Franz Rosenthal-A History of Muslim Historiography (1968).pdf

B Y 

FRANZ ROSENTHAL

SECOND REVISED EDITION

LEIDEN L,

j,

HK iL l

1968

FOREWORD TO THE SECOND EDITION

Copyright 1968  by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands  A ll

rig hts rese rved . No

part of thi s boo k may be rep rod uce d 

or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

Muslim historiography, hke any other important subject, admits of many and vastly different kinds of treatment. Instead of a new edition, an entirely new work might have been written, and this might have pleased critics, and the author himself, much better. However, the present volume is merely a second edition. It shows no really major changes. Minor additions and corrections are quite numerous. There is only one addition of some size, that is, the chapter dealing with al-lji’s methodology of historical writing. The first edition was published in 1952. Work on it was begun almost immediately after the end of the Second World War. In retrospect, it is clear that the moment was unusually favorable to the writing of a work of this kind. Scholarly activity had naturally slackened considerably during the great upheaval. A satisfactory up-to-date bibliography of b oth W estern and Oriental publications publications on Muslim historiography existed in Brockelmann’s GeschicMe der arahischen Litteratur.  Litteratur.   Above all, two major developments of tremendous importance for Oriental studies that had been long in the making reached their final stage, which at the same time signified a new beginning, only with the end of the War. One of them has been the astounding perfection reached by the means of communication of all kinds. No corner of the earth is now too remote for the potential and, more often than not, actual partici pation in scholarly work, the publishing of research and the editing of texts. The other development, concerning in particular the Muslim world, is the undeniable fact that the gap which until recent  ye ars did ex ist be twe en We ste rn Ori en tali sm and the occ upa tio n of Easterners with their own culture has been closed. Publications  b y Ne ar and Mid dle Ea st er n sch ola rs on Isla mi c sub jec ts ma y, from the point of view of creative scholarship, be good, or bad, or indifferent, but whatever it may be, they can no longer be disre garded as was largely possible up to the time of the Second World  Wa r.  Wh ile thes e dev elo pm en ts are to be wa rm ly we lco me d and raise even greater hopes for the future, they will pose certain problems, and they have already caused some difficulties in the preparation of this new edition. Heroic and quite successful attempts are being

VI

FO R E W O R D

undertaken by individual scholars and scholarly organizations in order to bring bibliographical order into what appears to be a growing chaos created by the publication explosion. However, there is no single reference work that could take the place of G A L for the purposes of the present work .i Bibliogr aphica l references have, therefore, been added, and new editions have often been mentioned. This was done somewhat haphazardly. Not too much should be read into my mentioning one edition while seemingly ignoring another. An element of mere chance, such as the availa  bi lit y of a ce rta in te x t p ubl ica tion , m ay be respo nsib le. Th e fa ct of availability has also played some role in the utilization of research published in non-European languages. Here, we face a major problem, however. We may well ask of what use it is for the reader  wh o is not an Ori en tali st b y prof essi on to be refe rred to wo rks in languages not readily comprehensible to him. While it is not absolutely true, it comes quite close to the truth to say that, in order to to understand a work, say, on at-Tab ari written in Arabic b y a modern scholar, one must know as much Arabic as, or more than, one needs for reading at-Tabari’s work itself. The number of  We ste rne rs int ere ste d in his tor ica l stud ies who possess such kn ow l edge and would be able to make use of the research by modern Eastern scholars seems as yet to be very small. I do not profess to know any real solution to the universal dilemma posed by the increasingly multilingual character of modern scholarship. This history of Muslim historiography historiography was meant to be an a ttempt to see Muslim historiography as a whole, as it presents itself to someone not content with admiring outstanding achievements selected arbitrarily or looking into particular niches and corners but eager to gain a well-balanced appreciation of a large branch of learning with all its characteristic triumphs and failures. Such an approach does not lend itself very well to subsequent patching. I suspect that some of the material added here would have been discarded like so much else, if it had been available for scrutiny at the outset together with all the rest. I even suspect that some of the added references to older publications were considered by me  be fore — and rej ect ed. A cer tai n scho lar, we are tol d b y as -S afa di (as quoted by Ibn Tulun,  Luma'-dt,   Luma'-dt,  64, Damascus 1348, referring to Badr-ad-din Ibn an-Nahwiyah) was unable to give additional ^ Entries for historians in the second edition of the  Ency clopa edia of Isla m,   which began to appear in 1954, are naturally brief and restricted in number.

FOREWORD

VII

information requested in connection with the material contained in one of his works, because authors customarily consult all the relevant litera ture at the time of writing and then forget abo ut it. This could hardly be called the proper scholarly attitude. However,  wi th all the che cki ng and re- che cki ng I did, I ha ve to ad mit th at I  was not abl e to go ove r all the ma ter ial I ha d used in the firs t pla ce and to re-examine it afresh. This second edition thus shares with the original work some shortcomings of which I am as fully aware now as I was then. Perhaps, it will one day be replaced by something more perfect. Until then, it is hoped that making the work available again in a slightly improved form will serve a useful purpose and help toward a better understanding of that great phenomenon of history that  wa s Musl im his tor ica l th ink ing and writ ing.

FOREWORD (to the first edition) This book represents the very imperfect execution of what I feel  wa s a ve ry goo d inte ntio n. It is no ex ha us tiv e hi sto ry of Muslim historiography, as its title says, but, at best, an attempt to promote the understanding of the basic problems of Muslim historiography. I hope that it will not be considered unworthy of the material support I received in writing it. The John Simon Guggenheim Foundation granted me a fellowship which enabled me to visit England, France, and Egypt, and to use the great libraries in Oxford, Paris, Cairo, and Alexandria, aided by the never failing cooperation of the librarians in their charge. The Hebrew Union College in Cincinnati, to whose faculty I then belonged, granted me a one-year paid leave of absence. Despite all this generous assistance, I have by no means been able to avail myself of the many aids to scholarly work which modern inventions make accessible but, alas!, so inaccessible to the “po vre scoler.” I regret this; yet, knowing that scholarship did not in the past, and, I trust, never will in the future depend upon “com plete” libra ry collections, microfilms and airplanes, I venture to present here  wh at ev er — and ho we ve r lit tle — I ha ve to say.

 Wh ile it is m ai nly the au tho r who spe aks in the firs t par t, Muslim

VIII

FOREWORD

students of historiography are given the word in the second part. It contains a translation of  1— al-Kafiyaji’s  Short Work on Hist oriog raph y, 2— as-Sahawi’s Ofen Denunciation of the the Critics of the Historians ; 3— The sections sections on historiography historiography from from Tasko priizM eh’s  Ke y to  Hap pin ess. These three works represent represent the two extant complete systematic treatments of historiography by Muslims, and a late reflex of them from an encyclopedia. It might have been appropriate to include a translation of the old and invaluable bibliography of Arabic historical works, the section on historians in Ibn an-Nadim’s (tenth century)  Fih ris t,  t,   with its important data concerning the early stages of the publication of historical works in Islam. Such a translation would have shown the contrast that exists between the  Fih ris t   and the later theoretical discussions of historiography. It would have offered a good illustration of the development of Muslim historical thinking. Such a translation was omitted here  bec aus e it is hop ed th at the new edi tio n of the  Fi hr ist   ist   by J. F u c k   wh ich has bee n ann oun ced for such a long tim e wil l ev en tu al ly appear and that then the whole work, including the section on the historians, will be translated and annotated. ^ Since unpublished material is often referred to in the course of the work, it seemed advisable to publish the original text of at least some of that material. The third part serves that purpose. It contains only one complete text, that of al-KMiyaji’s  Muhta sar.   All the other works, I hope, will soon find their editors. ^ B . D o d g e has been working on a translation of the  Fi hri st   for a number of years. The Arabic translator of the first edition of the present work, SA l ih  A h m ad a l- 'A li , has added the historical titles from the  Fi hri st   to the translation, 273-316 (Bagdad 1963).

*

*

*

The manuscript of this second edition was submitted to the Publisher in April, 1964. The vast number of important public ations that have appeared since that date could, if at all, be used only for additions in the proofs.

TABLE OF CONTENTS For ew ord ............................................ .................................................................... ................................................ .......................... .. Bib liogr aph ical references .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ........ ...

v  x iv 

P A R T ONE I— Introductory remarks on history and historiography. .. 1. The objec tive of a work on Muslim historio graphy . . 2. Th e concept of history, Muslim and modern .............

3 3 8

II — Back groun d and en vir on m en t....... t.......... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ... 1. Historica l consciousness consciousness in pre-Islamic Ara bia ......... 2. The historical outlook of M uh am m ad ...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ..... 3. The position of history in Muslim scholarship and ....................................................................... ............................. ....... e d u c a t i o n .................................................

18 18 24

4. The Muslim hi st or ia n .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ....... ..

54

II I— The basic forms of Muslim historiograph y

30

...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ...... .....

66

1.  Habar hi sto ry ................................ ...................................................... ...................................... ................ 2. Th e ann alis tic for m ............................................ ........................................................... ............... 3. Lesser forms of histo rical perio dizatio n .......... ............... ......... ....... ... a. Dyn astic his to rio gr ap hy .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......

66 71 87 87

 b. Th e tabaqdt  d iv is io n ............................................ ....................................................... ...........

93

c. The genealo gical ar ra ng em en t........... t................ .......... .......... .......... ......... ....

95

IV— The content contentss of histor historica icall w or k s ......................................... .................................................................. ................................ .......... 1. Genealogy ............................................

6. Pol itica l and social science .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ....... 7. T he use of documents, inscriptions, and co in s...........

99 99 100 106 no 11 3 115 118

 V — Th e mi xe d form s of his tor ica l wr iti ng .............................. ...................................................................... .............................. ...... 1. The origin s .............................................. 2. Wo rld his to rie s........................................................ s...................................................................... .............. 3. Lo cal h is to ri e s........................................ s.............................................................. .............................. ........ 4. Con temporary history and memoirs ............................

129 129 133 150 172

 V I— A rti sti c form s of his tor ica l w r it in g ..................................... 1. The use of rhymed prose {saj^)....................................... {saj^).......................................

176 176

2. Bi og rap hy ................................................ ...................................................................... ............................ ...... 3. Geography Geography and cosm ograp hy ......................................... ......................................... 4. As tro lo gy ............................................................ ............................................................................. ................. ................................................................... ............................... ......... 5 . P h i l o s o p h y  .............................................

2. Th e use of ver se ............................................. .................................................................. .....................

179

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 V I I — Th e his tor ica l nov el .......................................... ............................................................. ...................  V I II — A n ev alu ati on of Mushm hi st or io gr ap h y ........................

i8 6 194

PART TWO I X — A l - I j i ’s ’s T u h f a h ........................................... ........................................................... ............................ 1. In tr od uc tio n .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ......... .......... .......... ....... ................................................................... ........................ . 2. Translation .............................................  A ut ho r’s in tr o d u ct io n .................................................... Fi rst c h a p te r........................................ r............................................................ .............................. .......... ................................................................. .................... Second chapter ............................................. Thi rd c h ap te r............. r.................. .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ......... .......... ..... .. . Fou rth ch ap te r............. r.................. .......... .......... .......... ......... ......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ...... ................................................................... ..................... Fifth chapter .............................................. Six th ch ap te r.................................... r.......................................................... .................................. ............ In tr o du ct io n.............. n.................. ......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ....... .. Fi rs t se ct io n.................................. n........................................................ ................................. ........... Seco nd sect ion ........................ .............................................. ..................................... ............... Th ird sect ion ............................ .................................................. ................................... ............. Fo ur th sect ion ............................................ ............................................................. ................. Fi fth se ct io n .......... .............. ......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ...... .. Six th se ct io n .......... .............. ......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ...... ..

201 201 205 205 206 207 208 208 208 213 213 214 214 216 216 226 232 235

Sev ent h sec tion .............................. .................................................... ............................. ....... Ei gh th sect ion ............................ .................................................. ................................. ........... Ninth section ..............................................................

239 239

................................................................. .................... Tenth section ............................................. El ev en th sect ion ...................................... ......................................................... ................... Tw elfth se ct io n .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ......... .......... .......... .......... ....... .. Seve nth c h ap te r............. r.................. .......... .......... .......... ......... .............................. ................................................................ ........................ E i g h t h c h a p t e r .......................................... Ninth ch ap te r............ r................. .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ..... X — A l - K M i y a ji ji ’ s Short Work on His to rio gr ap hy ................. 1. In tr od uc tio n.............. n................... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ....... 2. Translation ............................................................. .. . . . .

240 242 242 242 244 244 244

Fi rst ch a p te r........................................ r................................................................ .............................. ...... ................................................................. .................... Second chapter ............................................. Thi rd c h a p te r.............. r................... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ........ ...

245 245 249 24 9 249 255 261

X I — A s -S -S a ha ha w i’ i’ s /  7 aw ............................................ .................................................................. ........................ 1. Int ro d uc ti on .......... .............. ......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ....... 2. Tra nsl ati on .......................................... ................................................................ .............................. ........

263 263 269

XI

X I— As-Sahawi’ As-Sahawi’ss  IHdn [cont.) [cont.) I. A linguistic definition of ta^'rih ............................ ... 271

II. III . IV.  V.  VI .  V II .  V II I. IX. X. X I.

A definition of ta^rih as a technical technical term term .. . . 273 273 Th e objec t of hist ory .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ....... 273 The usefulness usefulness of of history ......................................... ... 273 Th e go al of the occ upa tio n wi th h is to ry ........... ry  .............. 332 Th e leg al cla ssif ica tio n of h is to r y ......................... 332 Th e evi den ce in fav or of h is to r y ........................... 338 Th e bla me wor thin ess of the cri tics of hi sto ry . 338 The qualifications qualifications required required of of his tor ian s ............ 358 The introduction of the Muslim Muslim e r a ...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ...... 378 The w orks on histo ry ......... .............. .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ........ 388  A. Hi sto ric al wo rks acc ord ing to ad -D ah ab i’s cl as sif ic at io n.............. n................... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... 388 ... 393 1. Muhammad ..................................................  ...403 2. Stories of the the prop he ts ............................ ... 3. The men around around Muhamma d .................... 404 ... 406 4. The caliph s .................................................... ... 41 1 5. Th e kings of Islam ....................................... 6. W a z ir s ............................................ ........................................................... ............... ... 412 ... 414 7. Secretaries .................................................... 8. Am irs ............................................ ........................................................... ............... ... 4^4 9. J u ri s ts ............................................ ........................................................... ............... ... 414 10. Qu r’a n re ad er s............ s................. .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ....... .. ... 420 11.  Had it  ex p e rt s.............. s.................. ......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ........ ... ... 421 12.  Had it   scholars.............................................. ... 421 ...422 13. Historians ....................................................... 14. G ra m m ar ia ns .......... ............... .......... ......... ......... .......... .......... .......... ....... .. ...422 ...423 15. Litterateurs ..................................................... 16. Lexicographers ............................................423 17. P o e t s ............................................ ............................................................. ................. ...423 18. 18. Servants Servants of God and S M s ......................... 425 19. J u d g e s ........................................... ........................................................... ................ ...427 20. Singers ......................................................... ...428 ............................................................. ....................... 21.  A s r d f ......................................... ...429 22. Nob le perso ns ............................................ ............................................ ...429 ...429 23. Quick-witte d persons .................................... ...429 24. Intelligent persons ...................................... ...4^9 25. Physicians ..................................................... 26. A s‘ a ri te s ......... .............. .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ..........4^9

X II

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PART THREE

X I — A s - Sa Sa h a w i’i’ s IHdn s  IHdn [cont.) [cont.) I n n o v a t o r s .................................................. ............................................................ ....................... ... Si‘ah ........................................ Misers and sp on ger s................................... s................................... Courageous men ....................................... The one-eyed, weak-sighted, Wind, Wind, and ................................................ ....... hunchbacked......................................... 32. M o n k s...................................... s.......................................................... ...................... 33. Those killed by the Qur’ a n ...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ..... .. 34. L o v e r s ........................................ ........................................................... ................... 27. 28. 29. 30. 30. 31.

B. Historical works according to as-Sahawi’s clas sifi cati on .......................................... ...................................................... ............ 1. Muhammad Muhammad and the pro phe ts ...............

2. 3. 4. 5.

The men around Muhammad ................. The a h d f   .................................................... Th e Qurasites and other special famihes C li e n ts ........................................ ........................................................... ...................

XIII

430 431 432 432 432 432 432 432 433 433 433 433 433 434 435

6. R eliable and and weak transmitters ............. 7. Men connected with the science science of hadit  8.  Mu'-ja ms  ms   and masyahahs ........................ 9. Works on men of a particular na m e... 10. M acrobiotics and young men ............... 11. Works on men of a particular period or d y n a st y ......... .............. .......... .......... .......... ......... ......... .......... .......... .......... ......... ....

435 446 45 1 454 454

12. 13. 14. 15.

Biographies of particular individuals . . Loc al h is to ri es ......... .............. .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... ..... Geog raph ical work s .......... .............. ......... .......... .......... ......... .... “ Stra ight" historical w or ks ...... ......... ...... ...... ...... ..... .. a. Histori es of e v e n ts ......... .............. .......... .......... .......... ....... ..  b. His tori es of e ven ts and dat es of d ea th c. Biographical works ............................

455 457 486 488 488 488 490 499

X II. An alphabetical alphabetical list of his toria ns ...................... d. Wo rks on date s of death .......... ............... ........ ... e. Miscellane Miscellaneous ous works. Tra ve ls ...........

501 51 1 515

454

XI II. The chief representatives representatives of personality  .............................................................. ........................... ..... c r i t i c i s m ........................................

516

X II — Tasko priizM eh on his tor iog rap hy........ hy........... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ..... ..

530 530

1. In tr od uc ti on ........................................ .............................................................. ................................ .......... 2. T ra n sl at io n...................................... n.......................................................... .................................... ................

530 531

1— Ibn Farigun, Farigun,  Jaw am i' al-Hilum  al-Hilum   ............................................ .... 539 2— Fahr-ad-din ar-Razi,  Hadd^ig a l-a nw dr ................................... 54 ® .... 541 3 — I b n al-‘Adim,  Bugy at at-talah ...................................................... 4— Ibn Sina, Sina,  Sif d^ ........................................ ............................................................ ....................................... ....................... 54 ^ .... 543 5— Al-Maqrizi, Al-Maqrizi, al-Habar 'an al-basar .............................................. .

6— Qud^mah, Qud^mah,  H a r d j .......................................... ............................................................... .............................. ......... .... 543 .... 544 7 — I bn bn al-'Adim,  Bugy at at-talab ...................................................... .... 545 8—A bu Zak ariya’ al-Azdi, al-Azdi,  Histo ry of M os ul ............................ ul ................................ 9— Al-Cumri, Al-Cumri,  Da hir ah  ah   .................................................................... .... 54^ .... 547 10— 10— Al-Kafiyaji, al-Mu htasa r f i Him at-ta^rih at-ta^rih .............................. 11— Ad-Dahabi, Ad-Dahabi,  M u' ja m   and Tabaqdt al-qurrd^ .......................... 580 1 2— 2— I bn bn Hajar,  In bd ^ ...................................... .......................................................... .................................. .............. .... 5^2 ............................................................. ...................... ......5^4 13— Ibn al-Mulaqq al-Mulaqqin, in, ' I q d  ......................................... 1 4 — I b n A b i 1-Mansur,  R is d la h .......................................................... ....5^4 ...................................................... 15— As-Sahawi, As-Sahawi, al-Qawl al-munbi .................................................. ....5^4 ....$86  16— As-Sahawi, As-Sahawi, al-Jawdhir wa-d-durar.......................................... wa-d-durar .............................................. 17— As-Silaf As-Silafi, i,  M u 'j a m ......................................... .............................................................. ............................... .......... ....610 .

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.

Ind ex of proper n am es .......... ............... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .......... .........61 ....61 1

B I B L IO G R A P H I C A L R E F E R E N C E S

XV

,  W .,  Mu sulm ans kiy M ir. Nau ka i skola  (Petersburg 1922), is said to contain a chapter on historiography (cf.  Islam ica,   IV, 138 f., 1930). ------ , Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion  (London 1928,  E. J. W. Gibb Me m. Serie s, B

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES Some of the abbreviations used in the footnotes will be found listed below, p. 201, n. i. In general, it has been thought advisable to dispense with abbreviations in the references as far as possible. References to manuscripts, if preceded by “ Bodleian,” are to the Bodleian Library in Oxfor d; if preceded by “ Paris,” to the Bibliothfeque Nationale in Paris; if preceded by “Cairo,” to the Egyptian L ibrary in Cairo, which also preserves the Taymu r collection; and if preceded by “ Alexand ria,” to the Municipal Library in Alexand ria, Egyp t. Those are the manuscripts most frequently quoted. The numbers are the ones according to  whi ch the ma nus crip ts can be orde red in the var iou s libr arie s. On ly in the case of Par is do these numbers correspond to those of the published catalogues. In the other cases, the catalogue number can usually be found without much difficulty in G A L .  It may be noted that  3. G AL   reference to a particular work according to both the old and the new catalogue of the Egyptian Library usually means only one and the same manuscript. It was also thought superfluous here to give a list of the works used. Such a list would have been very long, but its length would, I am afraid, be almost equaled by that of a list of those works which I was not able to consult since they are unpublished and no manuscripts of them were accessible; which I was able briefly to read in manuscript form  whil e the ir edi tion s were not at my dis pos al; whi ch, inc lud ing some com mon refe renc e  wor ks, I was able to stu dy on ly spo rad ica lly thr oug h sec urin g a cop y of the m thr oug h uUerlibrary loan or traveling to one of the libraries which own them; and which, though published, did not exist in the libraries where I had hoped to find them. There was a strong temptation to stud the footnotes with continuous references to works which I would have consulted if they had been available, but I dispensed with such remarks, trusting that missing references to certain sources will not be ascribed to ignorance or carelessness on my part. The main biographical information about the individuals mentioned is as a rule given in connection with their first occurrence in the translation of the  IHdn ,  cf. the Index. The general works on historiography, instructive though they are in connection with the special field of Muslim historiography, pay extremely scant attention to the latter. The sixteenth-century Frenchman Jean Bodin had a chapter on Arab historians in his  Met hod   for the Eas y Compr ehens ion of Hist ory.  But the leading  Lehrhu ch der histori schen Method e und der Geschichtsphilosophie  b y E . B e r n h e i m , of which I had the third and fourth edition at my disposal (Leipzig 1903), just had a footnote on Ibn ^aldun (p. 126, n. 2). R. F l i n t ’ s  His tory of the Phi loso phy of His tory  (New York 1894) has a little more. F l i n t pays much attention to Ibn Haldun, who has also found the attention of other students of the theory of historiography, such as R.  A  l t a m i r a , Cuestiones modernas de historia  (Madrid 1904). H.  A . B a r n e s , in his  His tory of His toric al Wri ting  93-97 (Norman, Okla., 1937), mentions some of the important Muslim historians, and works on Spanish historiography, such as B. S a n c h e z A  l o n s o ’ s  Hi stor ia de la histori ografi a espan ola  (Madrid 1941-44), naturally include sections on Spanish Muslim historians, but this is about all. It is safe to say that none of the numerous and often excellent works of the historians of historiography says anything of importance about Muslim historical writing. The following very selective list contains a few works, articles, and opinions concerning general problems of Muslim historiography. Comprehensive histories of Arabic literature have not been included. It should also be kept in mind th at all major works on Muslim history written in recent years by trained historians contain surveys of their sources which are valuable contributions to the understanding of Muslim historiography. For general  bib liog rap hic al su rve ys and for det aile d stu dies of cert ain peri ods of Mus lim his tor iog rap hy , cf. also below, p. 5.  A  b b a l

 A  s

o t t

- 'A  r

, N.,  Stud ies in Ara bic Lite rary Pa py ri I: His toric al Tex ts  (Chicago 1957).

i n i

h t o r

,

a s

-S a

y y i d

a l

-B

a z

,  Mu^arr ihu al-huru b as-sa libtya h  (Cairo 1962).

, K.,  Some Unp ubli shed Sources f or the Bah rt Peri od, in  Scri pta Hier osolym itana,   I X ,

11-30 (1961). , K  a m i l ,  Die Anfd nge der arabische n Geschich tsschreib ung, in Geist und Gesellschaft,  K . Brey sig Fests chrif t, 111 , 35-48 (Breslau, n.y., 1928?). B a b i n g e r ,  F., Di e Geschichtss chreiber der Osmane n und ihre Werke  (Leipzig 1927).

 A  v

a u

a r t h o l d

N.S. 5). , C. H.,  Beitrd ge zur Geschicht e Agyp tens unter dem Isla m,  I, 1-31 (Strassburg 1902): Zur Geschichtsschreibung unter den Fatimiden. C a h e n , C .,  La Syr ie du Nord a I'epoque des Croisad es,  33-93 (Paris 1940). Cf. also his Chroniqucs arabes concernant la Syrie, I’Egypte et la Mesopotamie,  iix  Revue des Etude s  Islam ique s,  X, 333-62 (1936). C a s k e l ,  W. ,  Ai jd m al-^Arab, in  Isla mic a,  IIP, 1-99 (i 93 i)a d -D u r i , 'A   b d - a l -' A  z iz ,  Baht ft naP at Him at-ta^rih Hnd al-'-Arab  (Beirut i960). F r i e d l a e n d e r , I.,  Muha mmed anisch e Geschic htskon strukti onen, in  Beitrdg e zur Ke nnt nis des Orients,  IX, 17-34 (1910). G a b r i e l i , F.,  Storic i arabi delle Crociate  (Turin 1957)------ ,  L ’Is ldm nella scoria,  153 ff. (Bari 1966). Gibb, H. A. R . , T a M h , in  Supp leme nt to E l,   233-45 (Leiden-London 1938), reprinted in his  Stud ies on the C ivil izat ion of Isla m,  108-37 (Boston 1962). G o i t e i n , s. D. F., Introduction to V'ol. 5 of al-Baladuri,  Kit db al-A nsdb ,  pp. 14-24 (Jeru salem 1936). G o l d z i h e r , L , a tortenetirds az arab irodalomban  (Budapest 1895) (not seen). G r u n e b a u m , G. E.  v o n .  Med ieval Isla m,  275-87 (Chicago 1946), on literature and history. German trans., 329-75 (Ziirich-Stuttgart 1963). G u i d i , I.,  L ’his toriogra phic chez les Semit es, in  Revue Bib liq ue,  III, 509-19 (1906). H a m e e d u d -D i n ,  His tori ans of Afg han Rule in Ind ia, in  JA OS ,  L XX XII , 44-51 (1962). H a r d y ,  P.,  His toria ns of Med ieval Ind ia  (London i960). H o r o v i t z , J., The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors, in  Isla mic Cultur e, Be

c k e r

I, 535-59 (1927); II, 22-50, 164-82, 495-526 (1928). H u r g r o n j e , C. s . ,  Me kka ,  II, 216-18 (The Hague 1889). Iv ANOW,  W. ,  Ism ail i Trad ition concerning the Ris e of the Fat imi ds  (London, etc., 1942,

 Isla mic Research Asso ciati on Serie s, 10),  introduction. M a j i d , The Law of War and Peace in Islam,   121-24 (London 1940/41): A note on Arabic historiography. K  r a m e r s , J. H., Over de geschiedsschrijving bij de osmaansche Turken  (Leiden 1922). English translation in his  Anal ecta Orient alia,  I, 3-21 (Leiden 1954-56). L e v i -P r o v e n q a l , E.,  Les Hist orie ns des Chorf a  (Paris 1922). ------ ,  L ’hist orien de ITsl am   (1936, Univ. d ’Alger, Seance . . . de rentree des Facultes,  X I V , 7-24. Not seen). L e w i s , B., and H o l t , P. M. (eds.),  His tori ans of the Mid dle East   (Oxford University Press 1962). L i c h t e n s t a d t e r , I.,  Arab ic and Isla mic Hist oriogr aphy, in The Moslem World,  X X X V , K  h

a d d u r i,

126-32 (1945). , M a h m u d   ‘■A.,  Egipt o y los origenes de la historio grafia arabigo-esp afiola, in  Revista del Instituto de Estudios Islamicos,  V, 157-248 (i 957 )M a r g o l i o u t h , D. s.,  Lectur es on Arab ic Hist oria ns  (Calcutta 1930). O b e r m a n n ,  j. ,  Ear ly Islam , in O  b e r m a n n (ed.). The Idea of History in the Ancient Near  East,   237-310 (New Haven i 955 )P a r e t , R . ,  Di e G eschichte des I slam s im Spie gel der arabi schen Volk slite ratur  (Tiibingen 1927,  Phi loso phic und Geschichte,  13). P e t e r s e n , E. L.,  His torie skri vnin g i Islam s klass iske Perio de, in  Hist orisk 1  idsskrift,  X I , Ma

k k i

 V, 455-7 3 (Cop enha gen 1958). ------ , ^AM and Mu^dwiya in Earl y Arab ic Tradition : Studie s on the Genesis and Growth of   Isla mic His tori cal Wri ting  (Copenhagen 1964). P h i l i p s , C. H. (ed.). Hist oria ns o f Ind ia, Pak ista n a ndC eylo n  (Oxford University Press 1961). P o n s B o i g u e s , F.,  Ens ayo bio-bibli ogrdfico sobre los historiadore s y gcografos ardbigoespanoles  (Madrid 1898), cf., especially, the Conclusion,   363-87, and  Apc ndic e B, 397-402 (que hayan opinado los escritores musulmanes aeerca de la h istoria, su utilidad  y exc elen cia, su ear aete r cien tifi co). R  i c h t e r  , G.,  Das Geschic htsbild der arabisch en His torik er des Mitte lalter s  ('liibingen 1933,  Phi losop hic und Geschichte , ^t,).  English translation in  Isla mic Cultu re,  X XX III, 240-50

(1959)-

XVI

BIBLIO G RA PH IC AL R E F E R E N C E S

S a c h a u , E., Introduction to Vol. Ill, i, of Ibn Sa‘d, at-Tabaqdt, p. 13 ff. (Leiden 1904). — — ,  Stu dien zur dltesten Geschich tsiiberli eferung der Araber , in  Mit teilu ngen des Semi nars  fii r or. Sprac hen, Westas iatisch e Stud ien,  VII, 154-96 (1904), in spite of the title, contains nothing bu t some biographies of early transmitters in connection with Ibn Sa'd. S a l i b i , K. s.,  Mar onite His toria ns of Med ieval Leban on  (Beirut 1959). S a u v a g e t , J., and C a h e n , C.,  Introd uction d I’histo ire de VOrient Mu sulm an  (Paris 1961), English translation:  Introd uction to the His tory of the Mu slim Eas t   (Berkeley and Los  An gele s 1965) . S e m s e d d i n , M u h a m m a d ,  Islam da tarih we-miiwerrihle r  (Istanbul 1340-42). SOMOGYI, J. DE, The “ Kitdb al-muntazam” of Ibn al-Jauzi, in  JR A S,   1932, 49-76, especially p. 49 ------ , The Development of Arabic Historiography, in  Jou rna l of Sem itic Stud ies,  III, 3 7 3 - 8 7

(1958)Sp

u l e r

, B.,  Islam ische

und abendld ndische Geschichtsc hreibung,

in  Saecul um.   VI, 1 2 5 - 3 7

(1955 )S t o r e y ,  C. A.,  Per sia n Litera ture, a bio-bi bliogra phical survey  (London 1935 ff.), cf. below, p. 4, n. 3. T o g a n , a. Zeki Velidi, Tarihde usul   (Istanbul 1950). ------ ,  Kri tisc he Geschi chtsau ffassu ng in der islam ische n Welt des Mitte lalter s, in  Procee dings of the Twenty-Second Congress of Orientalists,   I, 76-85 (Istanbul 1953).  WOSTENFELD, F.,  Di e Geschichtschrei ber der Arabe r und ihre Werke  (Gottingen 1882,  Au s deni X X V II I. und XX IX . Bande der Abh. der k. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen). Z i Y A D A H , M . M u s t a f a ,  Al-M u^a rrihu n f i Mi sr ft l-qarn al-hdmi s '^aiar al-mt lddt   (Cairo 1949, 2nd ed., Cairo 1954).

PART ONE

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS ON HISTORY   AN D HI ST OR IO GR AP HY  I — T H E O B J E C T I V E O F A W O R K O N M U S LI M HISTORIOGRAPHY   W rit ing ab ou t the wr iti ng of hi sto ry b y an y pa rti cu lar gro up or in any particular period means only one thing : To show the develop ment which the concept of history underwent in the thinking and in the scholarly approach of the historians of that particular group or period, and to describe the origin, growth, or decline of the forms of literary expression which were used for the presentation of historical material.^ It is thus perfectly clear what this book will not be and cannot  be, bu t, in orde r to disp el an y jus tifi ed or un jus tifi ed ex pe cta tio ns, some of the things which will not be found here may be mentioned. The science of Islam is a comparative newcomer in Western scholarship. Even by a liberal count, one has to give it less than a hundred years, beginning with such men as A.  v o n K r e m e r , Th. N o l d e k e , or I. G o l d z i h e r . This compares with the more than four hundred years of classical philology and the two hundred and fifty years of the science of h i s t o r y . ^ The real objectives of the science of Islam are, therefore, sometimes obscured by the (in themselves very important) secondary requirements of a growing and as yet not fully developed discipline. This book is not a bibliography of Muslim historians. The existence of full bio-bibliographical information about Muslim historians is an indispensable condition for the task at hand. A first attempt to dress a comprehensive list of Arabic historians and their works was undertaken by F.  W u s t e n f e l d in 1882.^ ^ One may compare B. C r o c e ’ s definition, of the history of historiography, in Teoria e storia della storiografia,  156 f. (third ed., Bari 1927). * C f . F r . M e i n e c k e ,  Di e Entste hung des His toris mus  (Munich-Berlin 1936). ® Di e Geschichtsc hreiber der Arabe r und ihre Werke  (Gottingen 1882. Aus dem XX VII I. und XX IX . Banda der Abh. der k. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen).

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

THE OBJECTIVE

His Geschichtschreiher der Amher  was, in general, not of the same high quah ty as his other pubhcations. Y et, it was a highly respect able achievement in its time. However, especially owing to our greatly increased knowledge of the manuscript resources of the libraries all over the world, it is now hopelessly antiquated. A pioneer work on the Spanish historians, which retains a certain use fulness, was published by F. P o n s B o i g u e s   in 1898.^ In the same  yea r, wi th the app ear anc e of C. B r o c k e l m a n n ’s Geschichte der ayaUschen Littemtur [GAL),  in 1898-1902, a safe foundation was laid lor our knowledge of Muslim historiography.^ For Persian and Turkish historiography, we also have quite exhaustive bibliograph ical surveys in the works of C. A. S t o r e y   and F. B a b i n g e r .^ In its sections on the historians, the G A L  provides excellent and in its time exhaustive information on those historians whose works have survived in manuscripts and printed books. The relevant material which escaped B r o c k e l m a n n ’s   attention is very httle. It may be doubted that, if it were possible to follow up all the references of the GAL (as well as of S t o r e y    and B a b i n g e r ),  any omission of real importance for the understanding of the history of Muslim historiography would be discovered. For the purpose of the present book, the GAL offers a bibliographical foundation of 

sufficient strength.^ It cannot be said, however, that the existence of the G A L  in its present form and of the other bibliographical  wo rks wo uld ma ke the com pila tio n of a spec ial (bio -)b ibli ogr aph y of Muslim historians a superfluous enterprise. Such a work remains an important desideratum. Using the G A L  as a basis, it would be necessary to omit the non-historical material from B r o c k e l m a n n ’ s historical sections and to collect the historical titles which are dispersed over the different sections of the G A L .  The accuracy of each statement would have to be checked. The interpretation, especially of the biographical data, would have to be improved.  A bo ve all, it wo uld be nec ess ary to coll ect all the info rma tion abo ut historians and their works that have not come down to us and are known only through bibliographical reference and through quo tations. ^A very rewarding tas k is waiting here for a future scholar, preferably one who has constant access to a large library and to the manuscript collections of the Muslim countries.

1  Ens ayo bio-bi bliogrdf ico sobre los historiador es y geografos ardbigo-esp anoles  (Madrid 1898). Some time before, a check list of Spanish historical works had been prepared by  F. C o D E R A  whi ch was pub lish ed in pri nt by him and in lit ho gra ph y by J. R  i b e r a . It  was mi sta ke nly cons ider ed by G. K  a m p f f m e y e r as an old list (of the fourteenth century) and treated by him under the title of Ein e al te Lis te arabischer Werke zur Gesc hichte Spa nie ns und Nordwestafrikas, in  Mit teilu ngen des Semi nars fii r or. Sprach en, Westas. Stud ien ,  I X , 74-110 (1906). K  a m p f f m e y e r corrected his error himself, ibid., X,  296-98 (1907), and O L Z ,  X, 38-41 (1907). “ Vols. I-II, Weimar 1898-1902.  Supp leme nt,  Vols. I-III, Leiden 1937-42. A new edition of the original two volumes (Zweite den Supplementbdnden angepasste Auflage)  appeared in Leiden 1943-49- A supplement dealing with the works preserved in manuscripts in the libraries of Turkey and some Arabic countries is in preparation by F u a t S e z g i n . The catalogues of manuscript collections in the West frequently devote special sections to the historical literature. A separate catalogue is that by A. I. M i k h a y l o v a for the historical manuscripts in the Institut Narodov Asii (Moscow 1965).  Per sian Liter ature, a bio-bi bliogra phical survey .  Vol. I, Section II, fasc. i, A: General history, B: The prophets and early Islam (London 1935); fasc. 2, C-L: Special histories of Persia, Central Asia and the remaining parts of the world except India (London 1936); fasc. 3, M:H istory of India (London 1939), N: Biograph y (London 1953, including additions, corrections, and indexes). Although it was incorporated by S t o r e y   in his  Per sia n  Liter ature,   the work by F. T a u e r ,  Les Ma nusc rits persans historiqu es des bibliothe ques de  Stambu l, in  Arc hiv Orien tdlni ,  III, 87 -118, 303-26, 462-91 (1931), and IV, 92-10 7, 193-207 (1932), may be mentioned here. * F . B a b i n g e r ,  Di e Geschichtss chreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke  (Leipzig 1927). Cf. a l s o L. F o r r e r ,  Hand schri ften osmanisc her His torik er in Istan bul, in  Der Islam ,  X X V I , 173-220 (1942).

 Va lua ble bib liog rap hic al stu dies on var iou s segm ents of Mus lim his tor iog rap hy are bei ng published with increasing frequency in Muslim countries. Cf., for instance, the guide to Moroccan historical literature by 'A   b d -a s -S a l a m I b n S u d a h ,  DaVil mu'^arrih al-M agrib al Aqs d   (Tetuan 1369/1950); the survey of Damascene historians by S a l a h - a d - d in a l M u n a j j i d ,  Al- Mu^ arri hun ad-Di masqt yUn, in  Revue de I' Inst . des Man uscr its Ar .,  II, 63-145 (1375/1956) (also published separa tely, Cairo 1956), and idem, al-Mu^arrihUn ad-DimasqtyAn  ft l-^ahd al-^Utmdm  (Beirut 1964); the study on fifteenth-century Egyptian historians  by M. M. Z i y a d a h (above, p. XV I); the rathe r detailed discussion of 'Iraq i historians (with the inclusion of many non-'Iraqis) by 'A   b b a s a l - 'A  z z a w i , at-Ta^rtf bi-lmu^arriMn, I: F t '■ahd al-Mu gul wa-t-Turkum dn  (Bagdad 1367/1957); as well as special catalogues of historical literature, such as the catalogue of microfilmed manuscripts in the possession of the Arab League entitled  Fih ris al-mahtutd t al-musawwar ah,  II, i (by L u t f i ‘ A  b d - a l -B a d i ') and n (by Fu’An S a y y i d ) (Cairo n. y. [1956-57]); Y. a l - 'I s s ’ s catalogue of the historical manuscripts in the Zahiriyah (Damascus 1366/1947); K. 'A   w w a d on the historical manuscripts in the 'Iraqi Museum, in  Sumer ,  XIII, 40-82 (i 93 7 )- For Turkish historiography, one may mention  Istan bul KiitU phane leri Tari h-Cog rafya Yazm alar i   Kat alog lan, I: TUrk fe Tari h Yaz mal ari   (Istanbul 1943)The scholarly study of historical works written by Muslim authors of the modern period is, as we would expect, also growing rapidly. Cf., for instance,  jA M A L -A D - n iN a s - S a y y a l , at- Ta Mh wa-l-nm^arrihim ft Mi sr ft l-qarn at-tdsi'^ '■asar (Cairo 1958). There is a tendency to see these works as being somehow connected with the great tradition of medieval Muslim historiography, cf., for instance, A. G. C i i e j n e , The Use of History by Modern Arab Writers, in The Middle East Journal,  XIV, 382-96 (i960), and  Autob iogra phy and Mem oirs in Mo dem  Arab Histo riogra phy, in The Muslim World,  LII, 31-38 (1962); G. M. H a d d a d ,  Moder n  Arab His toria ns and World His tory, in The Muslim World,  LI, 37-43   (1961). For the work done by recent Turkish historians, cf. the references in K. K. K e y  ,  A n Outli ne of Mode rn Turkish Historiography  (Istanbul 1954)-

Just as this book is not concerned with bibliography, it is also not concerned with the reproduction or verbal interpretation of  ^ But cf. the foreword to this edition, above, p. VI. 2 Let it be said right now, however, that in the course of this investigation, I have made the experience that quotations as a rule are little illuminating as to possible peculiari ties in the form and contents of lost historical works.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

the contents of Muslim historical works. An author on Roman historiography, for instance, would proceed on the assumption that the works he discusses are known to the reader or may be consulted by him if he so desires. The same assumption must  be ma de by the au tho r of a wo rk on Musli m his tor iog rap hy, or he would not be able to complete his task successfully. The sad fact, however, is that in his case, the assumption is not true. Many of the works, even basic ones, are not widely known, nor is it always easy or possible to gain access to them. The non-Arabist, indeed, has comparatively little opportunity to achieve a correct apprecia tion of the contents of Muslim historical literature by turning to the existing translations, as there are not enough of them. This situation reveals the need for a wider dissemination of Muslim historical literature but the defect could not and should not be remedied by the present book. Furthermore, we are not concerned here with the value of historical works as source material for the writing of the history of a particular period. There may be a certain truth to the contention that the author who possesses the sharpest eye for the truly relevant facts and thus gives his work the greatest possible value as a historical source would at the same time bring to his work the most original concept of history and the most original mode of presen tation. If this is correct in some cases, it certainly is not the general rule. On the other hand, it is definitely correct to say that works of great importance as historical sources often are unimportant as examples of historical writing. In general, the value of a historical  wo rk as a hi sto ric al sourc e ha s no dir ect rel atio n to its sign ific anc e for the h istory of historiogra phy. ^ This holds true, in particular, in the case of Muslim historiography. The value of a Muslim history as a historical source is conditioned either by its an tiquity and proximity to the described events, or by the use of ancient or (near-) contemp orary works not preserved otherwise. The former circumstance is no merit of the historian (unless he were the first to think of the idea of writing contemporary history), and the latter a merit only if the choice of the used works  wa s not obv iou s. Som e of the olde st Musl im his tori ans are va lu ed  ve ry hi gh ly bec aus e th ey are the firs t to reco rd for us ce rta in item s ^ The writing of history and the understanding of historiography are two different things. Good historians may be poor theoreticians of history. E . M e y e r is a notable example for the correctness of this statement as the readers of his  Zu r Thcor ie und Meth odik der Geschichte  (in  Kl ein e Schri ften zur Geschich tstheorie ,  1-67, Halle 1910) will admit.

THE OBJECTIVE

of information. On the other hand, the fame of later historians who  bec ame kno wn to the W es t at an ea rly dat e, such as al- Ma kin (d. 1273) in the seventeenth and Abu 1-Fida’ (d. 1331) in the eighteenth century, declined greatly after the sources they had used  bec ame kno wn. Su ch con side rati ons are ger ma ne to the his tori an  bu t th ey ha ve no be ari ng upo n the jud gm en t of the cri tic of historiography who would not prefer an ancient author merely  bec aus e of his va lue as a sourc e, or disr ega rd a lat er au tho r me rel y  bec aus e his fa ctu al inf orm ati on dup lica tes th at of olde r wor ks. In short, the question to be answered here is not: What is the historical importance of something an author says?, but: What did he do with whatever information was available to him ? This book is also no comparative study of Muslim historiography and ancient or medieval Western historiography. Such a com parative study should be the subject of a separate work, Muslim historiography must first be understood as the self-contained intellectual growth it is. Only occasional comparative references have been added here as illustrations. Finally, the present book cannot claim to have taken account of all historical writing done by MusHms as adherents of the religion of Islam. The term Muslim is here understood in a restricted cultural sense. It refers to the great civilization which took shape in Damascus and Bagdad from the seventh century to the tenth century A.D. Its formative elements were derived from many civilizations, languages, peoples, and religions. Its main vehicle of expression was the Arabic language. The predominance of Arabic can be considered assured also in the case of historiography, although historical works were soon written in the native languages of individual rulers and regions, and there exist an important Persian historical literature since the tenth century, beginning  wi th a free tra nsl ati on of at -T ab ar i’s  H ist or y}   and a very extensive Turkish historical literature since about the beginning of the fifteenth century.^ By about 1500— or should we say 15 17 , the date of the Ottoman conquest of Egyp t— the point was reached  wh en thi s Mus lim civ ili za tio n beg an to feel the ste ad ily gro win g influence of modern European civilization. Muslim civihzation, and  wi th it Mus lim his tor iog rap hy, con tinu ed to flou rish in m an y pa rts of the Muslim world without hardly any changes in its forms of  1 Cf. S t

o r e y ,   Pe rsi an

* Cf. B a

b i n g e r

Liter ature ,  I, i, n. 2 (London 1927); II, 61 ff .

, Geschichtsschreiber, 10.

«

I N T R O D U C T O RY R E M A R K S

expression. It remained especially undisturbed in the most con servative or least accessible corners of the Muslim world such as Morocco and the Yemen. However, there is always the possibility that wha tever new elements may have appeared in Muslim historiog raphy during the last four hundred years might have had their origin in a conscious or unconscious exposure to occidental influ ences. It might still be said that the study of the development of Muslim historical writing during the dawn of European influence should not be excluded from a survey of Muslim historiography, since something might be gained for the understanding of the medieval Muslim spirit from the works of the time of its disinte gration. Whether this is correct or not, the writer of the present  bo ok fee ls th at the dif fic ult ies in vo lve d wo uld be too gr ea t fo r his limited knowledge to master. The limitations of the author’s knowledge also precluded a special treatment of Muslim historioggraphy in areas of strong cultural autonomy such as India and Indonesia. In the author’s opinion, the inclusion of all these materials and the problems connected with them would have shed no addi tional light upon the contours and substance of the great cultural phenomenon of Muslim historiography and the development it took during the centuries of its free and independent existence when hundreds of Muslim scholars wrote historical works guided by their particular concept of history. 2 — T H E C O N C E P T O F H I S T O R Y , M U S L IM A N D M O D E R N The vantage point from which the investigation of the history of the historiography of a particular group or period must needs  be un de rta ke n is th at of our ow n vi ew s reg ard ing th e fu nc tio n of history and the task of the historian. These views are the product of our time, of two and a half centuries of historicism, and th^y are eminently peculiar to modern Western civilization. The historiog raphy of any group that does not form part of modern Western civilization is subject to different environmental factors and is con ditioned by a very different scale of intellectual values. It will be good to keep this fact in mind throughout our occupation with Muslim historiography, and it might not be entirely superfluous to sk etch as briefly as possible the difference between the medieval Muslim and modern Western concept of history. The semantic history of the Greek word wTopCa is in itself most

THE CONCEPT OF HISTORY

revealing .1 W ith th e t rem end ou s u psu rge of i nt elle ct ua l a nd po liti ca l activ ity in the Ionian city states of the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., the term  LGropiy]— that is, the quest for things worth knowing— came to be identified with the kind of knowledge which was of the greatest interest for citizens of a tzo K lq : the knowledge of countries, customs, and political institutions of the present or the past. The restriction of icrTopiT] to the knowledge of the happenings which accompanied the growth of those phenomena was soon made, and the term history in its common meaning was born. The Romans adopted both the literary form and the word for it.  His tor ia remained with them a learned expression. In its transition into the Romance languages, it did not undergo the phonetic changes which it would have undergone if it had been a word of the spoken everyday language. Its meaning in vulgar usage, how ever, had already deteriorated in Latin and had taken on many different sh ades of mean ing. Closest among them to its original meaning was that of anecdote, tale, or the English derivation of the word from the French: “ story.”  W he n th e wo rd ev en tu all y reg ain ed its sc ho lar ly dig nit y, it wa s in an artificially revived form: histoire, history, Historic, istoriya, etc., or in a no less artificial translation of historia  into the ver nacular, such as German Geschichte. B y th at time, all these words had been filled with an entirely new meaning. History now denoted the process according to which a particular object had reached a particular stage in its develop ment. The preferred object, in conformity with the traditional  vie w of hi sto ry , wa s man , and, in pa rti cu lar , hu ma n po liti ca l in  stitutions and activities. However, the application of the idea of history to every conceivable object, animate or inanimate, which  bec am e gen era l in the nin ete ent h ce nt ur y, was qu ite a log ica l extension. History, in this sense, has become an all-inclusive concept. Like philosophy, it can claim that every thing and every activity is subject to it and belongs into its s p h e r e . ^ ^ Cf. K. Keuck,  Hist oria. Geschichte des Wortes und seiner Bedeu tung in der Ant ike und  in den romanischen Sprachen,   Easdetten 1934 (Diss. Munster); H. R u p p and O. K o h l e r ,  Historia-G eschichte, in  Saecu liim,   II, 627-38 (1951). ^ The comparison of history and philosophy here should not be understood in the sense of C r o c e ’ s inherence of philosophy in history and history in philosophy, op. cit.,  71.  And , of cours e, H. S t . J. B o l i n g b r o k e ’ s famous: “ I think that history is philosophy teaching by examples” (Letters on the Study and Use of History,  5, London 1870, cf. also J. Th. S h o t w e l l , The History of History,  234, New York 1939), is something very different. Challenging remarks on the difference between the modern and medieval concepts of 

10

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

In a certain, if basically very different, sense, such a wide ex tension of the term history was not unknown in Islam, as the works of al-Mas‘udi and al-Mutahhar’s  Book of Begi nni ng and Histor y, and, especially, al-KMiyaji’s speculations would seem to indicated Nevertheless, it must not be apphed to the subject matte r of th e present investigation. The historian who accepts such a compre hensive definition of history overlooks the distinction between history as such and history as the object of historiography.^ The term history may refer both to the process of historical develop ment and to the description of that process, two totally different things which all too often are not properly distinguished. E ver y little pebble has its own history and is subject to historical processes,  bu t in vie w of the exi ste nce of an unc oun ted num ber of peb ble s and their relative insignificance, it would be absurd to give a description of its history and that of millions of other pebbles and consider it part of historiography. The description of their history,  wo rke d ou t in gen era l term s, wo uld no long er be “ hi sto ry ,” bu t part of some branch of natural science. History, in the narrow sense applicable here, should be defined as the hterary description of any sustained human activity either of groups or individuals which is reflected in, or has influence upon the development of a given group or individual.^ Only history in this sense can form the subject of a scholarly discipline in its own right, and only this definition of history should be in the mind of the person who speaks about historiography, historians, and history, though there can be no denying of the fact that, for history in the West may be found in W. L a m m e r s (ed.), Gesckichtsdenken und Geschichtsbild  im Mittelalter  (Darmstadt 1961). The Western Middle Ages were so greatly preoccupied  wi th “ Ges chi cht sph ilos oph ie, Ges chi cht sth eolo gie und Ge sch ich tss ym bol ik” th at th ey had no time for the study of history (A. D e m p f , as quoted by J. S p o r l , in L a m m e r s , 305). There are no views of history in the Middle Ages, if such views are accepted only if based upon historical facts (H. G r u n d m a n n , in L a m m e r s , 418). ^ See below, pp. 108 f. and 114 f. Cf. also al-Maqrizi’s definition of histo ry, below, p. 15. ’ Cf. F. C. B a u r ,  Di e Epoch en der kirc hliche n Geschic htsschrei hung, 1  (Tiibingen 1852): “ Geschichte ist sowohl das objek tiv Geschehene, als das subjektiv e Wissen des Geschehenen.” ^ Cf. the instructive collcction and discussion of the most important modern definitions of history by J . H u i z i n g a , in  Phil osop hy and Hist ory: Ess ays presented to Ern st Cassir er, i-io (Oxford 1936). However, H u i z i n g a ’ s own definition: “ History is the intellectual form in which a civilization renders account to itself of its past,” does not do justice to the fundamental human character of history. Incomplete but quite acceptable is C. (W. C.) O m a n ’ s definition: “H istory, I conceive, may be best defined as man’s effort to record the doings of man” {On the Writing of History,  V, New Yo rk [1939]). (Cf. also R. F l i n t ’ s excellent  His tory of the Phi loso phy of His tory , 7 f., New York 1894.)

