the state has lost or is going to lose the capacities to gov and control. To some writers, we are living ‘the end of the nation-sta whereas to others we are englobed by a ‘myth of globalization’ ins which differential national developments are still the main determina of the world economy. Between these poles of controversy, say Ohm (1995) and Weiss (1998), there are many interesting studies and debates the sovereignty and capacity of states in the contemporary world. Whereas the three major topics of globalization so far all hover arou Sign up to vote on this title and less the world economy and its changes, their economic dynamics Usefultwo Not usefulthat appro are others their social or political consequences, there globalization from quite different angles. One, the fourth in our colu is cultural. cultural. The spotlight here is on global or at least transnational cultu
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thrust of anthropological and other discourse on the matter is an empha sis on diversity, on ‘creolization’, ‘hybridization’ and the ‘globalized pro duction of difference’ (e.g. Appadurai, 1996; Hannerz, 1992, 1996 Nederveen Pieterse, 1998). Finally, there is an important discourse that explicitly focuses on glob ality rather than globalization, on the implications and consequences o the former. It is a discourse of planetary ecology that studies and discusse humankind and global society as part of a planetary ecosystem. It is in this kind of discourse that an awareness of the globe as a whole tends to find its most eloquent expression. Its focus and the key issues of con troversy are the actual or potential self-destruction of human action on earth and the requirements of ‘sustainable development’. The first majo manifestation of this kind of discourse was the 1972 Club of Rome repor on ‘The Limits to Growth’ (Meadows, 1972), sustained by the first UN environmental conference in Stockholm the same year that inaugurated a quarter of a century of UN conferences on human and environmenta development. But the establishment of global ecology as a programmati and monitoring discourse occurred in the course of the 1980s. One sid of this topic turns on questions of human population, its size, age distri bution and conditions of life; another on the interactions of humankind You're Reading Preview Change or the Globa and nature, such as the UN Panel on aClimatic Natural Resource Monitoring, also by the UN.4 Unlock full access with a free trial. Seldom do these discourses express an awareness of each other and rarely, if ever, an awarenessDownload of all the others, although it is true that th With Free Trial literature does now contain a few wide-ranging and heavyweight con tributions, such as those of Castells (1996–8) and Held et al. (1999) ‘Globalization’ poses three kinds of challenges at the threshold to the 21s century and the third millennium. One is cognitive: calling for conceptua clarification, analysis, interpretation and explanation, and addressed first of all, to scholars of the humanities and the social sciences. A second one we may name civic; it concerns all inhabitants of the planet, whethe citizens or not. How to make practical sense of globalization? How to ac up to vote this title within or in relation to it, including how toSignresist, inoncase one should useful the chal Useful Notposes want to? Third, in its surpassing of states, globalization lenge of governance, of a new world order. Each of these challenges con tains a set of substantial issues, of how to comprehend specific processes
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International Sociology Vol. 15 No. 2
of meaning and many connotations. Furthermore, scholars in n paradigmatic disciplines by definition hardly ever agree on the mean of the concepts they use. However, it does seem worthwhile to thro stone of conceptualization into the pond of academia, at least to see w happens. As a concept of social theory and analysis, globalization should m three criteria. It should have a precise meaning, preferably not a sem tically arbitrary one. It should be usable in empirical investigations, it should have a wide variety of possible applications. The third criter means that the concept should be abstract, not containing any a pr statements of concrete content. On the basis of these consideration think it fruitful to define globalization as referring to tendencies to a wo wide reach, impact, or connectedness of social phenomena or to a world-enc passing awareness among social actors. This definition is close to etymology of the word. It makes the concept into an empirical varia the presence of which may be ascertained or refuted and, in princi measured. And it is agnostic and wide open about the possible conc patterns of globalization, as well as non-committal a priori to the qu tion of whether globalization is good or bad. As a variable, globalization can cover an infinite number of the asp Readingofa Preview of social life. It can varyYou're in degree extension, from multi-contine only to strictly planetary.Unlock And it can be driven by different dynamics full access with a free trial. sum, the concept refers to a plurality of social processes, and the w had therefore better be used in plural: globalizations. Download With Free Trial Discourses on globalization mean a spatialization of the social. So also those on another topic in vogue these days, in Europe at least: ‘Eu peanization’. Generally and literally put, spatialization means a flatt ing of social processes. The complexity of qualities, issues of depth shallowness, the dialectics of contradictions tend to get lost throu spatialization. Today, the complexity of active cultural forces in the wo postmodernist challenges to modernity and the latter’s bouncing ba and the question of the dialectics of contradictions in contemporary c Sign up to vote on titleEU, issue talism all tend to be rolled over by ‘globalization’. Inthis the Not useful Useful and growth, competitiveness, employment, democracy justice have b submerged under the carpet of the management of the Western Europ space, its internal links of ‘Single Market’ and monetary union, its enla
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tendency to mono-conceptual discourses. ‘Globalization’ has often fallen victim to that. On the other hand, ceteris paribus, a spatial extension of something socia also means a wider vista, a broader view. Globalizations may thus giv rise to new questions about a familiar space. Among the things this write has learned from a global perspective is the extraordinary uniculturalism of late medieval/early modern Western Europe.
Dynamics: The World as a System, as a Stage or Both?