THE CONCEPT OF HISTORY

II

the modern mind, the general concept of history may, in theory,  be ex te nd ed to incl ude all ani ma te or ina nim ate ma tter s. In the formation of the modern idea of history, semantic develop ments have played a significant role. The same was the case in Muslim historiography, although, again, on a very different level. The two technical terms by which the idea of history is commonly denoted in Arabic are {Him) al-ahbdr  and ta^rih. Ahbdr,  the plural of habar,  is the more general term. The etym ology of the root hbr is not quite clear. There is no clue to its possible original meaning in  A ra bi c itse lf. Th e evi den ce of the oth er Sem itic lan gua ges also does not permit a clear-cut decision. Howeve r, the suggested connection of hbr with Akkadian habdru  meaning “to be noisy, to make noise” seems more probable than a ny other combination.^ In historical times, the Arab ic w ord means “informa tion (about remarkable events),” and also the events themselves, in which latter meaning it has a large number of non-technical synonyms.  Ahbd r corresponds to history in the sense of story, anecdote. It does not imply a ny fixation in time, nor is it ever restricted to mean an organically connected series of events.^ The term later on assumed the addi tional meaning of in formation about the deeds and sayings of Muhammad, and, in particular, the ancient Muslim authorities. Together with other words such as dtdr, it became in fact sometihng of a synonym of hadit. Ta^rih,  which at least from about the ninth century on may be considered the specific technical term for “ histo ry” in general, is 1 Cf. J . J . F i n k e l s t e i n ,  Hebrew hbr and Sem itic *hbr, in  Jou rna l of Bib lica l Litera ture, LX XV , 328-31 (1956). Cf. also The Assyrian Dictionary,  VI, 7 (Chicago i 95 f>)Hebrew and Rthiopic  [hbr)  have a root meaning “to join, to connec t.” There also is a  word mea ning “ ass ocia te, co llea gu e,” in Heb rew , whi ch, as we kno w from the evid enc e of (Accadian and) Ugaritic has a h  and not a ^in spite of the Ethiopic form (cf. Th. n o l d e k e , in  ZD M G,   XL, 728, 1886) and the Coptic loan sber  (cf. F. R o s e n t h a l , in Orientaha,  N.S.,  V II I, 231, n. 2, 1939). It is con cei vab le th at ther e exi ste d two ent ire ly unr elat ed root s, the word meaning “colleague ” with a h,  and the root “ to connect” with a h,  and that these two roots were somehow brought together in the languages concerned, even in Ethiopic  whe re the hjh  sound remained distinct (at least, in early times). If this should have been the case, it would be a convincing assumption that Arabic habar  “information” is derived from the root hbr  “ to connect,” in about the same manner in which Arabic '^aql   “intellect”  was der ive d fro m the roo t ^ql   “ t o b in d . ”  A com bina tion of habar  with Hebrew hpr  “ to look out, to investigate,” which was suggested by J. B a r t h (Etymologische Studien,  28, Berlin 1893; cf. idem, Wurzeluntersuchungen zum hebrdischen und aramdischen Lexicon,   57, Leipzig 1908), would need support ing evidence. On the other hand, the form ahbirdh  in Job xvi 4, if it is to be translated as “ I shall talk (?),” could represent the Hebrew cognate of Arabic habar,  but the form is  x    Livre uncertain and there is much dissension concerning its meaning (cf. P . D i i o r m e , T  de Job,  208, Paris 1926; F i n k e l s t e i n , op. cit.;  M. H. P o p e ,  Job,   115 f., New York 1965). See below, p. 66 ff.

12

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

an entirely different word. Etymologically, it would seem to have  bee n de riv ed from the Sem itic wo rd for “ moo n (mo nth) ,” Ac ca di an  [w)arhu,  Hebrew yarh-,  Aramaic yrah,  South Arabian wrh,  Ethiopic warh.  Th is word is otherwise not used in the Arabic we know.  A dire ct loa n from Ac ca dia n into Ar ab ic is hi gh ly imp rob abl e. The assum ption of a direct loan from Hebrew or Aramaic is also precluded, in particular on account of the y  (and also oi h > h) in the Hebrew and Aramaic forms. There remain South Arabian and Ethiopic, or the assumption that the word in some form existed in a North Arabia n dialect no longer known. T he word ta^nh  is not the simple root form but a noun formation which exists in Arabic and South Arabian, but not in Ethiopic. This makes an Ethiopic deriva tion unlikely. Furthermore, it would seem that the word was taken over by the Arabs as a technical term. This again excludes Ethiop ic origin as the word would certain ly have been preserved in the Ethiopic hterature if it ever existed there. In addition, it makes North Arabian origin rather unUkely, since for a technical term we  wou ld ex pe ct a cu ltu ra l cen ter as its pla ce of origin. So uth Ar ab ian origin, therefore, is most probable. There, we have the expected cultural center where a technical term of the sort might have been coined. In this case, we ma y assume that the hy pothe tic original (South Arabian) form was  Hawrih  and that ta^nh  is a back for mation from muwarrah > mu^arrah. It ma y be noted that a Muslim tradition concerning the intro duction of the hijrah era, ta^rih, assumes Yemen ite origin.^ This is an interesting coincidence, but as an argument for a South  Ar ab ia n orig in of the ter m it can be use d as lit tle as sta tem en ts about the existence of different dialectical Ara bic forms ^ can be used as arguments for a North Arabian dialectical origin. Before we proceed, it should be mentioned that South Arab ian offers another possible etymology of ta'rih. The root VA appears in a South A rabian inscription ^ as a noun in juxtaposition to some common legal terms meaning “ judgm ent” or the like. It also seems to occur once paired with a w ord meaning “ yea r.” ^ C . C o n t i R  o s s i n i has attempted to establish the meaning of the The authority for this tradition is Ibn Abi Haytamah who lived in the ninth century, 1 cf. as-Sahawi,  IHdn,   below, p. 381 f. “ Cf. the authorities quoted by as-Sahawi,  IHdn,   below, p. 271. ®G l a s e r , 1606, cf. N. R h o d o k a n a k i s , in W Z K M ,  XX X VI I, 150, n. i (1930). *• Cf. A. J a u s s e n and R . S a v i g n a c ,  Mi ssi on archeologique en Arab le,  Vol. 2, IVIinaean inscriptions. No. 32 (Paris 1909-14).

THE CONCEPT OF HISTORY

13

 wor d in the form er case as “ ma nda te, bus ine ss,” and, in the lat te r case, as “ epoch.” For the derived verb, he assumes the meaning of “ to determine, to prescribe.” ^The Semitic word which corre sponds to the South Arabian root obviously is the word meaning “w ay,” and the South Arabian expression developed from “fixed  wa y (of ac tio n)” or th e li ke. If the wo rd in th e ins crip tion of J a u s s e n S a v i g n a c is read correctly and actually belongs to the root VA, it should be understood not as “epoch ” but also as something like “fixed habits.” At any rate, however, it is by no means impossible that the South Arabian root also served to express the idea of “ determining” a document through the use of a date and thus  was the mod el of Ar ab ic ta^nh. Unless further evide nce in this direction should be forthcom ing, the derivation from “moon, month” recommends itself as the more likely working hypothesis. A literal translation of ta^nh  would then  be “ lun ati on ,” th at is, “ the ind ica tio n of the (mo nth and) da y of the month through observation of the moon.” The transition of meaning from “lunation” to “ date” and “era” may in this case  be rec on str uct ed hy po th et ic al ly as re sul ting from th e use of the  wo rd for the ind ica tio n of the da y and the mo nth in doc um ents (“d ate” ), with the next step being the widening of its meaning to indicate the most important date in the documents of a wellorganized, permanent administration, the year of the “ era.” In Arabic, ta^rih  means both “date” and “era.” The word apparently does not occur in pre-Islamic literature. It does not occur in the Qur’an. It does not appear in the old hadit)  it is significant that the only tradition concerning the introduction of the Muslim era which is included in al-Buh ari’s collection ^ uses the root '■adda,  and not arraha.  But to all appearances, the word ta^nh  is mentioned in Arabic literature first together with the stories of the introduction of the Muslim era.^ Muslim tradition favors the opinion that the hijrah era was introduced under ‘Umar, and it should be noted that it is used in a papyrus dated in the year 22 of the hijrah.^ The thing itself thus existed in the first half of the seventh century, and we may assume, though 1 C f . C . C o n t i R o s s i n i , GWL in Sud-arabico, in  RSO ,  XII, i ig (1929-30), and idem, Chrestomathia arabica meridionalis epigraphica, log  (Rome 1931). The article in  RSO served as the basis for R h o d o k a n a k i s ’ discussion referred to on p. 12, n. 3. 2  SaM k,  III, 49 K  r e h l . 3 Cf. as-Sahawi,  IHdn,   below, p. 378 ff. * C f . J . v o n K a r a b a c e k ,  Fuhr er dutc h die Aus stel lung Pap yru s Erzherzog Raine r, 1 3 9 (Vienna 1894); A. G r o h m a n n ,  Einf Uhr ung, 221 (Pr ague 1955)-

14

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

documentary evidence is lacking, that the word was also known by that time. Ta^nh,  then, acquired the meaning of “historical work," and afterwards that of “history,” exactly as history or Geschichte may mean both history and historical work. Again, it would be very difficult to fix an exact date for the first occurrence of ta^rih in the meaning of “historical work.” It is firmly established in this meaning from the second century of the hijrah on. Ta*nh  acquired this meaning through being used to designate works which contained dates. Originally, therefore, historical works in which no dates occurred could not properly be called ta^rih.  It should, however,  be sta ted th at in the olde st wo rks cal led ta'nh,  which were collec tions of biographies, dates were most sparingly represented. The use of the word ta^rih  for these and similar works was apparently  jus tifi ed if on ly t he da tes of ( birth and) dea th of some of the ind iv id uals mentioned were indicated. In al-Buh ari's Ta^nh,  less than seven percent of the biographies are provided with the dates of death, and less than one-half of one percent of the biographies has an indication of the date of birth.^ Somewhat more than onehalf of one percent of the biographies, in addition, contains some date which fixes the time of its subject. For all the other persons listed, there is only the indication of their authorities and pupils  whi ch per mit s an ap pro xi ma te de ter mi na tio n of the ir life tim e. The contents of the vast majority of all biographies that extend  be yo nd the nam es of au tho riti es an d pup ils cons ists of th e pa rti c ular tradition of which the subject of the biography was a trans mitter. Other ancient theological histories were even more sparing  wi th the ir dates.^ The meaning of “history” in general developed with the use of the word for annalistic histories and only slowly gained currency from the third century on.^ 1 The count was made in the first two half-volumes of the Hyderabad edition. * B y t h e ti m e o f th e H a ti b , th e a ut h or o f t h e His tory of Bagdad,  the percentage of the dates of death in the biographies had gone up to fifty percent, according to a count made in Volume 2 of the Cairo edition of the work. Moreover, the  His tory of Bagda d   follows a chronological sequence and almost constantly gives approximate dates. Those men whose dates of death are not indicated as a rule are minor figures. When later biographical works give dates that are not found in earlier biographers, it usually is safe to assume that those dates were not traditional but the result of later scholarly reconstruction. This applies, in particular, to dates referring to persons who lived during the first two centxuries of the Muslim era. ^ The meaning “ goal, final culmination,” which is sometimes indicated for ta^rih  (cf. asSahawi,  Pla n,   below, p. 272) is secondary. It is derived from “era, epoch .” Cf. also our “e pochal” in the sense of “ou tstanding,” and the phrase “ he represents an era.”

THE CONCEPT OF HISTORY

15

The semantic history of ta'^rih,  as it has been outlined in the pre ceding remarks, though highly probable, cannot be considered as absolutely certain. At any event, the important fact remains that already as the result of its semantic history, the word must evoke in the Mushm reader a set ot notions which are not ide ntical with those suggested by our “history.” “ History,” on the one hand, and the Arabic words which we translate “history,” on the other, interlock only in one link of the chain of their semantic associations. Furthermore, there where the y m echanically interlock, the philo sophical implications of our concept of history which arc the product of modern historicism set it wide apart from Muslim “history.” Even at the comparatively late date of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries when Muslim historians felt the need for an abstract definition of history and historiography, their different definitions do not reveal any real philosophical insight. Ibn Haldun says: “ History refers to events that are peculiar to a particular age or race.” ^ Al-Maqrizi defines the ob ject of historiography as “giving information about what once took place in the world.” ^  A l- lj i ma int ain s th at “ hi sto rio gra ph y is the acq ua int an ce wit h conditions of the world that have been transmitted provided with an indication of the times when they took place, inasfar as they constitute items of information.” ^For al-Kafiyaji, “historiography is a branch of learning which investigates time-sections and the circumstances prevailing in them, as well as the circumstances which are connected with those time-sections, with a view to their 1  Muq addi mah,   I, 50 Paris, trans. R o s e n t h a l , I, 63 (New York 1958).

“  Al-ha bar ^an al-baSar,  phot. Cairo TaM h 947, p. 116:  Al- ihbd r ‘^arn-md fata f t l-^dlam.  We ste rn me die val his tori ans sim ila rly def ined hi sto ry as the sequ ence of the gre at eve nts of the past. According to M a r i e S c h u l z ,  Die Lehre von der histor ischen Methode bei den Geschichtsschreibern des Mittelalters (V I.-X III. Jahrh.),  5, n. i (Berlin-Leipzig 1909,  Abha ndlun gen zur mittleren und neuere n Geschicht e,  13), there exist only two medieval  We ste rn def init ion s of his tor y whi ch mor eov er dep end on each oth er (for anot her one, cf. below, p. 196, n. i, and cf. also H. R i c h t e r ,  Eng l. Geschic htschreib er des zwolften Jahrhunderts,  73, Berlin 1938). Isidore of Seville (d. 636), in his Etymol ogiae ,  I, 43 Arevalo, says: “ . . . siquidem per historiam summa retro temporum, annorumque supp utatio comprehenditur et per consulurn, regumque successum multa iiecessaria perscrutantur.” He was copied  by Hu go of Fle ury (aro und ri oo ),  His tori a eccles iastica , as follows: “ . . . siquidem per historiam preteriti temporis series comprehenditur et per regum et imperatorum successiones multa necessaria perscrutantur.” M . S c h u l z also considers Otto of Freising (d. 1158) depending on Isidore when he says in his Chronicon,  book 3, 12; “ . . . historiographorum . . . preterita narrantium . . . .” (For H ellenistic definitions of history, cf. P. S c h e l l e r ,  De helle nistic a historia e conscribenda e arte,  9 ff., Leipzig 1911.) Cf., in modern times, L. G o t t s c h a l k , The Historian and the Historical Document, in  Socia l   Scie nce Research Cou ncil B ulle tin ,  No. 53 (1945), p. 8: “ By its most comprehensive definition, the word history   means the past of mankind.” ^ See below, p. 205.

i6

THE CONCEPT OF HISTORY

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

fixation as to time/' ^ while as-Sahawi says that “ the object of history is man and time. The problems with which history is concerned are the circumstances of man and time broken down to details within the general framework of the accidental circum stances that exist for man and in time.” ^ The gap between the modern Western concept and the medieval Muslim concept of history was not bridged by the consciousness of Muslim historians of the element of change affecting huma n behav ior as the mainspring of history. When a l-Y a‘qubi in the ninth century  wro te a wo rk en titl ed “ Th e Ad ap ta tio n of Men to the ir Ti m e, " we are tempted to conclude from the title that his concept of history came close to modern ideas of development. However, al-Ya‘qubi’s thesis in the little work is that everybody follows the precedent set  by the ruli ng cal iph for pol itic al, soci al, and cu ltu ral beh avi or.  W hil e the exi ste nce of con sta nt cha nge is pre supp osed by him and he implicitly denies the existence of static forces in history outside the eternal human element in the chosen leaders, al-Ya'qiabi did not envisage an orderly process of development any more than did other Muslim historians or scholars in other fields.^ The discrepancy in the semantic and ideological understanding of “ histo ry” also raises some practical problems connected with the treatment of the subject under investigation. It is natural that our point of view is determined by the insight modern man has gained into the function and purpose of history. This insight will remain our ultimate yardstick. But what about the classification of literary products as being, or not being, historical works ? It is comparatively simple to eliminate chronology from our consider ation, although scholars have no doubt been right in stressing the importance of the invention of eras, etc., for the mechanical processes of historiography.^ But even if we admit biography to be a genuine part of history, would we be inclined to accept biography as so prominent an element of historiograph y as Muslim historians did ?

17

Or would it do to disregard certain types of local histories which go under the title of ta^'rih but contain little or no history ? In order to clarify the situation, this has been adopted as the criterion for determining the extent of the material to be considered here: Muslim historiography includes those works which Muslims, at a given moment of their literary history, considered historical works and which, at the same time, contain a reasonable amount of material which can be classified as historical according to our definition of history, as given above.

‘ See below, p. 250; cf. also p. 531, n. i. 2 See below, p. 273.  An oth er fif tee uth -ce ntu ry auth or, Zah ir-a d-d in al-Mar'-as i, in his  Hist ory of Tabari stdn, qualified his definition of historiography as a “ science which involves the knowledge of the conditions of the ancients” with the common utilitarian concept of the exemplary character of history, cf.  Sehi r-ed din’ s Geschichte von Tabari stan, Ruj an und Mas andera n, 6 D o r n (St. Petersburg 1850). ^ A l - Y a ' q il b i ,  MuSd kalat an-nds li-zam dnih im,   published by W. M i l l w a r d (Beirut 1962), and translated in  JA O S,   LX XX IV , 329-44 (1964). Cf. also F. R o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,  68a (Rome 1947,  Anale cta Orien talia,  24). ‘ Cf. J. T h . S h o t w e l l , The History of History,  63 ff, (New York 1939). R  o

s e n t h a l

, History of Muslim Historiography 

HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA

CHAPTER TWO

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT I — H I S T O R I C A L C O N S C IO U S N E SS I N P R E - I S LA M I C A R A B I A   Our knowledge of pre-Islamic Arabia shows very man y gaps, since it is derived from very scant and disparate sources. Much of the available information is based upon Islamic sources. How far they are reliable in their description of pre-Islamic and early Islamic cultural conditions and in their attribution of literary material to pre-Islamic times is a matter of dispute. The attitude of scholars educated in the critical spirit of the last century was often one of great scepticism. At present, the pendulum is swinging back in this field as it does in other fields of literary criticism. There is a marked tendency toward a more cautious approach which, unfortunately and more frequently than one might wish, assumes the appearance of undisguised credulity. The fact is that truth and falsehood are so ingenuously interwoven in Muslim antiquarian and early religious literature that no general rule can tell what is genuine and what is not. Every single statement or literary document has to be judged  b y itse lf. An elem ent of su bje cti vis m will ente r eac h jud gm en t, bu t no fear of subjectivism, however justified, must dull our critical faculties. The complete silence of our sources with regard to any appre ciable amount of true literary activity in pre-Islamic times may have been caused by the Muslim view of ancient Arabia as a country of “ ignorance.” It is, however, much more likely to assume that this silence is explained by the fact that there actually was nothing to report. The cultural and economic level of the nomad population was, as it has always been, too low to support any sustained literary effort. The commercial element in the few larger towns, such as Mecca, was in a better position materially, but even if Arabic was used to any large extent as a literary language,  wh ich we do not kno w, the int ell ect ua l hor izo n ther e, too, ce rta in ly  wa s qui te nar row . Th ere ha rd ly ex ist ed an inc en tiv e to cu lti va te a historical literature, especially since the lack of any large-scale

19

political organization, which was characteristic of pre-Islamic central and northern Arabia, deprived the population of the inspiring experience of a continuity of great political events. There existed a natural interest in great happenings, and note  wo rth y ev en ts were use d as poi nts of ori en tat ion in the hi sto ry of individuals. The oldest preserved Arabic inscription, that of Imru"u- 1-Qays from the year 328, celebrates the historic achieve ments of a deceased prince. Another inscription, that of Sarahil from the year 568, seems to refer to a destruction of Haybar which had taken place a year before.^ Both inscriptions, however, come from the northwestern fringe of Arabia where foreign cultural influences had been strong through the ages. How much alive such influences were in the more central sections of the Peninsula is hard to say. The lively caravan trade may have carried them quite far. Unless we want to lose ourselves in entirely undocumented speculations, the problem of the actual cultivation of indigenous historical lore in pre-Islamic Arabia centers around these two questions: i) Does the literature of the battle days of the Arabs go back into pre-Islamic times and what form did it then have?, and 2) did genealogy already in that early age admit genuinely historical material and wh at form did that connection of genealogy and history take, if it ever existed ? There can be no doubt that the battle d ay tradition ^ is as old as it claims to be— and much older. It could never have been freely invented by a writer’s fancy in Muslim Damascus or Bagdad. It is an ancient Semitic form. In fact, it is the same form which appears in the oldest historical portions of the Bible. There, the narrative of a historical event may be loosely connected with a poem that was spoken “ on that day .” ^ Or the battle scene may culminate in a ditty w hich exalts the achievements of one participant to the detriment of the other.^ We now read those epical narrations in a larger context, and we are used to view them as part of a whole. Nevertheless, they constitute units in themselves which can be read and enjoyed as they are. Before they were incorporated in the historical narrative, they circulated as independent stories. ^ Both inscriptions can be found in J. C a n t i n e a u ,  Le Nahatee n,  II, 49-51 and 2 1 4 (Paris 1930-32). * A comprehensive study of the battle-day narratives was made by  W\ C a s k e l,  Ai jdm al-^Arab. Studienzur altarabischen Epik, in  Isla mica   IIP , 1-99 (1931). C f . alsoG.  W id e n g r e n , On the Early Prose Narratives in Arabic, in  Act a Orien talia ,  XX III , 232-62 (1955)“ Judges  V, cf. also Exodus xiv 30. *  I Samuel xvii.

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Reference to the Biblical examples of a battle-day literature may also help to clarify the relative position of verses and prose in the Arab battle-day narratives. Verses are found in them not only because the philologists who preserved the material cared only for stories which contained poetic material, but mainly because of their character as an indispensable element of the literary form. If no verses were connected with a certain event, or if verses were not  br ou gh t i nto con nec tio n w ith it at some ea rly date , th e ev en t wo uld not have been preserved for posterity. On the other hand, there is no reason to assume that the verses existed first and that the events were invented to suit the verses, to provide them with an attractive setting, and to help in their interpretation. Verses and prose context existed simultaneously and complemented each other, although the verses usually seem to have been the more original element. It follows that in ancient times, the artistic form of the  ba ttl e- da y na rra tiv es was su bs tan tia lly the same as the one in  wh ich th ey are kno wn to us. W he the r the one or oth er na rra tiv e  wa s occ asi on all y fix ed in wr itin g in pre -Isl am ic tim es ca nno t be decided. While the traditional view and general considerations about the manner in which such material was usually transmitted in similar cultural environments point to oral transmission, some of the material might have been written down at times, but none of the preserved material would seem even remotely to be based upon  wr itt en sources.^  A t an y rat e, we can be fa irl y cer tai n th at ba ttl e- da y na rra tiv es existed in pre-Islamic times, and the question arises whether their existence is an indication or expression of historical consciousness. The reply must be negative. Those narratives were not originally intended to be historical material. The earlier Mushm historians usually restricted themselves to brief references to the battle-days.  Ac co rdi ng to W. C a s k e l ,^ the elaborate battle-day na rratives were fully accepted in historical literature no earher than the thirteenth century. The historians thus showed themselves hesitant to adopt material which they recognized as belonging to the domain of philol ogists and litterateurs. And in fact, in their origin, the battle-day narratives belonged rather to literature in the narrow sense than to history. They primarily served for the entertainment of the ^ The point has been, made that no prose literature p roperly speaking existed in preIslamic Arabia (W  m . M a r ^a i s ,  Les Origine s de la prose litterair e arabe, in  Revue Afr ica ine LX VI II, 15-28, 1927). “ O p . c i t . , 8.

HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA

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Hsteners and for their emotional enjoyment. They did contain historical elements in that they recorded major events and in that they considered such events under certain moral aspects. How ever, they entirely lack continuity. They are not viewed under the aspect of historical cause and effect, and they are essentially time less. There is also no indication that in pre-Islamic times, historical consciousness ever progressed so far that an attempt was made to bring those narratives into some kind of historical sequence.  As such , the ba ttl e- da y na rra tiv es co uld no t ha ve dev elo pe d into , or given an impetus to, the development of a historical literature, although their technique and their form were to play an important role in Muslim historiography. Genealogy, in turn, was much less significant than the battledays as a form of historical expression, but it is more indicative of the existence of a historical sense. It can hardly be assumed that in pre-Islamic times the preservation of genealogical lines included to any considerable degree the preservation of historical events connected with the individual members of a particular pedigree (except for a few unusual cases where an individual  was in vo lve d in an ev en t ce leb rat ed b y ba ttl e- da y nar rat ive s). Such trespassing into historical territory has never been the real purpose of genealogy. There is even less evidence for the assumption that genealogical lore might ever have been put down in writing in pre-Islamic Arabia. All those interested in certain genealogical relationships knew the relevant data by heart; vice versa, if there  wa s no one who pre ser ved the kno wle dge of a pa rti cu lar gen eal ogy , that genealogy was no longer of any interest and could as well remain forgotten. Genealogical hterature starts when genealogical lines become dubious and it is felt that their literary fixation would help to clear up doubts and to forestall frauds. Pre-Islamic Arabs cannot have been conscious of any weakness in their genealogical traditions, 1 since that would ha ve undermined their entire social and pohtical organization. Consequently, genealogy is not likely to have developed into a literary form with them, and, in fact, it later on had a rather insignificant part in the shaping of the literary forms of Muslim historiography. On the other hand, the practical interest in genealogical lore may, under favorable circumstances, develop into an interest in ‘ The occasional exposure of fraudulent genealogical claims does not contradict this statement.

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HISTORICAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA

the past in general and engender or strengthen the historical consciousness which is a necessary condition for the creation of a historical literature. The advent of Islam was such a favorable circumstance which permitted genealogy to activate its historical potential. Moreover, genealogical lore, among the Arabs as well as the Semites in general, was not restricted to individual or family relationships but served to evolve genealogical schemes which encompassed all the known population groups regardless of their size. The table of nations in Genesis ch. X shows that such schemes could easily be extended to cover the whole of the known world. In this extension of the genealogical relationships of small personal groups to large anonymous political entities, there lies another avenue of approach toward truly historical thinking. Here we encounter one of the contributory factors which conditioned the Muslim mind for the acceptance of world history.^

the word for “date, era.” ^But did they have a historical literature, or, at least, did they possess some concrete forms of expressing historical consciousness which might have affected the Muslim

In addition to the battle-day narratives and the genealogical lore which were at home in pre-Islamic central Arabia, we have to reckon with the infiltration of certain forms of historical writing and thinking from the adjacent territories of the Peninsula. Some indication as to the character which such infiltration might have taken has already been given with reference to the northern fringe of the desert where the desert comes into contact with the civili zations of the Fertile Crescent.^ There would be hardly any point in following this trail back into a more remote antiquity and to discuss the expressions of historical consciousness of, for instance, the Palmyrenians and the Nabataeans inasmuch as they were  Ara bs. Int er est ing tho ugh such an inv es tig ati on wo uld no do ub t  be, no res ults wh ich wo uld di re ctl y af fe ct our un de rsta nd ing of the prehistory of Muslim historiography can be expected from it.  A more imm edi ate po ten tia l sour ce of cul tur al infl uen ce mig ht  be sou ght in the hi gh ly cu lti va te d and pros pero us regi ons of Southwest Arabia. Those regions had always been in direct con nection with the places of the origin of Islam, down to and beyond the time of Muhammad. As well-organized and literate settled communities, they did not lack the continuity of political experience and the means of recording it which go into the making of a histori cal literature. They possessed a politically oriented chronology  wh ich m ay ha ve insp ired Musli m chr on olo gy and giv en the Musl ims 1 Cf., further, below, p. 26. > Above p. 19.

outlook on history ?  Ar ab ic his tor ica l wo rks co nta in a gre at am ou nt of inf orm ati on about the S outh Arabian kings. A good deal of this information may have come to the Muslims through Christian sources of Syriac or Byzantine origin.^ Yet, at least part of it gives the definite impression of being of native South Arabian origin. This, however, could be the result of the efforts of Muslim scholars who went to the Yemen and added local color and whatever local historical reminiscences they could find to the information which might have come to them from other than South Arabian literary sources. It would thus be no indication of the existence of any indigenous South Arabian h istorical literature and very little of an indication of the existence of historical consciousness among pre-Islamic South  Ar abi an s. For more reliable information, we must turn to the South Arabian inscriptions. They have been preserved in great numbers. The  va st m aj or ity of the m ha s not hin g to do wi th his tor y. Ro ya l inscriptions of the type so well known from the more northern regions of the ancient Orient do not exist. Practical legal considera tions were responsible for the fact that building and other public projects were so busily recorded in inscriptions. But, in addition, the very existence of so many inscriptions of this type also reveals a certain feehng for the historical importance of poHtical and administrative measures and a desire to preserve the memory of great enterprises. This impression is greatly strengthened when  we fin d tho se ins crip tio ns pla ced oc cas ion all y in the set tin g of gre at contemporary military events which are carefully described.® It is true that not even inscriptions of that type could shake a scholarly authority on matters South Arabian in his opinion that the South Arabian inscriptions give “the impression of a people  whe re ev en the lea der s co mp let ely lac k a sense of hi sto ry .” ^ Th is ^ Above p. 12 f. “ Cf. A. M o b e r g , The Book o f the Himyarites,  X LV (Lund 1924). Cf. also J.  W . H i r s c h BERG in  Rocz nik Orie ntali styczn y,  XV, 321-38 (1949). ®Cf., for instance,  Repert oire d’ epigr aphie semiti que,  Nos. 2633, 2687, 3943 (cf. N. R  h o D O K A N A K i s , in  SB A W   Vienna, philos.-hist. Kl., 206, 2, 1927), and 3945. * C f. R h o d o k a n a k i s , op. cit.,  36, n. 4, quoted by C. B r o c k e l m a n n , GAL Supplement, I, 15 and 2 0 3 . On the historical contents of South Arabian inscriptions, cf. also D . S. M a r G O L I O U T H ,  Lectur es on Ara bic His toria ns,  28 ff. (Calcutta 1930).

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opinion is very largely based on lack of evidence and would seem to be far too sweeping. O f course, it is correct if the word “ historical (unhistorical)" is understood in its modern sense, but in this case, it would more or less apply not only to the South Arabians but other ancient peoples as well. The inscriptions do show the existence in pre-Islamic times of a certain historical consciousness in South  Ar ab ia wh ich lat er on in Musli m tim es wa s to com e to the fore in full force.^ Yet, if we except the possible South Arabian origin of the idea of the Muslim era, there is nothing to show that a South Arabian historiography existed and influenced that of Islam. One important element in our picture of the historiography and historical consciousness in pre-Islamic Arabia is still missing, that is, the role of the Jews and Christians. Both religions were numerically well represented in the Peninsula. Large Jewish groups lived in the oases settlements and in South Arabia. Chris tianity was, it seems, represented in central Arabia only by individ uals, bu t there were large Christian settlements in South Arabia, and others all over the northern fringe of the Peninsula. The Jews and Christians certainly possessed the fundamental knowledge of history and the forms of historical presentation which the Bible transmitted to them, whether they knew the text or rehed on orally transmitted paraphrases. However, as far as they formed part of the population and were not travelling merchants, missionaries, or the like, they probably shared whatever historical experiences and forms of historical expression their pagan neighbors knew or did not know and did not distinguish themselves from them in any respect. It can therefore hardly be assumed that they actively cultivated any form of historical writing. Still, they held the key which in the person of Muhammad opened for the Muslims the way to a historical view of life. 2— T H E H I S T O R I C A L O U T L O O K O F M U H A M MA D If man is not to abandon himself to despair in the face of adversity and at the realization of his own futility, his frailty and insignifi cance need an explanation. Judaism and Christianity provided a highly satisfactory one: The individual is not alone by himself. He does not exist only now. He is placed in a historical context. His history starts long before him with the beginning of the world. ‘ Cf. below, p. 158 f.

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It leads through a series of great moments of spiritual promise or culminates in one supreme moment of salvation by which the life of all future generations is decisively circumscribed. It thus reaches its final destination in the future when stock is taken of the actions and sufferings of each individual and nothing whatever he did or  wh at ev er ha ppe ned to him is disre gard ed. The much discussed question whether Muhammad received his inspiration predominantly from Christian or Jewish sources means little in this connection, since the forms of Judaism and Christianity  wit h wh ich Mu ha mm ad ha d an op po rtu nit y to bec om e acq ua int ed hardly differed from each other in this historical interpretation of human life. Muhammad’s talent for simphfication, a result of his limited education, helped him to grasp the essentials of this con struction much more clearly perhaps, and with much fewer dog matic preconceptions, than they were grasped by any of his Jewish or Christian informants. In Muhammad’s little changed adaptation of this great historical construction, the future is determined by the end of the world, the Day of Judgment, when every soul will be asked what it did  whi le it wa s aliv e. Mu ham ma d m ay at firs t ha ve bee n impr esse d  by th e near ness of th at Da y. La ter on, he ce rta inl y did not an tic i pate its coming in the near future. The Great Day remained a fixed and known event of the history of the future. Its coming  wi th all its par ap he rna lia wa s so ab sol ute ly ce rta in and so ex ac tly described by the religion that those events, although they had not  ye t ta ke n pla ce, were as wel l kno wn as if th ey ha d tak en plac e already and as any other event of the past. They were the history of the future in the same sense as there existed a history of the past. This extension of the idea of history to the future also dominated medieval Christian historiography.^ Nevertheless, it is, in fact, a highly improper procedure. It is detrimental to the value of history as a reflection about actual factors and influences in human life. The Muslim “history of the future” as such would not have been able to stimulate historical thinking, because it lacked variety and inflexibly concentrated upon a few data. However, the idea of the Judgment could be immediately applied to the evaluation of the actions of the present. Since everything that an individual did was to play a part of great importance for him in the future ^ It is again considered part of history by K. J a s p e r s , Geschichte,  181 (Zurich 1949).

Vom Ursprung und Ziel der

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BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

long after his death, whatever he did today could no longer be forgotten tomorrow. The memory of the pin-pricks of Muhammad’s adversaries was to stay with them, whether they liked it or not.  A ll hum an act ion s assu med an app ea ran ce of pe rma nen cy. Th is constituted a definite incentive to remember and record actions. The appreciation of the value of the actions of the present was accompanied by a clear and well-defined appreciation of the value of the events of the past. Muhammad himself was the final goal of the historical processes which were set in motion with the creation of the world. At various periods, spiritual guides had arisen in different geographical locations. They had either succeeded or failed in their mission during their lifetime, and all of them had more or less failed to give permanence to their message. Now, Muhammad appeared, and his message would be final and permanent. Muham mad was no new beginning. He was h istorically connected with the succession of prophets, and he was, in particular, the successor of one of them, Abraham. Only the triumphs and defeats of the history of the past had made Muhammad what he was. It is worth noting that this picture of the history of the past covers the wh ole of the world as mirrored in the mind of Muhammad. He himself was the prophet of his own people, the Arabs, but the other prophets had been sent to different peoples, omitting none. Figures like al-Hidr and Du 1-qarnayn had travelled to the ends of the earth. The history of the whole world had been the concern of the Creator. The Prophet thus devised a universal scheme of past history which had only to be filled in by actual historical facts as soon as such facts became available. The stimulus which Muhammad's historical ideas could give and, later on, actually did give to the occupation with history could not have been any stronger. The actions of individuals, the events of the past, the circumstances of all peoples of the earth had now become matters of religious importance. A definite dividing line in the whole course of history, which later Muslim historiog raphy never crossed,^ existed in the person of Muhammad. A similar concept dominated Christian historical thinking,^ but, for ^ According to Ism a'ili Si'ah concepts, this dividing line did not exist, and the periods ol   wor ld hi sto ry f rom the b egi nni ng were mar ked b y th e ap pear ance o f th e sev en su cces siv e pr oph  ets. However, that concept was not applied in actual fact to the writing of ordinary history. ’ An example is the Syrian historian Yohannan bar Penkaye whose lifetime coincided'  with the ear ly begi nni ngs of Musli m his tor iog rap hy, cf. A. B a u m s t a r k ,   Ei ne syrisc he Weltgeschichte des siebten Jahrh.’s, i n  Romisch e Q uart akch rift f ur christ liche AUe rthumsk unde, X V , 2 7 5 ( 1 9 0 1 ) , and A. M i n g a n a ,  Sources syriaq ues,  I, part 2, p. VI (Leipzig-Mosul 1 9 0 8 ) .

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Muslim historiography, its existence in a way proved to be a major shortcoming as it prevented the adoption of wider or, at any rate, different perspectives.  A pra cti ca l inc en tiv e for the stu dy of hi sto ry wa s the abu nda nce of historical (or pseudo-historical) data in the Qur’an. The Qur’an interpreters were forced by this circumstance to look for illustrative historical information. In the course of time, the occupation with the historical material of the Qur’an came to be considered one of the branches of learning that were developed in connection with the Qur’an.1 The channel through which Muhammad received his historical information or information believed to be historical again was oral intercourse with Jews and Christians. The Qur’S.n repeatedly shows his acquaintance with the fact that books con taining the record of the ancient prophets existed and were read and recited,2 but any hypothesis which would have M uhammad read historical sources such as the original text of the Bible in a hypothetical Arabic translation is untenable. The principal fault of the historical material of the Qur’an was that it contained so many obviously false data which later historians  we re in the pos itio n to reco gniz e as such bu t did not dare to disc ard completely, all the more so since Muhammad himself had already explained his deviations from the Jewish and Christian information as the result of a falsification of the Scriptures by Jews and Chris tians. Intense as Muhammad’s consciousness of history was, his knowledge of historical facts was most limited. Contemporary world history enters the Qur’an only once when a prediction is made about the outcome of the struggle between the Byzantines and the Persians.^ The events around the Prophet found more frequent acceptance in the text of the Qur’an, if only in the form of allusions. The existence of those passages has no bearing upon Muhammad’s attitude toward history— except, perhaps, for the fact that he felt that events concerning him were so important that they could be made part of the divine revelation. Nevertheless, these Qur’anic passages were not without importance for the history of Muslim ^ C f. ss-Snynil, Itgan,  ch. 65, II, 127 (Cairo 131 7); Taskopriizadeh,  Mi ftd h as-sa^ddah, II, 364 (Hyderabad 1328-56). ^ Cf. H. S  p e y e r  ,  Di e biblis chen Erzdh lunge n im Qora n,  159, n. 4 (Grafenheinichen, n. y. [ca. 1938-39], reprinted Hildesheim 1961. The proofs of S  p e y e r  ’s  wor k were rea d b y m e in 1936). The self-evident fact that the existence of a great literature in the cultural centers of the East was not concealed to Arab city dwellers, even though they do not refer to it,  wou ld need no spe cial men tion , were it not som etim es disr egar ded . • Beginning of sArah  xxx.

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historiography, because very soon, the events to which they referred  bec am e his tor ica l hap pen ings of supr eme sign ific anc e to Mus hms and stimulated historical research.  A min or de tai l w hic h mus t n ot pass unn oti ced here is th e rep ea ted reference of the Qur’an to the phrase asdtir al-awwalin.^  This phrase is said to have been used by the Prophet’s adversaries in order to ridicule his declamations. It would be of interest as a curiosity if the etymology which connects asdtir  with Greek tCTTopLa were correct. This ety mo log y wa s proposed by J. G o l i u s in the seventeenth century.^ Its adoption by men such as G. W. F r e y t a g ,^ H. L. F l e i s c h e r ,^ and A. S p r e n g e r ®provoked much discussion during the last one hundred years. Though superficially  ve ry at tra cti ve , thi s ety m olo gy can not be corr ect. It ha s bee n shown that the Greek word is not commonly used in Aramaic (or in Ethiopic), while Arabic asdtir  in the Qur’an appears as a current and generally understood expression.® A derivation from the root str  which is known in this particular meaning only in Syriac would yield the very satisfactory sense of “stupidities”  bu t wo uld me et wi th a sim ilar obj ect ion . A de riv ati on fro m the  Ar ab ic roo t str  “ to write” which is represented in various Sem itic languages remains preferable. The stories which Muhammad told  were , con seq ue ntly , cal led “ wri tin gs (in a pe jor at ive sense) ®o f the ancients.” The expression asdtir al-awwalin  is, however, not only interesting as an etymological curiosity, but it also deserves attention on account of the fact that the early commentators connected it with a tradition whose authenticity or non-authenticity is not without importance for the history of Muslim historiography.  An -N ad r b. al- Ha rit , one of the “ de vil s” of the Qu ray s, ha d vis ite d 1  Si^rahs,  vi 25 (25), viii 31 (31), xvi 24 (26), xxiii 83 (85), xxv 5 (6), xxvii 68 (70), xlvi 17 (16), Ixviii 15 (15), Ixxxiii 13 (13). “  Lex icon Ara bico -Lat inum ,  col. 1171 (Leiden 1653). Spot checks of some of the Arabic  wo rks befo re G o l i u s make it seem likely that he was the first to suggest this etymology of asdtir. ® Lex icon Ara bico -La tinum ,  II, 314 (Halle 1833). * In 1841, cf. his  Kle iner e Schrift en,  II, 119 f. (Leipzig 1888). '  Das Lebe n u nd die Lehre des Muha mmad ,  II, 395 f. (Berlin 1869). Cf. also T h . N o l d e k e F r . S c h w a l l y ,  Geschichte des Qordns, 1, 16,  n. 4 (Leipzig 1909). • J. H o r o v i t z ,  Kora nisc he Untersu chungen, 69 f . ( B e r l i n - L e i p z i g 1926). Those who would like to accept the story of an-Nadr as authentic might, however, point to his Mesopotamian background and argue that he learned the word asdtir  while he was in Mesopotamia. ’ Cf. D. K  u n s t l i n g e r , in OLZ,  X X X IX , cols. 481-83 (1936). ®This would be another instance of the knowledge of the existence of written books among Muhammad’s contemporaries, but it would be no indication of the existence of an indigenous literature.

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al-Hirah on the Euphrates and had learned there the stories of the Persian kings, of Rustum and Isfandiyar. Now, whenever the Prophet preached to a gathering and told them about the divine punishment which had befallen the nations of the past, an-Nadr stood up right after him, and telling those Persian stories, he asked the assembled Meccans in what respect the stories of Muhammad  were be tte r tha n his. Th is an- Na dr, acc ord ing to the com me nta tors ,  was the per son who em plo ye d the exp ress ion asdtir al-awwalin  with reference to Muhammad’s stories.^ It is indeed not impossible that some information about Persian national history reached Mecca in the way described already in pre-Islamic or early Islamic times. However, it would appear much more Hkely that the story of an-Nadr was an invention of the early eighth century. In the second quarter of that century, the alleged sources of Persian national history were translated into  Ar ab ic. Th eir tra nsl ati on wa s not a ht er ar y exe rcis e bu t pri ma rily , it was an expression of and a weapon for the Persian national resistance against the Arabs and their new religion. The story about an-Nadr, with its Prophetic disapproval of the Persian stories, may have come into circulation as a first Muslim countermove against the stirrings of the Persian nationa hst spirit. Its historicity could gain little support from other related legendary material. The Christian poet Harmalah b. al-Mundir, a macrobiotic who is said to have lived down to the time of ‘Utman, frequented, we are told,^ the courts of the non-Arab princes and had a good knowledge of their biographies (siyar).  He often came to Mecca, but, even if all this is true, his stories certainly were not history. The hadit   literature does not contribute any further noteworthy and reliable information as to Muhammad’s knowledge of, or interest in history. The Prophet’s supposedly low opinion of genealogy has nothing to do with genealogy as part of historical knowledge but must be understood in the light of his efforts to tear down the social barriers in his contemporary society which had been created by ancestral pride.^ In connection with a certain hadit,  we find the remark tha t Muhammad recommended “not to ^ Cf. Ibn Hisam,  Sira h,  191  W  u s t e n f e l d . 2 Cf. Yaqut,  IrSdd,  X, 191 (Cairo = IV , 107 M a r g o l i o u t h ). “ Cf. the translation of as-Sahawi,  IHdn,   below, p. 311. According to at-Tirmidi (cf. Concordance,  II, 238b; Ibn Hazm,  Jamha rah,   2, 4 L 6  v i -P r o v e n ^ a l , Cairo 1948; Ibn 'Abd-al-Barr,  Inbdh,   42 f., Cairo 1350), the Prophet recomm ended as much knowledge of one’s pedigree as is necessary for the preservation of family ties.

30

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

leave aside ta"‘n h   (chronology), because it shows which historical information is correct and how recent or how remote a particular piece of historical information is.” ^ Under no circumstances can this statement be considered an authentic or very ancient tradition. It remains, however, a fact that the Prophet himself planted the seeds from which a wider interest in history was to arise. The apologists of Islam later on took an unhistorical but not inappro priate line of reasoning when th ey considered Muham mad’s know l edge of past (and future) histor y as one of the miracles which were proof of his prophetical vocation. ^ History loomed ve ry large in his thinking. His work, on the whole, did much to promote the future growth of Muslim historiography, although its author could not have foreseen the tremendous development of learning and scholarship which was to take place in the name of his religion. 3— T H E P O S I T I O N O F H I S T O R Y I N M U S L IM SCHOLARSHIP AND EDUCATION Muslim historiography has at all times been united by the closest ties with the general development of scholarship in Islam, and the position of historical knowledge in Muslim education has exercised a decisive influence upon the intellectual level of historical  wri ting . Th e vic issi tud es of Mus lim hi sto rio gra ph y bec ome mu ch  be tte r und ers tan dab le, if th ey are vie we d wi th in the gen era l f ra me   wo rk of Mus lim cult ure . The growth of the Islamic civilization is one of the great spectacles in the intellectual history of mankind. It is something which will never fail to stir the highest admiration. However, it can hardly be called mysterious or a miracle. It is a miracle, perhaps, because it took place so rapidly that it was completed after it had scarcely  begu n. It m ay be cal led my ste rio us ina sm uch as ev er y ac t of in tellectual creation, every flowering of a civilization is something  be yo nd ful l hu ma n com preh ensi on. Y e t, in Isla m, the cau ses and conditions which brought Muslim civilization into being are clearer  befo re our eye s th an in most oth er com par ab le cases. Th e soa ring flight of the Greek spirit towards heights never reached again, or the portentous glamor of the Western Renaissance had an irrational element in them that was more effective than environment and * Cf. Ibn al-Mudabbir, ar-Risdlah al-^adrd?, in  RasdH l al-bulagd^,  ed. M. K  u r d  ‘A l i , p. 183 (Cairo 1331/1913)* Cf., for instance, al-B^qillani,  I^jdz al-Qur^dn,  19, 27 f. (Cairo 131 5); 56-55 (!, text in disorder), 79 (Cairo 1317, margin of as-Suyuti,  Itqdn ).  Cf. also below, pp. 46 f. and 288f.

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

31

models. Muslim civilization kept to the solid ground it found pre pared and grew not in depth but in width.  As a res ult of its m ili ta ry prow ess and of fav or ab le his tor ica l circumstances, Islam had in a short time overrun a territory in  whi ch all in tel lec tua l ac hie ve me nts of the tim e we re rep res ent ed, and it soon began to make those achievements its own through an energetic translation and adaptation activity. As a new spiritual movement, it was forced to present its tenets to well-trained opponents and to defend its raison d’etre. As a new way of life, it had to reform the administrative institutions it found in the various regions. A bove all, with the a dvent of Islam, century-old barriers of language and custom fell, and there was a rare opportunity for all the different peoples and civilizations to start a new intellec tual life on the basis of absolute equality and in a spirit of free competition. With the ninth century, the formative period of these processes was completed. From then on, each individual  bra nch of lea rni ng in Isl am wa s g ov ern ed by the law s an d t rad itio ns of an autonomous Muslim civilization. It is only in very modern times that historiography has been fully recognized as an independent discipline. During the period of the transmission of Greek knowledge, the Muslims made their first acquaintance with a systematic classification of the various  bra nch es of lea rn ing .i It wa s fou nd the n th at hi sto ry wa s not included in the scheme of the established sciences, and for the same reason which also determined the position of history in the Western Middle Ages : ^ The H ellenistic classification of the sciences which the Arabs took over did not assign a special place to history. ' On Muslim encyclopedias in general, cf. M. P l e s s n e r ,  Di e Geschicht e der Wisse nschaft en im Islam,  15 f. (Tiibingen 1931,  Phi loso phi c und Geschichte ,  31). “ Cf. J . H u i z i n g a ,  Sobre el estado actual de la cienc ia historic a,  12 f. (Madr id 1934): “ No muchas ciencias hay que para su desarrollo deban tan poco a la Universidad come la Historia. Cuando en los ultimos siglos de la Antigiiedad se forma el sistema de la educaci6n civilizada, que como las siete artes liberales dominaria toda la Edad Media y aun parte de la Epoca Moderna, no figura la Historia en el grupo de estas siete. Las mas de la ciencias modernas han ido formandose por un proceso de especificacion y de divisi6n, sea de los tres grandes estudios de la Teologia, Derecho y Medicina, que coronaban el edificio de las artes, sea de estas mismas artes, como se concibieron en el trivio y cuadrivio. Esto no toca a la Historia sino en bajo grado. Su materia constituia un anejo de la Ret6rica, aplicabase, de vez en cuando, a los estudios teol6gicos y juridicos; pero no se puede decir que en la escuela esa materia de la Historia experimentase un tratamiento cientifico. Era una materia dada, por la mayor parte de procedencia biblica y clasica; esta tenia por objeto la declamaci6n y la contemplaci6n moral, pero no la investigaci6n ni la critica. No se prestaba al metodo escolastico ui al silogismo. La Historia, en la Universidad, se reducia a un apendice de la elocuencia y de la poesia, litil ejemplo y agrado de la erudici6n.” Cf. also H. G r u n d MANN, Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalter,  in W. S t a m m l e r (ed.),  Deut sche Phil ologi e im  Au fr iss , I I , 2221 (Berlin-Bielefeld-Miinchen, n.y.).

33

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

Politics had an important place in this classification, but history  wa s not att ac he d to it. Nor do He llen izin g Ar ab ic phi loso phe rs as a rule mention history in connection with poety and rhetoric.^ A noteworthy exception is, however, found in al-Farabi’s classification of Aristotelian philosophy. Al-Farabi refers to biography {ahbdr an nas)  and history  [ahbdr al-umam)  as belonging to the type of knowledge that is acquired because it provides pleasure and entertainment, along with myths and stories {hurdfdt, ahddit)  and the dramatic (“im itativ e” ) arts.^

ments as a historian, makes no mention of history in his small encyclopedic, if predominantly theological, treatment of the sciences.  Ba y an zagal al-Hlm.  It comes, therefore, hardly as a surprise that Ibn Haldun, in the  Introd uction   of his History, has nothing to say about history in his enumeration of the sciences. The reason for this omission apparently is not to be looked for in the fact that history, as the main subject of the  Muqa ddim ah, is dealt with in many places of the work. In connection with astronomy, Ib n Haldun refers briefly to the knowledge of “ past eras  [at-tawdrih al-md diyah ),” ^  bu t his wid e can on of lea rni ng does not include the occupation with historiography as an inde

32

 W he the r al- Ki nd i, in h is b oo ks On the Divisions o f Human Knowl edge  and On what Knowledge is and its Divisions ^ referred to history  we are not in the posi tion to tel l since thes e wo rks ha ve no t ye t  bee n reco ver ed. In all like liho od, al- Ki nd i did not me nti on it and thus inaugurated a tradition which was to linger on for many centuries.^ The leading Muslim philosophers, al-Farabi, in his  Enum eration of the Scienc es,  and Ibn Sina, in his Treatise on the  Div isi on s of the Intell ectual Scienc es,   did not include history in their encyclopedic treatment of the sciences. Further classifi cations which originated under Ibn Sina’s influence, such as the one contained in Ibn ‘Abd-al-Barr’s  fdm i^ haydn al-Hlm ^ or Ibn Badrun's  Kim dm ah,   a historical work,® pay no attention whatever to history. The encyclopedia of al-Akfani, from the fourteenth century, contains a brief list of historical works and has a word of customary praise for the usefulness of history,’ but, although a great number of sciences are treated in detail, there is no special section devoted to history which, like poetry, is classed among the non-sciences.® It is obvious that in the context of his work, al A kfa ni did not th in k of his tor y as an ind epe nde nt disc iplin e. Hi s contemporary, ad-Dahabi,® whose fame rests upon his achieve^ Cf. also below, p. 75. Ibu yaldu n,  Muq addim ah,  I, 62 Paris, says that his science of civilization belongs neither to rhetoric nor to politics. ^ Al-Farabi,  Fal saf at Ari stut dlis , 61 M a h d i (Beirut 1961), trans. M. M a h d i , 73 (Glencoe 1962). ® Fih ris t,  358 (Cairo 1348 = 256 F l i Jg e l ); al-Qifti, 369 M xJl l e r -L i p p e r t ; Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah, i, 209 MO l l e r . *   Abu Zayd al-Balhi’s attitude in his work On the Divisions of the Sciences  (cf. G AL  Supp leme nt   I, 408} is not known. He may have followed his teacher al-Kindi, or he may have preceded his supposed pupil Ibn Farigiin (see below p. 34f). ®II, 36 f. (Cairo, n.y.). No reference to history appears in al-Bala wi (d. 1164, G AL  Supp leme nt,  I, 914), Unmudaj,  Ms. or. Princeton 1129A = 515H. ®25 ff. (Cairo 1340), quoted in the historical section of an-Nuwayri,  Nih dya t al-arab, XV, 245 (Cairo 1342 ff.). ’  IrSdd al-qdsi d,  15 (Cairo 1318/1900), quoted by as-Sahawi,  I'^ldn  30, below, p . 307 f. * Op. cit., 14. * His name actually should be Ibn ad-Dahabi, as it was his father who exercised the

pendent intellectual pursuit. The classification of the sciences and their systematic presen tation in the form of encyclopedias was, however, not the preserve of philosophers but an eminently practical undertaking. As such, it could not overlook the existence of a very large historical litera ture and a steadily widening interest in historical sub jects and, in general, of many “ Ara b” literary and scholarly activities which  were fore ign to the He llen isti c sche me. Thu s, not ve ry long af ter the Mushms had become acquainted with philosophical classifi cation, they originated the distinction between “A rab” and “G reek”  bra nch es of lear ning . More fre qu en t tha n the en cyc lop ed ias jus t discussed which disregard the “Arab” learning entirely or admit it only inadvertently are those which include both the “ Ara b” and the “ Greek” (or “non-Arab” ) subjects.  A cat alo gu e of bo ok titl es, such as the  Fi hr ist   of Ibn an-Nadim,  wo uld ha ve bee n inc om ple te wi th ou t a ch ap ter on his tor ica l wor ks. The  Fih ris t,  in fact, contains a long chapter on historians, genealo gists, biographers, etc., which is placed between the chapters on grammar and on poetry. This was in the tenth century. From the same time, we have al-Huwarizmi’s treatment of difficult technical terms in the sciences. The terms are grouped together according to the respective branches of learning to which they  lucrative profession of goldsmith {daqq ad-dahab)  and, therefore, was called ad-Dahabi, according to his son’s  Mu^jam,   ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 65, fol. 13a. The Cairo manuscript of the  Mu^jam   was written in 745 /i 344   during the lifetime of its author and was seen by him. It uses the form Ibn ad-Dahabi. The form ad-Dahabi, however, was used very soon after his death and may have been used already while he was still alive. His pupil Muham mad b. 'Abdallah al-Sibli calls him ad-Dahabi in the  Ma hdsi n al-wasdHl.  The autograph manuscripts of ad-Dahabi should be checked in this connection (cf. the plates added to the first volume of the edition of the Siy ar an-nubald^, Cairo 1955/56). For Ibn ad-Dahabi, cf. also O. S p i e s ,  Beitrd ge zur arabis chen Litera turgesch ichte, 112  (Leipzig 1932,  A K M   19, 3) . ^  Muq addi mah,   III, 107 Paris. R  o

s e n t h a l

, History of Muslim H istoriography

3

34

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

 belon g. Th e sec ond pa rt of al- Hu w 4 rizmi’s work deals with the "Greek” sciences, which are considered foreign importations. The first part comprises the “Arab” sciences. It has chapters on Muslim  jur ispr ude nce , the olo gy, gra mm ar, ca llig ra ph y, po etr y, me trics , and, as the last chapter, "historical information.” The disposition of the historical termini technici within the chapter on history is as follows: The Persian kings; the caliphs and Muslim princes; pre-Islamic Yemenite and other non-Arab dynasties; another section on Persian history; Bedouin history; the early Islamic raids; the pre-Islamic Arab rulers; and finally, terms connected  wi th By za nt in e his tor y. ^ Th is arr ang em en t does not fol low th at of an actual historical work, but it corresponds to the material to be found in world histories. The  RasdH l   of the Ihwan as-safa’ contain a classification of the sciences in which history is relegated to a place similar to the one it occupies in al-Huwarizmi. It figures among the propaedeutic {riyddiyah),  or, rather, practical, sciences which comprise i) reading and writing, 2) lexicography and grammar, 3) commercial counting, 4) poetry and prosody, 5) various kinds of divination, 6) magic, talismans, alchemy, etc., 7) professions and crafts, 8) commerce, “agriculture and animal husbandry,” ^ and 9) biography and history  [Him as-siy ar wa-l-ahhdr).  The next higher group is con stituted by the religious sciences, and the highest one by the philosophical sciences. Only the last mentioned group is considered as being of any real importance; therefore, a larger amount of space is devoted to it.^ About history, the Ihwan as-safa’ merely say that its contemplation leads to experience and the realization of human instability.^  An ot he r rem ar kab le wo rk wh ich app ea rs to dat e from ab ou t the middle of the tenth century and thus would probably be the oldest of the preserved “Arab-Greek” encyclopedias is entitled  Jawdmi^ al-'-ulum.  Its author is a certain Ibn Farigun who is said to have  bee n a stu de nt of Ab u Za yd al-Ba lhi.^ Th e wo rk is a co mp reh en siv e 1  Maf dtth al-'-ulum,  60-82 (Cairo 1349/1930). ^ Cf. Qur^an surah  ii 205 (201). ^ RasdH l Ihwa n as-safd?, I, 202 (Cairo 1 3 4 7 / 1 9 2 8 ) ; II, 2 46 D i e t e r i c i , translated by F . D i e t e r i c i , in  Di e Phi loso phi e der Arabe r, IV, 10 (Leipzig 1 8 6 8 ) . Cf. also below, pp. 45 and 1 1 if . * Op. cit.,  I, 253 f. (Cairo 1347/1928). Cf. also IV, 2 11. Th e  Risd lah al-jdmi^ah,   II, 174 Sa lib a (Damascus 1368-71/1948-51), places “the history (ahbdr)  of the ancients, the poems of early poets, and the stories of the first generations and days past” among the acquisitions of the rational soul and puts this kind of knowledge on a level with religious and astrological predictions of future events. “ Farigun occurs as a Persian name; cf., for instance. Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  X, 64

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

35

encyclopedia in tabular form, which is quite a remarkable arrange ment to be found in so early a period. The main topic in each case is written in large letters. Thin lines lead from it to the detailed explanations which are written in smaller letters and, as a rule,  ve rti ca lly . Th e firs t refe ren ce to hi sto ry in thi s wo rk is one to the historical knowledge which secretaries must possess.^ Then, in the second chapter, the author has the following to say about history wh ich he classifies among the notions of “w isdom  [Him al~ hikmah)” : i) History  [Him at-ta^rihdt)  ^ is based upon rare events of far-reaching significance, such as a deluge, an earthquake, an epidemic, or a famine. 2) It is necessary to know the succession of dynasties and the rulers according to the climates in which they Hved, with their number, days, and the length of their respective reigns. 3) The beginning of creation and the events surrounding the Resurrection as well as the physical and intellectual conditions of past generations. Because of its remoteness, this material is often corrupt. The material is so extensive that only God knows it all.® It is acceptable only inasmuch as it is based upon literary sources or trustworthy information. 4) The biography of Muhammad,  wh ich is in str uc tiv e for po liti ca l and m ili ta ry act ivi tie s. 5) Th e  bio gra phi es of the Qu ras ite cal iph s, the ir con que sts, adm ini stra tion , and the revolts that took place during their reigns, as well as 6) the history of the transition of power from the Umayyads to the ‘Abb^sids, which is illustrative of the changes of time. 7) The Bedouin (pre-Islamic) history, which contains much poetry. (Hyderabad 1357-58); G A L , I ,  96; E. d e Z a m b a u r ,  Ma nue l de genealogie et de chronologic, 205 (Hannover 1927). However, the proper name of the author is not certain. In the manuscript of the Escorial, which was written in 393/1003, the name was read Sa'ya (Isaiah) by M. C a s i r i ,  Bibl iothe ca Ara bic o-H isp ana- Escu ria lens is,  I, 280 (Madrid 1760), and H. P. J . R e n a u d ,  Les Man uscr ipts arabes de I’Esc uri al,  II, 3, 82 f., no. 950 (Paris 1941). M. S t e i n s c h n e i d e r , therefore, claimed Ibn Farigun as a Jew (Die arabische Literatur der  Jud en,   120, Frankfurt a.M. 1902). H. S u t e r , strangely enough, wanted to identify the author of the  Jawami^ al-'-ulu m  with a Spanish scholar, Sa^id b. Fathun (Die Mathematiker und Astronomen der Araber und ihre Werke,  73, Leipzig 1900,  Abh . zur Geschichte der mathem. lyjss., 10). For certain points of similarity with the anonymous author of the Persian geographical work  Hu dud al-^dlam,  cf. V. M i n o r s k y , in  A Locu st's Leg, Stud ies in Honor of S. H. Taqizadeh,  189-96 (London 1962). The Egyptian Library in Cairo has two photostat manuscripts of the work (Ma'arif '^mmah 528 and 527). The originals are in Istanbul, Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2768 and 2675, cf. H. R i t t e r , in Oriens,  III, 83 ii.   (1950). The former (first made available to me in microfilm through the kindness of G . E.  v o n G ru n eb a u m ) is dated in D u 1-qa'dah 396/  Au gu st 1006. Th e l att er , un dat ed, is s imi lar to it in app eara nce. On the Esc ori al man usc rip t, cf. D . M. D u n l o p , in  Ze ki Ve lid i Togan^a A rma^an ,  348-53 (Istanbul 1955). Cf. also G AL  Sup plem ent,   I, 435. ^ Phot. Cairo Ma'arif 'amm ah 527, p. 49, cf. below, p. 5if. * The meaning “eras” is transparent. ®Cf. Qur’an surah  xiv 9 (10), and also ix 70 (71).

36

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

8) The Persian books and biographies, such as the Covenant of  Ar da sir Ba ba ka n/ the spee ches of An usa rwa n, the Ka rn am ah .  A ll this is in str uc tiv e wit h reg ard to po liti cal affa irs and the ad  ministration of justice. 9) The main events, stories, and actions connected with the individual rulers, and 10) the history of persons of noble birth, scholars, secretaries, poets, eloquent men, kind men, generous men, gentle men, moderate men, and faithful men.^ Owing to his chosen form of presentation, the author had to be  brie f. Th e abs enc e of an y refer ence to la te r dyn as tie s and, ab ov e all, the absence of any specific theological elements as well as the comparatively minor position assigned to the history of Muhammad and to that of scholars and cities would seem to be characteristic of the tenth century.  A bri ef disc ussi on of the scie nces asc rib ed to al- Jah iz bu t b eli ev ed to date from the tenth century, evaluates every science as to its good or bad characteristics. What the author describes as magdzi  and ahbdr,  apparently referring to the literature on the Muslim conquests, is cha racterized as useless forgeries used to captiv ate the common people.^ On the other hand, hadit   and dtdr,  the traditions of the Prophet and the early Muslims, are praised very highly as teaching the history  [ahbdr, anbd'")  of the men of the past. Historical anecdotes {al-ahbdr wa-n-nawddir)  are severely censured. Other historical material, if this is meant by al-ahbdr wa-n-nutaf, is praised as providing valuable mental discipline.^ It may be noted here that Abu Hayyan at-Tawhidi made no mention of history in his  Ris dlah f i l-'-ulum.^ The eleventh century is represented by the brilliant Spaniard, Ibn Hazm. He included brief treatments of history in two places of his  Mard tih al-Hilum.^  History occupies an important place in the 1 The text is preserved in the Istanbul ms. Kopriilii 1608, fols. I46b-I55a. ^ Phot. Cairo M a'arif ‘amm ah 527, p. 90. Arabic text, below, p. 539 f. ®For early objections to the magdzi   literature, cf. I. G o l d z i h e r ,  Muha mtned anisch e  Stud ien,   II, 206 (Halle 1889-90). ^ Cf. C. P e l l a t , in al-Machriq,   L, 70-78 (1956). ^ Ed. and trans. M. B e r g e , in  Bu llet in d'Et ude s Orientale s de I'ln sti tut Fran gais de  Dama s,  X V III, 241-300 (1963-64).  b b a s (Cairo n.y. [1954]), cf. the brief summary ® Rasd^il Ibn Hazm ,  71 f., 78 f. I h s a n ‘■A   by M. Asi N P a l a c i o s , Un codice inexplorado del Cordobes Ibn Hazm, in  Al -A nd alu s,  II, 49, 52 (1934), and as-Sahawi,  I^ldn  47, below, p. 333 f. An acquaintance with ancient and modern history is one of the things needed for real knowledge (haqd^iq),  according to Ibn Hazm’s Taqrib,  198 I h s a n 'A   b b a s (Beirut, n. y. [1959]). The existence of well-known countries and rulers and the undoubted events connected with them are the basic premises for history proved true through an abundantly attested tradition (Taqrib,  202). Cf.,further,  bel ow, p. 112 .

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

37

preparatory curriculum of the linguistic and mathematical-physical sciences. Since it is an easy and pleasurable subject, it should be studied when one needs a rest from other more demanding subjects. History serves as evidence for the instability of the world and for the fact that tyranny and injustice are always punished in the end  whi le vir tu e is alw ay s rew ard ed. It stim ula tes the im ita tio n of the deeds of virtuous men and is a warning against following the exa mple of evildoers.! Since historical reports coming from vastly different regions, periods, and cultural environments, all teach the same lesson, their truth cannot be denied. Subsequently, Ibn Hazm has another, more systematic division of the sciences into a trivium, consisting of the science of the religious law  [sari'-ah),  history  [ahbdr],  and linguistic science, all sciences which differ in every nation and religion, and into a quadrivium, consisting of astronomy, mathematics, medicine, and philosophy. All these sciences have their subdivisions, genealogy  bei ng one of his tor y. Hi sto ric al wr itin g m ay be org ani ze d acc ord ing to kingdoms (dynasties), countries, or classes  [tahaqdt).  Histories may also be arranged annalistically, or they may loosely deal with a variety of relevant topics. The histories of non-Muslim nations, such as the Israelites, the Persians, the Greeks  [Rum],   the Turks, the Hazars, the Negroes, the Indians, the Chinese, and so on, are only imperfectly known, if at all. Muslim history, however, is fully and reliably known. The student of history must not waste his time on the study of unreliable and unprofitable aspects of historical knowledge. All this makes it clear that in Ibn Hazm’s view, Muslim history is one of the sciences of the Muslim religious law and is on a par with Arabic philology as an auxiliary discipline in the religiouslegal field, although it has wider and more general implications. For the second part of the following century, we may refer to the encyclopedia of Fahr-ad-din ar-Razi, entitled  Hadd^iq al-anwdr  f i haqdHq al-asrdr,   a Persian work, which is more easily available than the Arabic recension  Jdmi'- al-Hdum  (if the latter exists at all).2 It is obvious that ar-Ra zi felt that history constituted an * Ibn Hazm expressed himself similarly in his Ri sd lak ft muddwdt an- nufu s, cf.  Rasd^il,  149. ^ Bodle ian mss. or. Fraser 183 (F.the 1481), fols. 36b-46a, and 182 (Ethe 1482), fols. 27a-34a, see below, p. 540 f. Cf. also al Juwayni, Ta'^rth-i-jahdnguMy  II, r (Leiden-London 1912-16). The Istanbul manuscripts mentioned in G A L ,  I, 508, as containing the Arabic  ver sio n, in fa ct cont ain the Per sian wo rk. Th e 1966 rep rin t of the edi tion Bo mb ay 1323 of the  Jdmi'- al-^iilum,  pp. 50-62, contain s the Persian text. The unusual encyclopedia ascribed to a certain Qazwini {(iAL,  I, 499),  M ufi d al-'^ulum wa-mubtd al-humUm,  169-85 (Cairo 1310), has chapters on historical information and the

38

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

ancilla theologiae.  Its treatment, as the thirteenth science of the  wo rk, foll ows th at of th e scie nce of tra dit ion s and th e scie nces of the names of hadit   authorities. It is followed, in turn, by another historical discipline of theological significance, the raids  [magdzi]  of the early years of Islam, and, after that, the author turns to the treatment of grammar, and so on. Ar-Razi was primarily a philos opher. Looking at historiography from his vantage point, he finds that in contrast to other sciences, it knows no systematic treat ment of its problems on a progressive scale which wou ld lead up from simple problems to the more difficult ones. Thus, historiography does not make a distinction between information which is obvious, and information which is not obvious. Some of its data are complicated, and others simple, with no gradual transition.  A r-R az i con clud es th at it wo uld be dif fic ult to obs erv e a log ica l arrangement in the treatmen t of historiography. He therefore divides his discussion into nine chapters which deal with factual information. He starts, as we would expect, with the ancient history of the Persians and then goes over to Muhammad’s history and the names of the caliphs. A special chapter is devoted to ‘Ali.  An oth er ch ap ter dea ls wit h the hi sto ry of the tra nsi tio n of pow er from the Umayyads to the ‘Abbasids, which also constituted a special subject in Ibn Farigun’s  Jawdmi'- al-'-ulum.  The remaining four chapters are concerned with the more recent history close to ar-Razi’s own time, i.e., the history of the family of Sult§.n Mahmud of Gaznah, the beginnings and later history of the Saljuqs, and, finally, the history of the ruler at whose court ar-Razi lived, the Huwarizm §ah Abu 1-Muzaffar Tekes, who ruled from 589/1193 to 596/1200. The  Su luk al-md lik f i tadbir al-mam dlik,   an encyclopedia in tabular form composed by a certain Ibn Abi r-Rabi', presents itself as a work written under the Caliph al-Mu‘tasim (in the ninth century). This appears to be an error, and it has been suggested that the caliph in question might be the last ‘^Abbasid al-Musta^'sim who died during the Mongol conquest of Bagdad in 1258.^ History, according to Ibn Abi r-Rabi‘, belongs to an intermediate group of sciences. This group stands in the middle between the highest group  wh ich com prise s the olo gy, reli giou s law , and all sup ern atu ral history and way of life (siyar)  of rulers. ^ C f . GA L Supplement   I, 372. According to the G A L ,  the  Su lM   may have been composed in 655/1256. Cf. also  A  s *^a d T a l a s , in  Revue de VAca demi c arabe de Damas ,  XX IV , 274 (1949); M. P l e s s n e r , in.  Ignace Goldzihe r Mem oria l Volum e,  II, 81 f. (Jerusalem 1958).

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

39

matters, and the lowest g roup which comprises the natural sciences and medicine. According to one definition, the middle group consists of the quadrivium (and thus would not be concerned with history). According to another definition, everything that is concerned with language belongs to it, as, for instance, poetry, rhetoric, and logic. History {Him al-ahbdr)  falls under that part of language which is concerned with prose composition. It forms a triad with speechmaking and epistolography. Its subdivisions are historical information about kings and their policies; the history of dynasties and important eve nts; and historical information about  vir tuo us men, sage s, nob le pers ona litie s, an d me n of the opp osi te qualities.!  A bo ut a hu ndr ed ye ars late r, ano the r P ers ian scho lar, Muh amm ad  b. Ma hmu d al- Am uli , who wro te in 1340, de alt wi th hi sto ry in his ponderous encyclopedia,  NafdH s al-fu nun f i ^-ardHs al-'-uyun.^ In his work, too, history occupies a position among the Muslim religious and Arab literary sciences which form the subject of the first part of the work. However, it is placed among a group of sub  jec ts, such as ridd les and gen ea log y, wh ich are clas sifie d by the author as conversational sciences. History is called  Hlm-i-tawdrih wa-siyar.  Actually, the author explains, these are two different  bra nch es of lear ning. One of the m is con cer ned wi th the len gth of the life and the duration of the activities of prophets, kings, rulers, and religious groups (nations), while the other deals with the individual circumstances of each personality. Nevertheless, al-Amuli follows the custom of treating the two together under the one heading of history. In accordance with the usual procedure of historians, he starts out with a few words about the instruc tiveness and manifold practical uses of history in that it teaches the fleeting character of worldly greatness and the instability of material possessions and gives man an opportunity to keep his name alive and to live on as a good memory. In five chapters, al-Amuli then presents a brief sketch of world history. He deals  wi th the hi sto ry of the pro phe ts from Ad am to Mu ha mm ad; the Persian kings; the kings of Hatay, and the kings (i.e., the em1  Sul uk al-md lik,  46 f. (Cairo 1329, an edition which dispenses with the tabular arrange ment).  A§ -§a hr azu ri’ s  Sajar ah al-il dhtya h,  which was written in 1282, has nothing on history. The section on history in an-Nuwayri’s  Nih dya t al-arah  is contained in vols. 13 ff. of the Cairo edition. Its contents is indicated in the table of contents of the whole work. ’ I, 261-99 (Teheran? 1315-17). I also consulted the Bodleian manuscripts of the work.

40

41

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

perors and popes) of the European Christians; the first four cahphs, the Umayyads, and the ‘Abbasids; and the later dynasties of the eastern part of the Mushm world, from the Saffarids to the house of Jingizhan.

thorough religious scholars— broadminde d one might call them, if sufficient allowance is made for their inherent limitations. These scholars realized the importance which historical studies, as they understood them, had for theological and juridical pursuits, and some of them, such as Ibn Hajar, became historians in their own right. Moreover, the country possessed in men such as al-Malik al-Asraf Barsbay comparatively strong and ambitious rulers who admired past greatness and considered themselves deserving of historical fame. A few centuries before this period, a Mushm historian correctly remarked: “When the country was full of good and noble men, God appointed a historian who would tell their noble deeds and qualities, but when they were no longer and only mean persons remained, mercifully there also was no longer a historian to be found.” ^Now, historians could find again both the inspiration for their work and the material encouragement. Another coincidence which was as auspicious in this case as its like has always been in intellectual history was the appearance of a man  who com bin ed in him self the qu ali tie s of an em ine nt sta tes ma n and scholarly genius. The historical work of the statesman and judge, Ibn Haldun, was widely discussed, frequently attacked, always highly appreciated, and little understood— in short, it fulfilled the most important function of a scholarly work, that is, to act as an incentive and stimulus. Under these circumstances, scholars were able to specialize in historical research and to speculate about the theoretical aspects of historiography. The latter stage, however, appears to have been reached only near the end of the period under consideration, and the great historians of the beginning of the fifteenth century, such as al-Maqrizi, do not seem to have devoted

 W ith the time of al-A mul i, we ha ve rea ch ed the thr esh old of a rather unexpected development, to wit, the appearance of historiog raph y as an independent discipline which was considered deserving of discussion in monograph form. This development did not have its starting point in the encyclopedic history of sciences. It grew out of the historical interests of the Muslim religious sciences, which, in general, were responsible for most of the progress in Muslim scholarly technique. Still, history had always been considered by most theologians as a necessary but definitely very inferior adjunct of their studies. Therefore, the appearance of monographs on histo riography was not something that came a bout as a m atter of course  bu t dep end ed on spec ial circ um sta nce s wh ich mad e it pos sibl e for monographs to materialize.^ In the case of the Persian, al-lji, it seems to have been his interest in philosophy that caused him to speculate about the theory of historiography. His Gift of the Poor M an  written in 1381-82 mainly aims at providing for historical information what philosoph ical speculation had done for the science of hadit,  namely, a systematic approach to the problem of ascertaining historical truth, so that the truth of Islam would find its historical justification.^ The discussions of historiography by al-KMiyaji, who wrote his  Short Work on Hist oriogra phy in Cairo in 867/1463, and the Eg yptia n as-Sahawi, who finished his Open Denunciation of the Critics of the  His tori ans   in Mecca in 897/1492, become understandable as the result of the favorable situation which historical studies enjoyed in the Egypt of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In contrast to other parts of the Muslim world at the time, political conditions in Egypt were by and large stable and offered an atmosphere in which scholarly work in general could flourish. The material  we lfa re of sch ola rs was co m pa ra tiv ely wel l tak en car e of b y m an y pious foundations. There existed then a few especially keen and 1

At the same time, the subject of history continued to play a certain if subordinate role in encyclopedias. Thus, in the first half of the fifteenth century, 'Abd-ar-Rahman alBistami includes biography and history (Him as-siyar wa-l-ahbdr)  among the propaedeutic sciences said to be mostly directed toward practical and material goals. Among them, historical subjects occupy the last place, after the magical sciences, cf. al-Bistami, al Fawd^ih al-mi sktya h,  Istanbul ms. Nuru Osnianiye 1520, fol. 72b. ^ Cf. below, p. 201 ff.

special studies to the theory of historiography. Both al-Kafiyaji and as-Sahawi were primarily religious scholars,^  bu t for the m, hi sto ry wa s no t the mer e ser va nt bu t— alm ost — the equal of the science of tradition.^ Their historical studies exclusively served the purpose of defending the flourishing historiography against attacks b y the general run of theologians and of upholding ^ Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  IX, 42 (Hyderabad 1357-38), quoting Abu 1-Wafa’ b. 'Aqil (GAL Supplement   I, 687). * For the following paragraph, cf. also below, pp. 245 ff. and 263 ff. ®Cf. as-Saliawi,  IHdn   45, below, p. 330 f. Scholars such as Abu Samah found it necessary to defend their historical activities by the example of as- 5 afi'i. He was said to have been considered by Mus'^ab az-Zubayri as the most learned historian in existence and to have studied history (ayydm an-nds)  and adab  for twenty years, as an aid to jurisprudence (Rawdatayn,  5, Paris 1898,  Rec ueil des hist, des Croisa des, Hi st, or., 4).

42

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

its position within the theological disciplines. Their theological preconceptions naturally warped their discussion. Al-KM iyaji, espe cially, seems to have brought to his task an additional measure of confused thinking, even if it was the strict mental discipline of the principles of jurisprudence that determined his analysis of history. However, their works are the perfect expression of what Muslim historiography was and aspired to be. In points of detail, they depend on the work of previous generations of scholars, but the synthesis appears to be their own. Among the questions they treat are those of the object and definition of history, its purpose and usefulness, its origin, the qua lifications and methods of the historian, the criteria and degrees of reliability of historical information (alKMiyaji), and the various products of Muslim historiography (asSahawi). As-Sahawi's numerous quotations from the introductions of historical works, almost the only places where historians expressed general reflections about the nature of their task,i give a complete cross section of the Muslim thinking on history.  We miss an y dee per pen etr ati on into the pro blem s of hi sto ry, and only here and there do we encounter traces of greater awareness of what history may mean. However, in this respect, too, al-KMiyaji and as-Sah^wi truly represent the attitude of Muslim scholarship. Historiography, in al-Mas‘udi’s words, was, for Muslim scholars, factual information {habar)  and not speculative research {baht  and nazar),^  and the author of a historical work frequently called himself a compiler  [jdmi^). The preceding discussion has made it sufficiently clear that historiography could hardly be expected to have formed part of Muslim higher education. Indeed, it never achieved the position of an academic subject either in the environment in which the “ Gree k” sciences were cultivated, or in the formal system of Muslim religious education which crystallized in the eleventh century. Lack of evidence is enough of a confirmation of the fact that worldly history was not represented in the curriculum of any madrasah  anywhere in Islam. The biography of Muhammad was studied there.® The science of traditions required an acquaintance

1 The same situation prevailed in the Western Middle Ages, c f . F.  W a g n e r , Geschicktswissenschaft,  54 ff. (Munich 1951).

2  M uf uj ,  I, 1 51 P aris ed. = I, 46 (Cairo 1346); cf. also al-Mas'udi, Tanhth   354 D e G o e j e , and at-Tabari, I, 56. ’ For instance, al-Waqidi’s  Magdzt ,  cf. as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 243b (Ragini).

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

43

 wi th the bio gra phi es of the transm itters .^ In thi s conn ecti on, local histories of the theological type became a subject of instruc tion,^ and if possible, students travelled to their authors, in order to acquire firsthand knowledge directly from them and on the spot.® Some academic instruction on historical subjects was thus always available, and the study notes and ijdzahs  at the end of historical manuscripts testify to that. One might, however, expect to find frequent references to historical lectures in the innumerable scholarly biographies which are known. This is not the case. The references to history and historians in all the biographies of the  His tory of Bagdad   are not frequent. It is true that the  His tory of Bagdad   is theologically oriented. This explains why few historical  wo rks ex ce pt tho se of im me dia te in ter es t for hadit   scholars are mentioned in it.^ But its silence with regard to historical activities proves that the official system of education then in force cared little for them.  A ma n so wel l kno wn as a his tor ian as ad -D ah ab i inc lude s in the list of his teachers (Mu^jam)  only a very few references to the fact that the one or other among them wrote historical works ^ As-Sam 'toi, for instance, studied Ibn Mandah’s Ma^rifat as-sa^dbah,  cf.  Ansd b,  fol. 60b (= II, 44 of the edition which began to appear in Hyderab ad 1382/1962, unfortunately  wi tho ut refe renc es to the foli o num bers of the man usc rip t rep rod uce d by D. S. M a r g o l i o u t h ) . Ibn Jama'ah recommends the knowledge of the dates  [tawdrih]   of the science of traditions as one of the branches of that science (Tadkirah  126, Hyderabad 1354)^ As -Sa m'a ni, for inst ance , stu die d al- Az raq i’s  Hist ory of Mecc a  (as well as the  Hist ory of Ya'qub b. Sufyan), cf.  Ansd b,  fols. 54a ( = I, 400, of the H yderaba d edition), 148a, and 195b.  Al- ^Iat ib al- Ba gda di lec tur ed in Ba gd ad on his  His tory   of the city (Yaqut,  IrSdd,  I, 246 f. M a r g o l io u t h = IV , 16f. Cairo).There is no reason to assume, with the  Handworter buch des  Islam ,  389a, s.v.  Madrasa (Leiden 1941), that he lectured on that work in the Mosque, thus elevating it to the rank of a regularly taught subject. The text says that he taught hadit  in the Mosque, and the  Hi stor y of Bagd ad   in Bagdad — thus, apparently, not in the Mosque. Parallel texts are less clear on this point, but confirmation comes from a most interesting legend which may reflect the historical setting accurately: A student of the I^atib dreamed that he was attending a history lecture in the house  of the Hatib “ as usual,” but there was an unusual auditor there, none other than the Proph et himself, “ and I said to myself,” the narrator of the story continues, “ that this was not only an honor for the Sayh, but also a refutation of those who censure the study of history as involving attacks upon the religious scholars” (as-Snbki, Tabaqdt as-SdfiHyah,  III, 14 f., Cairo 1324). Ibn 'Asakir lectured on his voluminous  Hist ory of Dama scus  in the presence of asSam 'ani and the ‘^Imad al-Isfahani. I t seems, though, th at the lecture was m erely a per functory reading of small parts of the work, cf. al-'^Imad al-Isfahani,  Hart dat al-qasr {Syrian poets),  274, 276 (Damascus 1375/1955); the latter passage seems to belong to a quotation from as-Sam'ani’s  Sup plem ent to the His tory of Bagdad   and thus to refer to asSam'ani and not to the 'Imad. ^ With reference to al-Hakim’s  His tory of Ntsdb ur,  cf. TB ,  V, 474, and as-Sam'am,  Ans db,   fol. ggb; with reference to al-Matari’s  His tory of Med ina,  cf. Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi’s autobiography, in al-^Iqd at-tamtn  (cf. below, p. 165, n. 3). ‘ But cf. the long list of historical works studied by the Hatib (Y. al-Hss, al-Hatlb ali,  106-12, Damascus 1364/1945).

44

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

or occupied himself with history. A contemporary of as-Sahawi in the fifteenth century, Muhammad b. ‘Ammar, studied the basic principles of jurisprudence with Ibn Haldun, and only in this connection, it is mentioned that he also studied part of the  Muq addimah  of Ibn Haldun’s History with its author.^ Hardly any of the many scholars whose scholastic careers were described by \ as-Sahawi in the  Daw'‘ al-ldmi*'   is expressly stated to have studied  wo rld ly histo ries , tho ugh the his tor ica l lect ure s of Ib n Ha ldu n  wHich Ib n H aj ar an d othe rs at ten de d are inc ide nta lly menti oned .^ The study of historical works, even those which would interest teligious scholars, also is only very rarely referred to in the  paw \^  As-Sah S,wi h ims elf d oes no t s ay in his au tob io gra ph y t ha t th e s tud ied historical works. We hear, however, of famous historians of the time as teachers, and it is well possible that they also lectured e% officio  on their historical works. As-Suyuti tells us that in one of his classes in the Mosque of Ahmad b. Tuliin, he was asked about the historicity of Qaraqus,^ but the question may have been an incidental one and may not presuppose the existence of a course in history. A knowledge of history is often mentioned among the scholars listed in the  Daw'',  but it is always mentioned as part of their general education (adab).^  Even in the two cases where a scholar’s study of history is said to have been coupled with that of  juri spru den ce, th e refe ren ce to hi sto ry pe rta ins to th e gen era l education of the particular scholar.® As a man of general culture, a great jurist, such as the father of the author of the  His tory of  Qazwin,  a r-RMi‘i, may have had a good knowledge of “proverbs, poems, historical data, and anecdotes,” but this was considered the least of his accomplishments.’ Such knowledge of history resulted from the role of history as part of a man’s general culture, about  wh ich more wil l be said lat er on.  W hil e hi sto ric al stud ies did no t fal l und er the ca teg or y of hig he r ^  Daw^,  VIII, 233. In the biographies of the  Hist ory of Granada  of Ibn Haldun’s con temporary, Lisan-ad-din Ibn al-Hatib, we find wh at seem to be unusually frequent references to a knowledge of history on the part of the biographees. *  Daw^,  IV, 148. Al-Kinani studied history with al-Maqrizi {Daw^,  I, 205). * Cf., for instance,  Daw^,  I, 196. * Cf. P. C a s a n o v a ,  Kard kouc h, in  Mem . publi ees par les memhres de la miss ion archeol.  frang aise du Cair e,  472 (Paris, 1897). For al-Kafiyaji lecturing on historiography, cf. below, p. 247 ^ As is also the case, for instance, in the obituaries of al-Y unin i’s Da yl M ir ’at az-zamdn (Hyderabad 1374-80/1954-61). *  Daw^,  III, 41, and XI, 66. ^ Cf. ar-Rafi‘i, al-Qawl al-fasl ft fadl AM Fadl,  a biography of his father, which he in corporated in the  His tory of Q azwin,  Phot. C airo Ta ’rih 2648, p. 94.

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

45

education, historical works were systematically read and studied  b y the sch ola rs who wer e int ere ste d in the m. A fte r the dea th of the Qur^an commentator Ibn Abi t-Tayyib (d. 458/1065), his library was found to contain four books: one on jurisprudence, one on belles lettres, and two volumes on history.^ Indeed, a strange collection! Even the author of a systematic philosophical  wo rk m ay oc cas ion ally tho ugh rar ely be tra y the fa ct th at he stu die d historical works. ^ For a later age, we have much better evidence of what historical books a scholar (who, it is true, developed ear ly a professional interest in history) would read in the course of his scholarly education. In the list of the books studied by him {al-Mu'^jam al-mufahras),  Ibn Hajar has many historical titles. The third chapter of the  Mu'-j am al-mufah ras  which deals  wi th the dif fer ent bra nch es of the scie nce of tra dit ion s con tai ns  bio gra ph ica l wo rks an d loc al hist orie s, bu t am ong the m the re also appears a reference to the great  Hist ory of at-Tah ari^   and to the  Ans db of az-Zubayr b. Ba kkar and Ib n al-Atir’s  Ans db and  Kdmi l.^  The fifth section of the sixth chapter then contains the general histories which were studied by Ibn Hajar, such as Ibn al-Atir’s  Ka mi l,  Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi’s  Mir^dt az-zamdn,  and the works of ad-D ahabi, b ut also biographical works such as alMundiri’s Takm ilah f i wafaydt an-naqalah.  It must be said, however, that history is lumped together by Ibn Hajar with the “ non-tradition al” sciences and seen in connection with grammar and poetry. Ibn Hajar’s interest in history was aroused at the  be gin nin g of his aca de mic stud ies . He alw ay s con side red hi sto ry an important part of his work in the science of traditions and its adjunct, biography. B ut his enjoyment of historical works may have  bee n th at of the ma tur ing stu de nt and the man of gen era l Cultur e. In fact, the real position of history in Muslim education has always been one in elementary education. History was an occasional subject of formal instruction in school. It always was, in some form or other, the favorite reading matter for boys and an important element in their intellectual formation. The Ihwan as-safa* refer to the fact that the children in school learn the Qur’an, history (ahbdr),  poetry, grammar, and lexicog‘ Yaqut,  IrSdd,  X III, 274 (Cairo = V, 232 Margoliouth). ^ Hibatallah al-Bagdadi,  MuHab ar,  II, 223 (Hyderabad 1357), quotes the history of al-Jahsiyari for the appearance of a star in the days of al-Muwaffaq. ^ Al-M u^ja m al-muf ahras,  Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 82 (written in 854/1450), p. 140. ^ Op. cit.,  p. 162. For the yat ib a l-Bagdadi, cf. above, p. 43, n. 4.

46

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

raphy.i The systematic works on elementary education are nearly all silent on the subject of history. The tenth-century Qabisi,  who se wo rk wa s wr itt en from the Ma lik ite poi nt of vie w, refe rs to the opinion of Ibn Habib th at “ there is no objection to hiring a teacher for the teaching of poetry, grammar, epistolography, the battle days of the Arabs and similar subjects such as the  bio gra phi es of scho lars and ou tst an din g men  [Him ar-r ijdl wadawi al-muruwdt)^   This is history seen in the familiar context of adab  works. A slight religious coloring is already present. In later times, the information about pious men is recommended as the only historical subject in which children might be instructed.® The scarcity of references to the teaching of history in works on elementary education shows that it was not a widely taught subject. It was permissible to teach it. More could hardly be expected. General educational requirements did not extend beyond reading, writing, and the memorizing of the Qur’an. Only the great and the well-to-do could afford to hire teachers who would instruct their children in other subjects.^ Historical knowledge, therefore, was usually acquired by private reading or, on a lower level, from story-te llers who seem to have filled the role of popular interpreters of the Muslim religious view of history since the  beg inni ng of Islam.^  A rare glim pse int o the im po rta nt role wh ich his tor ica l wo rks played in the intellectual formation of boys® is afforded to us through the autobiography of the twelfth-century Jewish scientist, as-Samaw’al b. Yahya al-Magribi, who later in his life converted to Islam: " . . . A t the age between twelve and thirteen, I was very  ^ Rasd ?il Ihwdn as-safd^,  III, 60 (Cairo 1347/1928). That ahbdr  in this context does not refer to traditions may, for instance, be deduced from the biography of Hibatallah Ibn Makula, in Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  VIII, 103, anno  430 (Hyderabad 1357-58). ^ A. F. al-I hw ani (or Ah wan i), at-TaHtm ft ra?y al-Qdbisi,  278 (Cairo 1364/1945), cf. the editor’s comment, p. 156 f. (2nd ed., pp. 304 and 171 f., Cairo 1955). ^ According to the context, Ibn Abi r-Rabin’s brief reference to the spiritual advantage to be gained by children from the “ study of books and biographies {siyar)”   appears to refer to the biographies of pious persons (Suluk al-mdlik,  60, Cairo 1329). Taskopriizadeh,  Mif tdfi  as-sa^ddah,  III, 280 (Hyderabad 1328-56), is more explicit. * Cf. the references to princely tutors, below p. 48 f. ®“The mudakkir  calls to mind God’s benefactions, the wdHz   bases his admonitions upon the threats made by God, and the qdss,  the story-teller, relates the history  [ahbdr]   of the men of the past.” This distinction between three types of preachers is discussed by Abu Bakr Ibn al-‘^Arabi, ^Aridat al-ahwadi {Commentary on at-Tirmidi's SaMh), X,  140 (Cairo 1350- 53 / 1931 - 34 )* The im portance of historical instruction in Greek education was known to Muslims from the translation of a fragment of Themistius, On Friendship,  cf. Miskawayh, Tahdtb al-ahldq, 51 (Cairo 1322); F. R  o s e n t h a l in  Islam ic Cultu re,  XI V, 403 f. (1940).

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

47

much attracted by historical information and stories. I was very eager to read what had happened in ancient times and to know  wh at ha d ta ke n pla ce in pa st cen turie s. I rea d the dif fere nt col lec  tions of stories and anecdotes. From that I transferred my predi lection to the long fanciful tales, and then to the big novels, such as the stories of ‘Antar,i 1-Himmah, and al-Battal, the story of Alexander Du 1-qarnayn, of al-‘Anqa’ (the Phoenix), and Taraf  b. Lu da n, and othe rs. Af te r I ha d stu die d the se wo rks , it bec am e clear to me that most of their (contents derived) from the works of the historians. I looked for true historical information. My attention  wa s dir ec ted tow ar d hi sto ric al wor ks. I rea d the bo ok of A bu ‘A li  b. Mi ska wa yh wh ich he ha d en titl ed Tajdrib al-umam.  I also studied the  Hist ory   of at-Tabari and other historical works. Through them, I became acquainted with the history  [ahbdr)  of the Prophet, his raids, and the miracles which G od produced for him . . ^  As -S am aw ’a l wa s gr ea tly imp ress ed by the mir acu lou s succ ess of Muhammad, the collapse of the mighty Persian and Byzantine armies, the skilful and just policies of Abu Bakr and ‘Umar. If he as a Jew could be so much influenced by the record of a past  wh ich wa s not his, ho w muc h mor e so mu st yo un g Musl ims ha ve experienced the emotional impact of the historical literature. Here  we cle ar ly see th e tre me ndo us sign ific anc e of hi sto rio gra ph y in Islam. It helped to inspire loyalty to and enthusiasm for the religious and cultural heritage of Islam at an age in the life of the individual

1 In the time of as-Samaw’al, it was possible for a young student to earn his living by copying the novel of 'Antar. The physician Abu 1-Mu’ayyad al-Jazari thus acquired the name of al-'Antari (Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah, I, 290 M u l l e r ).  A th irte ent h-c ent ur y ami r, Sali h  b. 'A li b. Bu htu r, it ma y be add ed here , whi le he was in pris on, cop ied the 'A nt ar nov el, cf. Salih b. Yahya,  His toir e de Be yrout h,  ed. L. C h e i k h o , 2nd ed., 81 (Beirut 1927). In the twentieth century, the same material that inspired as-Samaw’al continues to serve its old purpose, as we learn from the biography of H a s a n   A L - B A N N A ^ the founder of the Ihwan al-Muslimin, a contemporary political movement that commanded a considerable amount of attentioninthe i94osandth eearly 1950s,cf. I. M. H u s a i n i , The Muslim Brethren, 3 (Beirut 1956). Cf. also below, p. 188. ^ Cf. M. S c h r e i n e r , in  Mon atssc hrift fu r Geschichte und Wiss ensch aft des Jude ntum s, XL II, 127 and 417 f. (1898). In the edition of as-Samaw^al’s  Ifh dm   by M. P e r l m a n n  [Proce edings of the Am eric an Aca dem y for Jew ish Researc h,  XX XI I, New York 1964), the passage appears on p. 100 f., trans. 77 f. Converts to Islam, in general, leaned heavily on arguments from history, in order to prove the superiority of Islam, cf. 'Ali b. Rabban at-Tabar i (ninth century),  Kit db ad-D in wa-d-dawlah,   52, 54 ff., etc. M i n g a n a (Manchester 1923). For that author’s high esteem of historiography, one may compare his statemen t: “ I also noticed that all books of lasting  va lue do not fai l to deal eith er wit h the lit era ry and edu cat ion al ma tte r of this wor ld and the information [ahbdr] about its inhabitants,  or with religion”  [op. cit.,  45, cf. also G. E.  VON G r u n e b a u m ,  Med ieva l Isla m,  98, Chicago 1946).

48

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

in which other intellectual influences would have been far less effective. Stories, poems, and historical data formed part of the knowledge  whi ch par ent s wo uld tra nsm it to the ir child ren. Th e his to ria n Ibn an-Najjar (d. 643/1245) was educated by his brother, since his father had died when he was only seven years old. In touching  word s, he des crib es ho w his bro the r br oug ht him up, car rie d hi m to the Mosque on Fridays and the two holidays, taught him what to say, carried him on his shoulders to show him the holy places and ceremonies when, at the age of nine, he went with his mother to Mecca. And from him he derived many stories, poems, and historical data.^ Historical instruction held a special place in the education of  yo un g pri nce s. ^“ Rea d h isto ric al wo rks a nd s tu dy b iog rap hie s an d the experiences of the nations,” ^ was a recommendation which it  wa s ad va nta ge ou s for ev er y am bit iou s ma n to follo w. Fo r th e potential future ruler, in addition, the study of historical works  wa s con side red the bes t wa y to imb ibe po liti ca l wisdo m. Th e cal iph al-Mu‘tadid ordered Sinan b. T abit b. Qurrah to go through a fine library collection and pick out the books dealing with jurisprudence,  bio gra phi es {siyar)  from ancient and modern times, historical information about kings and events {ayyam an-nds),  historical information about the ‘Abbasid dynasty, and similar material,  whi ch wo uld be righ t for the ages of al-Mu*^tadid's so ns, Ab u Ja*^far and Abu 1-Fadl, and could be used for their instruction.^ Abu 1-Fadl, al-Muqtadir, as he was called as caliph, was less than seven  yea rs old at th at time , and A bu J a' fa r ap pa re ntl y som ew ha t older. The next generation, two sons of al-Muqtadir, Harun and his  bro the r Ah ma d, who lat er on bec am e cal iph und er the nam e of ar-Radi, were educated by as-Suli who soon after his appointment as their teacher discovered their lack of knowledge. He therefore  bo ugh t for th em bo oks on juri spr ude nce , po etr y, lex ico gra ph y, an d ‘ Ibn an-Najjar,  Sup plem ent to the His tory of Bagda d,  Paris ms. ar. 2131, fol. 36b. “ In a fourteenth-century  fiirs tensp iegel ,  Juan Manuel describes the weekly schedule of the infante as including general and Spanish history as the main subject on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, cf. W. B e r g e s ,  Di e Fiirs tensp iege l des hohen und spaten Mit telalters, 243 (Leipzig 1 9 3 8 .  Schrif ten des Reic hsins titut s fUr dltere deutsche Geschic htskund e,  Monu menta German iae Hist orica ,  II). ^ Elijah of Nisibis,  Mas sime ,  no. 1 2 3 S  b a t h (Cairo 1 9 3 6 ) . * From Sinan’s  His tory of al-M uHad id,  as quoted by Ibn al-'^Adim,  Bug yat at-talab,  Phot. Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 1 5 6 6 , I, 1 3 7 . Cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l , in  JA OS ,  L X X I , 1 3 9 ( 1 9 5 1 ) .  Ar abi c tex t,  belo w, p. 541 f. Cf. also the sto ry rep ort ed i n TB , I, 228 f., concerning Ibn Ishaq’s composition of a world history for an 'Abbasid prince upon orders of the latter’s father.