A central issue of interpretation and analysis of the world produced b globalizations is whether it is a system or a stage. Is the world a system shaping the actors in it and directing their strivings, or is it an arena where actors who were formed outside act and interact? The fulcrum o the current debate is the world economy, but the issue is the same with regard to a number of other aspects of social life, to which we return later The question is far from merely academic. It is of utmost relevance to th options and effective possibilities of civic action and governance. In sociology there are several strong currents that argue the system You're Reading ain Preview ness of the world. It was adumbrated 1966 by a disciple of Talcot Parsons – the creator of sociology’s neoclassical synthesis – Wilbert Moor Unlock full access with a free trial. (1966). It was asserted a decade later, with great polemical verve and wide-ranging historical argumentation, byTrial a militant anti-Parsonian Download With Free Immanuel Wallerstein (1976: 7, 229ff.). Since the 16th century, there ha been one world system, the capitalist world economy. States, classes and other social phenomena are elements of the world system, and as such are explained by the ‘evolution and interaction’ of the latter. Sociologists have conceived of the world as a system in other ways, too John Meyer and a group of associates (Meyer et al., 1997) portray ‘world as an enactment of culture’. Their baseline is a ‘rationalized world institutional and cultural order’ from which states get their models of sov Sign up to votewhich on this title ereignty and purpose, help with policies, and from subnationa Useful Not useful actors – for instance gays and lesbians – get legitimacy. Whereas Wallerstein and Meyer arrive at their world systems by empirical investigation, Niklas Luhmann, who might be labeled a highly
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global communication he comes to his conception of contempor society as world society. The novel conceptualizations-cum-empir investigations by Wallerstein and other world system analysts, by Me Boli, Ramirez and other associates, have enriched our understandin the world, and so has the grand theoretical oeuvre of Luhmann. Emp cally, there is clearly a world system, which has shaped, most visibly, states, the economies and the societies of the New Worlds of the Am cas and Oceania, which has transformed those of the ex-colonial z from northwestern Africa to Papua New Guinea, and to which threatened countries of externally induced modernization, with Japan the vanguard, have had to adapt. Although Western European states capitalists once created it, neither they nor Eastern Europe have been u fected by the world system. It is also undeniable that there is a wo culture, sustained by global communication, that provides a historic delimited repertoire of institutions and policies which nation-states t to emulate, resulting in an impressive ‘ isomorphism’ of, for example, c stitutions, educational systems and public policy orientations. So, a world system exists, and in this context I refrain from entering fray about the relative merits and significance of it as world capitalism as world culture. (There are obviously strong arguments for the releva You'reare Reading Preview of both points of view, which not anecessarily incompatible.) But d that mean that the worldUnlock cannot also function as a stage of actors w full access with a free trial. important characteristics and resources from outside the world syste As far as I can see, theDownload answer With is no. author seems to h Free Neither Trial broached the question of system-ness as a variable. There is also, view, an array of good arguments that can be marshaled in favor of see the world as an arena where nationally determined actors meet, inte and influence each other. Current issues of this sort were highlighted by the ‘Single Mar project of the European Community. This project was launched in the 1980s, about three decades after the constitution of the EEC by the Tre of Rome (scheduled for 1992, but – though duly inaugurated on tim up to on this title not fully realized yet). The Single Market Sign aims atvote a full-fledged regio Useful Not useful economic system in a narrow sense and fully determines the regional d ision of labor according to a socially somewhat-regulated capitalist lo To grand histories or battle canvases of the world system, this m
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For current observers and participants, the composition of the mix o global system and exogenous actors in global interaction is crucial. How much can the global system dynamic tell us about the rise of Southeas Asia as a major manufacturing area of the world in the last quarter of the 20th century, for instance? Or why the division of employment and non employment has diverged between the USA and the EU, or why the gende division of labor has done so, say between Germany and Scandinavia? Though argued somewhat differently, Paul Hirst and Grahame Thomp son’s (1996) distinction between a ‘global’ (system) and an ‘inter-national (arena) economy is pertinent here. Causal arrows on the world scene hav also been seen flying from the national to the global. John Zysman (1996 164), an experienced analyst of international relations, for instance, ha argued:
National developments have . . . driven changes in the global economy; eve more than a so-called ‘globalisation’ has driven national evolutions. It is th success of particular countries, rather than some unfolding of a singular marke logic, based on more and faster transactions, that has forced adaptations.
As far as nation-states and world culture are concerned, let me point to two sub-global features. One is party systems: that is, the framing of politi You're a Preview cal opinion and the channeling ofReading political action. While there are simila parties in several other countries, both the individual parties – after th Unlock full access with a free trial. demise of the Communist International – and the party systems are, abov all, national. Another is social policy With andFree institutions of social rights. Thi Download Trial is probably the most studied policy area of all, and the conclusion from all these studies is unambiguous. Social entitlement institutions and socia policies differ among nation-states, both in form and in size, and, although there are certain evolutionary tendencies, there is little convergence, eithe in terms of rights or in terms of generosity or finance. I think there is an answer to this question about the character of th contemporary world, an answer which is not just eclecticism or diplo matic compromise, but theoretical. No complex social system is fully Sign uproles. to vote on this titlethe system scripted, with actors only having to enact given From Not useful Useful to perspective, social actors are always indeterminate a significant extent an indeterminacy which might be seen as contingency or an effect o system-exogenous determinations, in the case under discussion, fo
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it likely to be in the future? How much interaction of regionally, nati ally and/or locally formed actors is or was there and is there likely to on the world stage? A world stage of interacting national forces is a social phenomeno worldwide reach and impact and, as such, is also a feature of globa ation, in the sense given earlier. Here we have one important ground distinguishing different kinds of globalization. There are more.