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

49

history  [ahbdr).  Each of the two princes built up his own library. They studied poetry and history with as-Suli and appear to have  bee n so fon d of the se su bje cts th at as- Sul i con side red it nec es sar y to switch over to Prophetic traditions and engage an authority on the subject, probably in order to appease the theologians,^ The role of history in the educa tion of princes was not a fortuitous one. It was closely connected with the old oriental tradition of historical knowledge as the main source of political inspiration for kings and rulers. This tradition has lived on in Islam. “ Ro yal sciences are genealogy and history (hahar) ; the science of military men is the study of books on battle days and biographies {siyar) ; and a merchant’s sciences are writing {kitdb)  and counting {hisdb).” ^ “ Roya l sciences are genealogy, history {hahar),  and poetry; the sciences of sultans are raids and biographies {siyar) ; a merchant’s science is counting; and a secretary’s sciences are calligraphy and linguistic usages.” ^ “T he roya l sciences are genealogy, history {hahar, ahhdr),  and the outlines {jumal) of jurisprudence.” ^ “The knowledge of genealogy a nd history {ahhdr)  belongs to the sciences of kings and important persons. Only noble souls aspire to it, and small minds do not want it.” ^A rhymed history of the seventeenth century even included the knowledge of history among the “ con ditions” of the caliphate:  A wri ter he mu st be and know . The biographies of the ancients he must understand, Of kings and caliphs.  A nd like wis e of ami rs an d wazirs.® Occasionally, however, an author realized that not all nations knew history as the royal science. Ibn at-Tiqtaqa thus mentioned the knowledge of history among the subjects which were esteemed  b y the kin gs of the Pe rsia ns and Ar abs , bu t he ha d not hin g to sa y about h istory in connection with the Mongols.’ 1  As’Suli,  Ahb dr ar-R ddt li-ll dh wa-l- Mut taqi li-ll dh, 25 D u n n e (London-Cairo 1935), trans. M. C a n a r d , 73 (Algiers 1946). C f . also Ibn Haldun,  Muq addi mah,   III, 266 Paris,  whe re ar- Ras id orde rs al-A min to be ins tru cte d in ahbdr  (see above, p. 44, n. 4). 2 I b n ‘ A b d - R ab b i h , "^Iqd,  I, 150 (Cairo 1305). ^ Ar-Ragib al-Isfahani,  Muhd dard t,  I, 21 (Bulaq 1287). * I b n H am d u n, Tadkirah,  part 3, Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 316 (Uri 379), fol. Sob. ®Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  I, 92 (Cairo = I, 27 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ), following al-Baharzi (?). Cf. also GAL Supplement   I, 204, quoting al-JMiiz apud   as-Suyuti,  Mu zhir ,  I, 357 (Cairo 1325).  Al -B ay ha qi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq,   15, 17 (Teheran 1317). ®Al-(jumri,  Dah irah ,  Ms. Cairo Ta’rih 104, fol. iia . ’  Fah rt, 22  A  h l w a r d t (Gotha i860). C f . , however,  Svv 'l^'r , Di e Mong olen in Ira n, 439 (Leipzig 1939), who rightly stresses the Mongol rulers’ concern with history.

R o s e n t h a l , History of Muslim Historiography

4

50

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

 W ha t for the Bi bl ica l Ah asu eru s wa s th e pas tim e of a sle eple ss night is described as the usual routine of the caliph Mu^awiyah: . He slept one-third of the night, then he rose and sat down. One brought the files which contained the biographies and history  [ahbdr]   of the kings and the wars and military ruses. Slaves who  were ent rus ted wi th the tas k of kn ow ing an d rec itin g the se su bje cts read to him in turns (?). Each night, he thus studied a certain amount of historical and biographical information, of antiquarian and political material.” ^ This story can hardly claim any historical authenticity but, like the novel in which al-Asma‘i entertains Harun ar-Rasid with historical information,^ it somehow reflects an actual situation. There are many references to caliphs who displayed an interest in history.^ The library of a flourishing dynasty would contain many historical works. It is reported that among the two million volumes of the library of the Fatimids in Egypt, there were 1220 manuscripts of at-Tabari’s  History.^   The figures seem vastly exaggerated but they illustrate the interest in historical works which one expected to find in royalty. Some of the lesser rulers of later centuries were also credited with a knowledge of history and biography.® Others composed historical works of their own.® A Mamluk Sultan greatly enjoyed the lectures of the historian al-'A yni.’^Unwittingly, J e a n B o d i n , in sixteenth-century France, paid a compliment to the great tradition of history as the royal science in Islam when he said: “There is no example more recent or more famous than that of Selim, prince of the Turks.  Al th ou gh his anc est ors alw ay s av oi de d hi sto ry on the gro un d th at it is false, he himself first had the deeds of Caesar translated into the vernacular, and by imitating that general in a short time he 1 Al-Mas'udi,  Mu ru j,  V, 77 f. Paris ed. = II, 72 (Cairo 1 3 4 6 ) . Further information about Mu'awiyah’s alleged interest in history is found in Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  I, 96 (Cairo = I, 29 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ), and  Fih ris t,  132 (Cairo 1348 = 89 F L t i G E L ) . Cf. also the edition of'Ab idb . Saryah,  Ahb dr al-Y ama n,  in Ibn Hisain, Ttjdn,  311-488 (Hyd erabad 1347); Ibn Qutaybah, ^Uyun al-ahbdr,  II, 305 (Cairo 1343-49/1925-30);  Agd ni,   X X I , 1 9 1 ; Y a q u t ,  IrM d,   XI I, 78, s.v. 'Abi d. Cf. also below, p. 64, n. i. In  IrSdd,  I, 86 (= I, 29 f.), Yliqut also mentions 'Abd-al-Malik b. Marwan’s search for a person among whose qualities there might  be a knowledge of Arab poetry and history {ahbdr). ^ Cf. below, p. 58. 3 Cf. A. D i e t r i c h , i n  ZD M G,   CIV, 2 2 3 ( 1 9 5 4 ) . Cf. a l s o b e l o w , p . 5 2 . I b n A b i T a y y , apud   Ibn Katir,  Riddy ah,   XII, 266, anno  567. “ Cf. al-'Imad al-Isfahani in al-Bundari,  Nus rat al-fatr ah,  142 (Cairo 1318/1900), concern ing the Saljuq Sultan Mahmud (d. 525/1131). Ibn Ab i Zar"- 53, trans. 73 T o r n b e r g (Uppsala 1843-46), concerning the Idrisid Abii 1- Ays Ahm ad b. al-Qasim Kanniin (d. 343/954-55). Cf. also Ibn A biZ ar' ,200, trans. 261. * Cf. below, p. 55f. ’ Cf. as-Sahawi,  I^ldn,  43, below, p. 328.

THE POSITION OF HISTORY

51

 joi ne d a gr ea t pa rt of A si a Min or an d of Af ri ca to the dom inio n of his ancestors.” ^ From this, the highest layer of society, the knowledge of history trickled down the whole social scale of officials, scholars, and all those who wanted to be considered educated. It became the hall mark of general culture. Not only was Sahrzad of the  Ar abi an  Night s  well read in “historic al works, the biographies of ancient kings, and the history  [ahbdr)  of the past” and not only was it the princess who possessed “tho usand historical works concerned with former nations, kings of the past, and poets,” ^ but even a porter might claim having read historical works as definite proof of his contention that he was an educated man. ^  A waz ir, eve n if he wa s a ma n wi th no for ma l edu cat ion , suc h as al-Fadl b. Marwan b. Masarjis, a wazir of al-Ma’miin and al-Mu'tasim, was capable of and interested in writing a book of personal reminiscences of the historical events in which he had a part.^  A cul tur ed man , such as the wa zir Ib n Sa 'da n, wou ld, of cour se, have read the Tap, the historical work of his contemporary as-Sabi\ and thus, in a discussion with at-Tawhidi, he is able to refer to the fact that he could not find in it a report about a meeting with *Izz-ad-dawlah in which means to counter the Byzantine menace had been discussed.® The historical knowledge of a wazir was also useful when it came to choosing an auspicious name for a ruler; thus, Baybars who had chosen for himself the name of al-Malik alQahir was persuaded by his minister to change to al-Mahk az-Zahir  be cau se of t he un for tu na te hi sto ry of f orm er rule rs nam ed al-Qahir.® But we also hear that a wazir does not like to have his ruler study historical works, since they might teach him how to exploit his subjects on his own, so that he would be able to dispense with the services of the wazir.’ The wazir himself, however, had to know history, and when the stars determined that a child was to become ^  Metho d for the E asy Comp rehen sion of H istor y, 13 R e y n o l d s (New York 1945). M e h m e t the Conqueror is also believed to have shown much interest in Western historical works, c f . F . B a b i n g e r ,  Mehm ed der Erob erer, 115 (Munich 1953). However, according t o M o N T A i G N E ,  Ess ays ,  II, c h . 36, the Muslims allegedly despised all histories with the exception o f the h i s t o r y o f  Al exa nde r.

*  Ara bian Nig hts,  I, 6 M a c n a g h t e n (Calcutta 1839-42). ^ Op. cit.,  I, 60. *  Cf.  Fi hri st,   184 (Cairo 1348 == 127 F l u g e l ); as-Safadi, Waft,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld.  Ar ch . A 28 (Ur i 677), fol. i4o a-b . ®At-Tawhidi,  Imtd^,  III, 159 (Cairo 1939-44). * A l - Y u n in i ,  Da yl Mir^dt az-zamd n,  II, 2 f. (Hyderabad 1374-80/1954-61). 'Ibn at-Tiqtaq&,  Fah ri,   5 f.  A h lw a r d t (Gotha i860).

52

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT THE POSITION OF HISTORY

a wazir one day, the child showed an early natural inclination toward acquiring a liberal education and a thorough knowledge of history and political science.^ And according to a saying ascribed to Aristotle, one of the necessary qualifications of a wazir was the knowledge of historical dates, of the biographies of rulers, and of the best political practices.^  A se cre tar y i n g ov ern me nt ser vice nee ded a p ar tic ul ar ly tho rou gh knowledge of the past. He had to be acquainted with the eras of the three nations, the Persians, Byzantines, and Muslims. He had to know the contents of Persian  furste nspi egels ,  such as  Ka lil ah wa-Dimnah,  the Covenant   of Ardasir, and the letters of Anusarw^n. He also had to be familiar with the biographies of the caliphs and their chronology as well as the raids of the early years of Islam.  A ll thi s ma de a pe rfe ct se cre tar y of state.^ His let ter s an d do cu ments greatly gained from the insertion of examples drawn from a large store of historical curiosities.* For his own good, he was expected to know the history of the wazirs.^ The nadim,  the boon-companion of the ruler, had to be able to converse about any conceivable historical subject. This was one of the qualifications required of him.'^ If the ruler, as in the case of al-Mansur, hked “ entertaining stories, historical information {ahbdr), and the Arab battle days,” the ambitious courtier would strive to master these subjects.'^ A fiirs tensp iegel   from 708-9/1309, which no longer counted history among the sciences that deserved royal ^ Pseudo-Aristotle,  Sirr al-asrdr ,  135 B a d a w i (Cairo 1954.  Isla mic a  14). 2 Cf. Ahmad b. Ahmad b. “^Abd-al-Latif as-Sarji, Tuhfat al-ashdb wa-nuzhat al-albdb,  Ms. ar. Yale Uuiversity L-443 (Cat. N e m o y ,  ao. 471), fol. 58b. ^ C f .  Jawdmi^ al-'^ulum,  Phot. Cairo Ma'arif 'ammah 527, p. 49. Cf. also the twelfthcentury  fiirst ensp iege l, Iddh al-mas dlik wa-tadbtr ad-duw al wa-l-ma mdlik,  Bodleian ms. or. Sale 74, fol. 30a; ‘^Abd-al-Hamid’s famous epistle, in Ibn Haldun,  Muq addi mah,   II, 26 Paris; at-Tawhidi, apud   Ibn Hijjah, Tamardt, 1, 4 1 1 (Cairo 1287, in the margin of Ragib,  Muhd dard t). ^ Cf. al-Qalqasandi,  Subh al-a^sd,  I, 411-66 (Cairo 1331-38/1913-19). For further historical information needed by the kdtib,  cf. op. cit.,  I ll, 254 ff. ®Al-Gazzali, al-Adab ft d-din,  11 (Cairo 1322. In the margin of Miskawayh, Tahdib al-ahldq).  Cf. also  Sind'-ata yn,  351 (Cairo 1320). ®The nadim  nmst know all events (ayydm an-nds),  and he should not repeat the same story, or something similar to what had happened to Abu Bakr al-Hudali might happen to him. Al-Mansur remembered that al-Hudali had told him once before about the battle day of Du Qar, because at that time there had been such a terrible thunderstorm and rain that al-Mansur had remarked that the day of Du Qar could not have been worse! Cf. anNuwayri,  Nih dya t al-arab,  VI, 146 and 149 (Cairo 1345/1926). ’ Ibn al-Faqih,  Kit db al-buld dn,  i f. D e G o e j e (Leiden 1885,  Bib l. Geogr. A rabi corum ,  V). In the early twelfth century, a compilation containing a large amount of historical in formation and anecdotes, written by a certain Ibn Babah, was entitled The Capital of the  Nad im,   cf. GAL Supplement   I, 586, new ed. I, 420, and F. R o s e n t h a l ,  Hum or in Ear ly  Isla m, I I , n. 2 (Leiden 1956).

53

protection, still required a knowledge of history and biography for at least one nadim.^ An anonymous official of the fifteenth century  wa s so ha pp y wi th as -Sa ha wi ’s Tibr al-masbuk  that he always carried it around. ^ The soldier was advised to study the raids of early Islam and  biogr aphie s.^ Oc ca sio na lly, a sch ola r we ll-v ers ed in hi sto ry and literature held a position in the army.* The Turkish general, Bejkem, a man of Httle or no formal education, was able to quote at-Tabari’s great  Hist ory.   He did it, however, in order to defend a particular reading in a poem, and was gently reminded by as-Suli that in matters of lexicographical problems in poetry, at-Tabari was not as great an authority as on other subjects.^  Am on g sch olar s of all field s, the re m ay alw ay s ha ve bee n som e  who as gro wn men wo uld aff ec t a disd ain for hi sto ry, bu t a majority, which increased in the course of time, aspired to add to the title of scholar that of adih,  educated man, and this title implied the possession of historical knowledge ready for use in social gatherings.® In nineteenth-century Mecca, the world history of Ibn al-Atir, the biographical work of Ibn Hallikan, and the centenary biographies were studied by those who wanted to shine in conversation.’ Thus, historiography, if, in general, it was considered no science at all or just tolerated among the lower ranks of scholarly disciplines, was richly compensated for its theoretical inferiority by the domination it exercised over the minds of the young and the thinking of men of political influence and general culture. And the Muslim historians had the right to feel and, as a rule, did feel confident about the value of their work.

^ Al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas,  Atd r al-uwal f i tartib ad-duwal,  ch. Ill, 7   (P- 122, Bulaq 1295). Kings should be interested in chronology {Him al-awqdt wa-l-azmdn), op. cit., ch. I, 7 (p. 47). ^ As-Sahawi, iHdn,  43 f., below p. 329. Historical vademecums, written for men m authority, were not uncommon, cf., for instance, the pre-Islamic history,  Muht asar siya r al-awd^il,  written by Muhamm ad b. ‘^AH b. Barak at al-Hamawi for the isfahsaldr  Sayfad-din ‘Ali b. 4 zz-ad-dm Hasan (Paris ms. ar. 1507, fol. 2b). ®Ibn Hamdun, lac. cit.  (above, p. 49). Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  I, 289. ®As-Suli, op. cit., 39. * Cf., for instance, above, p. 44. It may be added here that the study of historical works might have the very highly prized effect of improving one’s style. This was the experience of as-Samaw’al (above, p. 47, n. 2). ’ Cf. Ch. S n o u c k   H u r g r o n j e ,  Mek ka, II, 216 ff. (The Hague 1889). H u r g r o n j e ’ s remarks show a surprisingly great interest in history in the Mecca of the last century. For the interest in history or the lack of it in Egypt at the dawn of the modern period, cf. D.  A  y a l o n The Historian al-Jabarti and his Background, in  BS O AS ,  X XI II, 2 17 ff- (i960).

54

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

THE MUSLIM HISTORIAN

4 — T H E M U S L IM H I S T O R I A N

plines in the sense in which he understood history, or to hav e earned his living as an official. Half a century later, we find the Egyptia n historian Ibn Ziilaq whose exclusive occupation with history caused him to apply to himself the verse;

 As a con seq uen ce of its pos itio n in Musli m ed uca tio n, his tor iog  raphy in general was not a discipline that might have enabled its practitioner to earn a living. Professional historians were rare. Philology and genealogy, government positions, and the  va rio us bra nch es of th eo log y to ok care of the ma ter ial nee ds of most historians. Al-Baladuri was a nadim  of al-Mutawakkil, and similar positions at the court were held by a great number of the lay historians of the golden age of the ‘Abbasids. The court historian then became a fixed institution whether, like as-Suli, he proceeded more or less on his own in his historical production, or, like Sinan  b. T ab it, ! wr ote on ex pli cit or im pli cit offi cia l order s. A ma n lik e at-Tabari was much more important and famous in his day as a theologian than as a historian. As-Sabi\ Miskawayh, as-Safadi, all held government positions, and writing historical works became so much a task of high political personalities that it would be difficult to say whether a man, such as, for instance, the thirteenth-century  wa zir al- Ju wa yn i, wr ote his gre at hi sto ry as an am ate ur wo rk, or as part of his official duties. Then as now, the inside information of a high government official added prestige to his work.^ Another example of the manifold positions which might be held by historians is that of Ibn Haldun, who was a judge and statesman. Ad-Dahabi and Ibn Hajar were religious scholars. An occasional physician also appears among the authors of historical works. Thus, we hear that  Ah ma d b. Ib ra hi m al- Jaz za r, wh o liv ed und er the Fa tim id s in alQayrawan in the tenth century, wrote on the history of the Fatimid dynasty, on the conquest of Ifriqiyah, and on the scholars of his time.^ In eighteenth-century Damascus, even a master barber felt called upon to write a chronicle of current events.^  W ha t is more , the re were few au tho rs am ong the gre at nam es of Muslim literature whose literary production was predominantly in the field of history, let alone restricted to historical works. They  wer e ex ce ptio ns. One of them , for ins tan ce, wa s al- Ma s‘u di who is not known to have devoted himself to other than historical disci‘ Cf. below, p. 104. ^ Cf. al-Qifti, 110 M u l l e r -L i p p e r t , on Hilal as-Sabi^’s historical work, cf. below, p. 82. For the court historian in much later periods, cf., for instance, H. I n a l c i k ,  in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  His toria ns of the Mid dle East ,  162 f. ®Cf. Ibn Juljul, Tabaqdt al-atibbd’, 89 f. F u ’ a d S a y y i d (Cairo 1 9 5 5 ) ; Yaqut,  IrSdd,  II, 1 3 6 f. (Cairo = I, 81 M a r g o l i o u t h ) ; I b n A b i U s a y b i' a h , II , 3 7 - 3 9 M i j l l e r ; G A L , I, 238,  Supp leme nt  I, 4 2 4 . * Cf. G. M. H a d d a d , in  Der Islam ,  X X X V I I I , 2 5 8 - 7 1 ( 1 9 6 3 ) .

55

 Yo u ne ve r cea sed to wr ite wi th ze al on his tor y. Until you saw yourself written in history.^ The line between those who were “full-time” historians and those who in addition exercised some other profession is hard to draw because in practice it did not exist or, at times, may m erely seem to exist on account of our incomplete information. Ibn al At ir, the au th or of the  Ka mi l,  devoted most of his life to his literary  wo rk in th e fiel ds of hi sto ry an d bio gra ph y. Ho we ver , be ing an expe rt on the importa nt theological discipline of the biographies of the men around Muhammad and of the religious scholars, he also  wa s a suc ces sful lec tur er, an d he was sup po rte d b y his ruler . ^ Passing over such Traqi historians as Ibn as-Sa'i (see below),  we m ay aga in refe r in thi s con nec tio n to the rise of the ty pe of professional historian (who, it is true, usually ea rned his living in some theologico-juridical capacity) in fourteenth and fifteenthcentury Egyp t. The name of al-Maqrizi may be mentioned as its most characteristic representative. The amate ur historian (excluding authors of nothing but their own personal memoirs) is another interesting figure which is not infrequently found in Islam. Since historical knowledge was an indication of one’s education, it must have been a tempting though t for an educated amateur to venture into historical writing. How ever, in an environment where stylistic requirements in any branch of literature were very high, there cannot have been too many who felt themselves qualified to write on historical subjects. There was no sharp dividing line between historical amateurs and historical scholars. Abu 1-Fida’, prince and scholar, cultivated historical studies during a life full of political and military activity.^ His work  ^ C f . Y a q u t ,  Irsd d,  VII, 2 2 6 (Cairo = III, 7 M a

r g o l i o u t h

). Cf. also as-Sahawi,  I^ldn

1 6 8 ,  belo w, p. 5 2 8 . The verse is from Ibn Durayd’s martiyah  for at-Tabari (cf. Ibn al-Abbar,

Tuhfat al-qddim, in al-Masriq,  X L I , 3 6 6 , 1 9 4 7 , and al-Ballafiqi’s abridgment of the Tuhfah, 25 a l -I  b y  A r i , Cairo 1 9 5 7 ) ,  bu t is om itte d in TB , 1 1 , 1 6 7 ff. For its use in a eulogy for Ibn  Yu nu s, cf. as-S afa di, al-Oayt al-musajjam,  II, 242 (Cairo 1 3 0 5 ) ; al-Kutubi,  Fatvdt, I, 5 2 7 (Cairo 1 9 5 1 ) . ^ Cf. the introduction of his  His toir e des Atabe cs de Mos ul, in  Recu eil des histor iens des Croisades, Historiens orientaux,  II, 2, 6 f. (Paris 1 8 7 6 ) ( = at-Ta^rih i Tulaymat [Cairo 1 9 6 3 ] ) . ^ Al-M alik al-Mansur of Hamah also wrote a history, cf. Ibn al-'Imad,  Sadardt , anno 6 1 7 .

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is not different from that of other scholarly historians. Yemenite rulers, such as al-Malik al-Afdal al-‘Abbas b. ‘Ali (d. 778/January 1377)/ and al-Malik al-Asraf Isma'il b. al-‘Abbas (d. 804/1401-2), might, on account of the considerable number of their publications,  be cla ssif ied as pro fess iona l his tori ans rat he r tha n am ate urs . Th e latter, however, can hardly be called a scholar, for he is expressly stated to have used what in recent years would be known as research assistants or “ ghost writers.” “ It is said that he prepared an outline (or draft, yada'^ wad'-an) and ordered someone to complete that outline (draft) and then submit to him what he had done. What he liked he retained, what he did not like he threw out, and what he found deficient he supplemented.” ^  A tru e am ate ur his tor ian amo ng rule rs wa s the Ye me nit e Ja yy as  b. N aj ah (d. 498/1105 or 500/1107), who com pos ed a hi sto ry of his city, Zabid. He wrote the w ork mainly on account of the genealogical interest of the material he used.^ A royal prince of the last years of the ‘Abbasids, Abii Hasim Yusuf b. Muhammad az-Zahir (d. 656/1258), took an active interest in the works of Ibn as-Sa‘i, and on his own composed a history which was concerned with the events of the rule of his brother al-Mustansir.^ Ibn at-Tiqtaqa wrote his Fa hr i   for a high official, still, the history of this chief of the ‘Alids may be considered an amateur’s product. In writing it, Ibn at-Tiqtaqa looked at the history of the caliphs  wi th a dou ble de tac hm en t as far as hi sto ric al tra dit ion was con  cerned. He was an ‘Alid, and the caliphate was a ma tter of the past though not yet forgotten. He therefore succeeded in giving a certain flavor of historical reality to his reflections on politics and his entertaining collection of stories about each cahph and his  wa zir s at lea st in some pass ages of his work.^ Occasional writings of amateur historians of lower rank had but ^ Cf. O. L o f g r e n ,  Arah ische Text e zur Ke nnt nis der Stadt Ad en i m  Miit elalt er,  II, 20 (Uppsala 1936,  Arbe ten utgivn a med u nderstod av V ilhe lm Ekm ans Univ ersite tsfond ,  42; 2,1) ^ Cf. O. L o f g r e n , op. cit.,  II, 1 0 7 . Cf. also as-Sahawi,  IHdn, 150 f., below, p. 496 f., for the report tha t the history of Bayba rs al-Mansuri was written with the help of a Christian secretary. ®Cf. O. L o f g r e n , op. cit.,  II, 43-47. ‘ Cf. as-Safadi, Wdfi,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld. Arch. A 29, fol. 128b. ®Cf. GAL Supplement   II, 201 f. Ev er since  W . A  h l w a r d t introduced the  Fa hr i  to  We ster n sch olar shi p wit h word s of exc ess ive pra ise, it has been a fav ori te of edi tor s and translators. For a more favorable opinion of Ibn at-Tiqtaqa as a historian, cf. J. K  r i t z e c k ,  in J. K  r i t z e c k   and R . B.  W  i n d e r , The World of Islam,  159-84 (New York 1959). Cf. also E. I. J. R  o s e n t h a l ,  Po liti cal Thought in Med ieva l Isla m,  62-67 (Cambridge 1958). The latest edition known to me is that of 'Iwad Ibrahim and '•All Jarim, Cairo 1945. An English translation was published by C. E. J.  W  h i t t i n g (London 1947)-

THE MUSLIM HISTORIAN

57

a small chance of survival, or even of having their titles preserved for posterity, since they were rarely published, that is, copied in a number of copies which would have made it possible for them to escape the ravages of time and man. This may be the reason why the only preserved true specimen of the kind which is not restricted to simple family history is the  His tory of Bei ru t and the F am ily of   Buh tur ,  which was written by one of the members of the Buhtur family in the first half of the fifteenth century. The author con sidered the work as of use only for his family and their future descendants and destined it to be family property which was not to be shown to outsiders.^ His combination of family history with local history has produced a piece of individuahstic writing which is in a sense so different from the ordinary run of historical works and, one might say, also in a way so superior that one regrets that there exists so little of the same type. The social and economic position of historians might in the average have been somewhat better than that of many other scholars. Scholars often had good reason to complain that they did not receive the bounteous treatment they thought they deserved from the great of the world, and their fate was eloquently described in the rhymes of a sixteenth-century poet: I said to Pove rty; “ Where dost thou hide ?” “ In a scholar’s inkwell,” P ove rty rephed.^ There were quite a number of exceptions to this rule among scholars of various periods, and historians, in particular, appear to have been quite well off. Most of them, we have heard, were allied to the lucrative professions of official and theologian. But it is reassuring to know that at least in one case, a historian could reap substantial profits from his literary work. The Bagdadi librarian of the thirteenth century, Ibn as-S a‘i, was a popular historian who earned much money with his writings. For each volume on history he wrote, he earned between one hundred and three hundred dinars.® The statement, unfortunately, is not quite clear. The 1  Salih  b .  Ya hy a,  His toire de Beyr outh , 7 C h e i k h o (2nd ed., Beirut 1927). C f .  belo w, p. 157, and K. S. S a l i b i ,  Mar onite His tori ans of Med ieva l Leba non,  14, n. i, and  pass im (Beirut 1959). For Ibn Basra’s chronicle of Damascus as a kind of amateur work, cf. below,

P- 157. 2 Al-M uzajjad (d. 930/January 1524), in Ibn al-*^Aydarus, an-NUr as-sdfir,  140 (Bagdad

1353/1934)-

®Cf. Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi,  Munt ahab al-M uhtd r  (an abridgment of Ibn Rafik’s  Supp lem ent  to Ibn an-Najjar’s  Sup plem ent to the His tory of Bagda d),  139 (Bagdad 1357/1938).

58

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THE MUSLIM HISTORIAN

amount of money may refer to each historical volume he copied (or to the price of each co py of a volume of his works ?). For comparison, it may be mentioned that the teacher of a son of al-Mustansir, the later al-Musta‘sim, received, among other presents, the sum of 2000 dinars, when the boy completed his study of the Qur’an.^ New-born quadruplets got a present of six hundred dinars from the ruling caliph.2A nd after a bad ha rvest the price of wheat went up to one hundred dinars, and that of oats to fifty dinars a kurr  (six ass loads).®

(antiquarian, ahbdri)  Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-"Abdi al-Hurasani, again, may not be historically accurate, but it is a good indication of what was possible. When al-‘Abdi was alone with al-Qahir,  wit h wh om he wa s on int im ate term s, the cal iph ask ed him, in a manner which looked to him very menacing, to tell him the truth and nothing but the truth about a number of ‘Abbasid cahphs.  Wh en a l- ‘A bd i he sit at in gly com phe d, he ear ned hig h pra ise from the caliph— and a monetary reward— for having “ opened the gates of politics and given information about the methods of leadership.” But when, upon leaving, he was followed by the caliph who had his lance in his hand, he again thought that his last moment had come.i  W he n the cou rt his tor ian plea sed his mas ter, whi ch he usu all y achieved by praising him beyond measure, he had nothing to fear except the adverse criticism of later generations of scholars,^  bu t wh en he pra ise d him an d the n wa s ca ug ht cal ling his wo rk a concoction of falsehoods and hes, he got into trouble. This is said to have happened to as-Sabi’ with his Tdji,  the history of the Buyids .3  An author such as Muhammad b. ‘Abdallah al-‘Utaqi (d. 385/955), who wrote a historical work under the Egyptian Fatimid al-‘Aziz, whose court astrologer he was, would have done  be tte r to om it fro m his wo rk some of th e stor ies s how ing the U m ay  ya ds an d ‘A bb as ids in a fa vo ra bl e lig ht. Th ey we re sto ries com  monly found in histories, but they offended §i‘ah susceptibilities.  A l- ‘U ta qi was den oun ced to a l-‘ Az iz . A far m he own ed wa s con  fiscated, and he had to spend the last eight years of his life under house arrest.^ A less severe pena lty for failing to live up to the expectations of the ruler was non-payment of the reward the

The historian lecturing to the ruler had been a theoretical possibility since the beginnings of the caliphate in Islam, even if the only known historical instance comes from the fifteenth century (al-‘Ayni).^ The introduction to the anonymous pre-Islamic histori cal novel, which is wrongly ascribed to such ancient scholars as al-Asma‘i,  Ni hdy at al-arah ft ahbdr al-F urs wa-l-'^Arab,  presents al A sm a' i as en ter tai nin g Ha run ar -R as id wit h the stori es of form er nations and past ages. Harun exclaims: “ Where are the kings and the sons of kings?” Then, he orders the biographies of the kings to be brought from the library and commands al-Asma‘i to read them to him. The book he starts to read begins with Sam b. Nuh, and Harun tells him to complete it by adding the history from  Ad am to Sam , an d so on.^ The court historian in real life faced the same professional hazards as most courtiers. Through an unconsidered word or action, he risked incurring the disfavor of his master. The story of the historian 1 Ibn al-Fuwati (?), al-Hawddit al-jdmi'^ah, yi   (Bagdad 1351). Ibn as-Sa'i, incidentally,  wro te a spe cia l mo nog rap h on the circ um cisi on of the two sons of al-M ust a'si m and the money spent on that occasion, cf. ad-Dahabi, Ta^rth al-Isldm,  biographies of the year 674, Bodleian ms. or. Laud 279, fol. 82b. (The  Haw ddit al-jdmi'-ah   date from the time of Ibn al-Fuwati, but it has now been established by 'Iraqi historians that Ibn al-Fuwati was not the author, cf.  E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  Ibn al-Fuwati.) “  Al- Ha wdd it al-jdmi^a h,  219, anno  645. ^ Al- Ha wd dit al-jdmi^ah ,  226, anno  646. ‘ Cf. above, p. 50. Ibn at-Tiqtaqa,  Fahr t,  6 f.  A  h l w a r d t (Gotha i860), tells that in the month of Ramadan, the Atabeg of Mosul, Badr-ad-din Lu^lu^, had histories and biographies read to him. But the readers were a secretary and a hadit   scholar, and not historians, unless the latter, 'Izz-ad-diu by name, must be identified with the historian Ibn al-Atir who wrote his  Ka mi l   for Badr-ad-din. However, according to  A . H. a s -S a r r a f  ,  Al-S haha k,   265 (Cairo 1 9 5 4 ) . and M u s t a f a J a w a d , in his edition of Ibn as-Sabuni, Takmilah,  154-56 (Bagdad 1377/1957), he is to be identified with 'Izz-ad-din 'Abd-ar-Razzaq b. Rizq-Allah ar-Ras^ani (589-660/1193-1262). ° C f . F . R o s e n t h a l , in  JA OS ,  LX IX , 91b (1949). The introduction of the work is to a large part reproduced in  W . W r ig h t ’s Catalogue  of the Arabic manuscripts in the British Museum, no. 1273 (and no. 914). Cf. also S t o r e y ,  Per sia n Liter ature ,  II, 244. The Paris manuscript of the Ta^rth al-^Arah qabl al-Isldm  ascribed to al-Asma'i has been published  by M. H. A l  YA s in (Bagdad 1379/1959).

historian had been promised for his efforts.^ In his material position, the historian by and large shared the social status of the scholarly discipline to which he belonged apart from the fact of being a historian. His intellectual outlook was also not markedly different. One feels tempted to assert that many historians had their eyes more open to reality than those of their colleagues who did not “ comp ile” histories. However, such an impression may merely be the result of the fact that historians had 1 Cf. al-Mas‘udi, Muriij, VIII, 389 ff. Paris ed. = II, 514-18 (Cairo 1346). * Cf. Ibn Hassul’s criticism of as-Sabi”s Tdjt, Tafdil al-Atrdk ^ald sdHr al-ajndd, in  troduction. 3 C f . G A L ,  I, 96. ‘ Cf. al-Qifti, 285 MO l l e r -L i p p e r t . * Cf. V. L. Mi;NAGE, in E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  al-Bidlisi (Idris, d. 956/1520).

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THE MUSLIM HISTORIAN

6o

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

an occasion to speak about actual events and real personalities, an occasion which other scholars all too often lacked. For the successful completion of their task, most historians also needed contact with the contemporary great and others who could give them the information they needed, since, with rare exceptions, historical  wr itin g inc lud ed the tim e of the aut ho r. W hil e th ey were all aw are of the importance of information from living sources, they availed themselves to a much lesser degree of the possibiHty to make the historical past speak through its inanimate relics,^ and in this regard, literary sources replaced observation. Yet, we have stories such as that about al-Waqidi who was once seen in Mecca carrying a knapsack. Being asked where he was going, he replied; “To Hunayn, in order to see the place and the historical event which took place there.” ^ The problem of historical truth was, it would seem, uppermost in the mind of quite a few his tor ian s.T he y asked themselves how accurate was the information that had come to them through a  va ri et y of cha nnels . Th e ac cu ra cy of inf orm ati on obt ain ed thr oug h personal observation was never doubted, but beyond that, critical historians were aware that they were faced with a crucial problem. On an elementary level, it was recognized that events were not always reported truthfully. Thus, Ibn al-Jazari speaks of the “external cause” of the removal from office of a judge in 613/ 1216-17 and the “ internal cause” which he had learned about through family tradition.^ More important, the the ories abou t historical truth developed in connection with the science of hadit  ^ entered historical thinking, as exemplified by the later philosophers of history, amon g them, in the first place, al-Iji ®and, with a different approach, Ibn H aldun (cf. also below, p. 11 3 f.) The purpose which Muslim historians sought to accomplish was to produce works which would be useful and improve the social position of the individual acquainted with them. The knowledge of historical works, they contended, brought with it the pohtical  wisd om and co nve rsa tio na l sk ill wh ich ass ure d su cces s in thi s w orld , ‘ Cf. below, p. 118 ff. ^ Cf. al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  III, 6.  For Ot to of   Freising’s interpretation of in fuga et electione as meaning, for the historian, the avoidance of untruth and the unswerving adherence to the truth, cf. J. K  o c h , in L a m m e r s , op. cit.  (above, p. 9, n. 2), 322. 3 Ms. Rabat 194 q,  p. 18. ‘ Cf. for instance, al-Gazzali,  Mus tasfd ,  I, 140 ff. (Bulaq 1 3 2 2 - 2 4 ) . ®Cf. below , p. 2 16 ff.

and the humility and piety which assured blessedness in the other  world.^ T he ide a of th e ma ter ial va lue of the lesso ns of hi sto ry also dominated the Occident. “ Satis de eo convenit inter omnes, nihil homini elegantiori juc un diu s,  nihil civilis prudentiae studioso utilius esse, quam historiam temporum scire,” said G. J. Vossius,^ to quote one of many. He was merely echoing those of the ancients who saw two par ts in histo ry, the TspTrvov and the agai nst a man like Lucian who considered the epyov and t s Xo ?  of history to be only one thing, the And the question of the value of  history is still raised in our age: “ En notre siecle utilitaire, il ne suffit pas qu’une science reponde a un besoin de notre esprit et dispose d’une methode sure, pour se trouver justifiee aux yeux du public. La question monte bientot aux levres: a quoi sert-il?”^The utilitarian approach in the evaluation of the purpose of scholarship must, however, always be seen in the light of the prevailing theo retical definition of “usefulness.” F or Islam, there is no better guide in this respect than Ibn Sina. In the chapter on the First Philosophy in the  Sifd^  (twenty-third part), he explains that “ useful” is genera lly defined as the thing which th rough its essence leads to the good and, eventually, to human perfection. In scholar ship, “usefulness” is employed to indicate the value of a particular science for the corroboration of the data of another science in the system of learning.® In view of Ibn Sina’s general definition of “ usefulness,” the materialistic utilitarianism professed by the historians becomes part of a higher concept which may not have  bee n e nti rel y lo st to the more th ou gh tfu l aut ho rs of his tor ica l wo rks. The particular kind of material usefulness which in our thinking attaches primarily to historiography was unknown to Muslim historians: History was not used as a means for the propagation * Cf. the custom ary introductions of historical works, such as are recorded in as-Sah&wi,  IHdn.   An, anti-historical bias, denying any usefulness to the occupation with the past, is expressed in the Hermetic treatise  Stomathala ssa  which was popular among Christian Arabs: “ Do not discuss past history (ahbdr al-ajydl allatt qad ^abarat),  for its usefulness and harmfulness have passed with its passing; rather study what is taking place in your own days, because our time is the present, and its days are numbered” (ed. G. L e v i d e l l a V  i d a ,  La Dottr ina e i Dod ici Legat i di Stomatha lassa, in  Mem . Acca d. Naz . dei Lin cei , Cl. di   Scie nze mar., star, e fil ol. , III, 8, 501, 531 [1951]). *  De histori cis Graecis libri quatuor,  2 (Leiden, 1624). ^ Lucian, n wi; Sst IcTOpiav auyypacpsiv, 12, Cf. also P. S c h e l l e r , op. cit.  (above, p. 15, n. 2), 72 ff. * L. H a l p h e n ,  Introd uction a Vhistoir e,  72 (Paris 1946). Cf. also J. H

uizinga

, op. cit.

(above, p. 31, n. 2), 108, 117 f. ®Bodleian ms. or. Pocock 117 (Uri 482), fol. iga-b; Pocock 125 (Urbi 435), fol. 29Sa-b.  Ar abi c tex t, below , p. 542.

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of ideas, or, more exactly, historians as a rule did not consciously intend, in writing their works, to reinterpret historical data so as to conform to the ideas they might have wished to propagate. The zeal of the early theologians-historians for the preservation of the exact wording of their works is illustrated by a story about Ahmad  b. A bi H ay ta m ah who per mi tte d the tra nsm iss ion of his  Histo ry only as it was {'■aid l-wajh ).  When Abu l-*Abbas Muhammad b. Ishaq as-Sarraj wanted to borrow the  His tory   and was reminded  b y Ib n A bi H ay ta m ah of the con diti on at ta ch ed to its tran smi ssio n, as-Sarraj returned the work and did not use it, because he wanted to take over only such information as was new to him and usable.^ The later theologians-historians stressed the need for fairness and objectivity in historians,^ and this plainly suggests that historians  were ofte n gui de d by the ir per sona l inc lina tio ns an d pre jud ice s. However, whether or not this was true, the scholars who discussed the qualifications of historians in this manner were primarily con cerned with theologians and their legal and political quarrels. Their judgment cannot be used for the evalution of the attitude of historians in general.

religious environment effectively blot out the true significance or insignificance of many historical figures.^ In their works, Mushm historians also made use of historical  jud gm en ts wh ich ob vi ou sly wer e th e res ult of poK tica l bias. Ce rta in Umayyads were described as thoroughly corrupt and incapable, some ‘Abbasids were very pious, the statesmanship and sanctity of ‘All was variously appraised, the Fatimid al-Hakim was con sidered a madman or, more shrewdly, a man of contradictions.^ Those judgments were transmitted to the historians through the environment in which they lived, and they adopted them, uncon sciously or for reasons of expedience. Their persistence and in fluence were very great. In certain cases, as in the treatment of early Muslim history, every bit of historical writing is strictly partisan. The confUct between ‘Ali and Mu'awiyah was perpetuated by historians in Syria and the Traq, w ith SMih b. Ka ysan and az-Zuhri  bei ng the ou tsta nd ing old rep res en tat ive s of the Sy ria n proUmayyad point of view, and as-§a‘bi in al-Kufah keeping alive the pro-‘Alid version.The struggle between the Umayyads and the ‘Abbasids never ceased to have its partisans. Ad-Dahabi, for instance, remarked bluntly that when the ‘Abbasid forces took Damascus, they committed greater atrocities than did the Tatars of a much later age.^ However, in general, the attitude of the early 'Abbasid historians became the standard for later historiography.  As lat e as the fif te en th ce nt ur y it was pos sibl e for a his tor ian such as al-Maqrizi to write a m onograph which compared the two dynasties and discussed the question why the Umayyads, with all their faults, could ever become caliphs.® Howev er, in spite of all this, historians did not intend to “ color” history in this manner. Such an intention would have been abso lutely contrary to their concept of history which was transmitted facts.® Those facts could be true or false, but authors did not

62

MusHm historians, such as the T m M al-Isfahani, cou ld also be  ve ry stro ng in the exp ress ion of the ir lik es an d disli kes. Th ey oft en  wer e in the ser vic e of a ruler, and the ir wo rk wa s sla nte d— oft en  ve ry cru de ly— to ref lec t his po liti cal inte res ts. Th e prai se th at was  bes tow ed on a rule r by hist oria ns wr iti ng dur ing his rei gn mi ght happen to turn into denigration by historians writing under his successor. During the Crusades, contemporary historians expressed an increasingly acute sense of urgency with regard to the need of fighting the invaders,^ and one of them even went so far in using his historical knowledge in the political struggle as to write a special history or biography “ {sirah)  of the European Christians who in those years had come to the Muslim countries.” ^ In general, standard forms of praise or condemnation in describing the character and acts of individuals restricted the historian’s freedom of expressing moral judgments. These conventions created by the ’ Cf. al-IJatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  IV, 163. ^ Cf. the older and younger Subki, below, p. 370 f. 3 Cf. B. L e w i s , ixxBSOAS,   XV II, 169 (1955). *  One would like to know more about this work which, according to Ibn Muyassar,  Ann ales d’ Egypte , 70 M a s s e , anno  520 (Cairo 1919), was composed by the twelfth-century Hamdan b. ‘•Abd-ar-Rahim al-Ataribi. Or was it identical with the Qut,  described by asSahawi,  Pl an ,  125, below, p. 466.

' Cf. J. SCHACHT, in Oriens,  VII, 155 f. (1954)^ Cf. Muhammad b. Tulun’s appraisal of al-Hakim, in al-Luma^dt,  48 f. (Damascus 1348,  RasdH l ta^Hhiyah  4): kadr at-talawwun fi af'-dlihi wa-aqwdlihi . . . umuruhu mutaddddah. ^ E . L. P e t e r s e n , '^Ali and Mu^dwiya  (Copenhagen 1964). P e t e r s e n also refers to a pro-Umayyad p ocket in al-Basrah. ^ TaM h al-Isldm,  V, 321. ‘  Kit db an-Nizd^ wa-t-tahdsum ft-m d bayn Ba nt U may yah wa-B ani Hds im,  ed. G. Vos, Leiden 1888. “ Perhaps it should be stated th at the crux of the argumen t here lies in the word “in tention.” Modern historians of the last century who liked to stress their factualness have  been fou nd to rep res ent th oro ugh ly su bje cti ve tend enci es, whi le thos e wri tin g to bri ng out a particular trend in history would right ly deny any tendency on their part to “color” the facts. Thus, the “ intention” does not mean much for the result, and it is possible to prove

64

BACKGROUND AND ENVIRONMENT

consider themselves justified to change the details of or to reinter pret a transmitted factual report.^ Therefore, it also was not possible for historians who belonged to an unorthodox religious group to re-evaluate "general” history in the light of the experiences of their own group. Dissident his torians could write the particular history of their sect, but since this history was seen by Muslims mainly as a purely rehgious struggle and since, consequently, even so large a movement as the ‘Alid Si'ah had little real “political” history, they have written comparatively few historical works of their own.^ \\^en a historian happened to be a Si‘ah, he would note contemporary events which concerned his persuasion more readily than an orthodox historian,  bu t this was or app ear ed to be fac tu al info rm atio n wh ich wa s in no way offensive to the later orthodox historians who did not mind copying it.^ All this does not mean, however, that the personal convictions of the historian were automatically kept out of his work. His main weapon was his freedom to omit material from his sources or to add material from other sources which must not always have  bee n hi sto ric al in the pro per sense, and thi s w as ex pe cte d f rom him.^ How much it was possible to achieve in this way, even if the device  wa s used wit h mo der atio n, is ill ust ra ted b y al -Y a" qu bi ’s  His tory , in the existence of bias in most Muslim histories. However, much of that, I feel, may be described as unconscious, the effect of not clearly appreciated influences and pressures. 1  Al -J ah iz’ imp lici t censu re of the (fict itiou s) his tor ian “^Abid b. Sar yah th at he kne w onl y the “outward events” {zdhir al-habar)  (cf.  Buhald ?,  40, Cairo 1948, and, for the distinction  betw een “ ex ter na l” and “ int ern al,” abo ve, p. 60, n. 3), unf ort una tel y, can not be int er preted as referring to historical penetration. The term mujdzafah  which is derived from the science of traditions and which was also used as a title of reproach against some historians (cf. below, p. 84) implies such an arbitrary handling of the transmitted material, but no historian would consciously commit what he would consider mujdzafah.  However, the conflation of several reports on the same m atter {ihtisdr) was frequently practiced for reasons of brevity, and occasional attempts to give a different slant to recent source material can  be obse rved , cf. H. A. R. Gibb, in  Specu lum,   X XV , 58-72 (1950), on Ibn al-Atir and the 'Imad. A good classification of the various types of bias among historians has been given  by H. L. G o t t s c h a l k ,  Al -M ali k al-K dm il von Egyp ten und seine Zei t,  2 ff. (Wiesbaden 1958). ^ Cf. \ V . I vA N O W,  Ism ail i Trad ition concerning the Ris e of the Fat imi ds  (Oxford 1942,  Isla mic Research Asso ciati on Serie s,  10). Some of the oldest works dealing with the religio-political struggle of the seventh century may, it seems, be considered as genuine documents of sectarian historical writing, as, for instance, al-Mincjari’s Wag'^at Sifftn.  A particularly strong case for the genuineness of Harijite-lbadite tradition as having preserved authentic historical documents from a very early period has been made by several scholars, cf., for instance, L.  V e c c ia V a g li e r i, in  An nal i dell ’Isti tuto Unive rsitari o Orientale di Nap oli, N. S. I V , i ff. (1952), or J. S c h a c h t , in  Melange s Mas se  (Teheran 1963). For al-Cazzali’s contention that the BatiniTsm a^li literature was preeminently “his tor ical,” cf. below, p. 337 f. ^ Cf. C. Cahen, Vne Chronique chiite au temps des Croisades, in C R A I    1935, 258-69. *  Cf. the story of al-'Utaqi, above, p. 59.

THE MUSLIM HISTORIAN

65

 whi ch for inst anc e, the ‘A lid s ha ve un pro por tio na tely long ob itu  aries filled with their wise sayings and which succeeds very well in presenting ‘Utman in a very unfavorable light. Orthodox historians, in turn, were able to find much material that was detrimental to the historical aspects of the Isma'iliyah movement for inclusion in their works.^ Muslim scholars, in general, were quick to suspect evil intentions on the part of historians when they scented unorthodoxy.^ Such evil intentions were hardly ever present. However, it is a fact that the direction of the thinking of the historians expressed itself in the whole of their work. Their position in the intellectual environ ment of their time determined the choice of the forms and the contents of the histories they wrote, and with it, it determined the development of Mushm historiography. When at one time, for instance, we find philosophy crowd upon historiography,^ this parallels the role which philosophy then played among Muslim religious or secular thinkers, and so on. The historians thus did not use (or abuse) their works for the expression of their personal aspirations or the aspirations of their particular groups, but the changing forms and contents of historical works were the natural and true reflection of the changing cultural and political atmosphere in which the individual historians lived. * In conuection with the Isma'rliyah, Ibn Wasil, the historian of the Ayyubids, remarks that their tenets are discussed by the heresiographers and “there is no point in perpetuating them in historical works,” but he goes on to discuss their history, cf. Ibn Wasil,  Mu far rij  al-kurUb,  I, 206 AS-SayyAL (Cairo i 95 3 )2 There is hardly anything in the strictly historical field which would compare, for instance, with the orthodox accusation against al-Jahiz that all his works are merely well camouflaged propaganda for his special brand of Mu'tazilism, cf. al-Isfarayini, at-Tabstr  ft d-din,   50 (Cairo 1359/1940), but when it is said that al-Mas'udi had Mu'tazilah leanings, this would seem to have been an impression derived from his historical works, turned into an accusation (cf. as-Subki, Tabaqdt aS-SdfiHyah,  II, 307, Cairo 1324, quoted in a foot note to Vaqut,  IrSdd,  X III, 90, Cairo). “ Cf. below, p. 114 f.

R  o s e n t h a l ,

History of Muslim Historiography 

 Hahar

CHAPTER THREE

THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY  t  —

HABAR  h i s t o r y  

The oldest form of Muslim historiography, a direct continuation of the battle-day narratives, is the well-rounded description of a single event, usually of no more than a few pages. Such a description is called hahar}  In the context of the larger historical works, the  wo rd hahar  is often used as a heading or title, alongside with the  wo rd dikr  “report” as well as, occasionally, amr  “affair” or hadit  “ stor y,” all of which are used in the same maimer. From the tenth century on, the narrative of the hahar  history is at times introduced  by wa-kdn as-sabah  “ and the reason of it was,” after a particular event had been summarily referred to. The character of the hahar as a self-contained unit is stressed by the chain of transmitters  wh ich prec ede s eac h hahar  and which is omitted only in order to achieve brevity or to remove the appearance of scholarly austerity. Three features are characteristic of the hahar  form of historical  wr itin g. Fo r one, by its ve ry na tur e it does not ad mit of th e es tab  lishment of a causal nexus between two or more events. Each hahar  is complete in itself and tolerates no reference to any kind of supplementary material. If a historical work is made up of more than one hahar,  as in practice it needs must be, the juxtaposition of the individual hahars  (as much as they are not different versions of the same story) may occasionally indicate a transfer of the historical locale from one geographical region to another, but as a rule it indicates progress in time. The time intervals in this case can be of undetermined length, although a kind of chronological continuity is frequently intended. It is obvious that no deeper historical penetration of wha tever kind can be achieved in this manner. It is also obvious that in writing the history of a long period of time, the hahar  form becomes quite unmanageable with regard to size, since a hahar,  unless it is to lose its true character, can be compressed only to a certain degree and no more. 1 Cf. above, p. ii f.