Taking Multidimensionality Seriously – That is, Systematically
There is a strong tendency for globalization to be discussed in un mensional terms, as in the five topical discourses mentioned earlier. A even when there is a commitment to multidimensionality, this may of remain limited and/or arbitrary, following from a neglect of any syst atic approach to the social. The multidimensionality of globalization and the plurality of glo izations may be captured with the help of two axes. One refers to the ch acter of the global(izing) dynamic, which may be either world syste or (inter)active on a world stage. The other refers to the range of ‘so You're Reading a Preview phenomena’. With regard to the latter, previous work (Therborn, 19 Unlock full with a free trial. has shown the heuristic value ofaccess structure or structuration as referrin the external resources and constraints that actors can draw upon and h Download With Free Trial to take into account and to culture or enculturation as actors have lear internal resources and constraints, the horizon of their knowledge, val norms, orientations of identifications and their symbolic repertoire. Putting these two axes together, the areas and the dynamics of glo ization may then be summed up as shown in Table 1. It should be clear why globalization should be taken in plural, as g alizations, involving a number of substantive social processes and m than one procedural dynamic. Globalizations are multiform processe Sign up to vote on this title
Useful Not useful A Historical Hypothesis: Six Waves of Globalization
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Therborn Globalizations Tabl e 1
Dimensions of Globalization
Area Structuring Division of labor Rights Capital/income
Dynamics —————————————————————————— (Inter)action on world stage System process Sub-global actors World trade Interdependence World influence World impact
Risks/opportunity World impact Enculturing Identities
Cognition
Values Norms Symbolic forms
Action
Sub-global actors Cross-continental identifications or role models
‘World system’ World market World production Universal law/rights World finance World market determination World environment mark ‘World culture’ (system) Humankind identity or global categorical identities Planetary awareness Universal knowledge, universal science
World reference, world comparison World diffusion World influence World religions or ideolog World influence You're Reading a PreviewGlobal rules Cross-cultural interchange, Universal language/ Unlock full access with a free trial. hybridization expressions World art and architecture Download With Free Trial
Global interaction
World concert/endemic conflict
seems that the most crucial period was constituted by the 4th–7th cen turies of the Christian era. In those years, Christianity became dominant in Europe through it Sign up to vote onand this title establishment and officialization in the Roman empire, it settled in useful the south Useful Asia Notfrom Ethiopia and Kerala. Hinduism spread to Southeast ern parts of the Indo-Chinese peninsula to what is now the Indonesian archipelago. Buddhism went to China from India in these centuries and
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widely across continents and oceans. These were cultures which were only a set of beliefs and ritual practices but also included a trans-tri trans-monarchical literary language – Latin, Sanskrit, Pali or Arab specific architecture and esthetics as well as social norms. These centuries were also crucial to the rise of a Sinic civilization was wider than the Chinese empire. The Chinese script, Confucian d trines and esthetic canons settled in Korea and Japan and, somew before our period, in northern Vietnam. What brought together all these currents at about the same time still to be unraveled. At least in Europe, it included major mass mig tions (wanderings of peoples) of Germanic tribes moving south and w Huns, Slavs, Avars and, later, Magyars entering Eastern Europe from A These early tendencies to cultural globalization were followed b series of developments in the opposite direction, perhaps best captu as vernacularization (the development of particular languages out o common language area), as its most visible expression is linguistic w concomitant cultural significance. 6 Upon the spread of the world religions and their holy languages lowed a rise of different vernacular high-culture languages often with th own scripts. This movement of deglobalization seems to have had its m Reading Preview vigorous and widespreadYou're impetus in athe 12th–16th centuries, althoug started earlier. In the Sinic culture area, the Japanese developed a sup Unlock full access with a free trial. mentary script and a vernacular literary tradition. Korea created its o script in the mid-14th century, andWith a domestic Download Free Trial script emerged in Vietn although with less success. Pali and Sanskrit receded before new vern ular cultures: Sinhala, Javanese, Marathi, Bengali and others. In Euro Romance languages departed from Latin as high cultures in the 12th–1 centuries, after having emerged as ‘vulgar’ speech from the first hal the 9th century onward (Hagège, 1996: 185ff.). The Slavs had an alpha of their own, and Church Slavonic was still the high language of Ort dox Eastern Europe. In the 16th century, the Reformation meant an en mous boost to vernacular languages through Bible translations. up to sustained vote on this titleby a cons The cultural process of deglobalizationSignwas usefulIslam was Useful Not dation of different polities within the same culture area. part, an exception, with its reproduction both of vast empires and Arabic as the high literary standard. But the most powerful Islamic rul
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the British following upon the Iberian and the more limited French thrus High-value trade (spices), plunder and extraction of precious metals and plantation slavery were key components of the new world system. Plan tation slavery made sugar into a world commodity. For the first time sinc the prehistoric (still not certainly dated) entry of humans into Americ across the Bering Strait, the Americas became part of a multi-continenta earth. For two continents of the world, this was an epoch of full-scale disas ter: the genocidal depopulation of the Americas and the opening up o Africa to a trans-Atlantic slave trade. It was also the time of the creation of the New Worlds in the Americas and the worldwide reach of the new European empires. Of the latter, 16th-century Spain – encompassing mos of both the Americas and the Philippines – was the most logistically impressive. And in the Philippines, Christianity met Islam, a frontier tha persists to this day. While the European colonial expansion of the second wave derived from mercantile and other interests in the individual colonizing countries with the competition and attempts at mutual monopolization of the latter there was, third, a global thrust resulting from purely intra-European power struggles. This was the series of the first global wars, which pitted You're Reading a Preview Britain and France against each other with shifting constellations of allies not only in Europe but all over the world. These also occurred in North Unlock full access with a free trial. America, the Caribbean, India and, through Dutch involvement with France, on the South AfricanDownload Cape and inFree Southeast Asia. Napoleon Bona With Trial parte’s occupation of Egypt in 1798 brought the intra-European war righ into the lands of the main Islamic empire, the previous power of which had pushed the Europeans to find ways of circumnavigating it. In Europe where they were generated, these wars are usually known as the Wars o the Spanish, the Austrian Succession and the Napoleonic Wars, stretch ing from 1700 to 1815, which culminated in the latter half of this period The then colonial wars became wars between European states, deploying large naval and land forces of metropolitan Europe on theaters of wa up to94ff.). vote on this title across oceans and continents (cf. Fieldhouse,Sign 1982: Not useful of Europe Useful concert The Franco-British world wars were followed by the which brought a century of relative peace to Europe. But globalization soon gathered a new and different momentum.
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Throughout most of Asia, the European screws were tightened, Af was subjugated, and masses of migrants went out from Europe to Americas and to Oceania. The latter were repopulated after the ‘clea ing’ of the natives. Chinese and Indian ‘coolies’ – dependent labor – w encouraged to migrate to the imperial labor markets, and millions d World commodity markets were established, especially in grain, an world capital market emerged. The gold standard ruled over tra national transactions, including finance. The First World War and its immediate aftermath constituted the fi crest of this fourth wave. The center of the conflict was in Europe, but whole British empire was enrolled, current or ex-, as in the case of USA, and the combat zones included German colonies in Africa, Ch and the Pacific, as well as Ottoman West Asia. The aftermath of the established the first global organization of states, the League of Natio the International Labour Organization, and a set of ambitious but c pletely ineffective global norms, of state behavior toward national min ties and ‘mandated’ extra-European populations. After the First World War, there followed a significant new period deglobalization, of shrinking world trade, of national abandonments of gold standard, of the reinforcement of states versus markets, of natio You're Reading a Preview and ethnic particularisms. The Second World WarUnlock andfullits immediate sequel was a second, spe access with a free trial. surge of globalization, this time beginning a new wave. Again the cen was Europe, but the Pacific ‘theater’, between Japan and the USA, Download With Free Trial no sideshow. All Asia east of India was directly drawn into the war were North Africa, Ethiopia and the Caucasus. Again the outburs global conflict was followed by a brief moment of peaceful globalizati This was characterized by the constitution of the United Nations and specialized organizations, of the Nuremberg Trials and the UN Dec ation of Human Rights. Then there came, out of the Second World War, a fth globaliza wave. The costs of communication and transport declined enormou Signup up to vote onBut this title and the share of external trade began to pick again. the main th Useful useful the USSR Not was political, pitching the USA, its allies and clients versus allies and clients, in a literally worldwide rivalry and conflict, less ligerent but more ideologically high pitched than the long series of
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Cold War globalization reached its peak in the decade from the mid 1970s to mid-1980s. The USA was always the richest and most powerfu contestant of the Cold War. However, there was a time when the USA looked vulnerable. That was after its defeat in the Vietnam War and befor the self-acknowledged decay of the USSR. Finally, there is the sixth, current wave in which the politico-military dynamic of the Cold War has been overtaken by a mainly financial-cum cultural one. This took off in the second half of the 1980s with the enor mous expansion of foreign currency trading after the breakdown (in th 1970s) of the international Bretton Woods currency system, followed by the trading of derivatives and other new instruments of high-level gam bling. This economic side was ideologically spurred by a new right-wing liberal current that asserted itself after the (partial) breakdown, in th economic crisis of the 1970s, of the post-Second World War socioeconomi compromise in Western Europe and North America, a current furthe invigorated by the collapse or forceful overthrow of Third World popu lism and then again by the collapse of European Communism. Institutionally, this neoliberal current has manifested itself in abolish ing state controls of capital markets and opening up new financial world markets, in the dismantling of tariffs, privatizations of public enterpris You're Reading a Preview and services, a breakup of national champion monopolies and in a genera encouragement of global competition. Unlock full access with a free trial. Mass intercontinental and transnational migration is returning with thi new wave and in new patterns. Reversing theTrial streams of the fourth wave Download With Free mass migration now mainly proceeds from South to North – from Latin to North America, from Africa and South Asia to Europe – and from Wes to East, that is from Asia across the Pacific to North America. These new directions were opened by a labor shortage in the core capitalist countrie from their postwar boom and reproduced and expanded by the growing economic and demographic disparities between the sending and receiv ing countries. New poles of migrant attraction outside the old routes hav also been established to areas like the Gulf region and parts of Southeas Sign up to vote on this title Asia. Useful Not useful The new migration has changed the cultural landscape of the world The earlier, largely Anglo-Saxon New Worlds are becoming more multi cultural than ever before, with strong Hispanic and Asian elements
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International Sociology Vol. 15 No. 2
possible and effective. Mainly, the direction is from the USA and the which send news, music and soap operas to the rest of the world. there are also other significant mass communication exporters: Bra Mexico, Egypt, India and Hong Kong. Sometimes even more impor are the Southern broadcasts that are receivable in North America Western Europe by the new immigrants, who thereby can maintain t cultural roots in their new countries. Another crucial technical invention, culturally more universalizing t diffusionist, is the Internet, which has flourished internationally since mid-1990s. By cheap, personal electronic communication, people from corners of the world can meet and connect on an equal footing. It is beginning to create a new system of business transactions of global Throughout the 20th century English advanced as a global lin franca, with resident worldwide or regional alternatives: Chinese in E Asia, since the consolidation of European imperialism, although M darin is currently growing at the expense of Chinese vernaculars; Germ in Eastern Europe; Japanese in East Asia after the Second World War; Russian after the split of the Communist movement and the collaps the USSR. The possible threat to French as a world language appear have dawned upon the French for the first time at the Versailles Con Reading Preview ence while negotiating theYou're peace after athe First World War, when Engl surprisingly to French linguists and academicians, was introduced Unlock full access with a free trial. another language of international diplomacy (Hagège, 1996: 272). Second World War, the Americanization of Western Europe in the C Download With Free Trial War period and the rise of a worldwide English-speaking mass cult have since then cut down the transnational reach of the French langua Outside the fields of finance and culture, the current wave has pushed globalization much further. Politically, the end of the Cold W meant a deglobalization of political action, even if the USA occasion shows off its superpower muscles in other parts of the world. So modest advances toward concerted action have been made by the machinery and its encouragement of global NGO networking, such as Sign up toRights vote on this implementation of the UN Convention on the oftitle the Child. Useful an Not global environment has at least been put on agenda ofuseful concerted act if little more. Much more substance is there in the global managemen financial crises, orchestrated by the IMF, operations which have the