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Secondly, from its ancient predecessor, the battle-day narratives, the hahar  form retained the character of the vividly told short story, the preference for situation and color as against sober facts. The action is often presented in the form of a dialogue between the principal participants of an event which relieves the historian of what should be his real task, that is, presenting a clearly ex pressed analysis of the situation, and leaves such analysis to the reader. The frequent battle scenes make enjoyable reading, but the actual fa cts remain m uch under a cloud. ^In general, h owever, this characteristic of the hahar form constituted the main instrument for lifting all later Muslim historiography out of the category of “ dry annals” and for stimulating historical interest among the young and the men of general education. The high literary quality of hahar historiography also permitted the inclusion of chapters on history (which then might be extended also to include the simple data of annalistic or dynastic historiography) in adah  works, such as, for instance, Ibn ‘Abdrabbih’s '-Iqd. The third characteristic feature of the hahar  form is rather in the nature of a mixed blessing. As a continuation of the battle-day narratives and an artistic form of expression, the hahar  history required the presence of poetical insertions. To find a historical  wo rk en tir ely free of poe tic al qu ota tio ns is ve ry rare inde ed. ^ If in view of the vastness of the material which had to be discussed, a historian wanted to be as brief as possible, he might think of cutting out all poetry. A l-Y a‘qiibi, who expressed this intention in his  Histo ry,  restricted himself to only a very few verses.^ But even an abridgment stripped to an enumeration of bare facts, such as Ibn al-Jawzi’s  Sud ur al-'-uqud,  a short version of his  Munt azam , contains a few verses. These verses as a rule have but a loose connection with the events to which they belong. As far as the factual understanding of the historical context is concerned, they might as well have been omitted in nearly all instances. It is rare for a Muslim author to note the evidential character of a poetical quotation.^ The insertion of verses had become a stylistic law  whi ch no bo dy wo uld th ink of que stio ning . In bio grap hie s, it had an ^ The same statement, it may be mentioned here, has been made with regard to Tacitus’ descriptions of battles. ^ For insta nce, al-Quda*^!, ^Uyun al-ma^drif,  for which I consulted the Bodleian manu scripts, ms. or. Pocock 270 (Uri 865) and ms. or. Maresc. 37 (Uri 713). ®Al-Ya'qubi,  Hist ory,   II, 3 (Najaf 1358 = II, 4 H o u t s m a ). * C f. al -H u ma yd i,  Jadwat al-M uqta bis,  Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 464 (Uri 783), fol. 6b; al-Mas‘udi, Tanhth,  170 D e G o e j e .

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THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

especially firm foothold owing primarily to the fact that verse making was pa rt and parcel of a cultured individ ual’s self-expression. Needless to say, many good and informative verses have thus been preserved. But the amount of bad and irrelevant verses which fill the pages of biographies, especially those of scholars, is by far the greater, and neither poor quality nor the realization that the “poems” did not do justice to the intellectual stature of their supposed author ^acted as a deterrent.^ The pre-Islamic origin of the hahar form is sufficiently established, and its oral (or written) literary tradition must have passed into Islam without a break.^ But where do we find the first work of the hahar  type in Mushm historical writing ? There can be no precise answer to this question. None of the products of the earliest Muslim literature has been preserved. Bibliographical sources or citations in later authors do not help. Then, there is the gap which existed  be twe en the pro ba ble origi ns of Ar ab ic lite rat ure and the org ani  zation of Muslim book publication. As in classical Antiquity, the publishing of a book in Islam required that the author’s finished  wo rk wa s g iv en to frie nds or p upi ls for the purp ose of ma kin g copie s of it, or it was turned over to professional copyists and bookdealers  who ma de a num be r of copie s of the pa rti cu lar wo rk for sale. In the first decades of Islam, an organization of this kind was not possible. The number of those who knew how to write Arabic was necessarily small. It was only during the reign of ‘Abd-al-Malik that Arabic was generally introduced in the government administration. Private persons, such as booksellers, might hav e been quicker in establishing an Arabic book-trade than the government in changing the ad ministrative routine. For such an assumption, there is no evidence, nor is it likely. The Arabic speaking ruling class of the first years of Islam certainly was less interested in Arabic literature than in the  Ar ab iza tio n of the ir adm inis tra tion . Ov er ha lf a ce ntu ry aft er Muhammad’s death thus passed before ordinary book pubhshing,  wh ich was no t gov ern me nt spon sore d such as the edi tion s of the Qur’an, could get under way. Even then, the men who had the information which interested early Muslim scholars were mostly iUiterate or half-literate and little given to literary pursuits. Their 1 Cf. Y^qut on al-Birum, as quoted by F. R o s e n t h a l , in Orientalia,  N.S., X I, 283 (1942). 2 The many Arabic and occasional Persian verses in Persian histories which pointedly  bri ng out the mo ral of a his tor ical hap pen ing are a sty lis tic dev ice and in the nat ure of proverbs. The rhymed form is incidental. ®Cf. the discussion above, p. 19 f.

 Habar

history

69

material was transmitted orally. This helped to introduce the pretense of the oral transmission of religious and scholarly subjects  whi ch in the ea rly ye ar s ma de th e pre ser va tio n of wr itte n wo rks a superfluous and even undesirable task and reference to them a clandestine business.^ It would thus seem that the earliest works of  Aa&ay his tor iog rap hy (as wel l as of the oth er m ain form s of hi sto rio g raph y whose seeds were plan ted in the first centu ry of the hij rah) might hav e been private “ books,” notebooks of scholars, about  wh ich the re nev er ex ist ed an y ex pli cit an d reh abl e info rma tion . That which lies open before our eyes is not the beginning of habar historiography but the result of more than a century of rapid development. As its oldest concrete documents, we must consider elements in the biogra phy of M uhammad. ^ The habar  form, in some way or other, reoccurs in all Muslim historical works, unless they are restricted to a mere tabular registration of events or names without any narrative. Like the other basic forms, however, it rarely if ever appears in what might  be cal led its pur e form. It is us ua lly com bin ed wi th oth er elem ents of historical writing. Already in the biography of Muhammad, it is supplemented by genealogical and related information, such as Hsts of names of persons possessing some special merit or qualities.  W ith the tre nd to wa rd spe cia liz ati on and tho roug hne ss in det ail  wh ich her alds the progr ess of Mus lim scie nce in the ‘A bb as id age ,  we also not ice an ind ustr iou s pro du cti on of sho rt mon ogr aph s on historical events. It is as if the old form was entering upon a new phase of usefulness and was facing a brilliant future. The famous protagonist of this type of historiography was ‘Ali b. Muhammad al-Mada’ini (135/752-53 to ca. 215/830-31). Among the numerous titles of his works, there appear monographs on individual battles and the Muslim conquests as well as biographies of individuals and ^ In the eleventh-century  His tory of Bagdad,   for instance, the “books” of authorities are occasionally if rarely mentioned in the chain of transmitters. The older authorities, then, were oral transmitters and the more recent ones, apparently, transmitters of the particular “book.” * J . H o r o v i t z , The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors, in  Isla mic Cultu re, I. 550 (1927), is positive to have found the beginnings of Muslim historiography dating from the time of ‘^Abd-al-Malik in at-T abar i: “ The w ritings of *^Urwa (b. az-Zuba yr) here quoted represent the oldest written notes on particular events in the life of the Prophet preserved for us, and at the same time the oldest monuments of Arabic historical prose.”  At ten tio n sho uld be pai d to Ho ro vi tz’ use of the wor d “ not es” and not “ boo ks” or the like . 'A   b d - a l -'-A z iz a d -D u r i ,  Bah t ft naP at Him at-ta^rth,  74 (Beirut i960), speaks of watd^iq “documents.” J. S c h a c h t , in  Act a Orient alia,  X X I, 300 (1953), discusses Musa b. "^Uqbah’s (d. 141/ 758-59)  Kit db al-M agd zi   as an “early, if not the earliest work of Muhammadan history.”

70

THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

the description of single exploits.^ His work is known to us largely through quotations in later historical and Hterary works.^ So far, only one of his many monographs has been recovered. Entitled On Q urasite Women that had several husbands,   its interest is genea logical, and the episodes included in it have a very pronounced literary flavor.® It is also clear from the hst of titles of al-Mada’ini’s  wor ks th at mo st of th em, if sh ort, sti ll w ere of a com pos ite c ha ra cte r. Before him, a historian of this type was Abii Mihnaf Lut b. Y ah ya (d. in or after 157 /773 - 74 ), and, in his generation or somewhat later,  we find men such as al- H ay ta m b. ‘A di (d. 206/821-22, or 207) and Ibn Habib, whose works constitute a collection of monographs of either the hahar or the genealogical form. Y et, in spite of its apparent great promise, their w or k- in contrast to the historical monograph of the strict research type which after a long history reached its apogee in the fourteenth-fifteenth centu ry ^— was not destined to signify a new start in the history of the forms of Muslim historiog raphy. It actually marked the end of the hahar  form as a quasi independent and exclusive form of historical writing. As long as his tory went back about a century and half and as long as the interest in it was confined less to historical facts than to the religio-political significance of certain events, the demand made on historians was satisfied when they gave a detailed narrative of those events. But as time went on, and the events of importance greatly increased in number and, moreover, a great mass of pohtical, administrative, and cultural information was considered worth retention as a part of history, it was necessary to find more economic principles of arrangement than were offered by the hahar  form. The most prom inent of the principles of arrangement which the Muslims adopted  wa s the ann alis tic form. A mer e tec hni que , it nev erth ele ss ex erc ised a great influence upon the historical contents, and it swallowed up the hahar  form. Whatever its shortcomings, it certainly was an advance beyond hahar  historiography in that it assured at least 1  Fih ris t,  1 47 ff. (Cairo 1348 = 100 ff. F l u g e l ) . Cf. also the much more limited list of titles of works by his contemporary al-W aqidi ( H o r o v i t z , op. cit., Islamic Culture,  II, 515 [1928]). ^ An instructive selection of Mada’ini passages from at-Tabari may be found in a d  - D u r i , op. cit.,  270-91. ^ Al- Mu rd ifd t min Qurays , in ' A  b d  - a s -S a l A m H a r u n ,  Nawdd ir al-niahtutd t,  I, 2, 58-80 (Cairo 1370/1951). *  Cf., for instance, Ibn al-Hatib on the rulers of Islam who received the oath of allegiance  befo re th ey rea che d pu ber ty (cf. M. M.  A n tu n a , in  Al- An da lus ,  I, 105-54, 1933); or alMaqrizi on the caliphs and rulers who performed the pilgrimage (Paris ms. ar. 4657; an edition appeared in Cairo 1955).

THE ANNALISTIC FORM

71

external continuity and the coordination of a variety of subject matters, qualities which were foreign to the hahar  form. 2— T H E A N N A L I S T I C FO R M  An na lis tic hi sto rio gra ph y con sti tut es a spe cia hz ed form of chr on ological historiography.1 As its name says, it is dominated by the succession of the individu al years. Under a heading such as: “ In the year n ,"  or “Then, there came the year n, ”   the various events of this particular year are enumerated. The connection between the events of one and the same year is preferably made by the simple device of inserting the phrase: “ And in it (tha t is, this same  ye ar, wa-fihd).”  Th e extent of the details to accompany the descrip tion of the events is left for the author to decide. The pure form  wo uld not pe rmi t a con sec uti ve rep ort ab ou t a n e ve nt whi ch ext end s over a period of years to be given under one of those years, but this rule is occasionally set aside. This form of historical presentation was fully developed in the time of the great Tabari. His  Hist ory was first published in the first decade of the tenth century,^ and it was continued to the year 302/ 914-15, or 303. On account of the size of the work, it would be a priori unlikely that at-Tabari was the first to apply the annalistic form to historical writing. A Muslim author correctly remarked: “ A thing which is an original and unprecedented creation starts out small and then grows.” ®In fact, the  Histo ry  of Halifah b. Hayyat,  wh ich con tinu es dow n to the ye ar 232/846-47, th at is, eig ht ye ars  befo re the pre sum able da te of his dea th, is an an nal isti c wo rk (starting out with a discussion of the term ta^rih  and a very brief treatment of Muhammad’s early history).^ Further, from the second 1 Th e use of “annals” for “ chronicle” has become an accepted part of our language. H3re, the original distinction has been strictly observed. 2 C f . Y a q u t ,  Irsdd ,  XVIII, 70 (Cairo = VI, 445 M a r g o l i o u t h ). 3  As -Sib li,  Ma hdsi n al-wasdHl,  ms. Cairo Ta^rih 4557, fol. 8ib, with reference to the small size of Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-Mutanna’s 6 arth al-hadit.  Cf. also as-Suyuti,  Itqdn ,  I, 3 f. (Cairo 1317), following the Nihd yah   of Majd-ad-din b. al-Atir (I, 4, Cairo 1322). However, the growth of the size of scholarly productions in Islam was extremely rapid, cf. F . R o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,  43a (Rome 1947,  Anale cta Orient alia,  24), referring to at-Tanuhi and the  faraj-ba^-d-aS-siddah  literature, or Hamzah al-Isfahani and the collections of proverbs (Istanbul, Ms. Damat Ibrahim 943, beg.). *  The only manuscript known so far is preserved in Rabat iggq [q = awqdf,  the manu script having been formerly in the Zawiyah an-Nasiriyah in Tamkrut [Tamagrout]). It was signalized in  List e de manuscr its arabes preci eux, exposes a la Bihli otMq ue de I’ Unive rsite Quaraouyine a Fes,  60 (Rabat i960). During my stay in Rabat in 1963, the manuscript was  jus t bein g sen t aw ay on an exh ibi tio n, and I was able to insp ect it on ly ve ry bri efl y. It is in Magribi writing and dated in 477/1085, but it rather seems to have been written in the

72

73

THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

THE ANNALISTIC FORM

half of the third/ninth century, we have the  Histo ry  of Ya'qub b. Sufyan (d. 277/891), which was annalistically arranged as shown by the preserved fragment covering the years 137-241/754-855 and confirmed by occasional q uotations. 1 The  Hist ory  of Ibn Abi Haytamah (d. 279/893) also seems to have contained an annahstic section which may have been hmited and insignificant as compared to the work as whole; the manuscript material thus far available is too fragmentary to permit a safe conclusion.^

 b y Ab ii Sa lih ‘A bd al lah b. (?) Mu ham ma d b. Y az d M , m ay ha ve  bee n ann ali stic , sinc e it is sta te d th at the au tho r's son “ com ple ted it to the year 300,” a figure of speech which usually refers to annals.i The excerpts from the  Hist ory  of the great scientist of the first half of the ninth century, Muhammad b. Miisa al-Huwarizmi,  whi ch we rea d in the his tori es of Ha mz ah al- Isf ah an i ^ and Eli jah of Nisibis, give a semblance of probability to the assumption that al-Huwarizmi’s work was annahstic, and so was the  Histo ry  of Abu Hassan al-Hasan b. ‘Utma,n az-Ziyadi, if we may trust a statement  by as -S am 'an i wh ich seem s con firm ed b y a q uo tat ion in the H at ib ’s

Some uncertainty has been created by the fact that the occur rence of the word ta^rih in the title of a work merely indicates that that particular work contained chronological data and, although it might be used for an annalistic work, it does not necessarily refer to the use of the annalistic form of historical presentation. For instance, the  His tory   of Abu Zur‘ah ad-Dimasqi (d. 282/895) appears to have been concerned mainly with the usual information on religious scholars and to have made only fumbling attempts to indicate precise dates; it may be, however, that the work also contained an annalistic section that is not preserved.® It is not the simple ta^rih,  but the expression ta^rih ""aid s- sin in   or the like, “ History according to the years,” that suggests an annalistic work.  A few dec ade s bef ore at- Ta ba ri, Ab u 'Is a b. al- Mu naj jim wro te a  His tory of the World,^ which, however, may have been a treatment of chronology ab origine mundi   in the Jewish-Christian style and may not have dealt with Muslim history at all.® An  An na list ic His tory  was com pose d by ‘U ma rah b. W ati m ah in the nin th century.®  W he the r the H ist or y of J a ‘fa r b. Mu ham ma d b. al- Az ha r (d. 279/ 892) was annalistic is not quite certain.’ Another  Histo ry,   written thirteenth or fourteenth century (I  b n T a w i t a t -T a n j ! concurs with this opinion). A collation note on fol. 37 speaks of an original manuscript {asl) of Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad  b. Y ah ya b. al- Ha dd a’ . [ Ed. al-U ma ri, Bag hd ad 1967.] For a quotation indicating the annalistic character of the work, cf. Y&qut,  Mu'-jam albulddn,  IV, 634  W u s t e n fe ld , s . v .  Mala tyah. ^ Ms. Istanbul Topkapusaray, Revan Ko§k 1554; al-FJatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  I, 67i,, 7914. For Ya'qub, cf. below, p. 392, n. 3. The preserved fragment, however, is largely concerned  wi th bio gra ph ica l info rm atio n. ^ Cf. below, p. 382, n. 2. The annalistic section covering the years i-i o is preserved in the Fez manuscript. ®Cf. below, p. 392, n. 7. * Fihrist,  207 (Cairo 1348 = 144 F l O g e l );  Y aq ut ,  IrSdd,   III , 243 f. (Cairo = I, 229 M a r g o l i o u t h ). Cf. below, p. 79, n. 8, and the translation of as-Sahawi,  I^ldn,  below, p. 511, n. I. ®Cf. Abu 1- F i d a ’ ,  Hist oria Ante islam ica,  2 f. F l e i s c h e r (Leipzig 1831). ®Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  V, 37 (Hyderabad 1357-58); GAL Supplement   I, 217. 'Umarah’s Qisas al-anhiyd'^  (cf. below, p. 506, n. 3) could hardly be meant here. ’ The decisive ^ald s-sinin  appears only in Yaqut,  Irid d,   VI I, 186 f. (Cairo = II, 417 M a r g o l i o u t h )  bu t not in Y aq u t’s sour ce,  Fih ris t,  164 (Cairo 1348 = 113 F l C g e l ). Cf. also al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  VII, 197.

 Histor y of Bagdad. Into the second century of the hijrah (718-815 A.D.), we are led  by the at tri bu tio n of a  Hist ory according to the Ye ars   to al-Haytam  b. *Adi who is alr ea dy kn ow n to us as a rep res en tat ive of hahar historiography and who died, allegedly ninety-three years old, in 206/821-22, or 207.^ And it has been suggested that one of the  wo rks by his som ew ha t you nge r co nte mp ora ry al- Wa qid i (130-207/ 747-823) was arranged annalistically, a suggestion which seems to  be bor n ou t b y pas sag es such as are fou nd in at-Tabari.® An na hst ic historiography was thus practiced in the Mesopotamia of the second half of the second century of the hijrah. Yet, the evidence would ^ Fih ris t,  179 f. (Cairo 1348 == 124 F l u g e l ). Cf.  Fih ris t,  180 (= 124 F"l u g e l ) for the  Hist ory to his own day  by Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-QutrubulIi, who may have been a con temporary of Ibn Abi 1-Azh ar (below , p. 507), in view of a passage in Ibn al-Qarih’ s Rwa/a/t addressed to Abu l-‘A la’ al-M a'arri (in M. K  u r d 'A  l !,  RasdHl al-bula gd\  2nd ed., 197, Cairo 1331/1913): “Al-Qutrubulli and Ibn Abi 1-Azhar told in a history written jointly  by the m wh ich the Ba gda dis and the Eg yp tia ns cons ider ed uniq ue in its kind bec ause of its small size and the large amount of knowledge it contained . . . .” The problem of iden tification is further complicated by the fact that Ahmad’s father (an authority of as-Suli, cf. Yaqut,  IrSdd,   V, 122, Cairo = II, 142 M a r g o l i o u t h ) is mentioned as “the author of a  Hi sto ry"   by al-Marzubani,  Nu r al-qabas,  334 S e l l h e i m (Wiesbaden 1964,  Bibl iothe ca  Islam ica,   23a). The father ‘Abdallah appears also to be meant in al-Qifti,  Inbd h,  III, 247. The treatm ent of history “ from Constantine to the year 301 of the hijrah” by Judge  W ak i' ma y also ha ve been ann alis tic (cf. Ham zah al-I sfa han i,  Hist ory,   I, 70 G o t t w a l d t , St. Petersburg-Leipzig 1844-48). Excerpts from Waki^’s work can be assumed to be the  basis of al-H ati b al-B agd adi , TB ,  I, 67 ff. “ I, 187 G o t t w a l d t . Cf. also TB ,  I, 67, 83. Al-Huwarizmi’s  Hist ory  was quoted for the date of the Prophet’s birth by al-Biruni, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah,  Istanbul ms. 'Umumi 4667, p. 136, published by K . G a r b e r s , in  Docu menta Islam ica Ined ita (Fest schri ft R . Hart mann), 55 (Berlin 1952), and translated by the same in  Der Isla m, XX X,   63 (1952). Cf., further,  bel ow , p. 134, n. 3. For al- Hu wa riz mi ’s int ere st in ch ron olo gy, cf. E. S . K e n n e d y , in  Scri pta Mathe matica ,  XX VI I, 5-59 (1964-66). ®As-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 283a; al-yatib al-BagdMi, TB ,  I, 157. *  Fih ris t,  146 (Cairo 1348 = 100 F l u g e l );  Ya qu t,  IrSdd,  XI X, 310 (Cairo = VI I, 265 f. Ma

r g o l i o u t h

).

 Ab ou t the form of the  His tory   of Ibn 'Adi’s authority, 'Awanah b. al-Hakam, we have no definite information. ‘Aw^ nah is credited with a work on dyna stic history, see below p. 89. ^ C f . J. H o r o v i t z , in  Isla mic Cult ure,  II, 516 (1928); at-Tabari, III, 629.

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hardly necessitate the assumption that the Islamic origins of the annalistic form have to be sought in that region and period. It just means that the first known published works of that type originated then and there.

scholars who preferred to stress the predominance of Persian influence upon the origins of MusHm historiography ^h ave failed to give proof that simultaneously with dynastic historiography ^ the annalistic form was also introduced under Persian influence. In fact, this cannot have been the case.^ The situation will be found to be different when we turn our attention to Byza ntium and Greek (and Syriac) literature. It is com mon knowledge that none of the classical works of Greek historiog raphy ever reached the Arabs,^ nor do we have any express informa tion about the existence of complete Arabic translations of Byzantine chronographies (but see below). The laws governing Graeco-Arabic translation activity w^ould not make us expect the situation to be otherwise. Historical literature was much more suspect to Muslim theologians than science.^ Above all, it belonged as little to the curriculum of Graeco-Syriac higher education as Arabic historiog raph y later on was to belong to that of higher Muslim education,® and only works belonging to the disciphnes which made up higher education were translated. However, the Byzantines showed a very deep interest in historical literature, and Byzantinists seem to be agreed that historiography occupied a preponderant position in Byzantine literary activity.’ It may be recalled in this connection

It is theoretically possible that Muslim scholars who were prob ably acquainted with the use of historical data since the introduc tion of the Muslim era arrived independently at the conclusion that an annalistic form would be a convenient vehicle of historical presentation. However, whenever we find a long established idea or literary form make its appearance in another place which is not separated from the original home of that idea or literary form  by uns urm ou nta ble bar rier s of spa ce or time , we are on mu ch safe r ground when we do not assume independent creation but some kind of borrowing. In the case of a form of historiography, it would  be unr eas ona ble to dem and th at the re oug ht to ex ist tan gib le material e vidence for the fact of borrowing. Fo r in this particula r case, it is not a question of borrowing the substance of historical  work s. It is the mer e ide a of an an na list ic arr ang em ent wh ich was taken over. The transmission of historical material would have required the existence of a translation hterature or, at least, of the opportunity for Muslim scholars to acquire an extensive knowl edge of foreign historical works. The idea of the annalistic form, on the other hand, could have been transmitted through some superficial acquaintance with annalistic writing. Or a casual discussion with a foreign scholar who mentioned the existence of annalistic works in his literature might have kindled the spark in a Muslim historian.^ The evidence available as to the form of Iranian historiography in the seventh century is very slim. This much, however, seems certain: There is nothing that would permit us to assume that the Persians used an annalistic arrangement. Everything tends to show that they did not, and there is the additional theoretical considera tion that the absence of a continuous era would have made the compilation of long-range historical works a difficult task. The 1  Wh en Ham zah al-Is fah ani, in the tent h cen tur y, need ed inf orm atio n on Gr aeco -Ro man history, he asked an old Greek  [Rumi ),  who had been captured and served as a valet, to translate for him a Greek historical work orally. This was accomplished with the help of the Greek’s son, Yumn, who knew Arabic well (Hamzah al-Isfahani,  Hist ory,  I, 70 G o t t WALDT, St. Petersburg-Leipzig 1844-48; translation by E. M i t t w o c h ,  Die litera rische Tdtigkeit Hamza al-Isbahdnts, in  Mitt eilu ngen des Semin ars fii r orienta lische Sprache n, Westasiatische Studien,  XII, 121, 1909). Something of the sort might easily have happened in earlier times.

1 For instance, I. G o l d z i h e r  , and, following him, J. d e S o m o g y i ,  cf.  JR A S,   1932, 49. ^ Cf. below, p. 88. ®Even supposing that the  Hwatd yndma k  and similar products of Sasanian historiog raphy were based upon official “ annals” , that would not mean that the historical works  were wr itt en in the for m of ann als. Cf.  A. C h r i s t e n s e n ,  L ’I ran sous les Sass anid es,  59 (2nd ed., Copenhagen 1944), and the literature on the illustrated manuscript supposedly trans lated from Persian into Arabic in 731, quoted below, p. 176, n. i. According to the Arabic  ver sion s of the  Hwa tdynd mak,   the only chronological data contained in it concerned the length of the reigns of the individual rulers. B. S  p u l e r  (in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  His toria ns of the Mid dle East ,  126) goes much farther in his skepticism concerning pre-Islamic Persian historiography: “ . . . apparently no real historiography existed in pre-Islamic Persia.” S  p u l e r  ’s point of view has much to recommend it. *• The Greek, and especially, the Latin annalistic literature, which as literature was of minor importance, is also lost to us. ®One may compare the distinction which as-Safi'i made with regard to the treatment of Greek books which were part of the Muslim booty. He distinguished between those which dealt with medicine and other non-objectionable subjects, and those which dealt with theological subjects (polytheism). Most histories would have somehow belonged to the latter category. Cf. at-Tabari,  Ih tild f al-f uqah d\  178 S c h a c h t (Leiden 1933, Veroffentlichungen der "De Goeje Stiftung,”   10). “ A work such as F. F u c h s ,  Die hoheren Schu len von Kons tanti nope l im Mitte lalter (Leipzig-Berlin 1926, Byza ntin ische s A rchiv , 8), has no occasion whatever to mention history. The professors of rhetoric certainly discussed historical works in their courses, because they furnished material for public speakers. ’ Cf. E. G e r l a c h ,  Di e Grundla gen der byzant inisch en Geschichtsch reibung, in  Byza ntio n,  V II I, 93, n, I (1933)-

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that the  Bihlio theca   of Photius (of the tenth century, it is true) is to a large part devoted to the discussion of histories of all kinds.^ Even if a provincial outlook was predominant in Syria and the libraries in Syrian cities were not well stocked with historical works, the study of history certainly was not an unknown subject in Syria  wh ere ver Gre ek boo ks were unde rsto od.

existence of different eras in late antiquity. This made synchronisms necessary and also somewhat obscured the annalistic scheme, but it is clearly there. Like loannes Malalas, Jacob, too, is concerned  wi th wo rld ly ruler s, chu rch dign itar ies , scho lars , an d piou s men.  A bo ve all, he also has the ch ara cte rist ic succ essi on of ear thq uak es, hailstorms, invasions of locusts, fires, comets, and building activities that goes with annalistic historiography.^ In sum, there can be little objection to the assumption that Mushm annalistic historiog raphy in its beginning was indebted to Greek and Syriac models. It was not a particular work that served Muslim authors as an inspiration, but the idea of the annalistic arrangement came to early Muslim scholars through contact with learned Christians or Christian converts to Islam.^ The close contact between Muslims and Christians in the field of historiography, even in areas remote from both Byzantium and the center of Islam, is illustrated by the history of early Latin Christian chronicles from Spain,^ where, it is known, “ there were historians of some merit up to the time of the Arab conquest.” ^ How much greater must the cultural exchange in such matters have been in Syria where Muslims and Christians lived on the most intimate terms. If the annalistic form  was thu s sug ges ted to the Musl ims by Gr ae co- Sy ria c hist oria ns, the former were able to make a great contribution to its improvement. They were in the possession of a generally accepted, continuous era which greatly simplified the historical presentation. Those who would prefer to find more concrete points of contact  be twe en Gra eco -Sy ria c and Musl im his tor iog rap hy will fin d the evidence meager but not entirely devoid of some potential support for the hypothe sis suggested here.^ We ma y discount the alleged  Hist ory   of Yahya an-Nahwi® and the  Histo ry of Phil osoph ers by 

Greek chronicles of the period when Islam came into being represent exactly the type of annalistic historiography we find in the later Muslim works. When loannes Malalas gets near his own time, he employs the annalistic form, “in the same year, at the end of the same indiction. ’ ’ ^An arrange ment according to the reigns of the individual emperors is superimposed upon the annahstic structure. There is some cultural history as well as data concerning scholars, philosophers, and church dignitaries (most of whom were at the same time politicians). Earthquakes, thunderstorms, and floods are recorded. This information, as well as plagues, famines, inflations, and oddities of nature, is characteristic of annahstic historiography and is also never absent from Muslim annals.^ In loannes Malalas,  we thu s ha ve ex ac tly the sam e ann alis tic form and con ten ts encountered later on in Muslim annalistic historiography.^  A Sy ria c int erm ed iar y wo uld be supe rfluo us, bu t its ex ist enc e should be noted. The sixth-century Chronicle- of Edessa  is an annalistic compendium.® The same form of historical writing as  we find in Mal alas app ear s in Sy ria c lite rat ur e in the his tor ica l  wo rk of Ja cob (James) of Ede ssa who liv ed in the sev en th cen tur y. Jacob faced chronological difficulties which resulted from the * C f. J . H e r g e n r o t h e r  ,  Phot ius, Patr iarch von Consta ntinop el,  III, 15-17 (Regensburg 1869). ^ Cf., for instance, Chronology,  439-41 D i n d o r f   (Bonn 1831). ®AI-Huwarizmi had occasion to refer to earthquakes, plagues, and inundations. *  The parallel between loannes Malalas, 172 D i n d o r f  , and al-BirClni,  Ind ia,   trans. E. S a c i i a u , I, 112 (London 1910), which was pointed out by S a c h a u in his notes, certainly does not prove any direct knowledge of Malalas by the Muslims.  An oth er Gre ek wor k of the same typ e whi ch ma y be com pare d is the Chronicon Paschale. Incidentally, the existence of much historiographical activity in Alexandria up to the time of the Muslim conquest may be assumed, although “ of actual history written at this time  bu t litt le rem ain s” (A. J. B u t l e r  , The Arab Conquest of Egypt,  95 f., Oxford 1902). It would also seem to be entirely permissible to deduce from the existence of an annalistically arranged work such as Theophanes’ Chronology  that earlier Syrian histories were similarly arranged. The assumption of an influence of Muslim historical writing on Theophanes is all but excluded. ® C f . I. G u i d i , E . W . B r o o k s , and I . - B . C h a b o t , Chronica Minora,  edited and translated in CSCO, Scriptores Syri,  Series III, tomus IV, i , 1-13, and 2, i- ii . The  Maro nite Chroni cle,  which i s p u b l i s h e d in the same volume and  w h ic h se em s to have some connection with the historical work of Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785, cf. A. B a u m s t a r k , Geschichte der syrischen Literatur,  341 f.), should also be consid ered in this conne ction.

^ Cf. E. W . B r o o k s , The Chronological Canon of James of Edessa, in  ZD M G,   LIII, 261327 (1899), and the edition by the same, in CSCO, Scriptores Syri,  Series III, tomus IV, I,   261-327, and 2, 197-255 (Paris-Leipzig 1903). “ As suggested by J. S c h a c h t , in Oriens,  VII, 155 (1954)^ Cf. C. E. D u b l e r  ,  Sobre la cronica ardbigo -bizantin a de  741 y la influenci a bizantina en la Peninsula Iberica, in  Al- An da lus ,  XI , 283-349 (1946). *■Cf. H. P i r e n n e ,  Moha mmad and Charlemagne ,  Engl, trans., 123 (New York 1939)®Most of the material mentioned in the following section has been known for many  yea rs, cf. M. S t e i n s c h n e i d e r  ,  Di e arabis chen Vbersetz ungen aus dem Griechi schen, 16 i. (Leipzig 1897, first part, reprint Graz i960). ®Cf. M. M e y e r h o f ,   Joann es Gramma tikos (Philo ponos ) von A lexa ndr ien und die arabische  Me dizi n, in  Mitt eilu ngen des Deut schen Inst itut s fUr dgyptis che Alter tumsk unde in Kai ro, II, 12 f. (1932). His history is also quoted by Agapius (Mahbfib) b. Qustantin al-Manbiji, ed. L. C h e i k h o , in CSCO, Scriptores Ar.,  Series III, tomus V, 128 and 289 (Beirut-Paris 1912), where  w e read Yahya b. 'Adi an-Nahwi.

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Porphyry (died between 301 and 304) which was in part translated into Arabic a nd is known from quotations. T he latter work, although it contains much chronological material/ is concerned with biog raphies, and the same seems to have been the case with the work attributed to Yahya. At any rate, neither was arranged annalistically. The name of Eusebius (died between 337 and 340) suggests itself as that of the ancient Christian historian most likely to have  be en kn ow n to the Muslim s, as he was wi de ly kn own am ong Sy ria c authors.2T he relevant pre-Islamic information in the grea t Muslim historians, such as at-Tabari, al-Ya‘qubi, or Abu 1-Fida", does not seem to go back to Eusebius, but he was known to and used by a Christian Arabic author, Harun b. 'Azzur, whose work is said to  be pr ese rve d ^ bu t is as ye t un av ail ab le an d who se life tim e seem s to date rather far back but is uncertain. Al-Biruni seems to have known him indirectly, but the precise form and age of his sources are uncertain.^ Through Christian intermediaries, Eusebius is occa sionally quoted in later Muslim historians.^ Eusebius’ work, in the form in which it became known to Eastern Muslims, did not have the slightest intimation of an annalistic arrangement.® Next to Eusebius, we must mention the sixth-century chronog raph er Andronicus. A longside with an unidentified an cient  Short   By zan tin e (Rumi) Histo ry,  the  Hist ory   of Andronicus, which may 

have been in part an annalistic work, was quoted by ‘Ubaydallah  b. Ji br il b. Bu ht is u‘ (d. 1006),^ who , in turn , wa s the sour ce of Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah.^ Whether Ibn Buhtisu‘’s source did or did not

1 Cf. Eusebius, Chronik, 89 K a r s t (Leipzig 1911,  Eu seb ius ' Werke,  ed. KirchenvaterCommissiou der kgl. Preussischen Akademie d. Wiss., V^ol. 5). ^ C f . A . B a u m s t a r k ,  Syrisch -arab ische Biog raph ien des Arist otele s, 2,  n. i (Leipzig 1900,  Aris totel es bei den Syre rn vom V .- V II I. Jahrhu ndert) . ®P. S b a t h ,  Al -F ihr is, Suppl emen t,  32, no. 2696 (Cairo 1940), refers to a manuscript in private possession, dated in 480/1087; of. G. G r a f  , Geschichte der christlichen arabischen  Liter atur,   II, 112 (Citta del Vaticano 1947,  Stu di e Tes ti,  133). Eusebius is also used by  Ag api us (Mahb ub) b. Qu sta nti n al-M anbij i. *  Cf. al-Atdr al-bdqiyah,  85 ff. S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1923), which ultimately would seem to go back to Eusebius. In  Atar   305, the Chronikcn  of Eusebius is expressly cited for the Christian Easter calculations. From the Istanbul ms. ‘■Umiimi 4667, p. 344, which fills in the lacuna on p. 307 S a c h a u ,  we lear n th at the quo tat ion s from the Chronikon   were derived from the  Z tj   of Yusuf b. al-Fadl al-Yahudi al-Haybari. Historical monographs of a related type probably were, for instance, Sinan b. Tabit b. Qurrah’s  Hist ory of the Ki ngs of the Syri ans  (al-Qifti, 195 M u l l e r - L i p p e r t ) , and, perhaps, the history of the ancient Egyptian kings by a certain Ibn Hnwn (Hanun ?) at-Tabari, cited by Abu 1-Fida^  His tori a Ante isla mica ,  102 F l e i s c h e r (Leipzig 1831). According to al-Hasan b 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas,  Atd r al-uwa l f t tartib ad-duwal,  ch. I, 7 (p. 44, Bula q 1295; p. 52, Cairo 1305, in the margin of as-Suyuti’s TaM h al-hulafd^),  he was 'All b. Muhammad b. 'Abdallah b. Hnwn at-Tabari, and his work was used in the work of Muham mad b. Harun al-'Abbasi which, in turn, seems to have been one of the sources for ancient Egyptian history in Abu Ma'sar’s  Kitd b al-Ul Hf. ^ Cf., for instance, Ibn al-'Adim,  Bugy at at-talab,  phot. Cairo Ta’rih 1566, I, 161. ®Ibn Juljul, Tabaqdt al-atibbd^,  3 F. S a y y i d (Cairo 1955), knew S t . Jerome’s Latin translation of Eusebius’ Chronicle {al-Qrw^nqh li-Yrwnm at-turjumdn),  but this knowledge no doubt remained restricted to the Muslim West, and even there was soon forgotten.

79

exist in an Arabic translation is difficult to decide. It would seem likely that he quoted from a Syriac (or Greek) text. Andronicus was known in Syriac literature,^ and not long after Ibn Buhtisu', he also appears as a source in the Syro-Arabic bilingual Chronicle of Elijah of Nisibis (d. after 1049).^ Anoth er Greek ch ronicler, Anianus,  who liv ed in the fif th cen tur y, wa s kno wn to Sy ria ns and Ar ab s in a minor way.^  A H ist or y of the Gre eks {Ahbdr al-Yundniyin),  about whose form, contents, and authorship we have no further information, is said to have been translated (into Arabic) by Habib b. Bahrez, a matrdn  of Mosul, as early as the time of al-Ma’mun, and the translation was used by Ha mzah al-Isfahani.® And Judge W ak i‘ (d. 306/918) used a historical work (belonging to?) a Byzantine king, which had been translated by an anonymous translator.'^ The Muslim information about “ Roma n” pagan and Christian kings goes back to Christian Greek or Syriac sources; that about Old and New Testament history and about A ssyrian and Babylonian kings also goes back to Christian (and, in some cases, perhaps, to Jewish) sources. It should be noted that like the Biblical material, these sources need not have always been historical works in the proper sense. We thus leam from a chance quotation by Abu 1-Fida’ ®from the  Hist ory   of Abu ‘Isa b. al-Munajjim that Abu ‘Isa’s authority for the dating of Hellen and Moses was the Contra  Ju lia nu m   of Cyrillus of Alexandria.^ ^ C f . G . G r a f , op. cit., I I, i n . * I , 73 M C l l e r . ^ C f . A . B a u m s t a r k, loc. cit.; idem, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur,  136 (Bonn 1922); G. F u r l a n i , in  Zei tsch rift fii r Sem itis tik,  V, 238-49 (1927). The references may not all be to the same Andronicus. * C f . p. II of the introduction to E. W. B r o o k s ’ and J . - B . C h a b o t ’ s translation, in CSCO, Scriptores Syri,  Series III, tomus VII (Paris-Leipzig 1910). ^ C f . B a u m s t a r k , loc. cit.  (p. 78, n. 2). ® His tory,   I , 80 f. G o t t w a l d t (St. Petersburg-Leipzig 1844-48); al-Biruni, al-Atdr albdqiyah,  2820 S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1923). For Ibn Bahrez, cf.  Fih ris t,  341 and 348 (Cairo 1348 = 244 and 248 f. F l u g e l ) . He may be identical with 'Abd -Yasu ' b. Bahrez mentioned  Fih ris t,  35 f. (= 23 f. F l u g e l ) ? Jewish chronology may also have entered Arabic literature at the time of Harun, cf. below, p. 139, n. 5. ’ Hamzah al-Isfahani, op. cit..  I, 70, 76, 79 G o t t w a l d t . ® His toria Ant eisla mica , 152 f. F l e i s c h e r (Leipzig 1831). Cf. the  Siwdn al-hik mah, originally the work of Abu Sulayman al-Mantiqi as-Sijistani, in the Istanbul manuscript Murat Molla 1408, fol. 5a. More light on Ibn al-Munajjim’s work (above, p. 72) has been promised by S. M. S t e r n , cf.  Bibli othec a Orient alis,  XI, 74 (1954). ° I, 10, p. 517C M i g n e .

8o

THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

THE ANNALISTIC FORM

 Wh ile all th e pre ced ing evi den ce poi nts to the av ai la bi lit y to Muslim scholars of a certain knowledge of Graeco-Syriac historiog raphy, it is by no means proven that that knowledge reached Muslim historians early enough in this way to inspire their use of the annalistic form. The same apphes to an even greater degree to some Christian Arabic historical works, which may have transmitted the form and contents of Graeco-Syriac annalistic historiography to Muslim scholars. All the works about which we have definite knowl edge date from long after the time when the annalistic form made its appearance in Muslim historical writing. Hunayn b. Ishaq (d. 260/873) is thus credited with a  Hist ory of the World, th& Be  ginnings, the Prophets, Kings, Nations, Caliphs, and Princes in Islam, about which we have but little information.^ The  Hist ory of Ph ys i cians  by his son Ishaq (d. 298/end of 910) is basically a history of ancient medicine and the individuals who created it, with much chronological detail but no thought of an annalistic o r g a n i z a t i o n . 2

Qasim b. Asbag and provided with many additions.^ The translation  wa s used b y the co nte mp ora ry Spa nia rd Ibn Ju lju l, in his  Histo ry of Physicians,'^  and again by later historians, especially Ibn Haldun and, following him, al-Maqrizi. A related Christian Spanish treat ment of pre-Islamic history down to the Muslim conquest of Spain, of uncertain a uthorship and da te of composition, is particularly remarkable on account of the fact that it found its way into a mosque library and thus must have at some time been studied by Muslims.® In general, as is well known, Mushm historians, because of the self-centered outlook of Mushm society, were reluctant to use non-Muslim historical sources. In addition to Orosius, a brief passage in al-Mas‘udi and a section in the world history of Rasidad-din are all that can be proven to have been translated from later Western European sources prior to Ottoman times.^

His sporadic use of the Seleucid era, which was occasionally mentioned also by other Muslim scholars, did not exercise any influence upon Muslim historiography. Ishaq’s contemporary, Qusti b. Luqa (d. 300/912), wrote a work entitled  Par adis e on  His tory   in his old age, which is also not preserved.® The historical  wo rk of S a‘ id (Eu tych ius ) b. Bi tri q (d. 328/940) is in pa rt bas ed on Muslim sources but draws its main inspiration from Byzantine historiography. The only complete translation of an ancient history, of which  we kno w and wh ich has been pre serv ed, ce rta inl y cam e too lat e to exercise any sort of influence on Muslim historiography. That was the translation of Orosius,  Adve rsus paganos.^^  A copy of Orosius, together with a copy of Dioscurides, was sent by the Byzantine Emperor Romanos (rather: Constantine) to ‘Abd-ar-Rahman anNasir in Spain in the year 377/948-49. Orosius’ work was translated,  bu t not ve ry lite ra lly , b y the Ju dge of the Chr istia ns tog eth er wi th ‘ Cf. Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah, I, 200 MU l l e r  , and S. M. S t e r n , loc. cit.  Neither the  Fih ris t  nor al-Qifti mentions the title. * Cf. F. R  o s k n t h a l , in Oriens,  VII, 55-80 (1954), and idem, in  Bu llet in of the His tory of   Me dicin e,  X XX , 54 f. (1956), and  JA OS ,  LX XX I, 10 f. (1961). The much older  Ahbd r al-atibhd^  by the Muslim kdtib  Yusuf b. Ibrahim (below, p. 510, n. 4), it may be added here, was clearly not a historical work but rather a collection of stories and anecdotes. “  Fih ris t,  411 (Cairo 1348 = 295 F l O g e l ). ‘ G. L e v i d e l l a V id a has found a manuscript of the work and is working on its edition, cf. his article in  Mis cella nea G. Galhia ti,  III, 185-203 (1951), and  Al- An da lus ,  X IX, 257-93

(1954).

81

For the development of the annalistic form in Islam after it had been adopted in its early years, it is important to realize that  b y its ve ry na tur e an na lis tic hi sto rio gra ph y is pr im ar ily conc erne d  wi th fac ts, bar e fac ts, wh ich were , or at lea st were in the ory , recorded by contemporary sources and could not be corrected, improved, or enlarged by any later writer. Subsequent annalistic  wo rk s wer e thu s con cei ved as mer e con tin ua tio ns of th e ann alis tic  wo rk s o f fo rme r a uth ors. Al -Q ift i, ther efor e, fou nd it ea sy to ex pla in how one might get the most reliable historical information from the  be gin nin g of the wo rld to the ye ar in whi ch he wr ote , th at is, the year 616/1219-20. ‘Tf you want continuous historical infor mation well arranged, you must consult the work of Abu Ja'far at-Tabari, from the beginning of the world to the year 309 (!). If  yo u wish , yo u m ay com bin e the wo rk of Ah ma d b. A bi Ta hi r and his son ‘Ubaydallah with at-Tabari.^ You will do well to do that,  bec aus e th ey we nt ve ry tho ro ug hly int o the des crip tion of the ^ Cf. Ibn Haldun, ^Ibar,  II, 88 (Bulaq 1284); Ibn Juljul,  Exp lan atio n of the Na mes of the  Sim pli cia from the B ook of Dios curi des,  quoted by Ibn Abi Usaybi'^ah, II, 46-48 M u l l e r  . Cf. M. M e y e r h o f ,   Di e Mate ria Me dica des Dio skur ides hei den Arab ern, in Quelle n und   Stu dien zur Gesch. der Natu rwis s. und der Me diz in,  III, 72 ff. (1933). Since Ibn Juljul only incidentally mentioned Orosius in connection with his work on Dioscurides, he has no information about the translation of Orosius. ^ Tabaqdt al-atibbd^,  2, 12, 36 F. S a y y i d   (Cairo 1955). ^ C f . G . L e v i d e l l a V i d a , Un texte mozarabe d'histoire universelle, in  E. Levi-P roveng al   Me mori al Volum e,  175-83 (Paris 1962). ^ C f . B . L e w i s , in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  His tori ans of the Mi ddle East ,  180-91 (London 1962), and below, p. 147. ®See below, p. 135, n. 2, p. 152 f., and p. 462, n. 2. R  o

s e n t h a l

, History of Muslim Historiography

6

82

THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

‘Abbasid dynasty and gave additional details which were not men tioned by at-Tabari. They stopped at about the same time. AtTabari has a little more. This is followed by the work of Tabit (b. Sinan b. Tabit b. Qurrah), which for some years coincides with at-Tabari and leads down to the year 363. You would do well to combine with Tabit al-Farg^ni’s Continuation   of at-Tabari’s work/  bec aus e the wo rk of al- Fa rga ni is mor e de tai led in some plac es tha n the work of Tabit. Then, there is the work of Hilal b. al-Muhassin  b. Ibr ah im as -S ab i’ (d. 448/1056), w hic h coin cide s wi th the wo rk of his maternal uncle Tabit and supplements it down to the year 447. No one else was as well informed about the actual state of affairs and the political inside story of that period as he was. He got that from his grandfather who was a secretary of state and well informed about events.2He himself, too, was a secretary of state. He checked the material he collected with the incoming (government and diplomatic) information. This was followed by the work of his son, Cirs-an-ni‘mah Muhammad b. Hilal.® It is a good work and goes down to sometime after 470. Some unknown circumstance caused him to be brief at the end of the work. Ibn al-Ham adani’s (work) then coincides with that of Cirs-an-ni'mah and supplements it down into the year 512.^ Abu 1-Hasan b. az -Zaguni ®continued Ib n ^ T h e  Sila h  b y ‘A bd al la h b. A hm ad b. J a 'f a r al- Fa rg an ,i is ex te n si ve ly qu ot ed in, th e l i f e o f a t - T a b a r i i n Y a q u t ,  IrSdd, a n d i n ' A r i b ’ s Tabari continuatus ■ , cf. also ar-Rasid b. a z - Z u b a y r , ad-DaM?ir wa-t-tuliaf, 4 7 f . , 1 8 3 f . , 1 8 9 f . H a m i d u l l a h ( K u w a i t 1 9 5 9 ); a l MarrakuSi,  Mu'^jib, 3 3 D o z y ( L e i d e n 1 8 4 7 , 1 88 1 ) , tr a n s . A . H u i c i M i r a n d a , Coleccion de

cronicas

drabes de la reconquista, IV, 40 (Tetuan 1955); Ibn Hallikan, II, 528, III, 222 t r an s . D e S l a n e ; a n d C . C a h e n ,  La Chroniq ue abregee d'al-^A zimt, in  J A , C C X X X , 35 5 ( 1 93 8 ) . H i s w o r k p r o b a b l y w a s w i d e l y u s e d b y l a t e r a u t h o r s , e v e n w h e r e h e i s n o t e x p r e s s l y mentioned . Al-Farg ani was born in 282/895-96 (cf. p. XX of the introduction to the edition o f a t - T a b a r i ’ s  His tory ). He died in 362/972-73 (according to as-Safadi and ad-Dahabi, cf. R . G u e s t , i n  A Volu me of Orien tal Stud ies presented to E . G. B rowne, 173, Cambridge 1922). Cf. a l so N . A b b o t t ,  Stud ies in Arab ic Lite rary Pa pyr i I, 115 f. (Chicago 1957). His son  A hm ad , wh o co nt in ue d hi s fa th er ’s w or k, liv ed fro m 327/9 39 to 398/ 1007 (Y aq ut ,  Irsdd , III, 105 f. Cairo = 161 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ; as-Safadi, Wdfi, Bodleian ms. or. Seld.  A rc h. A 21 , fol. 48b). Cf. I b n K a t i r , X I , 2 44 .

^ The text must apparently be understood in this manner. ^ On the work of Girs (Gars)-an-ni‘'mah, cf. C. C a h e n , in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  Hist orian s of the Mid dle Ea st, 61 . * The year 512 is the date of the death of the caliph al-Mustazhir whose reign began in 487.  Alt ho ugh al-H ama dan i him self say s in his int rod uct ion th at he was end ing his wor k  wit h the beginning  of the reign of al-Mustazhir, it is quite likely that he did continue it down to the year 512.  IHdn   (below, p. 488) gives the wrong terminal date of 360. The preserved manuscript of the work goes down to 367 only but was to be continued. It does not seem to be completely certain w hether the auth or’s gentilic was (the more likely) Hamadani, or Hamdani. ® 'All b. 'Ubaydallah b. Nasr, Abu 1-Hasan b. az-Zaguni (455-527/1063-1132), cf. Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam , X, 32 (Hyderabad 1357-58); Ibn Rajab,  Da yl Tabaqdt al-H andb ilah, I, 216-20 a d - D a h h a n and L a o u s t (Damascus 1370/1951); M. J a w a d , in his edition of 

THE ANNALISTIC FORM

83

al-Hamadani’s work, but his work is unsatisfactory, because he was not a historian by profession. He brought his work down to the  ye ar (5)27. A l- ‘A fif (?) Sa da qa h al-Ha ddad^ the n con tinu ed Ib n az-Zaguni’s work down to the year 570 and something, and Sadaqah’s work, in turn, was continued by Ibn al-Jawzi down to after the yea r (5)80.2 Then, Ibn al-QM isi ^ continued Ibn alJawzi’s work down to the year 616.” ^  Al -Q ift i ga ve an acc ura te pic tur e of the pre va ilin g situ atio n.  An na lis tic wo rks were com pos ed in succ essi on to and co ntin ua tion of preceding works. There was not much need for any two annalistic  wo rks bei ng wr itte n at the sam e tim e and in the sam e regio n. Th e important part of an annalistic work was its contemporary section,  wh ich cou ld bec ome ve ry det aile d. Th e raw ma ter ia l for it ma y often have been a detailed diary kept by the author. A valuable example of such a diary has been preserved from the pen of the eleventh-century Hanbalite, Abu ‘Ali Ibn al-Banna’ (396-471/ 1005-78).5  We do not know whether his diary was intended for later use in a comprehensive work; it may never have been intended for publication in any form. However, it shows how the writing of contemporary history in annalistic form was undertaken, down to the execrable handwriting shared by Ibn al-Banna" with many other great historians, which must have inevitably led to many minor errors in the finished history. Eventually, in the fourteenth and fifteenth-century histories, the historical presentation was Ibn al-Fuwati, Talhis Majma^ al-dddb,  IV, I, 534 (Damascus 1962). Cf. also Yaqut,  Mu^jam al-bulddn,  II, 907 f. W u s t e n f e l d , s  . v . Zaguna. His work is quoted by Ibn an-Najjar,  Da yl  Ta^rth Bagdad,  Paris ms. or. 2131, fol. 20b (Life of 'Ali b. Muhammad b. Muhammad), etc. 1 Sadaqah b. al-Husayn, 47 7 , or 479-573/io86(87)-ii77, cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit., X, 276-78; J. A. B e l l a m y , in  JA OS ,  L XX XI, 227 (1961). His  Hist ory  is referred to by asSafadi, Waft,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld. Arch. A. 24, fol. 67a, and Ibn Katir,  Bidd yah,   XII, 298, probably following Ibn as-Sa'i. It is quoted in Yaqut’s  IrSdd,  cf. G. B e r g s t r a s s e r   in  Zeit schri ft f ur Sem itist ik,  II, 204 (1924); Ibn an-Najjar,  Da yl Ta^rth B agdad,   Paris ms. or. 2131, fol. 137b (life of al-Mustarsid); ad-Dahabi, al-Muhtasar al-muhtdj ilayh,  I, 138 (Bagdad 1371/1951).  Al-'^aftf   cannot be Afif-ad-din, because Sadaqah did not have this epithet, and al-Qifti would not have used the abbreviated form, but the adjective “ modest,” or the like, also seems strange here, although it is not uncommonly used in this manner. For Sadaqah, cf. also G. M a k d i s i ,  Ibn ^Aqtl,  54-58 (Damascus 1963). ^ The edition stops with the year 574. ^ Muhammad b. Ahmad, d. 632/1235, cf. C. C a h e n ,  La Syr ie du Nord,   71 (Paris 1940). His father, Ahmad b. Muhammad, died in 621/1224, cf. Ibn Katir, op. cit.,  XIII, 104. Ibn al-Qadisi’s work is quoted, for instance, by Abu Samah,  Rawdatay n,  I, 286 ff., 314 f., 395; II, 94, 96, 103 (Paris 1896-1906,  Kec uei l des historie ns des Croi sades, Hist oria ns or.,  4-5); Ibn IJallikan, I, 302, 305; IV, 114, 125 trans. D e S l a n e . * A l- Qi ft i, n o f. L i p p e r t -M u l l e r  . The passage was quoted by D e S l a n e , in his trans lation of Ibn yallikan, I, 290. “ Cf. G. M a k d i s i , in i?SO/lS, X V IIl, 9-31, 239-60 (1956); XIX , 13-48, 281-303, 426-43 (1957). Cf. below, p. 174.

84

THE BASIC FORMS OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

THE ANNALISTIC FORM

85

 bro ke n dow n into mo nth s an d da ys wi th con side rab le re gu lar ity ,  whe rea s ear lier ann ali sti c wri ter s were no t as con sist ent in this respect. 1  A bo ve all, the tra ns mi tte d fac ts ha d to be ta ke n at their face value. The verb  jdza fah,   borrowed from the terminology of the science of traditions, was applied to historians as an ex pression of disapproval for the baseless expansion, interpolation, free and untruthful invention of information.^ To our mind, the use of the term might occasionally indicate a certain origina lity of approach. Bu t this is by no means certain. When we read about a late author, Nur-ad-din ‘Ali b. Daw ud b. as-Sayrafi al-Jawhari (d. 900/1495), whose historical efforts supposedly provoked the derisive laughter of his contemporaries, that he “ wrote history by  base less ex pan sio n {mujdzafah), and not on the authority of some one telling or transmitting the information,” we are somewhat curious to know whether here we are actually deahng with an author possessing an independent attitude toward historical sources. That the following verses are applied to him:

material in larger time units was occasionally felt in later centuries.  Ad -D ah ab i, in his  Hist ory of Islam ,  introduced a subdivision into decades (years one to ten of the hijrah, etc.), which he consistently apphed throughout the whole work. The origin of the division is, however, not to be sought in annalistic historiography. It was derived from the biographical historiography that was under the influence of theology. Before ad-Dahabi, Ibn al-Jawzi wrote a book on the  Ages of Pro min ent M en  in which those men who died in their second, third, etc. decade of their hves were treated as separate groups. 1 Ad -Da hab i’s indebtedness to biogra phy is not on ly shown  b y the spe cia l po siti on of t he ob itu ary -bi og rap hie s w ith in the dec ade arrangement, but above all by the word he uses for decade, tahaqah,  wh ich link s his de cad e div isi on wi th the tahaqdt   literature. The same biographical origin also attaches to the centennial arrangement. The division of the material in centuries was apphed to collections of biographies, which are as a rule arranged alpha  be tic al ly bu t also, as in Ib n al-' Ayd aru s,^ an na hs tic all y. On ly ve ry

O you who say that there exist perfect works on history.  Yo u are re lat ed to cam els w hic h d o no t k now wh at th ey are carrying,^

rarely, as appears to have been the case with Baybars al-Mansuri’s  Zuhd at al-fikrah,^  is the century considered a superimposed element of periodization in an annalistic non-biographical history. The biographical origin is confirmed by the occasional use of the  wo rd qarn  “ century” in the title. Qarn  is no abstract numerical unit like mi''ah  “ century” but has always been felt to be connected  wit h th e len gth of th e life of ind ivi du als or grou ps. As la te as th e fifteenth century, we find an author such as al-Maqrizi omit “ cen tury” from the various lengths of duration attributed to qarn.^

 wo uld ser ve to str eng the n our imp ress ion th at we mi gh t ex pe ct here some originahty. Y et, from what we know of the autho r’s production, we can be certain to be very much disappointed. In general, all the manifold accretions from other forms of historical presentation and from sciences other than history which went into the making of Muslim annalistic works were not able to produce any basic change in the inherent traits of the annalistic form. It remained the vehicle which made historical writing as easy as a technique as it made it difficult as a form of expression for artistic or intellectual aspirations. The need for an additional way of organizing the steadily growing ^ According to J . -M . A b d - e l - J a l i l ,  B rh e histoir e de la litteratur e arabe, 126  (3rd ed., Paris 1946), the dating according to year, month, and day was practiced since the eighth century beginning with al-Haytam b. 'Adi. Is this a misunderstanding of what was said  by D . S. M a r g o l io u t h ,  Lectu res on Ara bic Hist oria ns, 17 (Calcutta 1930) ? For a day-by-day history of Egypt, which may have been a diary, cf. Ibn Hallikan, II, 3 1 8 trans. D e S l a n e . Cf. also al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq, 1 7 5 (Teheran 1317), on the history of Abu 1-Fadl al-Bayhaqi ( S t o r e y , II, 2, 252 ff.; M . M i n o v i , in B. L e w i s and P. M . H o l t ,  His tori ans of the Mid dle East , 1 3 8 4 0 ) . * I t o ft e n o c cu r s i n as - Sa h aw i ,  I^ldn,  but cf. also Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  IX, 42 (Hyderabad 1357-58), and already  Kit db al-A gdnt,   I, 19 (Bulaq 1285); I, 36 (Cairo 1345 ff.), in a critique of Ibn Hurradadbih’s historical information. ^ Cf. Ibn lyas,  Badd^i^,  II, 288 (Bulaq 1311/1893-94). On al-Jawhari, see below, p. 247.

1 C f. GAL Supplement   I, 916, no. loc. ^ Who includes some events. ®I consulted the abridgment, Bodleian ms. or. Pocock 324 (Uri 704) containing the  yea rs 559-7 74, and the inc om plet e ms. or. Hu nt. 198 (Ur i 711 ), dea ling wit h the thi rd century.  Al- Hab ar ^an al-basar,  Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 947, p. 123: Qarn  means the succession of one nation after the other. Its duration is said to be ten, or twenty, or thirty, or sixty  yea rs. Wi th some he sita tio n, it mig ht be def ined as the ave rag e len gth of the liv es of the people of a given period. Thus, a qarn  am.ong the people of Noah means the length of their lives, and among the peoples of Moses, Jesus, 'Ad, and Tamud, the length of their respective lives. A qarn  is said to be forty years . . . The authority for the preceding statement is Ibn Sidah. According to the  Sihd h  (II, 400, Bulaq 1292) “a qarn  is eighty years. It is also said to be thirty years . . .” (A rabic text, below, p. 543.)  A l-l ji, Tuhfah (below, p. 207 f.), fol. 19b, says th at Ab u H anifah assigned to the qarna. duration of 120 years, Malik one of seventy, and Ibn Hanbal one of sixty or ninety. The  Lis dn al-'-Arab,  XVII, 211 f. (Bulaq 1300-8), has approximately the same information as is found in al-Maqrizi. It quotes a number of additional sources. Qarn,  in the meaning of “ people living at the same time,” is said to be derived from iqtarana “ to be connected.” The duration of qarn  is also fixed at seventy or eighty years. For the meaning of one hundred  yea rs, a tra dit ion is quo ted , acc ord ing to wh ich the Pr oph et pa tte d a b oy on the hea d and

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 A ce rta in con nec tion of this ty pe of wo rks wi th an nal ist ic his tor iog  raphy is, however, established by the fact that authors wrote continuations beyond the century mark. This seems to have been the case with al-Birzali, and Ibn Haja r wrote a continuation of the  Dura r al-kdm inah  in which the biographies are arranged according to the years in which the persons listed died.^ The crystallization of centennial historiography took place towards the end of the thirteenth century. For the first time the word “cen tury” appears in a title in connection with that century, in Ibn al-Fuwati’s  Pu re  Pea rls on the Poet s of the S eventh IThirteen th Centur y   and the same author’s General Events and Useful Experiences of the Seventhj  Thirteenth Century.'^  Al-6ubrini’s  His tory of Bajd yah,   according to the title given it in Ibn al-Hatib’s  Ihdtah,^  was restricted to the seventh/thirteenth century. The tradition thus inaugurated was continued. For the next four centuries, we have Ibn Hajar’s  Hid den Pear ls on the Great Me n of the Eighth jFour teenth Centu ry, as-Sahawi’s  Spa rkli ng Ligh t on the Peo ple of the Nin thjF ifte ent h Century,  Ibn al-‘Aydarus’  Resplen dent Ligh t on the Histo ry {ahbdr) of the Tenth]Sixteenth Century,  and al-Muhibbi’s Choice of the Age on the Great Men of the Eleventh!Seventeenth Century ^ said to him: “ Live a qarn,”   and that boy lived to be one hundred years old (cf. al-Buhari, Ta?rth,   I, i, 323, Hyderabad 1360 ff.). The same tradition was also accepted by al-Marzuqi, al-Azminah wa-l-amkinah,  I, 238 (Hyderabad 1332), as proof that a qarn  should be one hundred years, but al-Marzuqi also quotes another well-known tradition (cf. as-Sahawi,  Pl an ,  42, below, p. 326) as an indication that qarn  signifies thirty or forty years, while the  Lis dn  refers to the same tradition as an indication of the indefinite length of a qarn.  As early an author as Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,  I, i, 126 S a c h a u and others, did not doubt that qarn  meant a hundred years, and for an author of the time of Ibn Katir {Biddyah,  I, loi), it was natural to consider a hundred years the common though not exclusive meaning of qarn. The actual derivation of these meanings of qarn  is not absolutely certain. Qarn,  in the meaning of “horn, strength (of an individual or group),” may have dev eloped into “period of the strength of an individ ual or group,” hence “generation” or some other period of time. 1 Phot. Cairo Ta’ rih 4767. Ibn Hajar stopped with the year 832/1428-29.  Al -B irz ali ’s  Muh tasa r al-mi^ah as-sdbi^ah  covers the years 601-736 (GAL,  II, 36). The title is evidently not genuine, cf.  E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  al-Birzali. ^ C f . GAL Supplement,  II, 202. A work on seventh/thirteenth-century poets, al-Gusun al-ydni^ah ft mahdsi n Su^ard'' al-mP ah as-sdbi^ah  (listed in GAL Supplement,  I, 581, under Ibn al-Abbar), has been ascribed to Ibn Sa'^id by its editor, I. a l - I  b y A r i (Cairo, n.y. [1954 ?],  Dahd^ir al-^Arab,  XIV). Ibn Sa'id is also credited with a work of similar contents and a similar title, al-Cfurrah at-tdli^ah ft fudald^  (not Su^ard^) al-m Pah as-sdbi^ah {G AL Supp lemen t, L 577 ). However, as-Suyuti states in the introduction of his  Bugy ah   that he used an anonymous al-Budur as-sdfirah ft udaba^ al-mPah as-sddisah  “ Resplendent Full Moons on the Littera  teurs of the Sixth Century.” = I, 5 ff. (Cairo 1319). Cf. G A L ,  II, 239. *  In practice, those works favored the personalities of one particular region. With the tenth/sixteenth century, the regional restriction became official, and has remained so ever since. For the collection of the biographies of Northwest Africans in the tenth and eleventh ci.GALSupplement,   II, 678, and II, 681 f. (new edition II, 605). Cf. also II, 683.

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3— L E S S E R F O R M S O F H I S T O R I C A L P E R I O D I Z A T I O N  A — D Y N A S T IC H IS TO R IO G R A P H Y 

No annalistic history in Islam is entirely free of a superimposed principle of arrangement, that is, one based upon the reigns of caliphs and other rulers. In addition, a special biography is as a rule devoted to the particular ruler either in connection with the  ye ar of his acce ssio n to th e thr one or the ye ar of his dea th. Th ese  bio gra phi es stres s the mo ral and eth ica l qua hti es (or la ck of such qualities) of the particular ruler and often add a description of his physical appearance.^ A list of his children, wives, officials, and other statistical information (for instance, the names of the leaders of the pilgrimage during his caliphate) is also found in this connec tion. The importance which was attached to such administrative data is evidenced by the fact that they constitute nearly the entire contents of the section devoted to each caliph whenever the author  wa nt ed to be brie f, such as, for inst anc e, al- Qu da ‘i in the '■Uyun al-ma'-drif.'^  In the  Muqt abis   of al-Quda*^i’s Spanish contemporary Ibn Hayyan, the hsts of officials, scholars, poets, and opponents of the ruler precede the annalistic presentation of the events of his reign. 3 The oldest preserved historical works (and, as a rule, the numerous dynastic histories of later years, after the disappearance of a central auth ority in Islam) used the reigns of the rulers as their only principle of arrangement and had no proper annalistic division. This may have been the case already with Ibn I sh ^ ’s  His tory of  the Caliphs,  about which we have only very scant information so far.^ A good exam ple is the  Hist ory   of al-Ya*^qubi, which, further more, has the peculiarity of indicating the astrological constellation  wh ich pre va ile d at the be ginn ing of eac h reig n. Or one mi ght compare the  Ahb dr at-tiwdl   of al-Ya*^qubi’s contemporary, adDinawari. Al-Baladuri’s  Ans db  is also built into a framework of   A his tor y of the per son alit ies of the elev ent h cen tur y was also begu n by Mu ham mad atT a y y i b a l -F a si , c f. E . L e v i - P r o v e n ? a l ,  Les His torie ns des Chorfa ,  284 (Paris 1922). ^ From the time of al-Ma’mun, we have a monograph on the subject,  Kit db Sif at alhulafd^,  which was quoted by al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  X , 391. For its occurrence in the  bio gra ph y of Mu ham mad and Gre ek par alle ls, cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l ,  Arab ische Nachr ichten iiber Zenon den Eleaten, in Orientalia, N.S .,  VI, 38 (1937). * A l-Q u da 4   enumerates the children, secretaries (or wazirs), judges, chamberlains, and provincial governors of the caliphs. ®Cf. the edition of part three of the work by M. M. A n t u n a (Paris 1937, Texies ar. relatifs d I’histoire de I’Occidenf musulman, 3). Cf. N. A  b b o t t ,  Stud ies in Ara bic Lite rary Pa py ri I,  80 ff. (Chicago 1957); M. J. K  i s t e r  , in  Jou rna l of Sem itic Stud ies ,  IX , 320-26 (1964).

00

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caliphal histories. There can be httle doubt that the older histories of the Um ayyad and ‘Ab basid dynasties followed the same arrange ment. The natural sequence is that leading down from the most ancient to the more recent rulers. This sequence was only once reversed in Mushm historical writing, and that was in the  His tory of Sinan b. Tabit in which, we are told, the author dealt first with his contemporary al-Mu‘tadid and then, going backward, with the reigns of the preceding caliphs. ^ Much later, there seems to ha ve existed a feeling that the annalistic and alphabetical-biographical principles of arrangement were so prevalent and ordinary that an uninterrupted, coherent presentation of the history of a given dynasty  wa s som eth ing “ ori gin al” ; this, at lea st, is wh at Ibn al- Ba riz i sa ys in his prose work on history which he started to write in 666/1267.2 The ruler scheme of historical presentation is very ancient and  wi de ly used. It is kno wn from anc ien t ori ent al as we ll as Gra eco Byzantine historiography. In its Muslim form, it is characterized  by a spe cia l inte res t in eth ica l and ad mi nis tra tiv e que stio ns. Thi s may be a sign of the influence of Persian national historiography  wh ich also use d the rule r sche me, sinc e Pe rsia n his tor ian s ap pea r to have considered ruler ethics and political administration the most important elements of history. The early biography of Muhammad, it is true, contains such information in a quite similar form. Never theless, there remains the possibility that Persian influence, which may reach back into the time of Muhammad, ^ may have been at

this meaning.^ Its original meaning is “circulation, turn.” It was connected in Islam with a theory of recurrent cycles of political power as early as the time of al-Kindi.^ As a combination of Persian nationalist and Si'ah aspirations, the idea may have been much older, and the fact that the word dawlah  which expresses it came to be used as the Arabic term for “dy nasty ” m ay be corroborative evidence for a ce rtain Persian influence upon Muslim dynas tic

 wo rk here. Th e lar ger dy na sti c prin cipl e of his tor ica l per iod iza tio n might have also become known to the Muslims as a result of their early contact with Persian historiography. However, it is well worth remembering that anybody reared in the ancient Arabic-Bedouin concept of political organization and acquainted with the religiopoUtical history of early Islam would see the mainspring of all historical happenings in dynastic divisions. The Arabic word for ‘'d3masty,” dawlah,  might give us some clue, and it would be interesting to find out when it first occurred in Arabic literature in

^ Cf. al-Mas'udi,  M ur uj,   I, 19 Paris ed. = I, 7   (Cairo 1346), quoted by as-Sahawi,  IHdn, 157, below, p. 505. ® Kit db Ta^rih al-Hhdd wa-l-bild d,  preserved in the Istanbul manuscript Hatice Turhan  Val ide Su lta n 228, fol. ib, to which F u a t S e z g in kindly drew my attention. Apparently only the introduction of the work is preserved in the manuscript. The work may have been rather similar to the versified history of the same author, preserved iu Vienna, Ms. ar, 808 (GAL, 1, 349 ). ®Cf. above, p. 28 f.

historiography.^ Muslim authors themselves had certain ideas about the origin of dynastic historiography, which, however, are not very helpful. The “ first” to write on the dynasty— the ‘Abbasid dynasty, that is ^— was Muham mad b. SMih b. Mihran b. an-Na ttah, w ho died 120 lunar years after the establishment of that dynasty. But we are also informed that Ibn an-Nasri already wrote a  Book of the  Dynasty.^   This was the source of the work of Ibn an-Nattah, who may have functioned as the editor and revisor of the unpublished  wo rk of his tea ch er Ib n an- Na sri. Mor eove r, we are alw ay s he sit an t to believe that a work stated to have been the oldest one of a special type actually was the oldest one. In this particular case, we should look for older works of the same type on the Umayyad dynasty. In fact, the  Fih ri st  ®states that ‘Awanah b. al-Hakam a l-Kalbi, the autho rity of the historians al-Haytam b. ‘Adi and al-MadaHni,  who die d aro und the mid dle of the sec ond ce ntu ry of the hij rah (ca. 767),’^wrote a  Biog raph y of Mu^dwiya h and the Uma yyads . ^ That is, whether its occurrence can be established for the eighth century or earlier. =* Cf. al-K indi,  Risd lah ft mulk al-'^Arab,  ed. O. L o t h , in  Morge nldndi sche Forsch ungen (Leipzig 1875, Festschrift H. L. Fleischer). ” As stated in  E l,   2nd ed., s.v. dawla, the development of the meaning “d ynasty” for dawlah appears to be an internal Arabic development which gained impetus in early 'Abbasid times, and the possibiUty of Persian influence upon the formation of the concept is slight  bu t can not be rule d out ent ire ly. Ho wev er, in con nect ion wit h the abo ve par agr aph , the doubts concerning Persian historiography iu general, expressed above, p. 74f., should be taken into consideration. On dawlah,  cf. already A. M e z ,  Abu lkd sim ,  VII , n. 2 (Heidelberg 1902). *   Al- Ma s‘^udi,  Mu ru j,  I, 12 Paris ed. = I, 5 (Cairo 1346) has this information in addition to that contained in  Fih ris t,  156 (Cairo 1348 = 107 F l u g e l ).  An im por tan t nin th- cen tur y  wor k dea ling wit h e arl y 'Ab ba sid hi sto ry is be lie ved by 'A   b d - a l - 'A  z iz a d -D u r i to be possibly the  His tory   of Ibn an-Nattah, cf.  Ma jall at Ku llty at al-dddb wa-l-^ulum  (Bagdad), II, 64-82 (1957) (I owe my knowledge of this publication to the courtesy of P.  A . G r y a z n e v i c h ). ® Fih ris t,  158 (C airo 1348 = 108 F l u g e l ), cf. G. L e v i d e l l a V  i d a ,  Les “ Livr es des Chevaux,”   X XX IV (Leiden 1928,  Pub licat ions de la Fond atio n “ De Goej e,”  8). ® Fi hri st,   134 (Cairo 1348 = 91 F l u g e l ).  Acc or din g to the  Kit db al-M atdli b  of Abu HJbaydah, ‘Awanah’s father was of low and racially mixed parentage, cf. Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  X VI, 134 (Cairo = VI, 93 M a r g o l i o u t h ),  bu t the re is not hin g in this sta tem ent whi ch wou ld nec ess ari ly con nec t 'Aw an ah wit h either the Byzantine or the Persian civilization. Cf. also Ibn Ishaq’s caliphal history (above, p. 87).

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This work may have been a history of the Umayyad dynasty quite comparable to later works of dynastic historiography.^ The dynastic arrangement of Muslim history is paralleled by the presentation of pre-Islamic history by Muslim historians in the form of nations and dynasties. The treatment of pre-Islamic history, in general, met with the great technical handicap that the Muslims never invented a system of time-reckoning for the pre-Islamic period, such as the B.C. system which became established in Western chronology, but even there only in very recent times. ^ In the life of the Prophet, certain events are occasionally described as  bei ng so-a nd-so ma ny yea rs bef ore the hij rah . A ll refe ren ces to other eras, such as that of the creation of the world or the Seleucid era, are merely incidental in Muslim literature and entered through the sources consulted, which were either Christian works ^ or works on chronology, such as that of al-Biruni, who employed Seleucid dates in keeping with the custom of the astronomers.  W he re ve r a cor rel atio n of hij rah da tes and pre -Is lam ic da tes is attempted, as, for instance, in connection with the establishment of the lifetime of Galen, Christian influence is unmistakable.^ Pre-Islamic history also presented a more incisive problem to Muslim historians. For them, the great break in world history took place with the coming of the Prophet Muhammad. The entire preceding history and, to some degree, the subsequent history of non-Muslim peoples were considered a story of errors which could fulfil the great purpose of historiography, that is, to instruct, only in its negativ e aspect. In particular, they were of no use in fulfilling the principal duty of historiography, which was to illustrate the truth of Islam. This appears to be the main reason why the informa tion on pre -Islamic and non-Muslim history alw ays remained com-

paratively meager and was never fully integrated in Muslim historiography.! Only if al-Biruni thought of the great mass of historical information that existed in other Hteratures was he  jus tif ied in sa yin g th at “ the life of ma n does not suff ice for ac  quiring a thorough knowledge of the history {ahbdr)  of one of the many nations in existence; how, then, could it suffice for the acquisition of the history of all of them? ” ^ In reality, it would not have been difficult to acquire all the knowledge that MusHm

‘ In our early preserved historical literature, such as al-Baladuri’s  Ansd b,  men like 'Awauah and Abu Mihnaf frequently figure as oral transmitters of historical information on Umayyad history (examples in a d  - D u r i ,  Bah t f t naPat Hlma t-ta^ Hh,  215 ff. [Beirut i960]).  Al -B ala du ri’ s tech niqu e, un for tun ate ly, pre ven ted him fro m tell ing wh eth er he also foun d this information in the written works of those men (cf. a d  - D l t r i , op. cit.,  36 f.). ®F. K. G i n z e l ,  Handb uch der mathematisc hen und technische n Chronologic,   III, 182 (Leipzig 1906-14), states that the B.C. era has been employed since the end of the eighteenth century. However, one would expect to find occasional earlier examples of its use, in spite of the classical tradition and the unfamiliarity with negative calculations which worked against its adoption. Yet, the great Scaliger managed to have, it seems, only two very incidental references to a date “ before” Ch rist in his Opus de emendatione temporum,  22, and, indirectly, 446 (Geneva 1629). It is interesting to observe in this connection how the  Marm or Pa riu m  avoided a “negative” chronology by counting the years from the event to the epoch year of the era. ^ Cf. above, p. 80, and Hamzah al-Isfahani,  His tory,   I, 76 G o t t w a l d t (St. PetersburgLeipzig 1844-48).

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histories contained on foreign nations. Pre-Islamic history was accepted into Muslim historiography from its very beginning. The ancient Arabic and South Arabian history and the Jewish and Christian history from the creation of the world belonged into the biography of the Prophet. Informa tion about this material was not always sought at the proper sources. The most accurate information about Jewish and Christian (including Roman) history is found— apart from later Spanish and  We ste rn Mus lim wo rks — in a l- Y a ‘q ubi and, to a lesse r degre e, also in Hamzah al-Isfahani, and in Abu 1-Fida’ where he bases himself upon Abu ‘Isa b. al-Munajjim. Other Muslim authors lean heavily toward the often very fanciful material of the Jewish and Christian prophetical stories which was made respectable  b y its sup pos ed aut hor shi p (such as th at of W ah b b. Mun ab bih) and its lon g tra diti on. Wh en Pe rsia n hi sto ry bec am e kno wn to the Muslims, which happened no later than the end of the first or the beginning of the second century of the hijrah, it was probably very soon incorporated in the complex of pre-Islamic history, since at its end, it had certain connections with early Muslim history (but cf. above, p. 74). It could thus have contributed to determine the character of the Muslim concept and form of presentation of pre-Islamic history. This concept and form reached their full development with the early ninth century as a consequence of the transmission of the cultural heritage of other nations to the Muslims and the growth of the international cultural idea of “ eternal wisdom.” ®Historians under the influence of theology, ^ A rationalization of the lack of interest in non-Muslim history is the statement by Ibn Hamdun, Tadkirah  (Ms. Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2948, Vol. XII, fol. 2a), that he restricted himself to the history of the A rabs and Persians, “ because we do not see any use in studying the conditions of other nations, and their history has not come down to us in a coherent form.” 2 A l - B ir i m i, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah, 5 S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1923)®Cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,  70 ff. (Ro me 1947,  Anale cta Orien talia,   24).

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such as at-Tabari, continued to restrict themselves to JewishChristian and Iranian history and did not pay any special attention to the Greeks, Indians, or Chinese. The same was the case with some nationalist Iranian authors, such as ad-Dinawari or, to a much lesser degree, Miskawayh.^ Other historians did not close their eyes to the widening of the intellectual horizon. They saw and treated the history of pre-Islamic peoples preferably as cultural history. In the treatment of the ancient Greeks, their political history was almost entirely omitted. The section which al-Ya‘qubi, for instance, devoted to the Greeks is taken up by a detailed report on their scholarly and scientific achievements. When, at the same time, the Indians and Chinese came within the ken of Muslim historians, it  wa s like wis e as rep res en tat ive s of a pa rti cu la r cul tur e and no t as political entities. The author of the eleventh-century Gurar,  atT a‘ Mibi,2 wisely rema rked that “ it is difficult and, indeed, im possible to report on the history of the Indian kings as one reports on the other kings, because the sources do not speak about their history.” He therefore gave excerpts from al-Mutahhar’s Beg inn ing and History  on the religions, customs, and laws of the Indians. “ Reporting on these matte rs is like reporting on their kings,  bec aus e peo ple foll ow the reli gion of the ir king , es pe cia lly the Indians, who sacrifice themselves for the glory of their kings, and some of whom even worship them." ^ Historians of science and medicine, such as Sa'id al-Andalusi and Ibn Juljul, arranged their  bio gra phi es of pre -Isl am ic scho lars acc ord ing to the va rio us “ nations” represe nted by them.^ The majority of historians who dealt with pre-Islamic dynasties, it would seem, refrained from any attempt to interconnect the history of the various nations according to some scheme of synchronization. Some of them, however, such as at-Tabari and, more systematically, ad-Dinawari, tried to estabhsh a chronological relationship between the pre-Islamic nations they dealt with. It stands to reason that such attempts at synchronization might ve ry  we ll ha ve been the resrdt of an inne r-Mu slim dev elop me nt. No thi ng  was more na tur al for the m tha n to acq uire , thr oug h inq uiri es wit h Persians, Christians, or Jews, sufficient information to construct a 1 Following his chronographical sources, Hamzah a l - I s f a h a n i a t least i n c l u d e d the Greeks, Romans, and Copts in his  Histo ry. 2 Couccrniug the authorship of the work, of. F . R o s e n t h a l , i n  JA OS , L X X , i 8 i ( 1 95 0 ). ^ Paris ms. ar. 1488, fol. 247a. *  Cf. also below, p. lo i f.

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chronological relationship of the first Persian king with the first man of Jewish and Christian mythology, etc. It should, however, be noted that the synchronization of the history of the various peoples  wa s cu lti va te d b y Ch ris tia n Gr ae co- Sy ria c his tor iog rap hy . On the other hand, it is hard to see why Persian historiography in preIslamic times, unless it was Christian or Manichaean, should ever have bothered with synchronisms. Moreover, the express statement that one of the translators of the  Hwatdyn dmak,  Musa b. *!sa al-Kisrawi, tried to correlate Persian with Seleucid chronology is proof of the fact that he did not find synchronisms in his Persian sources. 1 The idea of sjmchronization could possib ly have come to the Muslims from Christian Graeco-Syriac historiography. It would thus constitute another formal affinity between it and Muslim historiography. B — T HE

tahaqdt  d i v i s i o n

The meaning and development of the word tahaqah  are clear. Tabaqah means “ layer.” The transition to “ people belonging to one layer or class in the chronological succession of generations” is easily made.^ As in the case of qarn,  which preceded tahaqah in its use in the meaning of “ generation,” ^ lexicographers tried to establish the exact length of a tahaqah.  Twenty years was the choice of some,^ while others based themselves upon a Prophetic tradition that said: “ My nation consists of five tahaqdt,   each of which is forty years.” ^Arbitrarily, the length of tabaqah  could also be fixed at ten years.® The tahaqdt   division is genuinely Islamic. It would seem to be the oldest chronological division which presented itself to Muslim historical thinking. It is in no way genetically related to the synchronistic method which was common in Greek biographical tradition and which, at some later date, entered Arabic literature together with Greek biography.'^ It also has no bearing upon the origin of the tahaqdt   division that the word was early applied to the four successive Persian dynasties. The tahaqdt   division was ^ Hamzah al-Isfahani,  His tory,   I, 17 G o t t w a l d t . ^ Lexicographers find a similar meaning in the forms tahaq  and tibq,  cf.  Lis dn al-^Arah, X ll, 79 f. (Bulaq 1300-08). ®Cf. below, p. 167. ^ Lis dn al-^Arah,  XII, 79 f. ®Cf. Ibn al-Jawzi, Talqih,  Paris ms. ar. 724, fol. 27ia-272b. The edition, Delhi 1927,  whi ch is list ed in GAL Supplement,  I, 915, was not available. * Cf. ad-Dahabi,  His tory of Islam ,  above, p. 85. ’ Cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l , in Orientalia, N.S. ,  VI, 33 (i 937 )«

94

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the natura l consequence of the concept of the “ Men around Muham mad,” the “ Followers,” etc., which, in conjunction with the isndd  criticism of the science of traditions, developed in the early second century of the hijrah. A marked similarity of this concept with Jewish tradition may be explained as a parallel Semitic develop ment rather than as the result of Jewish influence upon Islam, though the latter possibihty is not excluded.^ The connection of the tahaqdt   division with the science of traditions is confirmed by its almost exclusive use in biography. At the beginning, as, for instance, in Ibn Sa‘d, the tabaqdt   arrangement was employed for the biogra phies of authorities who were of importance for the transmission of traditions. In early local histories, such as Bahsal’s  His tory of  Wdsit,  it was restricted to transmitters of traditions. Later on, it could be used for the “ classes” of all kinds of personahties, but preferably scholars. Inappropriately, it was eventually also applied to the classification of “ events,” as in ad-Dahabi’s  Hist ory of Is lam. The common superimposition of a local division upon the tahaqdt   division started early in general tahaqdt   works. In fact, it already appeared in Ibn Sa‘d who added special sections on the Kufians and Basrians. In these sections, the men around Muham mad, who had some connection with al-Kufah and al-Basrah but had been mentioned before in a more important context, were treated once more, if briefly. The local or regional division was a matter of local or regional pride, but, above all, it was helpful in  ju st ify in g th e le ga l p rac tice s wh ich pre va ile d in a cer tai n l oc ali ty. It therefore occurs in the tahaqdt   histories of the jurists of the different schools. It was taken over into non-religious literature by Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah in that part of his  Hist ory of Ph ys ici an s  which deals  wit h the Isla mi c perio d. Ho wev er, a ro ug hly sim ilar arr ang eme nt, on a much smaller scale, appears already in the biographies of physicians in Ibn Juljul’s Tahaqdt al-atihhd\  and the history of science, recognizing as its starting point the achievements of preIslamic “ nations ” of separate geograp hical location, was predisposed toward the adoption of a system of geographical division. The greatest and obvious drawback of tahaqdt   works was that it was extremely difficult for the historically minded to find in them what they were looking for. In the famous Tahaqdt al-fuqahd^

of Abu Ishaq as-Sirazi, one needs about as much information in order to be able to locate a particular biography as one might expect to find in that biography once one has succeeded in locating it A  This is an extreme example, but it illustrates the fact that true to its origin, the tahaqdt   division always was more practical for the purposes of the religious sciences than for those of historiography. The alphabetical principle of the arrangement of biographies gained more and more friends in the course of time.^ Not infrequently in later times, a mixed arrangement is preferred. In the  Hist ory of  the Mdlikites  by the fourteenth-century Ibn Farhun, entitled ad Di hd j,  the Malikite scholars are treated in the order of their given names, but this arrangement is subdivided into tahaqdt,  and the tahaqdt,  in turn, are arranged geographically.

1 Parallel development, instead of direct influence, may also account for the origin of the isndd,  as against the theory of J. H o r o v i t z ,  Alte r und Ursp rung des Isnd d, in  Der  Islam ,  VIII, 39-47 (1918).

c — T H E G E N E A L O G IC A L A R R A N G E M E N T

During the first two centuries of Islam, the old importance of family relationships in the social organization of Arabian life was maintained, if not augmented. Qurasite or Hasimite and ‘Alid descent, or the descent from members of the old guard of Islam, constituted nobility in Islam and opened the door to all positions of leadership. Thus, a fertile field of practical usefulness was opened for those learned in genealogical lore. Genea logical know ledge also lent itself to abuses. An illuminating anecdote in this respect is that told about Sarahbil b. Sa'd (d. 123/740-41) who is said to have been the greatest expert on the raids of Muhammad in his time and who used his knowledge for blackmail; he would tell, he threatened, that the father of the person approached by him had not partici pated in the battle of Badr.^ During the eighth and ninth centuries, the antiquarians-historiansphilologists were at the same time also genealogists. Their works were hahar-siyle  collections of the deeds of various members of tribal groups. One of the early genealogical monographs, the  Kit dh Ha df  min nasah Qurays,  on minor Qurasite families (that is, to the exclusion of the Prophet), by Mu’arrij b. ‘Amr as-Sadusi, who was a somewhat older contemporary of Hisam b. al-Kalbi and whose small work seems to antedate the large one of the latter, has been ^ I used the Bodleian ms. arab. e. ii6, as the edition (Bagdad 1356/1937, cf. GA L  Supp leme nt   III, 1224, ad   I, 670) was not available. “ Cf. below, p. 167 ff. ®Cf. Ibn Abi Hatim ar-Razi,  Jarh ,  II, I, 339 (Hyderabad 1360-73/1941-53), and the other biographies of Sarahbil.

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97

preserved.^ It confirms the rather obvious fact that the stimulus for writing works of this kind stemmed from the desire to fix the place of newly important families in relation to the Prophet. A comp aratively large amount of space is given to poetical quotations,  wh ich , aga in, is not une xpe cte d. An oth er pa rtl y pre ser ved exa mp le of early genealogical writing is the famous  Nasab Qurays   by azZuba yr b. Bakk ar (d. 256/870).^ Like an earlier work of Abu ‘Ubayda h Ma ‘mar b. al-Mutanna, ^it was more concerned with the good qualities and virtues of the Qurasites than their relationships. Since the members of the leading families were at the same time also the leaders of political life, the extension of genealogy to history was easily accomplished. The historical information to be found in as-Sadusi, which was added to the enumeration of names and pedigrees on both the paternal and the maternal sides, was still  ve ry me age r (and it ha s oft en rem aine d so also in lat er gen ea log ica l  wo rks ). Ho we ver , on a larg e scale , we fin d t he ge nea log ica l pr inc iple of writing history applied by al-Baladuri to his  Kitd b al-An sdh.   The tribal and family affiliations of historical personalities are its basic principle of arrangement, even though it is dominated by the  bi og rap hi es of the cali phs. Its for m is th at of hahar  and dynastic historiography.

of Arabs and Berbers, whose Bedouin character was preserved by the constant influx of new Berber elements on the Bedoum level. From Ahmad b. Muhammad ar-Razi’s comprehensive work on the genealogies of famous Spaniards ^to a seventh/thirteenth-ce ntury  wo rk on th e trib es and per son alit ies aro und the Mah di of the  Almo had s,^ W est ern Mus lim hte rat ure pro duc ed a goo d num be r of genealogical works of historical importance. It also was there that historical m aterial was a rranged (for the first tim e ?) ®according to the ethnic principle. The ‘Alid descent of the upper class in North  wes t Afr ica , m ore ove r, g en era ted a f lou rish ing ge nea log ica l lit era tur e, so that in later times “there was hardly an educated sm /w ho did not compose, among his other works, a sort of heraldic description

In reality, already in the time of al-Baladuri and almost as soon as Islam extended b eyond the borders of the Arabian peninsula and the rigid limitations of Bedouin society, the forces which shaped the history of Islam could no longer be encompassed by genealogical schemes. Genealogical historiography of the type of al-Baladurt’s  A n sdb  was no suitable vehicle for writing the history of the complex Muslim civilization, and it is to the credit of Muslim scholarship tha t it all but disappeared after the ninth century. If found a ready refuge in the west of the Muslim world. The provincial character of Spanish Islam— at once its strength and its weakness— favored the retention of genealogy. In addition, the political history of the  W es t too k its cour se aga ins t the ba ck gro un d of the eth nic riv alr ies

the ordinary biographical scheme. The tabular form of presenting genealogical relationships, the family tree, probably was known to literate Arabs in pre-Islamic times, and it would be idle to attempt to establish its earliest occurrence in Muslim literature. However, the  Fi hr ist   has no indication that any of the genealogical works mentioned in it  wa s in tre e form , unle ss th e  Kit db al-M usa jja r   of Muhammad b. Habib ^ contained genealogical tables. For the older genealogists, the tabular form was probably not yet acceptable as literature. Later on, we find, for instance, quotations from a  Mu sa jja r by Ibn Maymun,® a  M usa jja r  by Jamal-ad-din Abu 1-Fadl Ahmad b.

1 Ed. S. a l - M u n a j j i d (Cairo, n.y. [i960]). For Mu^arrij, cf. G A L , I, 102. For az-Zuhri’s possible work 011 genealogy, cf. below, p. 131. For Hisam Ibn al-Kalbi’s great  Jamh arat  an-nasab  on tribal genealogy and its connection with historiography, cf. W. C a s k e l ,  Das genealogische Werk des Hisdm Ibn Muhammmad al-Kalbt   (Leiden ig 66 , not seen). 2  An edi tio n by M a h m u d M . SA  k ir has begun to appear in Cairo 1361/1962. ®Cf. al-Mas'udi, Tanbih, 210 D e G o e j e . For the  Nasa b al-A nsd r  by ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. 'Umarah Ibn al-Qaddah, who also wrote in the second half of the second century of the hijrah, cf. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,   Vol. Ill , I, X XV II ff., and III, II, in particular, 70i,f., 9817, 1515, also 45i5f., 11925. and al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, T B , X , 62. Cf. also as-Sahawi,  I^ldn, 108,  belo w, p. 433 f.

of his own family.” ^ In the East, genealogy or family history was cultivated by those personally interested in it, by rulers, members of famous families, ‘Alids, and some historians who were interested in the history of the Qurasites, or Hasimites, or in the Arab tribes which had settled in their particular pa rt of the world in the early years of the Muslim conquest. The histories of later rulers of Bedouin origin, such as the various Turk rulers and the Mongols, usually contained some ethnic-genealogical introduction and proceeded then according to

'  Al-Istt ^db ft ansdb (maSdhtr) ahl al-A nda lus ,  cf. al-HumaydJ,  Jadwa t al-M uqta bis, Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 464 (Uri 783), fol. 45a; 'lyad,  Ma ddri k,  Ms. Cairo Ta’rih 2293, fols. 3b, 129b. *  Kit db al-A nsdb f i ma^rifat al-asfi db,  cf. E. L ^ : v i - P r o v e n ? a l ,  Docum ents ine dits d’ histoire almohade, 18-49 (Paris 1928, Textes ar. relatifs d I’histoire de I'Occident musulman, i) . * C f. K .  Vo LL ER S,  Fragmen te aus dem Mug rib des Ibn SaHd,  X (1894,  Sem itisti sche  Stud ien, 1.  Erganz ungshe ft zur ZA) . *  Cf. E. L 6 v i - P r o v e n 9 A l ,  Les Hist orie ns des C horfa,  48 (Paris 1922). Cf. also R. B a s s e t ,  Les Genealogi stes berb hes, in  Les Arc hive s Be rberes,  I, 3-11 (1915). ® Fih ris t,  i55n (Cairo 1348 = 106 Flu ge l). * I b n a s -S a 'i ,  Ahbd r al-hulafd^,  Ms. Cairo Taymur T a’rih 2293, fol. 129b (ed. Bulaq 1309, R o s e n t h a l , History of Muslim Historiography

7

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Muhammad b. al-Muhanna/and a  Kit db al-Far^ wa-s-sajar  b y A b u

1-Hasan Muhammad b. al-Qasim at-Tamimi,^ which, according to the title, may have contained tables (although the quotations do not indicate this), and the tree form became popular. A certain §i‘ah author, Taj-ad-din b. Muhammad,^ in the introduction to his Gay at al-ihtisdr fi ahbdr al-huyutdt aW Alawiya h,   admitted of two kinds of presentation for genealogical information, the tree form {musajjar)   and the plain one {mahsut).  Finally, the history of the  who le w orl d c oul d b e p res ent ed i n ge nea log ica l tre es. It is in ter est ing to note that the author of such a work from the year 602/1205-6, Fahr-ad-din Mubarak Sah, in his Persian  Saja mh- i-an sdh,   got the idea for his work when he worked on his own Qurasite genealogy.^  Al tog eth er , ho we ver , ge ne alo gy ha d lit tle infl uen ce upo n the form s of Mushm historical writing. On a minor scale, it made some contributions to the contents of histories, as will be explained. p. no). Cf. also p. 124 of the edition where Ibn Maymuii, who lived in the thirteenth century, is said to have rebuffed someone who wished to be entered in his  Mu saj jar   as a Hasanid. 1 He was one of the authorities of Ibn al-Fuwati who quotes him frequently in his Talhts  Majma'- al-dddb,  IV, I, 104, 256, 291, 323, 330, 355, 385, 533, 577, IV, II, 948, 1103, 1180, cf. also IV, III, 550 J a w  A d (Damascus 1962-65). “ Ibn al-'Adim,  Bug yat at-talab,  Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 155b (Hfe of al-As'at b. Qays). ^ Odyat al-ihtisdr, 5 ff. (Bulaq 1310), cf. GAL Supplement  I, 591. The passage is cited in the introduction to the edition, Najaf 1381/1961, of Ibn <^Inabah’s Wmdat at-tdlib. Taj-ad-din wrote in the early eighth/fourteenth century. He refers to as-§afi'i as the alleged inventor of the musajjar  but says that he himself is undecided about its origins. Authors of musajjar works named by Taj-ad-din are 'Abd-al-Hamid b. 'Abdallah b. Usamah al-K ufi and Ibn 'Abd-as-Sam i' al-Hatib an-Nassabah. The latter is quoted as 'Abd -as-Sam i' b. 'Abd-as-Samad al-Hashimi in Ibn al-Fuwati, Ta M s Majma'^ al-dddb,  IV, III, 12 J a w a d . ‘ Cf. E. D. Ross, The Genealogies of Fakhr-ud-din, Mubarak Shah, in  A Volu me of O riental   Stud ies presente d to E. G. Browne,  392-413 (Cambridge 1922). Cf. also Ibn I^Jaldun’s '^Ibar.

CHAPTER FOUR

THE CONTENTS OF HISTORICAL WORKS The elementary forms of Muslim historiography were all developed at a v ery ea rly date. They did not undergo any further development properly speaking during the whole course of Muslim historical  wr itin g. No new form s of an y cons equ ence , wi th the ve ry uni mpo r tant exception of “ poetical” histories, were created. Development in Muslim historical writing consisted of the mixture of the different historical forms and, in particular, of the incorporation of disciplines that were not strictly historical into the framework of historiog raphy. The varying emphasis which was placed upon the different aspects of human intellectual endeavor considered worthy of preservation for posterity was the main cause of variations in historical writing in Islam. I—

GENEALOGY 

The interest in genealogy existed when Muslim historiography came into being. Genealogical lore may have been put into writing  befo re hi sto ry proper.^ Th e two su bj ec ts were reco gni zed as bei ng different from each other. This fact is illustrated by the story of an encounter of az-Zubayr b. Bakkar with Ishaq b. Ibrahim alMawsili. The latter teased az-Zubayr in a friendly way by saying that az-Zubayr had written a book on genealogy which, in fact,  was a bo ok on hi sto ry {ahbdr).  Az-Zubayr retorted that Ishaq’s  Book on Songs,   in fact, was a book on the meanings of words and things {ma'-dni).^  At the same time, the story makes it clear that the close connection between genealogical and historical lore was realized. The practical importance of genealogy has already been stressed. The political interest in the Qurasites, the sectarian interest in the family of ‘Ali, the antiquarian interest in the Arab tribes, 1 Cf. s. D. F. G o i t e i n ’ s introduction to his edition of al-Baladuri,  Ansd b,  V, 14-24 (Jerusalem 1936). ^ Al -H ati b al -B ag d^ i, TB ,  VII I, 469.

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the pride of rulers and distinguished men in their ancestors, all this never ceased and was instrumental in the production of a steady flow of books on these subjects. Similar works were written on animals, such as horses or pigeons, and, according to al-Jahiz,  wer e ev en mo re num ero us th an gen ea log ica l wo rks dea ling wit h human beings.^ The animal books possessed mainly philological and lexicographical interest.  A s has bee n sta ted , gen ea log y inf lue nce d his tor ica l wr iti ng on a larger scale in the  Ans dh  work of al-Baladuri, whose contents  was ex plo ite d by lat er his tori ans suc h as Ib n al- At ir in his  Ka mi l, and in the genealogical literature of western Islam. Minor traces of the great interest in genealogy are encountered everywhere in Muslim historiography. Wherever possible, long pedigrees are given. There are lists of the wives and children of rulers. The ethnic origin of rulers is often discussed, as in the case of the Daylamite Buyids, the Mongol rulers, or the Berber dynasties in the West. More im portant than all this was the universal retention of the genealogical  vie w of hum an rel ati ons as the dri vin g forc e in his tor y an d the fa ct that the primitive interest in genealogy was soon transformed in Islam into a deep concern with biography. 2— B I O G R A P H Y   The definition of history which guides us in our investigation ^ makes allowance for biography as a part of historical literature. W e may also refer to F. J a c o b y ’ s great collection of the fragments of Greek historians, which, as the author stated in his introduction,^  wa s inte nde d to incl ude bot h bio gra ph y and geo gra phy . It wou ld therefore hardly be indicated, even if it were possible, to omit a  bri ef refe renc e to thes e disc iplin es from a tre atm en t of Musl im historiography. Biography would seem to be the most durable of all forms of historical expression. In a sense, it preceded them, as we may infer from the personal character of the royal inscriptions of the ancient Near East. And a highly developed historical hterature * A l - Ja h i z,  Kit db al-H ayawd n,  III, 64 f. (Cairo 1323-25). * Cf. above, p. 10 and p. 17.  A mod ern ph ilos oph er’ s opin ion conc erni ng the rela tio nsh ip of hi sto ry and bio gra ph y, though hardly a very helpful one from a practical point of view, is that of W. D i l t h e y ,   Der Au fba u der ge schichtlic hen Welt in den Geiste swissensc haften,  in his Gesammelte Schriften,  V II, 246 (Le ipz ig-B erl in 1927). “  Di e Fragm ente der g riechisc hen Hist orike r,  I, p. V (Berlin 1923).