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(Therborn, 1995, 1999), is amenable not only to categorical interpretation and ideological polemics but also to empirical, pluri-dimensional analy sis, although it is neither solely cultural nor exclusively economic. There is, as far as I can see, no evidence of anything properly cyclical in the waves of globalization, but they do tend to have certain common fea tures. They are all multidimensional, involving politico-military, economi and cultural forces and processes, while each has dominant dynamics. The first wave was dominated by the diffusion of religion and o religion-related high culture, but that diffusion occurred via the victori ous sword and migrant traders as well. Colonialism originated in ex peditions in search of trade, but first of all, it was violent conquest. It had enormous demographic, cultural and economic consequences as well. Th Franco-British conflicts of the 18th century and the Soviet-American one of the 20th century were driven by a global dynamic of big power rivalry that spread from a center in Europe, while significantly dependent on economic resource mobilization and sharpened by ideological difference and controversies – more shifting meanings in the Franco-British case and more constant ones between the Soviets and the Americans. Classica European imperialism, like the current wave, surged toward world markets and opened intercontinental migration routes, while spawning You're diffusion Reading a Preview powerful, asymmetric cultural and including particularisti power interventions drapedUnlock in universalistic language. full access with a free trial. So far, the rise of the waves has derived from autonomous actor extending their influence and impact, not from Download With Free Trial an intensification of sys temic processes. But each wave has tended to create a certain globa system-ness, be it of a world religious culture, an empire, a world marke or a system of world conflict. When the wave subsided, and even mor when it was followed by a phase of deglobalization, this system-ness wa weakened, more seldom lost. In other words, a historical perspectiv seems to bring forth the coexistence and interaction of world system-nes and world stage-ness as developmental sequences. All the waves, so far, have petered out after some time. They were fol Sign up to vote on thisone title wave did lowed by longer or shorter periods of deglobalization. But Not useful Usefulthat the not follow upon and from the other, which meant contraction o one might coincide in time with the rise of another. Furthermore, a globa extension of some social phenomena may coexist with a contraction o
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coinciding with post-Second World War Cold War politics. The deglo ization in the 1920s and the 1930s was more general, but during th years Japan and, somewhat later, the Soviet Union were construc themselves into new global powers, preparing for a quite new scena of global high politics in the Second World War. The Franco-British global wars ended with the Vienna Congress, wh reinstated continental Europe’s position as the center of power, but in command of the world’s oceans. The lapse before the next British re for the world was short. Alongside the thrust of European coloniali the process of vernacularization and the fragmentation of the wo religions continued, above all in the Europe of the Reformation. Finally, all the waves of globalization raise questions about the im cations of our spatial conceptualizations of the social processes involv While space is often, outside the specialty of geography, a neglected asp in social science and in historiography, there are also limitations viewing the social world primarily in spatial terms. The logic of the Cold War tried to flatten all economic, social, and tural and political issues into a global opposition between ‘the Free Wo and ‘the Socialist Camp’. The ‘open door’ and the ‘civilizing mission imperialism discarded questions about who should open what door Reading a and Preview what time, and about theYou're authenticity the imposition of civilizati Beneath the surface of theUnlock Franco-British wars on the seven seas forces g full access with a free trial. ered into the eruptions of the Industrial and the French Revolutions. non-spatial perspective, colonialism was a ‘discovery’ or conqu Download With Freehardly Trial of ‘new worlds’, but it was an eco-demographic disaster of unequaled p portions in known human history. The wave of religious diffusion was just the spread of given cultural entities. It also involved, among things, new articulations of religions with political institutions, such Christianity with the Roman empire, Islam with the Persian monarch tradition and Buddhism with the imperial institutions of China and Jap
Civic Challenges: Perspectives of Actors and Sign up to vote on this title Channels of Action Useful Not useful
The challenges posed by globalization to existing, non-global form civic rights and collective action vary fundamentally along two axes w
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rather than the conventional global–local nexus. Socially we may ask who wins and who loses from what kind of globalization? If we remember tha globalization is not a unidimensional economic phenomenon then the questions of winners and losers become complicated empirical questions Here, however, we might at least hint at an analytical framework. Globalizations can affect the social space of actors from two angles: by directly changing their given social location and by opening channels to the rest of the world. Generally speaking, we may say that (for the fore seeable term) the winners of globalizations are those for whom an opened world is either an opportunity of action or a connection to resourcefu friends. The importance of globalization to social actors, then, varies with the size of the direct gains and losses or threats to the actors in their situ ations and with the effects of mobility and connections. Opportunity, in turn, may be either in terms of vertical ascendance, becoming rich or a least affluent or successful in some other way on the spot or, alternatively in terms of horizontal mobility, getting a better life somewhere else. I may also mean access to sources of information, of values and of norm more congenial to those prevailing at home, and link-ups with friends in other parts of the world. To the losers, globalization is a closure of oppor tunities, of employment, of chances for decent wages or profits, and/o You're Reading a Preview a cultural invasion that occupies the high ground of cultural communi cation and subverts important values. Unlock full access with a free trial. Who, then, are the winners and the losers? In order to approach thi question systematically, it might be With useful tabulate the main types o Download Freeto Trial alternatives. The effects of globalizations run in different directions. The contested evaluations of the phenomenon reflect a multifaceted reality. The impli cations of Table 2 are, on one side, a tendency toward a polarization o effects and, on the other, a range of possibilities. Business elites tend to gain both in their current business situation and from access to new opportunities, to international technology, to possibilities to move, to th support of global economic institutions, from capital to celebrations in th up to vote ontraditionalists this title business press. Non-competitive groups andSignlocalized Useful Not values and lifestyles, on the other hand, have nothing touseful gain. Threats insecurity and losses tend to pile up around them. But Table 2 also shows that individuals tend to have options, becaus
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Winners and Losers from Globalizations
Situational effects 1 6 8
Friedrich Krotz Mediatization as
Threats
Opportunities
World openings ———————————————————————————————————————————— Positive Negative ————————————————— You're Reading Marginal Invasion a Preview Access Support Non-competitive business, workers, professionals
Competitive workers and small business
Local traditionalists Unlock full access with a free trial.
Download With Free Trial
Consumers Professionals
Connected disadvantaged groups
Business elites
Business elites
Therborn Globalizations
be both learned and lost, traditions may be embraced or abandoned connections may be established or lost, identifications can change, and the doors of migration can widen or narrow. The civic issues of globalizations cannot be captured in any simple for mulae, be they of fundamentalism, localism or identity politics.
Globalization is Variably Globalized
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Globalization takes place in different spatio-historical contexts, which useful Useful Not provide very different meanings and implications in various parts of th world. In order to concretize such a statement it might be useful to delin
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be both learned and lost, traditions may be embraced or abandoned connections may be established or lost, identifications can change, and the doors of migration can widen or narrow. The civic issues of globalizations cannot be captured in any simple for mulae, be they of fundamentalism, localism or identity politics.