BIOGRAPHY

lO I

always shows a marked tendency to revert to the biographical aspect of it. In Rom an historical literature, for instance, “ the influence of biography upon historiography became more and more pronounced, while the sort of influence of historiography upon biog raphy tha t appears in Tacitus’  Agrico la remained unique (sporadic ?  ve rei nz elt ).” ^ Bi og ra ph y ha d a sha re in Musl im his tor iog rap hy from the very beginning, and it eventually achieved a dominating position in it. In the Muslim environment there are a number of special reasons for that. The biography of Muhammad constituted the quarry from which the materials for the construction of the mighty edifice of Islam were derived. ^ The transmission of the details of the Prophet’s life depended on individuals, and the acceptability of what they transmitted hinged on the data of their lives. The dogmatic struggle in Islam was to a large part waged in the name of personalities and individual merits or demerits. Biography thus became a necessary subject for theologians and gave historians their greatest opportunity for being practically useful and employable within the social organization of Islam.® The  wo rld ly con nec tion s of his tor ian s, on the ir pa rt, also dre w the m into biography. Caliphs and rulers and officials and the mass of the educated found the best models of ethical behavior in the circum stances of the lives of the great men of the past. Writing their  bio gra phi es and ma kin g hi sto ry cen ter aro und the ir live s, the refo re, satisfied the demands which that important group of readers of historical works made upon the historian. In addition, all Muslims shared in the firm conviction that all pohtics was the work of individuals and understandable in the light of their personal quali ties and experiences. In many Muslim minds, history thus became almost synonymous with biography. Under the influence of theolo gy, even the history of the various branches of learning was con ceived as a collection of biographies of outstanding scholars. In the histories of some of the sciences, as, for instance, medicine or the comparative history of religion, pre-Islamic medicine or religions were accorded precedence in the presentation, but aside ^ F . L e o ,  Die griechis ch-rdmis che Biogr aphi c,  234 (Leipzig rgoi). ^ One may, however, compare C. H. B e c k e r ’ s opinion concerning the origin of the  Si*a h (Islam studi en,  I, 527, Leipzig 1924), in order to realize that it is doubtful whether the history of Muhammad’s life was mainly responsible for the formation of certain aspects of theology and jurisprudence, or whether those two disciplines were mainly instrumental in creating the Prophet’s biography.  As -Saf adi , Waft,  I, 55 R  i t t e r , chose the right words to characterize the vastness of the biographical literature which had developed in connection with the science of traditions.

102

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BIOGRAPHY

from that, no other historical principle was applied. The bio graphical arrangement predominated, or, as in the case of the comparative history of religions, it was not the biographies of the individuals but something similar, that is, the dogmatic beliefs of the sects, which determined the arrangement, and again no chronological or historical principle. It may be added, however, that the biographical principle was appHed only in the large monograph treatments of the history of science and learning. There also existed very brief and incidental but truly historical surveys of the developme nt of some branches of learning. ^

the dates of death in general antedated that of the dates of birth and that historians were used to give biographical information about a person in connection with the year in which he died. In the case of persons of noteworthy ancestry, a genealogical note, sometimes in the form of a long excursus as in the biography of Muhammad or in the biographies of rulers of foreign origin, may make the beginning. A philological note as to the correct form of the names of the subject may also find its occasional place in the  bio gra phy . Th e rest of the con ten ts var ied . Ex ce pt for occ asi ona l instances from the biographies of rulers and politicians, the external events of life received comparatively little attention. In the case of theologians and scholars, it was the story of their education, the teachers under whom they studied, the places they  vis ite d, or the tra dit ion s th ey tra nsm itte d, th at occ upi ed mo st of the space. With poets and men of letters, the accent lay on the interesting anecdotes of their careers and on their poetic and literary achievements. Bibliographies of the published works of scholars and scientists were quite regularly inserted near the end of the biography, though, in the case of theological biographies, the bibliographies were often greatly curtailed. A pretty general feature of all kinds of biographies (almost as general as the reference to the dates of death) were descriptions of ethical or intellectual qualities. They were either expressly stated or indicated by characteristic stories and anecdotes. The physical features were

The form and contents of Muslim biographies varied considerably according to the subject treated and the point of view from which the author approached his subject. The one common element which can be expected to be found in all biographies except in the oldest times is the date of death of the subject of the biography. This date was usually known or could be inferred. It was the fixed date in a person’s life. His date of birth, except in the cases of the well  born, and ofte n not eve n then, was ra re ly kno wn. As a rule, it was known only if it was supplied by the subject himself; consequently, its appearance presupposed the existence of an interest in biography  whi ch, in turn , res ulte d from the ex iste nce of a ve ry dev elo pe d  bio gra ph ica l Htera ture. Th e bio gra ph ica l inte res t and, wi th it, the interest in the dates of birth existed since the beginnings of Mushm scholarship, but it was only at the end of the twelfth century that the point was reached where ad-Dahabi, in the  Hist ory of Islam,  was able to indicate with a certain regularity the names of those who were born in each particular y e a r . ^ It is the normal procedure of biographers to begin with the  bir th of the ir su bj ect and to con clud e his bio gra ph y wit h his dea th. This is the usual order in Muslim biography. It is, for instance, quite regularly found in the biographies of the  Hist ory of Bagdad   by al- Ha tib al- Ba gda di. Occ asi ona lly, the da tes of bir th and de ath  were me nti one d ne xt to eac h oth er in th e beg inn ing of the bio g raphy. This probably resulted from the fact that the knowledge of  ^ C f . F. R  o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,   68 f. (Rome 1947,  Anale cta Orien talia,   24); idem, Al-Asturldbt and as-Samaw^al on Scientific Progress, in Osiris,  IX, 562 f. (1950). Exceptional non-biographical histories of sciences, such as as-Sahawi’s  IHdn,   were little concerned with any historical arrangement or argumentation, but cf. also the studies referred to above, p. 80, n. 2. 2 Cf. below, p. 149. For the percentages of the dates of birth and death in early bio graphical collections, cf. above, p. 14.

also often mentioned. The overwhelming majority of Muslim biographies were parts of larger collections, that is, exclusive collections of biographies, historical works of the dynastic form, or annalistic works in which  bi ogr ap hic al no tice s wer e ins ert ed in co nne ctio n wi th the yea r, in which a particula r individu al had died. The length of those  bio gra phi es va rie d fro m a few line s to som etim es ove r a hu nd red (printed) pages. As independent works, biographies were published in steadily increasing numbers beginning with the biography of Muhammad at the start of Muslim pubhshing activity. The early  wo rks on ‘A lid s such as al- Hu sa yn and Za yd b. 'A ll wer e, to  jud ge fro m the ir titl es, m ain ly con cer ned no t w ith the bio gra ph y of their heroes but with a description of their martyrdom, the crowning and historically most significant event of their lives. The same hesitation to accept early works with biographical titles as full-fledged biographies would seem to be advisable in most

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cases. Yet, the titles which in the hst of al-Mada’ini’s books are enumerated as works on individual Qurasites ^probably contained all the necessa ry elements of biographical m onographs. 2 The desire of rulers to see the memory of their deeds preserved for posterity in the most durable form as yet devised by mankind resulted in the composition of biographies written at their instigation. How, for instance, al-Mu‘tadid watched over the preparation of his official biography by his friend Tabit b. Qurrah and the latter’s son Sinan, we are told by the author, Sinan, himself. Although the fact that such biographies were commissioned by the rulers themselves  was no se cre t ,3 that particular biography was to appear in an entirely unofficial form, namely, as an epistle written by the author to a friend upon the latter’s request.^ The dividing line between the biography of a ruler or statesman and an author’s memoirs of his time is often not clearly definable. A  wo rk such as Ib n Sa dd ad ’s an-Nawddir as-sultdniyah wa-l-mahdsin al-Yusufiyah  can on the one hand be considered a work of memoirs,  bu t it also is a tru e bi og ra ph y of Sa lah -ad -di n. Al tho ug h oth er Muslim rulers in great periods of history were the subjects of similar important works, Ibn Saddad’s  Nawdd ir  is the outstanding example of its type. Only the first tenth of the work is devoted to the early biography of Salah-ad-din. He is depicted as the ideal Muslim ruler in a rather unrealistic fashion, but then, throughou t the long narrative of his wars up to his death, with all the pedantic if useful data and details, he remains in the center of action, and his human personality conveys itself to the reader with sufficient clarity. The outstanding historical character of Ibn Saddad’s  bio gra ph ica l wo rk bec ome s esp eci ally cle ar if it is com par ed wi th later products, such as, for instance, the biography of the Egyptian ruler al-Mu’ayyad, entitled as-Sayf al-muhannad ft ta^rlh al-Malik al-Mu'ayyad,   by the famed historian al-'Ayni. In order to build up the proper background for his subject, al-‘Ayni starts with the distribution of mankind and describes the Turkish and Circassian tribes and al-Mu’ayyad’s family descent. Curiosities, such as the excellence of the persons who bore the same names as al-Mu’ayyad, '  Fih ris t,  148 (Cairo 1348 = l oi Flxi gel) . “^Awanah’ s  Biog raph y of Mu^dwiy ah and the Umay yads   was rather in the nature of a historical collection of Umayyad biographies, see above, p. 89 f. ^ For the case of al-Mu^tadid, cf. C. Lang,  MuH adid als Pr inz und Regent, ein historis ches  Held endic ht von Ibn el MuH azz  in  ZD M G,   XL, 593 (1886). ‘ Cf. above, p. 48, n. 4. For the documentary biography of a politician, cf. below, p. 120. n. 2.

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105

the significance of his being the ninth Turkish ruler in Egypt, and the significance of the date of his accession, together with a description of al-Mu’ayyad’s qualifications as a ruler, make up a large part of the work. Then, there follows an annahstic presen tation of the events that occurred during al-Mu’ayyad’s rule. The whole is merely a conglomeration of often very insignificant facts which are not held together by any attem pt at biographical or historical cha racterization. i The un satisfactor y result may be due less to the inability of the historian than to the irrelevance of the subject, but it remains an unfortunate fact that works of this type  we re mor e fre qu en tly wr itte n tha n wor ks such as the bio gra ph y of Salah-ad-din. 2  An oth er gro up of bio gra phi es da te ba ck to a ve ry ea rly per iod of Muslim literature, but they actually need not be considered here. These are the biographies of poets. As their title as a rule would indicate, they are ahhdr,  that is, collections of anecdotes centering around the poems of a particular poet. Thus, they are no biographies in the historical sense of the term. The biographers of scholars turned to the monograph form no later than the tenth century. A personal acquaintance of Abu Zayd al-Balhi, for instance, a certain al-Hasan b. Muhammad al W az in , wr ote a bo ok on the ev en ts  [ahhdr)  of Abu Zayd’s life. This book mentioned conventional traits such as the physical appearance of Abii Zayd, but also included such psychological insights as the great scholar’s deep love for his home town.® In the biographies of scholars and mystics, Muslim monograph biog raphy eventually achieved its ultimate development, even if in the process, it lost nearly all the stylistic brilliance and powers of characterization which were in such a large measure possessed by tenth-century biographers such as al-Waziri and, especially, Abu Hayyan at-Tawhidi. It took several centuries for the art of writing monograph biographies of scholars and saints to develop beyond the collection of chance episodes toward an attempt to present a ^ I used the Paris ms. ar. 1723 of the work. 2 T h e A r a bi c TaMh al-6dzdnt   by Fadlallah Rasid-ad-din (d. 718/1318) is a family history according to the same plan, dealing with Jingizhan and his family. It was provided  wit h such att rac tio ns as pict ure s of the Mon gol Han s (see belo w, p. 176, n. i), bu t in spit e of his proven ability as a historian, the author was unable to master his material in this case. I consulted the Phot. Cairo Ta^'rih 1889. For editions of the original Persian text, cf. below, p. 148, n. i. 3  Ya qu t,  IrSdd,  III, 71 and 69 (Cairo = I, 147 and 144 M a r g o l i o u t h ).  Alt hou gh he does not say so expressly, Yaqut appears to be indebted to al-Waziri (whom he quotes indirectly) also for the latter passage.

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GEOGRAPHY AND COSMOGRAPHY

coherent picture of a person’s life and achievements. A splendid example of the perfection finally reached and of the glaring short comings never overcome is as-Sahawi’s long biography of his teacher Ibn Hajar.^ It is a well organized and very complete recital of the outward course of Ibn Hajar’s hfe and of his scholarly accomplishments, but it lacks any trace of psychological penetration and makes no attempt to place the hfe of the individual in the proper historical setting.

On the part of the historians, there were obvious points of contact  wi th geo gra phy . Soon, geo gra phi cal da ta whi ch occ urre d in the  bio gra ph y of Mu ham ma d wer e no lon ger ge ne ral ly und ers too d and required an explanation. The widening of the geographical horizon as the result of the Muslim conquests also directed the historian’s attention to geography. Occasional explanations of a geographical nature can be found, for instance, in early works such as al-Baladuri’s Conquests of the Regions} The   need for clarification of geographical data proved an effective stimulant for the develop ment of Mushm geography and to a large degree determined its course, but it did not affect historiography in any appreciable measure. The conquest literature, of which al-Baladuri was a representative, offered many opportunities for going into geo graphical questions, but no consistent effort was made in this direction. Occasion ally, later authors of conque st works, such as the fifteenth-century al-Biqa‘i, in his  Ahbd r al-ji ldd f i fu tu h albildd,^  can be found quoting a geographical work.  An oth er more eff ec tiv e inr oad of ge ogr ap hy into hi sto rio gr ap hy came through the medium of local histories.^ As a rule, local histories were concerned with topographical details, buildings, monuments, and antiquities, but with men like Ibn al-‘Adim,  who se  Histo ry of Alep po   contains a special book on the geography of northern Syria, Ibn SaddM (d. 684/1285, not the biographer of Salah-ad-din), who wrote the history of northern Syria and Mesopotamia according to their regional divisions, and the historians of Egyp t, local histories became valuable as geographical textbooks. The hterature of the “ Beginning,” th at is, the description of the creation of the world, was even more significant for the future combination of both geography and cosmography with history. Originally, discussions of the Beginning were based entirely upon tradition and not at all prepared for the admission of scientific infoimation. But when the age of the geographer-historian arrived, the traditional story of the creation of the world provided him with an entering wedge. This happened at the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century. The author who to our knowledge was the first to combine

3— G E O G R A P H Y A N D C O S M O G R A PH Y   Much less important than the contribution of biography to histo riogra phy but not entirely insignificant was that of geograp hy. 2 The historian and geographer al-Ya'q ubi describes how he collected material for his geographical work. He travelled extensively and asked everybody he met for information about his particular country. He wrote down what his informants told him and took notes on the history of the (Muslim) conquests as well as the ad ministrative and economic history and present situation of each region.^ Other contemporary authors of geographical works, under the continued influence of the spirit of classical Antiquity, no doubt proceeded similarly in the collection of material which they were not able to find in the written sources. Almost every geographical  wo rk con tai ns at lea st some his tor ica l dat a. De scr ipt ion s of lesse r known regions, such as the tenth-century  Histo ry {ahbdr) of the  Nub ian s  by ‘Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Sulaym al-Aswani,^ probably contained as much historical information as their authors were able to get hold of. The historical interest of geographers persisted, or rather increased, when geography, in the wake of the rapid develop ment of Muslim civihzation, was codified in large reference works that were arranged alphabetically according to geographical names. By then, it was the biographical aspect of Muslim historiography and the theological interest in the correct form of the gentilics of religious scholars which affected geographers. The geographical dictionary of Yaqiit seldom fails to include short biographies of the most distinguished individuals born in a particular locality. ‘ Cf. below, p. 455. For the historians who concerned themselves with geography, cf. the great posthumous  wor k by I. Y . K  r a c h k o v s k y  ,  Arab skaya Geogra phichesk aya Liter atura,  in his  Izbra nn’ ie  Sochi neni ya,   IV (Moscow-Leniugrad 1957). ^  Kit db al-Bu lddn ,  232 D e G o e j e (Leiden 1892,  Bibli othe ca Geographorum Arab icorum , 7). *  Cf. GAL Supplement   I, 410. Cf. also M . M . M u s ' a d , al-Isldm wa-n-Nubah  (Cairo i960).

' However, it is not on account of the geographical interest of al-Baladuri th at his work  was ext en siv ely quo ted in Y aq u t’s  Mu'-ja m  (cf. F. J. H e e r ,  Di e historis chen und geographischen Quellen in Jdqut's Geographischem Worterbuch, 45 -87 , Strassburg 1898). ^ I consulted the Paris ms. ar. 5862, a modern copy. * Cf. below, p. 150 ff.

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history and scientific geography in the grand style was al-Mas"udi.  A l- Y a' qu bi ha d sti ll kep t his geo gra phi cal and hi stor ica l wo rks separate. Al-Mas‘udi, on the other hand, before going into the historical narrative in his history, described the form of the earth, the cities, the noteworthy geographical phenomena, the oceans, mountains, rivers, islands, lakes, buildings, the physical trans formations which the earth had undergone, and similar topics.i  Ac cor din g to the fam ous pass age in the Tanbih,  in which alMas'udi described the historical works by Christian authors known to him, it would seem that the same combination of geography and history w as practice d by contemp orary and earher Christians. ^  Ag ap ius (Mahb ub) b. Qu sta nti n al- Ma nbi ji ind eed ha s a tho rou gh geographical chapter in his world history. However, al-Mas‘udi’s description of the Christian works is obviously influenced by his own concept of what a historical work should be like, and should not be interpreted too hterally. Yet, it serves as a reminder that (Graeco-) Syrian Christian scholarship contribu ted much to the development of the scientific attitude in Islam which al-Mas‘udi applied to history. In the opening chapter of the  M ur uj ,  which deals with the be ginnings and cosmography and geography, al-Mas‘udi also made it quite clear by implication that he was approaching a scientific subject which might even be in contradiction to the religious precepts of Islam.^ Al-Mas‘udi’s example was not able to sway the authors who followed the historical tradition of at-Tabari, such as Miskawayh, Ibn al-Atir, and, presumably, the continuators of atTabari, although even among them there was the one or the other  who wo uld con side r geo gra phi cal wo rks  [ahhdr al-hulddn)   as forming a special group of sources to be used by the historian.^ In general, ‘ The  M uru j   is the only preserved work of al-Mas'udi, in which we find the combination of geography and history. According to the introduction of the  Mu ruj ,  al-Mas'udi’s  Ahbd r az-zamdn  contained geographical information of the character described. The published  Ahbd r az-zamdn   (Cairo 1357) which is preserved in many manuscripts under the name of al-Mas'^udi, does in fact contain geographical information but ap art from the alleged history of the Pharaohs, has no other historical information. Cf. the references to the work in al-Mas'udi’s Tanbih. ^ Al-M as^ud i Tanbih, 154 f. D e G o e j e (Leiden 1894,  Bibli othe ca Geographorum Arab icorum,  8), cf., especially, the reference to the Maronite historian who wrote under al-Muktafi (289-95/902-8). For Agapius, cf. also G. G r a f  , Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatnr,  II, 39-41 (Citta del Vaticano 1947,  Stu di e Testi ,  133). ® M uru j  I, 54 f. Par is ed. = I, 17 (Cairo 1346). *  Miskawayh, Tajdrib al-umam,  introduction, I, i C a e t a n i (Leiden-London 1909,  E. J. W. Gibb Me m. Serie s, 7).

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AND

COSMOGRAPHY

109

however, wherever the first part of their works is preserved so that  we are in the pos itio n to for m an opinion,^ the lat er wo rld his tori ans followed the w ay al-M as'udi had sho wn them. It is also not surprising to see that a similar use of geographical knowledge was made in the tenth-century  Begi nni ng and Histo ry  of al-Mutahhar. Ibn al-Jawzi's  Mun tazam   contained geographical information as we know from the  Mun tazam s  abridgment,  Sud ur al-^uqud.^  The Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi’s  Mir^dt az-zamdn  which made frequent use of alMas‘udi can be assumed to have also borrowed his geographical d i s c u s s i o n . 2a The scientific spirit once aroused showed itself aston ishingly hardy and not easily subdued by theology. It is only necessary to read the brief chapter on rivers and oceans in the  beg inn ing of Ib n K a ti r’ s  Biddyah,^   in order to realize how much this chapter, with its references to Ibn Sina and Ptolemy, deviates from the traditional description of the creation of the world that surrounds it. Before Ibn Katir, Ibn ad-Dawadari, in the  Ka nz  ad-durar,  and after him al-‘Ayni, in the '■Iqd al-jum dn,  and alMaqrizi, in al-Habar ^an al-basar, offer good examples for the per sistence of the scientific geographical introduction of world histories. Of special interest is the extension of the cosmographical remarks to the description of the planets, fixed stars, the other heavenly bodies, and the atmospheric phenomena which we still find in the ''Iqd  al-jumdn.^ It should not be left unnoticed that the appearance of geographers-historians such as al-Mas'udi in their time was not due to chance. Readers of al-Ya‘qubi’s introductory words in his Geography will be reminded of the traveling seekers after knowledge, IcTopiT], such as Hek ata eus an d Herod otus, a nd of the close con nection of the beginnings of Greek historiography with geography and the interest in foreign peoples and countries. Muslim scholars of the ninth and tenth centuries naturally were not aware of these historical circumstances, but they were motivated by a parallel ‘ When a Persian author of the twelfth century, who wrote in the chronographica l tradition of H amzah al-Isfahani, felt the need for imparting some information about geography and holy topography, he simply added that information at the end of his work, cf. the  M uj mi l at- tawdrih,  according to J. M o h l , in  JA ,  III, 11, 144 (1841). ^ Cf. below, p. 144. I failed to ascertain whether this is so when I studied the Istanbul manuscript of the work. ®I, 22 ff. ‘ Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 71 m, p. 12 ff.  A tab le of con ten ts of the ^Iqd   is in O. S p i e s ,  Beitrag e zur arabisch en Literatur geschichte , 91 ff. (Leipzig 1932,  A K M ,  XIX, 3).

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THE CONTENTS OF HISTORICAL WORKS

or a constellation possessed particular historical significance.^  Y e t, the scie ntif ic cu rio sity of the his tor ian s of the nin th an d ten th centuries did not entirely by-pass this much disputed branch of knowledge. Thus, we fmd al- Ya ‘qubi indicating the astrological constellation that existed at the beginning of each reign,^ and later local histories sometimes indicate the astrological constellation  wh ich pre va ile d at the fou ndi ng of a giv en city.^  As tro log ers , on the ir par t, wer e ve ry mu ch inte res ted at th at tim e in cultural and historical information about the past. Such informa tion may have occasionally been contained in some of the ninth and tenth-century works on nativities published under the title of Tahwil sini al-^dlam {al-mawdlid) “ Revolution of the years of the  wo rld (n ati vit ies ),” ^ whi ch, ho wev er, wer e pri nc ipa lly conc ern ed  w ith the ann ual occ urre nce s of fam ine and disea se, etc. W e kno w as a fact that much historical material was contained in the  Kitd b al-Uluf   of Abu Ma'sar, which was, therefore, used by the historians al-Mas‘udi and Hamzah al-Isfahani.®  As trol oge rs, acc ord ing to the Ih wa n as -sa fa’ , ou ght to ha ve a good knowledge of dates  [ta^nhdt).^  And, for the same authors, the activity of the astrologers {munajjimun)  has bearing upon seven points, which re ad like the listing of the contents of an annahstic history. These seven points concern i) the religious groups  [milal)   and dynasties, 2) the transfer of power {mamlakah)  from one nation to the other or from one cou ntry to the other, 3) the changes of individual rulers and the wars and disturbances which take place in connection with that, 4) the events that take place each year.

intellectual situation. The transmission of Greek science, and, in this particular case, Graeco-Roman geography inspired the Mushms  w ith the sam e desire to see for the ms elv es and to wid en the ir own political horizon by learning about foreign peoples which animated the Ionian scholars of over thirteen hundred years ago. In ninthcentury Islam, in contrast to early Greece, there already existed a highly developed historiography, and it was, therefore, hardly possible for an entirely new form of historiography to arise out of the new spirit. Geography loosely attached itself to the existing forms of historiography in the manner described. It need hardly  be sai d th at in gen era l, his tor y and ge ogr ap hy rem aine d, an d were felt to be separate sciences in their own right,^ even if the one or the other author of a geographical compilation would consider the admixture of historical and otherwise entertaining material in his  wo rk as dec isiv e for its val ue as a lit er ar y product .^ 4—ASTROLOGY   As tro log y, wi th its ephe mer al or l ong -ra nge pred icti ons , ex erc ise d a greater influence on medieval history than on medieval historiog raphy. Historians, true to their vocation of reporting the past, adopted the calculations of the astronomers concerning the age of the world and pre-Islamic history.^ In this manner, a considerable amount of important historical material became available to early Muslim historians. However, they paid little attention to astrological predictions, except when they were able to call at tention to the curious coincidence that a prediction had materialized^ 1 Cf. al-Marrakusi,  Mu'-j ib,  252 D o z y  (Leiden 1847, 1881); trans A. Hu ici M i r a n d Coleccidn de crdnicas drabes de la reconquista,  IV, 285 (Tetuan 1955), quoted by J. H. K  r a m e r s , article  Diu shr df ivd .  in the Supplement Volume of the  E l. ^ Cf. the introduction of the fifteenth-century  Rawd al-miHdr,   ed. £. L ^ v i -P r o v e n ^ a l ,  La Pe nin sule Iberi que au Moy en-A ge,  X I X , t e x t h  (Leiden 1938). ®Cf., for instance, the  His tory o f H a m z a h a l - I s fa h a n i . H a m z a h s a y s t h a t f o r t h e h i s t o r y of the Copts his only source of information was the  zijd t  (I, 82 G o t t w a l d t , S t . P e t e r s b u r g Leipzig 1844-48). For the  ztj  literature in general, cf. E. S. K  e n n e d y ,   A Surve y of Isla mic  Astr onom ical Tables , in Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, N.S. X L V I ,

III

a

123-77 (1956). For the calendars from astrological works as a source of Ottom an historical  w ri tin g, cf . H. I n a l c i k   and V. L. M e n a g e ,  in B. L e w i s   and P. M. H o l t ,  His toria ns of the  Mi dd le Eas t, 157 f., 1 7 0 f.

*  'Ali b. Yahya al-Munajjim once read to al-Mutawakkil from a book on predictions (maldhim)  and came to a passage that said that the tenth caliph would be killed in his reception hall. Al-Mutawakkil did not refer the prediction to himself but it was fulfilled through him, cf. at-Tabari, Ta^rih,  III, 1463 D e  G o e j e and others, anno  247. Similar stories, as well as success stories predicted by astrology, are very frequent. Hamzah al-Isfahani,  His tory ,  I, 191 G o t t w a l d t , noted the occurrence of a drought instead of the predicted deluge. Cf. also at-Tabari, T a M h ,  III, 1364. Predictions concerning the duration of Islam were accepted into al-Mutahhar’s  Beg innin g

,

and History,  II, 155 ff. H u a r t (Paris 1899-1919,  Pu bl. de l’ £col e des langues or. viv.,  IVe Serie, Vol. 16-18, 21-23), and Hamzah al-Isfahani’s  His tory,   I, 153-55Cf. Miskawayh, Tajdrib al-umam,  in D. S. M a r g o l i o u t h and H. F.  A  m e d r o z , The  Ecl ips e of the ^Abbasid Calip hate,  II, 239 f. (Oxford 1920-21). ^ Cf. above, p. 87, and below,p. i33f . Cf. also Ibn Muyassar, Anna tes d’ £gypt e, 34 M a s s ^; (Cairo 1919). Astrologica l data for the accession of caliphs are also to be found in astrological treatises such as those ascribed to al-Battani and the Indian Kankalah (Ms. Ismail Saib [Ankara] 1/199, fols. 27a-77a). Cf., in particular, D. P i n g r e e ,  His tori cal Horoscope s, in  JA OS ,  L XX XI I, 487-502 (1962). ^ Cf. Ibn as-Sihnah, ad-Durr al-muntahab ft taMh mamlakat Halab,  19 (Beirut 1909), following Ibn Saddad, al-AHdq al-hattrah,  who, in turn, quotes an “ancient book” which speaks about the decipherment of a Greek inscription giving the horoscope of Aleppo. Cf. also below, p. 125. ^ Cf. Fih ris t,  382-87 (Cairo 1348 — 213-17 FLtioEL). ^ Cf. J. L i p p e r t ,  Ab u Ma^sar 's Kit db al- Ulu f, in W Z K M ,  IX, 351-58 (1895); Hamzah al-Isfahani,  His tory ,  I, 79 f. G o t t w a l d t . For the  Kitd b al- Ulu f,  cf. also Ibn Juljul’s Tabaqdt  al-atibbd^,  and above, p. 78, n. 4. ® RasdH l Ih wan as-safd^,  IV, 364 (Cairo 1347/1928).  Ashd b at-tawdrth  means “ astrologers” in the  Ara bia n N ights ,  I, 108 M a c n a g h t e n . For astrology and history in China and medieval Europe, cf. H. F r a n k e , in Oriens,  III, 117 (1950)-

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namely, rising and falling prices, fertility and sterility, pestilence, death, and drought, diseases and illnesses, and accidents and safety (well-being), 5) the daily events, month by month and day by day, 6) the nativities of each human being, and 7) the indication of obscure details, such as concealed or stolen objects, as well as the discovery of secret matters and of answers to queries on the basis of horoscopes. 1 Thus, astrologers we re concerned with ev eryth ing that was of interest to historians, and a little more. They also knew the value of historical knowledge as a convincing  ba ckg rou nd for the ir pre dict ion s of the futu re. W he n a ce rta in DaniyMi, who was so named because he was a speciaUst in predic tions ascribed to the biblical Daniel, was asked for his help in ef fecting the appointment of a pohtician to the wazirate, he forged a  boo k in t he nam e of D ani el w hich cr yp tic al ly r efe rred to e ve nts of th e past and to things which had not yet happened.^ Thus, appa rently,  whe n Da ni el ’s pre dict ion s con cer ning thi ngs th at ha d hap pen ed in the meantime were found to be true, the other predictions were accepted with greater confidence. On the other hand, there was the argument from history against the validity of the claims of astrologers. As Ibn Hazm put it, em pirical confirmation of the possible soundness of astrology requires a continuity of astronomical observations far beyond the life span of individuals and even nations. “Th e most remote historical in formation available comes from the Torah, and it does not go back more than 3000 years . . . . Of Persian history, we have ample and  we ll-d ocu me nte d inf orm ati on on ly from Sas ani an time s, an d this means, for less than a thousand years. The same applies to Greek {Rum)  history. Today, there is no trace left of the history of the Copts, the Syrians, the Edomites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, and all the other nation s. . . . About the Indians and the Chinese  we do no t ha ve as muc h info rma tion as we mig ht wish. Th ey m ay possess a store of ancient astronomical observations, for their realms have lasted unscathed through the ages. It is true that the Chinese are craftsmen and not at all interested in the sciences, but there ma y be astronomical observations preserved in India. If this ^op. cit.,  I ll,

258. Cf. also above, p. 34, n. 4. ^ Cf. Ibn al-Atir,  Ka mil ,  VIII, 85 f., anno  319 (Cairo 1301). Miskawayh, in H. F.  A m ed ro z and D. S. M a r g o l i o u t h , The Eclipse of the ^Abbasid Caliphate,  I, 215-17 (Oxford 1920), somewhat differs in the relevant details. Cf. also Ibn Ilaldun’s chapter on astrology and history (Muqaddimah,   II, 176 ff. Paris).

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should not be the case, we can be certain that such observations do not exist anywhere in the world.” ^ In such small ways, astrology came into contact with historiogra phy, with the result of some minor give-and-take between these two different approaches of man in his quest for the under standing of the world. 5—PHILOSOPHY  Philosophy, more than a ny of the previously mentioned disciplines,  wo uld ha ve bee n i n a p osi tio n to solv e the gre at prob lem s o f h isto ry,  bu t it was ne ve r ef fec tiv el y use d by Musl im his tori ans for this purpose. The basic question of the reliability of historical information and its relationship to reahty, that is, the question of what con stitutes historical truth, troub led the historians (above, p. 60), but true to their determination of reporting facts, they do not speak much about it in historical w orks. Religious scholars who were also historians, such as the H atib al-Bagda di, ^ discussed the problem inasmuch as it concerned Muslim law and theology and al-Iji, finally, placed it in the center of the methodology of histo riography. Ibn Haldun was more reticent and looked at it not from a philosophical or religious but rather a pragmatic point oi view.  Ac co rd ing to him , the his tor ian need s a div ers ifie d kno wle dge an d good judgment, if he wants to avoid errors, since historical infor mation as handed down is often m isleading unless it is checked against the general background of custom, politics, and social science and compared with other parallel and better known material.^ A reflex of Muslim speculation on the reliability of historical reporting again appears in J. B o d i n ’ s  Me tho dus ; “ . . . the Turks, who are said to have no memory for antiquity and to have abandoned interest in it  bec aus e th ey be lie ve th at a reli ab le acc ou nt can not be wr itte n by men who foUow hearsay, much less by writers who were present or 1  Cf. Ibn Hazm,  Mar dtib al-'^ulum, in  RasdH l Ibn Hazm , 69 Ihsa n “^Abbas (Cairo n.y. [1954]). Cf. also his  Risd lah ft muddwdt an-n ufus , ibid ., 169, on the paucity of the available

knowledge from pre-lslamic times. The argument from history is also briefly referred to by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah,  Mif tdh ddr as-sa^ddah,  II, 134 (Cairo n.y.). 2 Cf. his  Ki fdy ah ,  16 ff. (Hyderabad 1357). Cf. also al-Biruni,  Ind ia,   trans. E. S a c h a u , 1 , 3 f. (London 1910), and id., al-Atdr al-bdqiyah,  8I19, 8219f f . S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1923), and the remarks in F. R o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, 57-59 (Rome 1947,  Anale cta Orien talia, 24). ^ Ibn Haldun  Muq addim ah,  I, 8 f. Paris. For a philosopher’s view on historiography, cf. also above, p. 37 f. Rosenthal,

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had command of events, since they Ue about themselves in many respects or are influenced to deviate from the truth by fear, or  brib es, or ha te of pri nce s.” ^ Popular wisdom of the  fiirste nspi egel   type came to Muslim his torians together with Persian historiography.^ Biographical works in the classical tradition ®were filled with popular philosop hy ex  pressed in wise sayings. Speaking about Alexander and his death, authors, such as at-Ta‘Mibi in the Gurar,‘^ did not leave aside the philosophical embroidery which had always belonged to the  Al ex an de r nov el. Wis e say ing s ofte n co nst itu ted an im po rta nt pa rt of biographies to be found in historical works. And popular philo sophical themes, such as the brevity of life and the short duration of worldly glory, were considered by Muslims as constituting one of the keynotes of historical investigation. The inclusion of Greek and Indian history into world histories in the ninth century was accompanied by references to Greek and Indian philosophical ideas. The same period also saw some attempts to give philosophy a special and distinguished position in the treatment of history. The  His tory   of Sinan b. Tabit, which, it is true, appears to have been largely biographical, was introduced,  we are told , by a disc ussio n of Pla ton ic ethi cs and politics. ^ Th e closest approach to subordinating history to philosophy, at least superficially, was made by al-Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi in the  Bad"" wa-t- ta'nh   which he wrote in 355/966.® The introductory chapter of the  Begi nni ng and Hist ory   contains a theoretical discus sion of knowledge and the intellect and thus shows the author’s in tention to view the whole universe and its history under the aspect of philosophy. In the course of the work which follows the ordinary arrangement from the creation of the world to Muhammad and his history, the men around him and the dynastic history of the Um ay ya ds and ‘Ab ba sid s, he stres ses such su bje cts as the att rib ut es

of the Creator, the cultural and philosophical significance of the preIslamic rehgions, and the dogmatic differences between Muslim sects, and tries to convey wherever possible scientific and philo sophical information. However, he does not in the least succeed in creating an integrated picture of history as a function of intellec tual processes. The philosophical remarks are, one might say, purple patches pasted almost at random to various sections of the work,  bu t it rem ains for us to ack now led ge the au th or ’s gen uine desir e to effect a union of philosophy in the widest sense with history. Unfortunately, to our knowledge, he found no successor who might have intensified and deepened the inquiry into history in his spirit.^

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1  Method for the Ea sy Compr ehensio n of His tory,  traus. R. R e y n o l d s , 42 (New York 1945). The author may have ascribed to the “Turks” what he hesitated to say about his own, environment. ^ Cf. G. R  i c h t e r ,  Stud ien zur Ge schichte der dlteren ar abischen Fiirs tensp iegel   (Leipzig 1932,  Leip ziger Sem itisti sche Stud ien, N .F .,  3), for instance, p. 54 f. But cf. also above, p. 74, and  belo w, p. 115 , II. 2. ^ C f. F. R  o s e n t h a l , in OLZ,   X L , c o l . 6 2 7 ( 1 9 3 7 ) . * Histoire des rois des Perses {Ourar),  ed. Zotenberg (Paris 1900); traiis. F. R  o s e n t h a l ,  Das Fortleb en der An tik e im Isla m,  168 ff. (Ziirieh-Stuttgart 1965). ^ Cf. above , p. 88, 11. i. ®The title  Dahd^ir al-'^ulum wa-md kdn f i sd lif ad-du hur  of a work by al-MasH'idi suggests a content similar to that of the  Begi nning and His tory.

6— P O L I T I C A L A N D S O C IA L S C I E N C E Mushm political science drew quite extensively on the Persian  fiirs tensp iegel   literature ^ and on certain aspects of Greek ethics. In this manner, as has just been pointed out, it came into some contact with historiography. It also was instrumental in shaping the ideal picture of the Muslim ruler, as exemplified in biographical  wor ks or in the al wa ys pop ula r lite rat ure of the mandqih or faddSl, the political and moral virtues of rulers, especially, the early rulers of Islam. Short excerpts from the Persian  fiirst enspi egel  literature  wer e cons ider ed a sui tab le int rod uct ion to a his tor ica l wo rk al re ad y  by al- Ja hs iya ri in the firs t ha lf of the ten th ce ntu ry. A com ple te  fiirs tensp iegel   was prefixed by Ibn at-Tiqtaqa to his  Fa hri   in the late thirteenth century; his description of the ideal Muslim ruler  was enli ven ed b y a few ex am ple s de rive d from per son al exp erie nce . In the early years of the same century, Ibn Isfandiyar added a  fiirs tenspi egel   to his  His tory of Tabaristdn ,  owing to special circum stances that made such an addition seem most appropriate.^ The  fiirst enspi egel   literature, in turn, absorbed a good deal of historical information, and, at one time, reached the point where summaries of Mushm history were included in  fiirs tens pieg eh^   However, the ^ Cf. also ‘•Abd-al-Jabbar’s historical poem, below, p. 184. ^ There is considerable doubt as to how genuinely “P ersian” this literature actually is. Muslim scholars considered it as being of Persian origin since at least the eighth century, and whatever its ultimate origin, it evidently reached them through Persian, intermediaries. ^ T h e  fiirs tensp iege l   was in the form of a lett(>r addressed t(.>the king of Tabaristan. It was translated by J. Dar m estet er, in  ] A,   IX, 3, 185-250 and 502-55 (1894). ^ The only work I can mention in this connection is one referred to by G A L ,  II, 446,  whic h dat es from the yea r 936/152 9. The re pre sum ably e.\iste d ear lier ones.

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essential aspects of the Muslim theory of the state and its political constitution were associated with legal practice and theological speculation. The events upon which the Muslim theory of caliphal succession was based were mentioned in historical works, but they  were not su bje cte d to an y the ore tica l scr uti ny. Po lit ica l scie nce as a matter of theoretical speculation did not enter Muslim historiog raphy until Ibn Haldun. Social science was represented in Islam by Greek economics. It was either dealt with in monograph works of Greek origin or incorporated in encyclopedias. ^ Some of these encyclopedias also had sections on history, but no connection was made between the treatment of history and that of social science. Financial and taxation matters were often treated by historians as important events. The history and changes of coinage found wide attention among them.^ The historical value of economic statistics was recog nized, and such statistics were occasionally taken over into historical  work s, esp ec ial ly sec ula r loca l histo ries , such as the nin th -ce ntu ry histories of Bagdad and late Persian or Egyptian secular local histories.^ Their proper place, however, was in the literature on administration, the works on the land-tax {hardj)  and on govern ment administration such as Ibn MammMi’s Qawdnin ad-dawdwin.'^ It is in this type of literature that we find, in the tenth century, a remarkable instance of the penetration of historical and social thinking into Muslim economic theory, the hardj   work of Qudamah  b. J a ‘far. In co ntr ast to the olde r hardj   works of Judge Abu Yusuf and Yahya b. Adam, or the work on financial administration {Kitdb al-A mwdl) by Ab u ‘Uba yd b. Sallam, Qudamah has a special, long chapter on the history of the Muslim conquests. The conquests

furnished the legal basis for the Muslim system of taxation, and  wh ere ve r nec ess ary the evi de nce of the con que sts wa s add uce d  b y aut hor s dea ling wi th the pro blem s of tax ati on . Ho wev er, the integral treatm ent of the conquests within a hardj  work was a different proposition. In the case of Qudamah, it clearly meant that he in tended to widen the historical basis of the discussion of taxation through a process of amalgamation quite similar to that which, for instance, led to the combination of geography and historiog raphy at about the same time. Qudamah not only added a chapter on the conquests, but he also included a  fiirst ensp iegel   in his work (ch. 8, par. 9) containing all the traditional information on Aristotle,  Al ex an de r, An usa rwa n, etc. He furt her mo re inc lud ed a sy ste m ati c presenta tion of social and political science (ch. 8). In this connection, he speaks about the reasons why human beings need food, clothing, sexual intercourse, cities with their social organization, money, and kings and leaders who must have specific quahfications, follow a specific policy, and be provided wHh a specific group of political advisers.^ There was no direct road leading from Qudamah in the tenth century to Ibn Haldiin in the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Ibn Haldun was the first to attempt the utihzation of those com  bi ned disc ipli nes in the ser vic e of his tor iog rap hy . His gre at wo rk  wa s mu ch adm ire d and di hg en tly stu die d b y la te r gen erat ions , especially among Turkish statesmen and scholars. Ibn Haldun also appears to have sparked the historical renaissance in fifteenthcentury Egypt. However, he found no true successor among Mushm historians to take up his line of investigation. The search for an immediate model of Ibn Haldiin’s thought has so far remained u n s u c c e s s f u l . 2The possibility remains that in the Northwest African and Spanish environment, ideas such as his were discussed before him in some rudimentary fashion. However, his fundamental origi nality would seem incontestable. There is his own strong pronounce ment as to the originality of his work, whose sincerity is supported  by an e vid en t d isp lay of mo desty. ^ W e al so h av e no reas on to dis tru st

1 Cf. M. P l e s s n e r ,  Der O I K O N O M I K O S des Nenpythagoreers ‘Bryson’ und sein Ein flu ss au f d ie islam ische Wiss ensch aft   (Heidelberg 1928, Orient und Antike, 5). 2 For instance, the introduction of Muslim coinage under “^Abd-al-Malik, or the chapter on mintage in an-Narsahi,  His tory of Bu hdrd,   34-36 S c h e f e r (Paris 1892,  Pu bl. de l'Ec ole des langues or. viv.,  Ill, 13); trans. R. N. F r y e , 35-37 (Cambridge, Mass., 1954)^ Cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l ,  Ahm ad b. at-T ayy ib as-S arah si,  80 (New Haven 1943,  Am eric an Oriental Series,  26). Cf. also the lists of revenues in Ibn Isfandiyar,  Hist ory of Tabari stdn, p. 29 of E. G. B r o w n e ’ s abridged translation of the work (Leiden-London 1905,  E. J . W. Gibb Mem. Series,  2); Ibn Wasil,  Mu far rij al-kur ub,  273 ff. a s -S a y y a l (Cairo 1953); Ibn Haldun,  Muq addi mah,   I, 321 ff. Paris; trans. F. R  o s e n t h a l , I, 361 ff- (New York 1958); and, above all, the comple te statistic s of Fez which Ibn A bi Zar*^ (25 f., trans. 37 f. T o r n  b e r g , Uppsala 1843-46) copied from an official document (zimdm). The inclusion of a table of the dates of the Persian new year in Hamzah al-Isfahani’s  His tory   is due to the importance of these dates in fiscal matters. How to squeeze high taxes out of the population might be learned from historical works, according to Ibn at-Tiqtaqa, above, p. 51, n. 7‘ Ed. “-A. Surya l 'Atiya h, Cairo 1943.

^ I used the Paris ms. ar. 5907. a modern copy of an Istanbul manuscript. (Arabic text,  belo w, p. 543 f.). Cf. A. B e n S h e m e s h , Taxation in Islam,  II (Leiden 1965). ^ Cf. H. A. R. G i b b , The Islamic Background of Ibn Khaldun 's Political Theory, in  BS OS   V II, 23-31 (1933) , rep rin ted in his  Stud ies on the Civ iliza tion of Islam ,  166-75 (Boston 1962). Cf. also my introduction to the translation of the  Muq addim ah  (New York 1958,  Bollin gen  Serie s  X L I I I ) . ^ Muq addim ah,  I, 62 f. Paris.

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Ibn Haldun when he says that his sources of inspiration were the science of the fimclamental principles of jurisprudence and the  fiirs tenspi egel   Hterature.^ We know not only the older works he used, but also contemporary  fiir sten spie geh   from Northwestern  Af ric a, such as the  Suhu b al-ldmi'^ah  of Ibn Haldun’s friend, Abu 1-Qasim b. Ridwan, and the Wdsitat as-suluk   by one of the ‘Abdal-WMid rulers of Tlemcen. These works do not show the slightest trace of the thinking we find in Ibn Haldun’s work; thus, his inspiration cannot have come from this direction. On the other hand, social and economic problems were the daily bread of lawyers and jurists. From them and their practical outlook, Ibn Haldun might have received the decisive inspiration. His great achievement  was the con stru cti on of a sys tem , the ap pli cat ion of sca tte red political and sociological ideas to history which he recognized as a hving force joining the past with the present in one continuous process. Man and environment, individual effort and group organi zation are the raw material of history according to Ibn Haldiin’s keen, if sometimes arbitrary, analysis. His views are always ex plainable from the author’s Muslim background, but after all factors have been considered, the final judgment on the  M uqaddimah  as a product of Muslim historiography must be that it  was mor e in the nat ure of a uniq ue inte rrup tio n tha n an or din ar y stop on the prescribed course of Muslim historical activity. 7 — T H E U S E O F D O C U M EN T S , I N S C R I P T I O N S , A N D C O I N S For modern Western historiography, the use of non-literary evidence in historical research is a question of methodology. As such it is intimately connected with the pecuhar development historical writing has taken in modern times. All previous histori ography did not progress to the stage where the importance of a methodica l use of such evidence was realized. ^ The c ontents of historical works did include incidental references to non-literary evidence, and in Muslim historiography, such references were not infrequent. They throw some interesting sidelights on cultural attitudes. The continued existence of the great architectural monuments *  Muqa ddima h,  I, 63 ff. Paris. ^ T'or the attitude of Western medieval historians toward couteniporary historical docu ments, rf. M. R  i t t e r ,  Die I-'.nhi'icklung der Gesch ichtsiHs senschaf t, 1 1 7 (Munich-] 3erliu 1 9 1 9 ) . Cf. also H. R i c h t e r , Gcschichtschreibcr, 19, 72 (Berlin 1 9 3 8 ) .

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of the past was occasionally noted by the historians, but it was reserved to Ibn Haldun to draw historical conclusions from it.^ On the other hand, the use of documents, letters, government papers, official declarations, speeches, and related material was well-nigh universal in Muslim historical hterature. Even where documents of this type were not directly quoted, they were extensively used by historians who held positions of political influence, when they wrote the history of their period. The existence of letters of Muhammad in  wh ich he all ege dly tri ed to win the adh ere nce of var iou s po lit ica l units inside (and outside) the Arabian peninsula gave early Mushm historians an opportunity to show their appreciation of historically  va lua ble docume nts.^ W het he r o r no t th ese doc ume nts wer e g enui ne does not make much of a difference in this connection, if only the genuine or false documents themselves once existed. Letters of all kinds were so frequently quoted by historians that a few examples will suffice here. In al-Baladuri’s  Ans db,  we find the alleged letter by ‘Utman to the Egyptians who had come to protest his rule, a s well as other letters b y less prominent men.=^ A l- Y a ‘qub i devoted a special chapter in his  Hist ory  to the correspondence of Muhammad and that of the early cahphs. Letters from foreign potentates were especially interesting. Those from the Byzantines  wer e i mp ort an t enou gh to be quoted.^ Th e let ter wh ich the Et hi op ic ruler Yagbe’a Seyon sent to the Ethiopic community in Jerusalem in 689/1290 was preserved by a historian.^ When the original doc ument was written in a language other than Arabic and had to be translated for purposes of quotation, this fact was not left unmen tioned.® Internationa l trea ties were occasionally quoted.^ Im portant documents of internal politics, such as documents appointing the presumptive successor to the ruling caliph or other high officials,® '  Muqad dimah ,  I, 317 f. Paris. ^ Cf. J. S p e r b e r ,  Di e Schreib en Muha mmad s an die Stdm>ne Arab iens, in  Mitt eilu ngen des Seminars fiir orientalische Sprachen, W estasiatische Studicn,  XI X, 1-93 (1916); M. H a m i d u l l a h ,  Docume nts sur la diplom atie nmsnlma ne  (Paris 1 9 3 5 ) . ^ Al-Baladuri,  Ansd b,  V, 64, 222 f. G o i t e i n (Jerusalem 1936). “ Cf., for instance, Ibn al-Jawzi,  Munta zam,   VI, 293, anno  326 (Hyderabad 1357-58). Cf. K . C e r u l l i ,  Et io pi in Pale stin a, I, 8 8 f . (Rome 1 9 4 3 ) , a i ' d the edition of Ibn ^Abdaz-Zahir, Tasrif al-ayydm u'a-l-^usilr ft sirat al-Malik al-Mansur, 1 7 0 -7 3 M u r a d K a m i l (Cairo 1961). Ibn 'Abd-az-Zahir’s work is particularly distinguished by its extensive reporting of international treaties and many other documents. “ Cf. al-Hamawi, at-TaMh al-Mansun,  fol. 176b, 187b G r y a z n e v i c h (Moscow i960), or ar-Rasid b. az-Zubayr, ad-DahdHr wa-t-tuhaf,  50 f. H a m i d u l l a h (Kuwait 1 9 5 9 ) ’ For instance, the peace treaty between 'Abd- al-'Aziz b. Musa b. Nusayr and Theodemir cf. the references in K. L e v i - P r o v e n (;a l ,  La Pe nin sule iberique,  79 (Leiden 1938). ®Cf., for instance, Ibn al-Jawzi, op. cit.,  VII, 64, anno  363.