Globalization is Variably Globalized
Globalization takes place in different spatio-historical contexts, which provide very different meanings and implications in various parts of th world. In order to concretize such a statement it might be useful to delin eate these differences, however crudely and summarily. In addition t the situational and opening effects discussed earlier, two more variable are important in macroscopic regional comparisons. One is variation o scale, of the size of the situational and opening globalization effects in relation to a given starting-point or benchmark. The other is the percep tion of the predominant shape of globalizing forces of change. Variation along these lines give rise to different receptions of and cleavages around globalization. This bird’s eye view of the implications of globalizations may be end Reading a Preview lessly elaborated. Here we You're confine ourselves to a few explications. Fo brevity’s sake, the social outline of Table 3 is kept in the background and Unlock full access with a free trial. not brought explicitly into this regional context. Download With Free Trial Tabl e 3 Main Regional Effects of Current Globalization
Area
Situation effect
Opening
Shape
Western Europe Secondary
Marginal
Competition Immigration
Eastern Europe
Consumption
Connections
Transition to ‘Europ and ‘the West’
Investment Competition
Cultural access
USA
Competition
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Useful Low-wage Not useful produce Market access World market
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In Western Europe there is a relatively minor situational impact, gi the old tradition of open societies and economies and the overpower regional impetus of European integration. ‘Europe’ still seems to ov shadow the globe, in spite of some business pleading and trend-consci sociology to the contrary. De facto, although usually not perceived under this name, globaliza in Western Europe appears most visibly and dramatically in the n pattern of world migration. In the early 1960s, Europe transformed fr a continent of emigration to one of immigration, and in the 1980s 1990s European societies changed considerably, with a significant infl of non-European immigrants. This has led to considerable social fric and has given rise to xenophobic movements and violence. In Eastern Europe current globalization means both an opening of p viously relatively closed economies and cultures and entry into anot economic system, capitalism, apertures perceived as ‘Europe’ and West’ – a tremendous change, in other words, with a starkly differe ated impact on economic winners and losers. So far, most Eastern Eu peans have lost economically, above all in the former Soviet Union the Balkans, although access to consumer goods has increased. In terms of perception, globalization here mostly appears wrapped You're Reading in the ‘transition’ problematic, namelya Preview the transitions to democracy, c talism, ‘Europe’, ‘the West’, or, as it is often put without the slightest s Unlock full access with a free trial. irony, to ‘normalcy’. The international agencies, the IMF World Bank above all, which Download With and Free Trial facto govern many of the economic and social policies of post-Commu Europe, seem so far to have received less attention as agents of globa ation here than in other parts of the world where they are important. In the USA, while the country’s political and economic leadershi pushing for wider opening of world markets, there is a surprisingly str and widely spread (across the left–right spectrum) concern with and of the dangers of globalization, seen mainly as global competition, also as the threat of ‘world government’. To a non-American these re Sign up to vote on this title tions appear surprisingly strong for the world’s only superpower, and Not usefultrade. Am Useful on foreign a huge and rich economy that is little dependent can reactions against globalization seem to derive from three kind reasons. One has to do with American history and identity and expre
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1960s, the appearance of some foreign competition, most visibly in th form of Japanese cars, meant a dramatic change, and foreign import increased much more than exports. Third, the modest opening of the US economy has coincided with a stag nation of real wages since the oil crisis of the mid-1970s and with an increase in relative poverty. This development, the most direct cause o which is a uniquely successful corporate offensive against workers, is often seen or portrayed as following from low-wage competition from abroad In the Third World, from Latin America to Africa and, with some qualifi cations, South Asia, globalization appears most tangibly in imposed liberalization, earlier known in Africa as ‘structural adjustment policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF. Imposed liberalization entail fiscal austerity by expenditure cuts, tariff reductions and privatizations all paving the road for foreign, private investors. Even on its own econ omic terms, the successes of imposed structural adjustments have been few, limited and short-lived. The winners of these measures have so fa been very few and the losers many (Williams, 1994; Bird, 1996; Laurel this issue, pp. 313–14). The result has been a series of ‘IMF riots’, abov all in Africa and the Arab world, and widespread popular wrath agains the institutions of economic globalization, eloquently expressed by the a Preview Bolivian archbishop quoted You're at theReading beginning of this article, who compared the latter to Sodom and Gomorrah. Unlock full access with a free trial. The Third World tends to be religious, and post-colonial frustrations ar often expressed in religiousDownload terms (Westerlund, With Free Trial 1996), but the relation between religious fundamentalism and globalization is quite complex Among Christians, opposition to or critique of globalization tends to com from sections of the established (non-fundamentalist) churches. Mor fundamentalist Protestant ‘Evangelical’ movements, often of US origin, on the other hand, tend to be less concerned with worldly issues. One of the reasons for their spread in Latin America has been the failure of left-wing Catholicism to bring about any mundane social change (Vázquez, 1998) Islamic fundamentalism tends to be more directed against a secular nation up seen to vote as on this state – experienced as a socioeconomic failureSign and antitle alien impor Useful Not useful – and appears, at least sometimes, more asan alternative globalization than a territorially delimited reaction against it. Hindu fundamentalism and militant Buddhism in Sri Lanka, on the other hand, thrive mainly from
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to North and from East to West. Women’s groups, street children, ch laborers, trade unionists and indigenous peoples have acquired resou ful friends in the rich world – through the UN machinery and otherw – providing political and economic support, publicity and advice. Tra national satellite television and transistor radios have opened acces other patterns of consumption, entertainment and lifestyles and, occas ally, to other political information than those provided by the state reg and the local culture. All this may be evaluated critically as a cultu invasion or challenge as well as positively. Anyway, Third World course on globalization is also strongly cultural, perhaps more so in, example, the Arab world, than in some other parts.7 In Southeast and East Asia, post-Second World War globalizations h been experienced neither as a threat nor as a brutal imposition from out but, first of all, as a self-determined entry into world opportunities access to universal technology, through export drives, and then, by the f runners, through forays into world finance. As one ASEAN writer pu ‘In Vietnam, as in the other Asean [Southeast Asian] economies, globa ation was initiated by the government’ (Soesastro, 1998: 28). The Thai Ro Academy has translated globalization as lokapiwat, ‘expanding globa ‘conquering the world’ (Chantana, 1998: 259). India in the 1990s, a Reading asomewhere Preview ‘liberalization’, appears toYou're be located between China and rest of the Third World, but much less open to foreign trade and invest Unlock full access with a free trial. There has been relatively little incoming (non-East Asian) foreign di investment, and domesticDownload consumer Withmarkets Free Trial are still heavily domina by domestic firms. A global orientation here has hitherto been rewar by a staggering growth of living standards for the large majority. decade from 1985 to 1995, East Asia was also the main region of tr union growth in the world (ILO, 1997: 2, 235–6). The core countries of the region were never subject to western colon ism, and they have kept a distinctive, largely secular culture – elite as w as popular – of their own, now, of course, affected by global cultural c rents. The cultural challenge appears to be primarily political, percei Sign upas to vote on this title as undermining political authorities, but also intrusive upon natio Useful Not useful traditions. In summary, globalizations are not globally uniform but regionally nationally variable. The reactions they provoke and the actions t
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‘steering’, and it refers to giving direction to something (see Rosenau 1995). It has the advantage of not being tied to the state; whereas world government is (still) a utopia, world governance is an immediate practi cal challenge. . . . But St i l l i n the Century of the St ate
Current discussions on challenges to and the decline of the state had bette keep in mind that recent developments are taking place from the peak o state power and control. The second third of the 20th century, from th Depression until the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of fixed inter-state exchange rates, will probably be remembered as the zenith o the state, but until very recently the whole century has experienced an increase in the significance of the state. Economically, states grew in relation to markets, globally as well a domestically. Domestically, this was the time of planning, of state mobiliz ations of the country’s resources and, somewhat later, the establishmen of large-scale, state-guaranteed social entitlements. The share in th domestic economy of state revenue and state expenditure took a leap upward. State control over its territory and its population increased enor mously, with legal unifications, administrative growth and the develop You're Reading Preview ment of technologies of registration andasurveillance. Radio provided an effective national mass medium. In terms of identifications, nationalism Unlock full access with a free trial. rose to new heights and spread further across the globe than ever before expressed in the enthusiastic war mobilizations and in the vast anti Download With Free Trial colonial movement. Whether through democracy or dictatorship, popu lations were integrated into, and mobilized by a state they regarded a theirs, to an unprecedented extent. Now, we all know that since the late 1970s, markets have grown faste than the state, financial markets explosively so in the last dozen years The contradiction of capitalist development that Marx pointed ou between private property and the ‘increasingly social character of the pro ductive forces’ was remarkably correct for 20th-century capitalism, up til Sign up to new vote onmeans this title of privat the 1970s. Since then, there has been a reversal, with useful Useful resource mobilization and technology development viaNotmarkets. This i undoubtedly an epochal shift. But how far has it taken us in changing th significance of the nation-state?
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International Sociology Vol. 15 No. 2
unified until the 1940s. It holds for Latin America today as compared w the pre-Second World War oligarchies or the convulsions of the Mexi Revolution. It holds for the USA, where the writ of the federal gove ment and the US Constitution, including its 14th Amendment (on ra equality), are now valid across the whole territory of the nation, incl ing the South. Western Europe is somewhat different, but not becaus global markets and local fragmentation. It is regional integration, org ized by the nation-states, that makes the difference. Everywhere, except post-Communist Russia, a larger part of territo economies is extracted and spent by nation-states than it was 50 or a years ago. Before the First World War, no state in high-spending Eur spent as much as a fifth of the country’s GDP, usually one-tenth or o seventh. Before the Second World War, general taxation extracted o fifth or more of GDP only in Germany from 1936 on (Flora, 1983: 262, and Ch. 8). By 1950, all the OECD states extracted more than a fifth their GDPs in taxes, the USA almost a fourth, but no one more th third – which France, Germany and the UK all did (Taylor, 1983: 262) 1997, the weighted average of general public expenditure in the OE was 39 percent of GDP and average receipts from taxes and other sou were 38 percent. No country, except recent member Korea, spent less t Readingresources a Preview (OECD, 1998: 252–3). about a third of domesticYou're economic In contrast to the threeUnlock previous waves of globalization, the current full access with a free trial. is not at all state driven, but it starts from a peak of state power. A many of the forces and processes made Downloadwhich With Free Trial the 20th century the cent of the state are still at work. A great deal of the coming problem governance will derive from the continued existence and power of sta The world posing questions of governance seems to me still to be m an interactive pattern of exogenous actors than a self-determining syst
Issues of Global Norm Formation
In principle, one may think of world governance in terms of wo up to voteDe on this title most of government, world leadership and worldSignnorms. facto, Not usefullaw as furt Useful global probably perceive a world government with ‘hard’ away than about a 100 years ago, when the French legal scholar Edou Lambert presented a proposal of a droit commun de l’humanité (a law o
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Therborn Globalizations
of leadership. Studies of the formation of world norms will greatly enrich future social theory. There are at least three main areas where a global normative approach would not only be very important but could also be argued withou necessarily having to confront cultural diversity and cultural relativism One concerns the planet Earth as an ecosystem. A second refers t humankind as a species. The third may be logically more divisive, but cumulative effect of the waves of globalization has made it recognized worldwide, if not universally. That is the conception of humankind as an aggregate of individuals of intrinsically equal worth, at least at birth. In each of these areas, processes of forming global norms are already at work. According to one count, there were by 1992 more than 900 ‘inter national legal instruments’ dealing with the environment (Jacobson and Weiss, 1995: 119). The UN conferences in Stockholm (1972), Rio (1992) and Kyoto (1997) have spawned or inspired a number of environmental pro tocols and accords clearly with at least some significant environmenta effect, for instance on ozone-depleting substances. The World Heritag Convention of 1972 laid foundations for a common human cultural heri tage. Other attempts at a ius humanitais have so far been more contro versial and opposed by the USA as interfering with private property. Th You're a Preview USA has therefore not ratified theReading Law of the Sea Convention that stipu lates the ocean floor and itsUnlock subsoil a common heritage of humankind o full access with a free trial. the similar Moon Treaty (Sousa Santos, 1995: 366ff.). The WHO and it monitoring of the health ofDownload humankind has been very successful in a With Free Trial number of areas of disease. Population policies constitute another field o recent global concern, and the UN Conference on Population and Development (in Cairo 1994) managed to introduce the normative concep of reproductive rights into them. Individual human rights were solemnly proclaimed in the Declaration of 1948. They became a frequently invoked norm in the second half of the 1970s and have generated several UN con ventions with monitoring committees (see further Steiner and Alston 1996). The most significant of the latter appears to be the committe up to vote on this title following implementations of the convention Sign against racial discrimination useful Useful and, in particular, the one devoted to the Convention onNot the Rights of th Child (Banton, 1996; LeBlanc, 1995). The actual course of global normativity looks like a meandering path
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International Sociology Vol. 15 No. 2
and proclaims as a species-right that: ‘every human person and all peop are entitled to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic, soc cultural, and political development’. To Bedjaoui, ‘the right to devel ment . . . is the core right from which all the others stem’ (Steiner Alston, 1996: 1117). Human rights as a rallying cry has radical and far-reaching im cations. They may very well become a fulcrum of radical politics wo wide in the new century.9 Between the two poles of the reckless global capitalist and the c cerned cosmopolitan citizen of the world or, alternatively, between th of boundless globalism and local fundamentalism, actual globalizati offer a range of courses of action. Governance by normative regula makes up an important part of this range of possibilities (see further H and Sassen, this issue, pp. 399–413 and 377–97).
Notes
1. This is a different way of looking at these discourses than that of Rober and Khondker (1998), who use a rhetorical distinction rather than a topical singling out regional, disciplinary, ideological and gender discourses of glo ization. You're Reading a Preview 2. A high-powered intellectual contribution to the genre is Thurow (1992). Fo Unlock full access with a free trial. important critique of this discourse from inside mainstream economics, Krugman (1996). Download With 3. Cited from La Prensa (Buenos Aires) 6 Free JulyTrial 1998: 13, translation from Spa is mine. 4. The first UN monitoring report was Holdgate and El-Hinnawi (1982). programmatic report of the World Environment and Development Com sion followed in 1987. The UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climatic Cha began its work in 1988. In 1989 a workshop on Global Natural Resource M toring and Assessment took place in Venice. The annual UN Human Deve ment Report began in 1990. 5. The Mongol 13th–14th century empire and the Mongols’ connecting Eurasian continent from Korea to Europe might also beon seen as a mighty g Sign up to vote this title alizing wave. Useful Not useful 6. On this point I am indebted to an unpublished paper by Sheldon Pol Professor of Sanskrit and Indic Studies at the University of Chicago, and to
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References
Appadurai, A. (1996) Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Banton, M. (1996) International Action Against Racial Discrimination . Oxford Clarendon Press. Barber, B. (1992) ‘Jihad versus McWorld’, The Atlantic 269. Bird, G. (1996) ‘The International Monetary Fund and Developing Countries: A Review of the Evidence and Policy Options’, International Organization 477–511. Buchanan, P. (1998) The Great Betrayal: How American Sovereignty and Social Justic are Being Sacri ced to the Gods of the Global Economy. Boston, MA: Little, Brown Castells, M. (1996–8) The Information Age: Economy, Society, and Culture, 3 vols Oxford: Blackwell. Chantana Banpasirichote (1998) ‘Thailand’, in C. Morrison and H. Soesastro (eds Domestic Adjustments to Globalization, pp. 257–83. Tokyo and New York: Japa Center for International Exchange. Fieldhouse, D.K. (1982) The Colonial Empires. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Flora, P. (1983) State, Economy, and Society in Western Europe 1815–1975: A Dat Handbook, Vol. 1. Frankfurt: Campus. Hagège, C. (1996) L’Enfant aux deux langues. Paris: Odile Jacob. Hannerz, U. (1992) Cultural Complexity. New York: Columbia University Press. Hannerz, U. (1996) Transnational Connections. You're Reading aLondon: Preview Routledge. Held, D. (1995) Democracy and Global Order. Cambridge: Polity Press. Unlock full access with a free trial. Held, D., McGraw, A., Goldblatt, D. and Perraton, J. (1999) Global Transformations Cambridge: Polity Press. Download With Free Trial Globalization in Question. Cambridge: Polit Hirst, P. and Thompson, G. (1996) Press. Holdgate, M. W. and El-Hinnawi, E. E., eds (1982) The World Environmen 1972–1982. Dublin: Tycooly International. ILO (1997) World Labour Report 1997–98. Geneva: ILO. Jacobson, H. and Weiss, E. Brown (1995) ‘Strengthening Compliance with Inter national Environmental Accords: Preliminary Observations from a Collabora tive Project’, Global Governance No. 1. Krugman, P. (1996) Pop Internationalism. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. of up theto Child LeBlanc, L. J. (1995) The Convention on the RightsSign Lincoln, NB an vote on. this title London: University of Nebraska Press. Useful Not useful Luhmann, N. (1997) Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft, 2 vols. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Mattelart, A. (1983) Transnationals and the Third World: The Struggle for Culture
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OECD (1997) Toward a New Global Age, Policy Report. Paris: OECD. OECD (1998) Economic Outlook: June 1998. Paris: OECD. Ohmae, K. (1995) The End of the Nation State. New York: Free Press. Pollock, S. (1998) ‘India in the Vernacular Millennium: Literary Culture and Po 1000–1500’, Daedalus Summer: 41–74. Robertson, R. and Khondker, H. (1998) ‘Discourses of Globalization’, Internat Sociology 13: 25–50. Rosenau, J. (1995) ‘Governance in the Twenty-First Century’, Global Governan 13–43. Soesastro, H. (1998), ‘Domestic Adjustments in Four ASEAN Economies’, i Morrison and H. Soesastro (eds) Domestic Adjustments to Globalization . To and New York: Japan Center for International Exchange. Sousa Santos, B. (1995) Toward a New Common Sense: Law, Science, and Politic the Paradigmatic Transition. New York and London: Routledge. Steiner, H. and Alston, P. (1996) International Human Rights in Context. Oxf Clarendon Press. Taylor, C. L., ed. (1983) Why Governments Grow: Measuring Public Sector Beverly Hills, CA, London and New Delhi: Sage. Therborn, G. (1995) European Modernity and Beyond: The Trajectory of Euro Societies 1945–2000. London: Sage. Therborn, G., ed. (1999) Globalizations and Modernities – Experiences and Perspec from Europe and Latin America. Stockholm: Swedish Council for Planning Reading a Preview Coordination of ResearchYou're (FRN). Thurow, L. (1992) Head to Head: Theaccess Coming Economic Battle among Japan, Eu Unlock full with a free trial. and America. New York: William Morrow. UNRISD (United Nations Research Institute forTrial Social Development) (1995) Download With Free of Disarray. Geneva: UNRISD. Vázquez, M. (1998) The Brazilian Popular Church and the Crisis of Moder Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wallerstein, I. (1976) The Modern World System. New York: Academic Press. Weiss, L. (1998) The Myth of the Powerless State: Governing the Economy in a Gl Era. Cambridge: Polity Press. Westerlund, D., ed. (1996) Questioning the Secular State. London: Hurst Company. Williams, M. (1994) International Economic Organizations and the Third World Sign up to vote on this title York: Harvester/Wheatsheaf. usefulCommon Fu Useful (1987) NotOur World Environment and Development Commission Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Zysman, J. (1996) ‘The Myth of a “Global” Economy: Enduring National Fo
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Experiences and Perspectives of Europe and Latin America (Stockholm: FRN, 1999 and European Modernity and Beyond: The Trajectory of European Societies 1945–200 (London: Sage, 1995).
Göran Therborn, SCASSS, Götavägen 4, S-752 36 Uppsala, Sweden [email:
[email protected]]
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