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or al-Mu‘tadid’s edict against the Umayyads which was never made pubhc/ were faithfully quoted by historians. Documents also constituted the principal material for the establishment of the  bi og ra ph y of a po hti cal figure . A rem ark ab le ex am ple of thi s sort has come down to us from Fatim id times in the biography of Ustad Jawda r (or Jiidar, d. 362/972) which was compiled b y his secretary, Mansur. This biography consists mainly of letters by Fatimid caliphs addressed to Jawdar, letters that were serving as political or administrative documents.^ There must have been other Muslim authors who wrote biographical works along these or similar hnes in periods other than that of the early Fatimids where, it is true, there existed an unusual chmate of intellectual experimentation. It is, however, understandable if little of the sort was preserved  by la ter gen era tion s. Fo r such wo rks were too spe cia liz ed and, therefore, of minor interest for men who had to struggle constantly  wi th the lim ita tio ns impo sed b y the di ffi cu lty of pro duc ing enou gh manuscripts to preserve the growing heritage of the centuries. Speeches in the  fiirst enspi egel   tradition and, especially, speeches of the religio-ascetic homiletic type were frequently incorporated in historical works. It need hardly be said that they were usually fictitious. Their invention, however, was not motivated by the Thucydidean idea of historical characterization,^ except, perhaps, inasmuch as they were to characterize the speakei as living up to Muslim religious ideals. When the Tmad al-Isfahani made Alp  Ars lan , who was kil led in 465/1072, on his de ath be d gi ve a spee ch on the subject that man should never be over-confident, that speech  was com pos ed thr ou gh ou t in the be st rhy me d prose. ^ Th e Tm ad in a wa y marke d the culmination of the Muslim historians’ use of documents. His great annalistically arranged memoirs, al-Barq as-Sa^mi,  were largely made up from documents, letters, official administrative orders (mansur),  and similar material.® Most of the documents were composed by the author himself in the course 1 Cf. at-Tabari, T a M h ,  III, 2165 ff. D e G o e j e and others, anno  284. Cf., further, H. A. R. , The Fiscal Rescript of ^Umar II, iu  Arab ica,  II, 1-16 (1955). For the documents appointing successors to the caliphate from at-Tabari, cf. A. C h e j n e ,  Succe ssion to the Rule in Islam   (Lahore i960). 2 Cf. the French translation by M. Canard, Vie de I’Ustadh Jaudhar  (Algiers 1958). ^ But cf., possibly, at-Tabari, Ta^rth  III, 1793 f. ^ Al-‘^Imad alTsfahani,  Nusr at al-fitrah,   cf. the abridgment of the work by a l - B u n d a r i , published under the title of Ta^rih dawlat as-Sa ljuq,  45 (Cairo 1318/1900). ®I used the Bodleian mss. or. Bruce 11 and Marsh 425, containing, respectively, part 3 (years 573 -75 ) and part 5 (years 578-70) of the  Barq.   Cf. H. A. R. C.iiii;, in W Z K M .  I.IT, G

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of his official duties. They have some bearing on the histoiical events  bu t are ofte n qu ite sup erflu ous for the ir und ers tan ding . It wa s the exhibition of his styhstic perfection that was uppermost in the author’s mind when he included the documents in his work, and not the documentation of historical happenings.^ Yet, such documents as we find in the  Barq   are the exact equivalent of the official papers of modern foreign ministries. Reading them gave the contemporary Muslim student the same insight into history-in-themaking at his time which the modern student is wont to expect in the documented memoirs of one of the statesmen of our time. The use of documents in Muslim historical works was circumsciibed by the fact tha t the acquaintance with a particular document  was ne ar ly al wa ys res tri cte d to con tem por ari es (or nea r-c ont em po raries) . Lat er historians who quote d documents of a p ast period can be expec ted to have used not the original documents but literary sources. The original documents were no longer available to them, nor did they try to search for them.^ Under these circumstances, the occa sional 01 even frequent use of documents would not have been able to give rise to a specific method of historical criticism. Original documents were actually consulted. We learn this, for instance, from a passage in the  Histo ry of Mo sul   by Abu Zakariya’ al-Azdi (d. 334/945-46). Al-Azdi mentions that he found a letter of al-Mansiir among the old papers  [kutuh)  of the Mosul judge al-Harit b. al-Jarud, which one of the latter’s children had made available to him. This historical document was incorporated by al-Azdi in his work.® An even better example for the use of docu ments in the writing of history comes to us from near the end of the creative development of medieval Muslim historiography.  Wh en Sal ih b. Y ah ya wro te his  Histo ry of Beir ut and the Fam ily of   Buht ur,   he delved into the family archives and came up with a number of documents concerning the appointment of members of the Buhtur family to various positions.^ We may assume that earher Cf. Hajji Halifah’s remarks concerning al-Wassaf’s Persian history, iu  Ka sf az-zun un, II, 156 f. F l u g e l . ^ This applies to any systematic search for historical documents. It may, however, very  wel l be th at his tor ians were muc h more awa re of the imp ort ance of docu men ts and also might have made more frequent attempts to get acccss to them than the available literary references indicate. Cf. at-Tabari, Ta^rth,  III, 326; Ibn Haldun,  Muqa ddima h,  II, 296 Paris. For a modern Moroccan historian, cf. E. L e v i - P r o v e n c a l ,  Les Hist orie ns des Chorfa,  192 (Paris, 1922). ®Phot. Cairo Ta’rih 2475 (also Taymvir Ta’rih 2303), p. 187. The original manuscript is now iu the Chester Beatty Collection in Dublin, Ireland. Cf. below, p. 153. * H i si o ir e de B ey ro u th ,  ed. L. C i i e i k h o , 2nd cd. , 45 ff. (Bei rut 1927). Cf. also E. D. Ross, in  A Volume of Or. Studi es presented to E . G. Browne,  40<) (Cambridiic u)22).

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authors of family histories, such as Ibn al-‘Adim who wrote on his family, the Banu Jaradah of Aleppo,^ or, in the early tenth century,  Ah ma d b. Y ah ya b. al- Mu naj jim , who wro te on the hi sto ry and pedigree of his family,^ made a similar use of family archives. And  wh en Ta bi t b. Sin an inc orp ora ted in his  His tory   a document of the  wa zi r ‘A li b. ‘I sa conc erni ng the est abh shm ent of me dic al care for the inmates of the country’s prisons during a year of much illness, he probably had access to and knowledge of the document only because it had been addressed to his father, then superinten dent of Bagdad's hospitals.^* The preservation of documents was usually due to very concrete motives, such as the fact that a certain document was a letter  be sto win g pri vil ege s upo n the rec ipie nt. Thu s, we hea r ab ou t an alleged letter of the Prophet in which he granted some villages in Syria to one of his followers. This letter was preserved by the de scendants of that man. Eventually, it was bought by the caliph al-Mustanjid for his library in Bagdad.^ Literary criticism entered the picture when the necessity arose to refute claims concerning privileges made in a document.^ The keeping of files of documents  wa s esp eci ally im po rta nt in the ad min istr ati on of jus tice . Oc  casionally, legal theory had recourse to documents of historical importance. In the  Kitd b al-Amw dl,  Abu ‘Ubayd b. Sallam tells about the request for a legal opinion which General 'Abd-al-Malik  b. Sali h (d. 196/812) ha d addr esse d to sev era l fam ous ju ris ts of the time and in which he had asked whether it was legally permissible for Cyprians and other people in Asia Minor to pay tribute to both the Muslims and the Byzantines. H e then went on to say; “ I found ^ C f. GAL Supplement   I, 568. In the liugyat at-talab,  Ibn, al-'-Aclim quoted a waqf   deed of one of liis ancestors, cf. phot. Cairo Ta’rih 1566, p. 265. ^ C f.  I''ihrist,   206 (Cairo 1348 = 144 I'Yug el). " Cf. Ibn Abi Usaybi'^ah, I, 221 M i j l l e r (Konigsberg-Cairo 1882-84). ‘‘ Cf. \\ usTENFELD,  Registe r zu den gencalogischen I'abell en der arabische n Stdinine und   Fam ilien ,  441 f. ((iottiugen 1853); J. S p e r b e r , op. cit.,  66. The Mustanjid episode is not mentioned by F. K  r e n k o w  , The (Want of Land by Muhammad to Tamim ad-Dari, in  Islam ica, I, 529-32 (1923), and C h . D. .M a t t h e w s ,  Ma qri zl’s Treatis e “ Dau^ a s-sdr t” on the Tam im t  Waqf in Hebron, in  Jou rna l of the Pales tine Orienta l Socie ty,  X IX , 147-79 (1939-40).  As sacn-d relics , such lett ers , none of them genu ine, hav e been preser \ ed dow n to mode rn times, cf., for instanc e, .A.. C r o h m a n n , in  E l, s.v. al-M iikaw kas.  All ege d lett ers of the Pr oph et were ahv ays trea sur ed and pre serv ed as ho ly relic s, cf.  Ah ma d b. Abi la hi r.  His tory of Bagdad,  I, 271 K  e l l e r (Leipzig 1908); at-Tabari, Ta^rth, III, 1142 f. D e G o e j e and others, anno  218. ^ For al-Hatib al-Bagdadi and the Jews of Haybar, cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,  47b (Rome 1947,  Anale cta Orient alia,  24). As-Safadi (al-Oayt al-viusajjam,  II, 66, Cairo 1305) considered this one incident sufficient proof for the usefulness of historical studies.

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the replies which the jurists had sent to ‘Abd-al-Malik. They had  bee n dis cov ere d in his offic e (files, iistuhrijat min diwdrdh).  I ab stracted the gist of them. The opinions of the jurists differed, but the number of those who advised a peaceful settlement, even if it  wo uld en tai l some irre gul arit ies , was larg er th an th at of tho se who counseled war.” Abu ‘Ubayd then proceeded to quote excerpts from the documents.^ Historians as a rule, however, did not suffi ciently avail themselves of the great opportunities which the existence of legal archives offered them.^  W hil e wi th the use of doc ume nts, the his tor ian ente red the lega l and administrative domain, with the use of inscriptions he came into contact with novelistic tradition and popular fancy. Long  bef ore Isla m, the eso teric ch ara cte r of wr iti ng and its ea rly mo nu mental use had inspired stories of mysterious discoveries of myste rious written documents which when deciphered revealed deep philosophical or rehgious insights. In the Muslim environment, the heavenly prototype of the Qur’an is a good example of the va rious forms in which this tradition was able to survive. The cir culation of fanciful stories concerning inscriptions was greatly stimulated by the many monumental relics of foreign writings which the Muslims came across from the early years of the conquests on and which did not fail to attract their attention. The products of a semi-learned imagination inspired by strange inscriptions were often credited to the authorship of Wahb b. Munabbih. Legend has it that a Greek inscription from the Mosque of Damascus which he de ciphered was interpreted by him as a sermon from the days of Solomon. His translation was in perfect Arabic rhymed prose.^  Ve ry ofte n, the tra ns lat or rem ain ed ano nym ous , v/hich ad ded an  other good novelistic element of mystification. On a beautiful tapestry , al-Muntasir observed a circular Persian inscription which surrounded the representation of a horseman with a crown upon his head. Nobody was able to read the inscription. Eventually, someone whose identity is not revealed was found who was able to read it. He hesitated to communicate to the caliph the ominous  word s h e savv% and on ly the ca hp h’ s inc ipie nt wr ath mad e him rev ea l the dire words: ‘T am Siroyah b. Hosraw b. Hurmuz. I killed my  ^  Kitd b al-Am n'dl,  171-75 (Cairo 1 3 5 3 ) ‘ h'or stati stica l documents, see above, p. 116, n. 3. •* Al-Mas'udi,  Mu ruj .  V, 361-62, P aris ed. - II, 152 (Cairo 1346). Ibu '^Asakir, Ta^rih  DimaSq,  I, 197 (Damascus 1329 ff.); al-\'azidi,  A malt,  72 (Hyderabad 1948). Cf. (i. h.   von Grunebaum,  Med ieval Islam ,  242 (Chicago 1946).

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father, and therefore, I had only six months to enjoy my royal power.” 1

 wh o also ha d the tra dit io n th at cla y wa s the ear hes t wr iti ng ma  terial. ^ The admittedly unknown w riting on a tablet which was found by chance in an ancient grave certainly was a cuneiform document. 2 It is not surprising that Muslim scholars were not able to do anything with hieroglyphic and cuneiform inscriptions. They could also hardly be expected to understand South Arabian inscriptions, even if the inhabitants of southern Arabia still knew the alphabet and were able to make out some grammatical features of the lan guage of the inscriptions.^ The knowledge of their highly technical contents and language probably did not survive the end of South  Ar ab ia n au ton om y. It also come s as no surp rise th at “ H eb re w” inscriptions were never correctly interpreted, for, in most cases, those inscriptions were certainly not written in Hebrew but, among other possibilities, in Nabataean, Palmyrenian, or some Iranian language. Genuine Syriac inscriptions were of no interest to Muslim historians. It is, however, somewhat disconcerting to meet with an apparent complete inability to decipher Greek inscriptions. Some of these inscriptions may indeed have been very difficult to read and to interpret, but it would seem that it was the novelistic tradition, and not philological incompetence, which doomed to failure any attempts to achieve a reasonable interpretation of Greek inscriptions. Rulers or scholars whose curiosity had been aroused by the dis covery of an inscription wished to find some extraordinary in formation in it, and the men who offered themselves to decipher the inscription were only too willing to comply. The closest approach to the correct reading of a Greek inscription is found in connection  wi th an anc ien t m onu me nt of m arb le, or r ath er ala ba ste r, in Ale ppo . It was considered to be a pagan altar and, in the thirteenth century,  wa s pre ser ved in Al ep po 's Ha la wi ya h Colle ge. A sch ola r who ha d grown up in that College told Ibn al-'Adim that Nur-ad-dm had  bro ug ht the mon um ent from Ap am ea . He ha d he ard some one decipher its inscription. It started with: “This was made for King Diocletian,” and after that, there followed the astrological constel lation which prevailed at the time the monument was made.'*

The more sober-minded appreciated alleged economic-historical information in strange inscriptions, such as an Egyptian tomb inscription from the Sa ‘id, written in the “ Upper Egyptia n {saHdi) language," which yielded a list of Pharaonic tax receipts.^ Where history was clearly fiction as in the  Ni hdy at al-arab f i ahbdr al Fu rs wa-l-'-Arab,  it was almost necessary to have a Himyaritic inscription and a man from San‘a' who was able to interpret the  Ar ab ic ver ses it con tain ed, bu t the po liti ca l inte res t of the ea rly Muslims may have been instrumental in the discovery of a Him ya rit e ins crip tion in Sama rqan d.^ Tr av el ler s in Bi bh ca l ter rit or y expected to find strange inscriptions which spoke about Moses and the like>  W he n sch ola rs and wri ters lef t the rea lm of fict ion , th ey ofte n had to confess, unless they wanted to exploit the credulous disposi tion created by the novelistic tradition,^ that they could not read the strange writing. A Muslim historian who wanted to write on the histo ry of China and was told, on what m ust have a ppeared to him good authority, that people who knew the country and its language had found historical information in inscriptions on stone, on city gates and in temples,** was in no position to judge what he heard. It was the same in matters concerning Egypt. Al-Biruni quoted a report about the discovery of an ancient Egyptian monument in Upper Egypt. Its walls contained, in three horizontal bands, sculp tured trees, animals, and representations of human beings. Ev ery  thing was accompanied by an inscription ‘'to which one now does not have the key." ^Cuneiform inscriptions were known to the Mushms, ^ Al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  II, 120 f. ; al-Husri,  Jam'- al-jawdh ir,  170 f. (Cairo 1353). ^ Cf. Ibn Zulaq (cf. below, p. 154), iu Paris ms. ar. 4727, fol. 205b. ^ Cf. ms. Cairo Ta^ h 4505, fol. 22b-23a, see above p. 58, and W. B a r t h o l d , Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion,   87 (London 1927,  E. J. W. Gibb Mem . Serie s, N .S ., 5). *  Cf., for instance, al-Maqrizi,  Hit at,  I, 188 (Bulaq 1270). ®The secr etary ‘■All b. as-S ari al-K arhi w ho in 344/955 read the inscr iptions on th e monuments of Persepolis when “^Adud-ad-dawlah visited the ci ty must hav e made ample use of his fancy, but the feat was commemorated in inscriptions, cf. G . W  i e t - E . C o m b e J. S a u v a g e t ,  Repert oire chronol. d'epi graph ie arabe,  IV, 135 f. (Caire 1933); G . E .  v o n G r u n e b a u m , loo. cit. For a discovery and decipherment of manuscripts in an unknown writing, cf. Hamzah al-I§fahani,  His tory,   I, 197 G o t t w a l d t   ( S t . Petersburg-Leipzig 1844-48), and al-Biruni, al-Atar al-bdqiyah,  24io_i2, S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1923). « A l - Y a ' q u b i,  His tory, I, 146  (N ajaf 1358 = I, 205 H o u t s m a ). For Central Asian inscriptions, cf. the repoit given by al-Juwayni, Ta^rih-i-jahdngusdy,  trans. J. A. B o y l e , 54 f. (Manchester 1958). ’’   Al-Bfnmi,  Kitd b al-Ja mdhi r f i ma'-rifat al-j awdhir ,  166 (Hyderabad 1355).

1  Cf.  Fi hr ist , 6  (Cairo 1348 ^ 4 F l u g e l ). 2 Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mim tazam , V, 100, anno 276 (Hyderabad 1357-58)= Cf. al-Hamdani,  IhlU,   Vol. \’II, cd. and trans. N. A. 1' a r i s , 122 f. (72 f.) (Princeton 1940 and 1938). Cf. also H. S t . J . B . P ii u . b y  , The Background of Islam, 127-40 (Alexandria 1947). The fact that a related idiom was spoken certainly was no real help in the decipher

ment of the inscriptions. ^ Ibn al-'Adim,  Bugy at at-talab,  Phot. Cairo Ta’rih 1566, I, 85. Cf. above, p. i n , n. 3 -This

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The inscription may indeed have contained something like the name of Diocletian. However, already al-Quda‘i reported that a monk from the Fayyum who deciphered the “ancient Coptic” inscriptions on a mumm y wrapping found the name of Diocle tian in them/ apparently, since it was the name of an ancient emperor comparatively well-known to the Muslims. And elsewhere, an in telligent man such as Ibn al-'Adim did not refrain from adopting entirely fantastic interpretations of Greek inscriptions. From the  Si ya r at-tugur  of ‘U tman b. ‘Abda llah at-Ta rsusi (d. about 401/ loio-i),^ he quoted the good admonitions of a long-lived cousin of Du 1-qarnayn discovered in a Greek inscription at the Qalamyah Gate of Tarsiis. Its decipherment had been the work of a local  vete rina rian .^

occasionally on Arabic inscriptions for exact information, as did Ibn as-Sihnah who re ported that an inscription on the gate of the Zahiriyah College in Aleppo declared the College to be a waqftor  the  be ne fit of SM i'i tes and Han afites .^ Gen era l his tori ans som etim es reproduced correct readings of Arabic inscriptions, as, for instance, the inscription upon a minbar  made and sent to Mecca in the  ye ar 470/107 8.^ Fro m a bu ild ing ins crip tion da ted in 422/1031, found underneath the mihrdb  of the mosque after an earthquake had shaken Oazwin in 5i3/Dec.-Jan. 1120-21 and mentioned by ar-Rafi‘i in his  Histo ry of Qazwtn,  Ibn Hajar derived proof for his dating of the replacement of dawlah  titles by din  titles, as reported  by as- Sa haw i in the  Jawd hir,   the detailed biography of Ibn Hajar.  Am on g the sm alle r insc ribe d ob jec ts wh ich eng age d the att en tio n of Muslim historians, there were seal inscriptions. They entered Muslim historical literature from Persian sources.^ Already alH ay tam b. ‘Adi wrote on the seals of the caliphs.^ The strange story of the fate of the Prophet’s simple silver ring with the threeline inscription;  Muh amm ad Ras ul Alla h,   was recounted by the h i s t o r i a n s . 5 The fact that seal inscriptions were attributed to Persian kings and Greek sages shows their connection with wisdom literature. They soon became a topic of the entertaining and edify

 A fte r all this en tert ain ing bu t re gr et ta bl y unh isto ric al ma ter ial ,  wh ich cou ld be illu str ate d by ma ny fur the r exa mpl es, it is com  forting to be able to refer to a few cases of an accurate and historical use of inscriptions by Muslim historians. These cases concern inscriptions in Arabic. A valuable example in this direction was set by the early historian of Mecca, al-Azraqi. He quoted Meccan  bu ildi ng ins crip tio ns whi ch no do ub t wer e genu ine and co rre ctl y reproduced.^ The tradition thus inaugurated in connection with the local history of Mecca persisted. In addition to literary sources and the information received from reliable informants as well as the things seen by himself, Mecca’s historian in the early fifteenth century mentioned as his sources “marble and stone monuments and wooden material which have inscriptions and are found in the places where they belong.Other local historians also drew  story and other remarks on inscriptions by Ibn al-'-Adim weie taken over by Ibn Hatib anNasiriyah and partly also by later historians of Aleppo. (Arabic text, below, p. 544.) S. M. S t e r n , in  Bibli othec a Orient alis,  X I, 74 (1954), refers to “an inscription from the reign of Justinian . . . read to the Fatim id caliph al-Mansur in the neighborhood of Tahart in 336/947-48.” ^ Cf. al-Maqrizi,  Hita t,  I, 116 (Bulaq 1270). A similar story in great detail. I, 433 f. ^ Cf. Yaqut,  Irsdd,   X II, 128 f. (Cairo = V, 37 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ). ^ Cf. Ibn al-'^Adini, op. cit., yg  f., where the author also mentions a Hebrew inscription. Cf. further, for instance, Ibn Tulun,  Luma^dt,  61 (Damascus 1348,  Rasd^il ta'rt htya h, 4). The tendency to find wisdom and piety in ancient inscriptions has persisted into modern times. Not only would an Athanasius Kircher in the seventeenth century find the most fantastic things in ligyptian hieroglyphics (cf. A. E r m a n ,  Di e Hier o^lyplie n,  3 f., 2nd ed., Berlin-Lcipzig 1923,  Sammlims; (idschen; M. L i d z b a r s k i ,  Handhu ch der nordse mitisc hen  I'.pi^iraphik,  89 ff., Weimar 1898), but even the translators of Aramaic papyri in the nine teenth century would obtain some strange results (cf. F. R o s e n t h a l ,  Die arania istisch e horschuns;,,  26 f., Leiden 1939), and our own age is not immune to this tendency. ^ Cf. I'. WUSTENFEI .D,  Di c ('lirom ken der Stadt Mek ka, 1, 306 ff. (Leipzig 1858). ^ 1 aqi-ad-din al-Fasi, 5 ;/«’ al-f^ardm,  in F. W' C s t e n f e l d ,  op. cit.,  II, 58 (Leipzig 1859); I, 2 f. (Mecca-C airo 1956). In order to ascerta in the date of a IVIeccan gover nor of the early 

ing adah  literature.® thirteenth century, al-Fasi II, 199) unearthed a document concerning the sale of a house in Mecca. For as-Saybi’s work on the cemetery of al-Mu'alla and its inscriptions, cf. G A L ,  II, 173. A similar work probably was that by al-Aqsahri, cf.  IHdn,   130, below, p. 476. 1 Cf. Ibn as-Sihnah, ad-Durr al-muntahab ft taMh mamlakat Halab,  112 (Beirut 1909)  A bu ild ing ins cri ptio n in Ba gd ad : al Ha tib al-B agd adi , TB ,  I, 108. Inscriptions on tomb stones are occasionally referred to in the specialized branch of local historiography that deals with famous burial sites, cf. as-Sahawi, Tuhfat al-albdb  (Cairo 1356/1937)) and the preceding note. 2 Ibn al-Jawzi,  Munt azam ,  VIII, 311 (Hyderabad 1357-58). Cf., further, al-Qadi al-Fadil al-Baysani, in al-Maqrizi,  Hit at,  I, 184 (Bulaq 1270); Ibu Abi Zar*" 27, 31, 33   (trans. 39, 44 f., 46) T o r n b e r g (Uppsala 1843-46). For an early example, cf. al-Jahsiyari, VVuzard^, fol. 40b Mzik (Leipzig 1926,  Bib l. arabischer His torik er und Geographen,  i), cf. GAL Supple ment,  I, 204. ^ Cf. al-Jahsiyari, op. cit.,  fol. 2a. * Cf.  Fih rist , 1465 (Cairo 1348 = 1 0 0 4 F l u g e l ).  Al- Ma da ’u u wro te a  Kitd b al-Hd tam wa-r-riisut,   cf.  Fih rist ,  148 (Cairo 1348). Al-Mas'udi, Tanbih,  regularly mentions the seal inscriptions of the caliphs. ^ Cf., for instance, at-Tabari, Ta^rih,  I, 2856-58, anno  30; Ibn al-Atir,  Kam il,   III, 54!. (Cairo 1301); Ibn Haldun,  Muq addi mah,   II. 53 f. Paris. C f. also the references in A. J. W e n s i n c k  , a Handbook of Early Muhammadan Tradition,  211 f. (Leid en 1927); as Suli,  Adab al-kuttdb,  139 (Cairo 1341); L. C a e t a n i ,  An na li del l’ Islam ,  VTI, 387 f. (Milan 1914)®Cf. al-\Vassa’,  Mii was ki,  162 ff. B r u n n o w (Leiden 1886).  An ear ly and \ ery imp erfe ct att em pt to deal with the su bje ct is J . H a m m e r  - P u r g s t a l l s  Abha ndlun g iiber d ie Siege l der Arabe r, Perser und Tiirk en,  in the phil.-hist. Kl. of the Vienna  Ac ade my , 1848.

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Coins were not used by Muslim historians as sources of historical information. Finds of hoards, however, were occasionally reported,^ as, already accompanied by a fictional decipherment, in the  Ah bdr al-hulafd^  of the ninth-century al-Harit b. (Muhammad b.) Abi U s a m a h .2 Since the issuing of coins often reflected political develop ments, historians reported on it with some frequency. The minting of special non-circulating issues was also mentioned o c c a s i o n a l l y . ^ Thus, even coins were not entirely neglected or missing among the numerous elements which together constituted the contents of Muslim historical works. ^ Cf. Kurkis 'Awwad, in  Revue de VAc adem ic arabe de Dam as, XX ,  143-56 (1945). In South Arabia, we arc told, gold pieces weighing one quarter ounce, of non-Muslim coinage,  were foun d in 910/15 04-5, cf. I  b n a l - ‘ ^ A y d a r u s , an-Nilr as-sdfir,  53 (BagdM 1353/1934). ^ Died in 282/896 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 258; al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  VIII, 218 f.). He is quoted by al-Jahsiyari, op. cit.,  fol. 151a; ar-Rasid b. az-Zubayr, ad-Dahd^ir wa-t-tuhaf, 224 f. H a m i d u l l a i i (Kuwait 1959).  A fict ion al coin insc ript ion of a Per sian quee n, in  Nihd yat al-arab f t ahbdr al-F urs wa-l^Arab,  Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 4505, fol. 56.  Aga in, it had to be a monk , in this par tic ula r case a Gre ek, who deci phe red the leg end s of copper coins found in Qus in 662/1264 (Ibn 'Abd-az-Zahir, al-Fadl al-bdhir min strut assultdn al-Malik az-Zdhir,  quoted by al-Yunini,  Da yl Mir^dt az-zamdn,  I, 556 f., Hyderabad 1374-80/1954-61; al-Maqrizi,  Hit at,  I, 236, Bulaq 1270). Cf. also H. R  i t t e r   , in  Der Isla m,  V II, 83 f. (191 7). ®Cf. G. C. M i l e s ,  A Port rait of the B uy id Pri nce Ru kn al-dawlah, in  Ame rica n N umi sma tic  Socie ty, Mus eum Note s,  XI , 283-93 (1964).

CHAPTER FIVE

THE MIXED FORMS OF HISTORICAL WRITING i _ t h e

o r ig i n s

Having analyzed the original form elements of historical pre sentation in Islam and the contributory non-historical branches of learning, we are now prepared to review the mixed forms of his toriography, that is, the actually existing works. The early hahar  wo rks and bio gra phi es nee d no long er be discu ssed . Th ree larg e groups of historical works are under consideration: World histories, local or regional histories, and contem porary histories and memoirs. However, it may be well to pause here for a moment and at tempt to draw together the hints and suggestions scattered through out the previous pages that have bearing upon the perpetually fascinating problem of the origins of historical writing in Islam. The history of Muslim historiography offers innumerable facts and thousands of concrete documents for study to the historian, and he knows that the awail,  the first beginnings, remain shrouded, at least for the time being, in a darkness imperfectly pierced by wilful inferences and guesses, but it is his undeniable task to search for possible glimmers of light in that darkness. Of the two questions concerning all origins, the wh y ? and the how ?, the former, being a matter of the mind, usually is the harder to answer. In our case, the situation is different. The motivation for writing history in Islam is appare nt; the technical procedures cannot be described and dated  wit h suff icie nt acc ur acy . The stress Muhammad placed upon “kno wledge  [Him)’ ’   and history, the many practical uses of historical and biographical data from early Islamic times, the tremendous events triggered  by the com ing of Isla m wh ich dee ply impr esse d thos e pri ma rily responsible for them with their historic significance, the ancient Near East tradition of history as the royal science, the existence of a historical literature and of active historians among the con quered peoples— in view of all these factors, it would be astonishing Rosenthal,

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if no historical writing had developed in Islam. Pride of place among the activating factors must go to the historical element in Muslim religion. Its influence upon the direction historical writing took in Islam may not always have been favorable, but without it, the  wo rld ly pow ers mi gh t not ha ve fel t inc line d to giv e sup por t to historical studies, and the long periods of pohtical decay might have put an end to them. As it was, not even the growth of my s ticism, so hostile to the idea of history, was able to smother its triumphant progress. As a concrete indication for the primary importance of the religious factor, it may be noted that the early historians, withou t exception, were representative s of “kno wledg e” in its wide religious sense. The early, more or less legendary figures credited with representing a combination of literary and historical information remained (together with their more tangible literary successors, the historical novehsts) as it were on the sidelines of Muslim historiography. For the determination of the material origins, we are handicapped  by a num be r of circ ums tanc es. In the firs t plac e, dev elo pm ent s  were ex ce ed ing ly rap id, corr espo ndin g to the gene ral tem po of the formation of Muslim civilization. Then, as might be expected, original manuscripts from the earliest period, that is, from well  befo re 750 A .D ., are no t avai lable .^ Ou r sour ces of info rma tion , direct or indirect, are for the most part of a much later date, and those comparatively close in time give little information. Above all, these sources labor under a contradictory pair of preconcep tions. For one, it was desirable to project back the existence of a civilization based upon writing, which developed during the eighth century, into the earhest times of Islam. On the other hand, the oral transmission of “k nowledge,” which must have been preponder ant in the very early years, acquired a halo of sanctity sufficiently strong to distort the true situation. In the three successive generations to which the earliest histo rians of Islam are most likely to belong, the outstanding names are ‘U rwah b. az- Zu ba yr (b. ca. 30/650-51, d. ca. 93-95/7 11-14 ),2 Muhammad b. Muslim b. Sihab az-Zuhri (b. ca. 50/670, d. ca. 123-25/ 1 The important material published by N.  A  b b o t t ,  Stud ies in Arab ic Lite rary Pa py ri I :  Hist orica l Texts   (Chicago 1957), does not go back far enough. However, the author’s discussion of the beginnings of Muslinx historiography and her strong plea for greater recognition of the importance and achievements of Umayyad intellectual life are basic for the understanding of the problems facing us here. “ It stands to reason that the dates of birth, uncertain as they are, are more important in this connection than the dates of death.

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740-43), and Musa b. ‘Uq bah (b. ca. ?, d. 141/758-59). ‘Urw ah suppos edly wrote a work on Muhammad’s raids {sannafa al-magdzi).^  Az -Z uh ri is pic tur ed as ha vin g insi ste d upo n ora l tran smi ssio n, al  though modern scholarship is inclined to consider his purported aversion to written fixation a reflection of later ideas projected  ba ck int o his time.^ Th e on ly his tor ica l “ bo ok ” he is sup pos ed to have written was a book on the genealogy of his people, but he is also supposed to have owned many books on poetry,^ poetry being a subject relatively so unimportant that there was no harm in  wr itin g it down . On the oth er han d, we ha ve a qu ota tio n (dire ct or indirect?) from a work by az-Zuhri, written, it seems, for personal use, about the “ ages” (that is, the length of the reigns) of the ca liphs.^ Of the work of the youn gest of the three, Musa b. ‘U qbah, the brief preserved fragment is not entirely historical in character and has gone through a later process of transmission difficult for us to assess as to its literary significance.®  A va lid de duc tio n from the av ail ab le evi de nce as ma rsh ale d by such scholars as H o r o v i t z , A  b b o t t , and S c h a c h t , is that “books” containing historical information were written in the second half of the first century of the hijrah. It would seem likely that all the form elements of later Muslim historiography already appeared in them. There is no proof for the assumption that these “ books” enjoyed any kind of public circulation. It would seem that their circulation was largely restricted to friends and students who at times may have included caliphs and other high officials.  Wh en the int ere st in his tor ica l wor ks, one or tw o gen era tio ns later, became widespread enough to make them part of the rap idly growing literary output, some were published by students of them in their own “recensions.” These recensions might have constituted an accurate reporting of the contents of the early works, or the latter might have been augmented and rearranged. From later ^ Cf. ad-Dahabi, TaM h al-Isldm,  IV, 31, quoted by as-Suyuti in his awa^il   work, 115 (Bagdad 1369/1950). Cf. also above, p. 69, n. 2. ^ Cf. ‘^A  b d - a l -'^A z i z a d -D u r i ,  Bah t f t naP at ^ilm at-ta'^rth,  24 (Beirut i960).  A  d - D u r i ’ s  wo rk deals in gre at det ail wit h the men men tion ed here and wit h the ir role in ear ly Musl im historiography. ^ Ad-Dahabi, op. cit.,  V, 143, 145. His “boo ks” in general: Ibn Katir,  Bidd yah,   IX, 344; a d -D u r i , op. cit.,  l o i . *  Cf. at-Tabari Ta^rth,  II, 428, 1269, cited by J. H o r o v i t z , in  Islam ic Cultur e,  II, 49 (1928).  A reconstruction of az-Zuhri’s work was undertaken by a d - D u r i , in  BS OA S,   X I X , 1-12 (1957), who sees in him the first serious student of the biography of the Prophet according to traditionist scholarship as cultivated in Medina. Cf. also E. L. P e t e r s e n , op. cit.  (above, p. 63). ^ Cf. J. S c h a c h t ’ s important contribution cited above, p. 69, n. 2, and below, p. 393, n. 6.

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periods of Muslim literature, we are used to finding manuscripts of  wo rks pro vid ed wi th a cha in of tra nsm itte rs of wh ich the las t is the one responsible for the actual manuscript (or an earlier copy of it). In these cases, we do not hesitate to ascribe authorsh ip of the work, in the form we find it, to the first member of the chain. Such a procedure, however, is not justified for the earliest stages of historical writing. Some day, a lucky find may restore to us one of the earliest Mushm historical “books,” and this would indeed be an event of the utmost importance. However, it seems hardly hkely tha t such a find could signify that more than the barest beginnings of a histori cal literature existed in the Muslim world around the year 700. The strongest argument against the existence of a flourishing historical literature of published works at that time lies, after all, in the fact that the ninth-century historians whose works have been preserved seem to know practically nothing about it. If we look at the hst of works used by al-Ya‘qubi ^we find that he makes no direct use even of authors such as Miisa b. ‘Uqbah or Ibn Ish ^. He may have preferred later works because they embodied the substance of the earlier ones and, in addition, were more comprehensive. But it seems quite likely that neither he (nor his contemporaries) had access to the very earhest original works. Now, it may be that the library holdings of Umayyad times perished in their entirety, or  were de lib er ate ly des troy ed, und er th e im pa ct of th e ‘A bb as id revolution and that this, in particular, affected historical works as their contents was considered subversive; there is nothing to indi cate that this was actua lly the case. Or the old manuscripts may ha ve  bee n a ll d isc ard ed bec aus e of th eir obs ole te w riti ng and the ma ter ia ls upon which they were written; this would only be a further argu ment for the assumption that the number of pubhshed copies,  wh ere ver such ex iste d, was ve ry smal l.  A n arg um ent ex silentio  is always uncertain. But everything considered, it remains suggestive in this case. Historical writing in Islam started in the second half of the seventh century (if not  befo re!). It be gan to cap tur e its stro ng pos itio n in org ani zed Mus  lim literary hfe during the eighth century. Of this production, little has been preserved or as yet been recovered. However, its general similarity in form and character to the works preserved seems quite certain. ^ Cf. below, p. 134, n. 2.

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2— W O R L D H I S T O R I E S  As a rule, on ly tho se wo rks wh ich are pre ser ve d co nst itu te a satisfactory material for our investigation. Moreover, it is preferable to have carefully edited texts of complete works or, at least, of characteristic portions. This, unfortunately, is frequently not the case. We can, however, be certain th at more material, if it were known, m ight to some degree change the emphasis but not the essence of the picture here presented.  W ith th e beg inn ing of th e ten th ce nt ur y, we me et thre e diffe rent types of world histories. T hey were preceded by ad-Dinawari’s  Ahb dr at-tiwdl}  a synchronized presentation of Biblical, Persian, and preIslamic A rabic history, followed by an early Islamic history which, like the whole work, is essentially interested in Persian affairs. The history of the caliphs is briefly treated according to their reigns. Muhammad and his history is passed over in complete silence. The first of the three types of universal historiography is the  Hi stor y of a l-Y a‘qubi. The author’s introductory remarks, including the story of the creation of the world, have fallen victim to a gap in the manuscript. The first part of the work is devoted to pre-Islamic history, beginning with Biblical history. As usual, the chronological succession of individuals (prophets, kings, etc.) provides a simple principle of arrangement. Then, there is a description of the four Gospels, replacing pohtical history with cultural history. A l-Y a‘ qubi followed the same procedure wherever there existed no informa tion, or no sufficient information, on political history, as in the case of the Greeks, the Indians, and the pre-Islamic Arabs. Topics such as the works of Aristotle and Hippocrates, the introduction of chess, and the pre-Islamic poets are discussed. A l-Y a‘qubi went back to the original sources as far as they were available to him. With regard to the history of the Old and New Testament period, he was not satisfied with Muslim tradition but, with the help of informants, had recourse to the original writings and in this way achieved a rare accuracy. The cultural interest of the author continued into the second part of the work which deals with Muslim history. It  beg ins wi th wise saw s on the im por tan ce of kno wle dge . ‘A li b. A bi ^ G A L , I, 123. The w ork was reprinted, witho ut date, in the Matba'^ at 'Ab d-al-H am id  A . H an af i, Ca iro , at th e ex pe ns e of th e M ak ta ba h al -'- A ra bi ya h in Ba gd ad . A mo re re ce nt e d i t i o n i s t h a t b y 'A   b d - a l -M u n ' im 'A  mi r   a n d J a m a l - a d - d in a s -S a y y a l   (Cairo i960) (not seen).

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Talib is conspicuously quoted in this connection. The Si'ah per suasion of the author further shows itself in the preference shown for §i‘ah versions of the events of the first century of the hijrah and in the biographical notices devoted to the Tw elver imams which stress their contributions to wisdom.^ The sources used by al-Ya‘qubi,  wh o ha d at his disp osa l a rich his tor ica l lite rat ure of wh ich on ly a few fragments are preserved, are indicated in a bibliography.^ The history of the Prophet follows the usual pattern. It consists of a series of hahars.  They are classified as pre-Islamic activities, raids, etc., and, as far as possible, arranged chronologically. Topics which do not admit of a chronological arrangement, such as the list of Muhammad’s wives or his sermons, are put at the end of the Pro phetical history but, in this particular case, before the reports on Muhammad’s last pilgrimage and death. The remainder of the  wo rk is a str aig ht hi sto ry of the reig ns of the ind ivi du al calip hs. Each reign is treated as a unit. It is introduced by the date and horoscope of the caHph’s accession.^ It is concluded by a character ization of the caliph and by lists of his civihans officials (jurists), the leaders of the annual pilgrimages during his reign, and the mihtary expeditions undertaken in his time and the men who headed them. The bulk of the section devoted to each caliph is made up of individual hahars.  There are few exact dates, although annalistic coordination of events through “in the same year” occurs occa sionally.^ The Syrian month corresponding to a given month of the hijrah is always indicated; surprisingly enough, this feature re occurs in the early eighth/fourteenth-century history of Ibn alJazari.®

 jur ist , and the ins igh t into po liti ca l affa irs of the pra cti cin g law yer pohtician. All these were qualities which commanded enduring and ever-increasing respect in the intellectual circles of orthodox Islam. It was therefore only natural that his historical work never ceased to exercise a tremendous influence upon future historians as a model of how history should be written. Its pre-Islamic history is restricted to a synchronized presentation of Islamized Bibhcal history, Arab history, and Persian history. No notice is taken of the widening of the historical and cultural horizon which had taken place during at-Tabari’s hfetime. The story of Muhammad follows the sirah  pattern. However, with the hijrah, the annahstic presentation sets in and is then continued without the slightest deviation. The events of the individual years are presented in hahar  form, with the careful indication of sources and chains of transmitters. Where there were different reports about the same event which at-Tabari thought worth preserving, he took them over and placed them next to each other in his work. Accuracy and faithfulness to the transmitted text, even to the extent of including foreign-language quotations, such as Persian verses,^ are the rule. The more important events are, it seems, given first place in their respective years. The ruler division is only lightly superimposed upon the annalistic division. It is marked mainly  b y ex ten siv e bio gra phi es of the cal iphs at the end of the ir reigns . Lists of officials seem to have appeared less important to the theolo gian at-Tabari than to more worldly-minded historians. The author’s point of view when he approaches his own time is strictly Bagdadian and reflects the attitude of the central government, as we  wo uld ex pe ct. Th is fa ct bec ome s evi de nt wh ere ver we can com par e at-Tabari’s presentation with that of authors possessing a different outlook, as is possible, for instance, in the case of Tulunid history. Details unfavorable to the ‘Abbasids seem occasionally to have been omitted .2  Obituary notices were kept out of the  Histor y,  unless it  wa s the case of perso ns of his tor ica l sign ifica nce . A spec ial wor k, entitled  D ay l al-mu dayya l,  took care of the biographies of early

 A t- Ta ba ri ’s wo rld hi sto ry wa s inc om pa ra bly more im po rta nt than al-Ya‘qubi who was soon all but forgotten. At-Tabari brought to his work the scrupulousness and indefatigable longwindedness of the theologian, th e accu racy and love of order of the scholarly  ' See above, p. 64 f. ^ The bibliograph y of sources was an integral part of Muslim scholarly research. Its existence or non-existence in a work indicated the degree of scholarship the author laid claim to. In the course of the centuries, the bibliographies in histories as well as any other type of works became more and more detailed. ^ Cf. above, p. in . The source certainly was Masa^llah’s  Nati vitie s,  mentioned by al Ya 'qu bi ,  His tory   II, 3 (Najaf 1358 = II, 4 H o u t s m a ), as one of the works used by him. The work by Muhammad b. Musa al-Huwarizmi, which is mentioned ibid.,  may have been his Ta^rth,  and not an astrological work. However, the information we find in al-Ya'qubi in connection with Muhammad’s birth is not the same that occurs in al-Biruni (above, p. 73. n. 2). *  Al -Y a'q ub i,  His tory ,  II, 128 (Najaf 1358 = II, 159 H o u t s m a ). ®Cf. below, p. 493, n. i. Cf. also at-Tabari, Ta?rth,  III, 916.

Muslims. The third great historical work of the period is al-Mas‘udi’s  Mu ruj ,  which belonged to a series of apparently quite similar 1 A t - T a ba r i , Ta^rth,  II, 1606  f., anno  119. Cf. also III, 50, 65, 1539. * Cf. H. K  e l l e r , in the introduction to his edition of the sixth volume of Ahmad b. Abi Tahir’s  His tory of Bagdad   (Leipzig 1908). K  e l l e r ’ s characterization of the relationship of at-Tabari to his author is, however, hardly acceptable.

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historical works by the same author. i Al-M as‘udi’s brief  Kit dh at~TanUh,  with its constant references to other parts of the series of pubhcations, makes it fully evident that it was the object of that series to treat all material phenomena of the world under the aspect of history. A play ful flourish, such as the indication of the date of the composition of the Tanbih  at the end of the work ac cording to different eras, is significant as the expression of a truly  wo rld- his tori cal out loo k. Ev en more so th an a l- Y a ‘qu bi ca n alMas'udi be considered the characteristic representative of the universal cultural interpretation of history. In the  Mu ru j,  the story of the creation of the world is followed by a physical description of the earth. The treatment of pre-Islamic Arabs which stresses the cultural elements in their history is combined with a discussion of all foreign nations known to the Muslims of the tenth century. This comprises almost one-half of the whole work. Very httle space is given to the history of the Prophet— it is true, though, that al-Mas'Mi refers to another work of his in which the sirah is said to have been dealt with in detail. The stress here is on briefly narrating Muhammad’s life in chronological order, using the years of Muham mad’s hfe as the principle of arrangement for the time before the hijrah. Events concerning ‘All are given much more attention than the biography of the Prophet. The history of the caliphs is treated according to the reigns of the individual rulers. Poetical, hterary, and otherwise entertaining notes and anecdotes are the main concern of the author. Some theologico-philosophical infor mation is also included. A brief summary of the dates of caliphs and the length of their reigns and an enumeration of the leaders of the annual pilgrimage conclude the work.  Wh ile the wo rks of a l- Y a ‘qi ibi, at- Ta ba ri, and al- Ma s‘u di are typical of the Muslim universal history of the period, they were by no means the only forms that grew in the fertile soil of tenthcentury Islam. Al-Mutahhar’s  Begi nn ing and Hist ory  has already  bee n des crib ed as a hist ori cal wo rk wr itt en from a ph ilos oph ica l point of view. 2 Philosophical, theological, and scientific discussions obscure the historical character of the work and leave only little room for the Islamic history. Contemporary with the  Beg inn ing and   Hist ory  is Hamzah al-Isfahani’s  Histo ry,  which, for us, is an ex tremely valuable source of cultural information. It is, however, ' Cf. above, p. io«f . - Cf. above, p. 114 f.

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largely modeled after the treatment given to historical data in the  wor ks of ast rono mer s and sho ws gre ate r sim ila rit y to al- Bir im i’s  wo rk on Chronology  (for which Hamzah was a principal source) than to historical works.^ The author’s intention was to present the chronology of the various nations known to him, that is, the Per sians, Romans, Greeks, Copts, Israelites, Lahmids, CTassanids,  Ye me nit es , Ki nd ah , and Muslim s. Th is in vo lve d asc erta ini ng the length of the reigns of the individual rulers and, occasionally, attempting synchronizations between the various nations. Even in the case of the caliphs, Hamzah’s information is largely restricted to the length of their reigns. Some little space is given to the “ even ts,” such as earthquakes or pestilences. Many pages, on the other hand, are occupied by such information as the dates of the Persian new  ye ar acc ord ing to the Mus lim calendar. ^ Pa rti cu la r sect ion s are devoted to the history of Hurasan and Tabaristan which, in the author’s opinion, played an especially important part in the history of Islam, because of Hurasan’s Abu Muslim and the Buyids of Tabaristan .3 ^11  in all, a rather defective way of treating world history, in spite of the author’s admirable scholarly qualifications. From the same tenth century,^ a Christian world history is preserved in the work of Agapius (Mahbiib) b. Qustantin al-Manbiji. It is marked by a quite scientific approach in its geographical de scription of the world and by its full use of information customarily found in Byzantine chronicles, that is, Biblical history synchronized  wi th Gr eek m yth ol og y a nd cu ltu ra l hi sto ry, and He llen isti c, Ro ma n, and Near Eastern political history.  An oth er Chr isti an wo rld hi sto ry wa s th at of A ga pi us ’ con tem  porary, Eutych ius (Sa'id) b. Bitriq. The author’s introductory words raise great expectations. He starts out by saying that everyone 1 For the distinction of chronological and historical works, one may compare al-Biruni’s statement, in his  Atd r al-bdq iyah,  loOj, S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1923), that he was occupied  wit h est abh shi ng the his tor ica l dat es {tawdrih)  and not with evaluating the historical information {ahbdr). 2 Cf. above, p. 116, n. 3 ^ Cf. Hamzah al-Isfahani,  His tory ,  I 216 G o t t w a l d t (St. Petersburg-Leipzig 1844-48). Salmaw ayh’s/Joo^ of the Dynasty [Fihrist,  156, Cairo 1348 = 107 F l u g e l ) paid considerable attention to Hurasan. It is quoted by al-Mas'udi, Tanbih, 65 D e G o e j e , under the title of  Book on the '■Abbdsid Dyna sty and the Am irs of H urds dn. G . G r a f , Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur,  II, 122 (Citta del Vaticano * 1947,  Stu di e Test i,  133): “ A church and pohtical history {k. at-TaMh)  in Sbath,  Fih ris t, 2427 (13th cent.), and a universal history {k. al-Azmina  “ Book of Times” ), ibid. 2428 (from the year 1397), are said to have as their respective authors each an unnamed Nestorian of the ninth century.” Xo comment on this statement is as yet possible. Cf. also the Mas'udi passage, referred to above, p. 108.

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 who does not wa nt to bui ld on sand mus t kno w the bas is {ad)  of his particular science. He refers to Plato and Aristotle as the authors  who in the ir bo oks on logic ha d stre sse d the nee d for suc h kn ow l edge of basic principles. It thus comes as a great disappointment  whe n Eu ty ch iu s ha s not hin g mor e to sa y ab ou t the bas is of his  toriography than that it is “ the Torah and similar sound books.” ^ The work, however, contains a skilfully synchronized pre-Islamic history which is circumscribed by the Christian outlook of the author (Biblical history, Alexander, the Diadochi, Romans, Chris tianity, Byzantines, and Persians). His religious interest expresses itself in excursuses against the Manichaeans and Nestorians as well as references to events of significance in the history of the Church, such as synods and appointments of ecclesiastic dignitaries. Strangely enough, the hijrah constitutes a division of history for the Christian author, but nothing is said about the life of Mu hammad. The arrangement of later history strictly follows the reigns of the caliphs, whose biographies do not differ in form from  wh at is fou nd in Mus lim histo ries. Th e ma in sub sta nce of the his torical narrative, however, is provided by Church history or by events concerning the Christians. Rarely do we find a reference to remarkable natural phenomena or to a political event that did not immediately concern the author’s coreligionists. The contin uation of Eutychius by Yahya b. Sa'id al-Antaki, about a hun dred years later, closely followed Eutychius' work but showed much more interest in and understanding of general history, especially in its treatment of the Fatimids.^ It is worth noting that, if we except Agapius’ tendency to use the “in this year’' of annalistic historiography, these Christian authors did not use the annalistic arrangement. Nor do we find it in later Christian historians, such as Butrus ar-Rahib (thirteenth century)  who tre at ed Bi bl ica l his tor y, the hi sto ry of the Ro ma ns, MusHms, Umayyads, ‘Abbasids, Fatimids, and, at the end, the history of the Patriarchs of Alexandria in a series of very brief biographies with a synchronistic hst of dates in the margin. Bar Hebraeus, too, who in his Arabic  Histo ry of Dyn astie s  displayed an interest in cultural questions and did not refrain from including a biography of Mu hammad, shows only a few instances of the annalistic coordination 1

Ed. L. Cheikho,

in CSCO, Scriptores Arabici,  Series III, t o m u s  VI , i, 4 f. (Beirut-

Paris 1905-6). 2 Al-Antak i’s work (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 228) ended with the year 458/1065-66, cf. C. C a h e n ,  La Chr cniqu e abregee d ’al-^A zmn, in  JA , C C X X X,   353 ff. (1938).

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through fi-hd   in his treatment of the caliphs. Although the inspira tion for using the annalistic form may have come to the Mushms from Christian sources,^ Christian historical writing in Arabic ante dated the victory of the annahstic form in Muslim historiography and conservatively retained a preference for a form of presentation that was older and more genuinely Arabic. Moreover, as long as Oriental Christianity remained strong, Christian writers hardly cherished the thought of using the Muslim era in their historical  wor ks. Th e form influ ence , ho wev er, cou ld not en tir ely be avo ide d, and when an author hke Michael Syrus, in his Syriac history, arrived at Muslim history, his presentation became strongly an nalistic. Eventually, also Christian Arabic writers, such as al-Makin,^ employed the annahstic principle of arranging historical data. From the tenth century, we also have some references to a world history written by a Jewish author. The Ta^rih of Sa'adyah Gaon is said to have comprised the period “from God's creation of heaven and earth to our days” and to have been based upon the historical information of the Israelites .3  However, if Sa‘adyah’s lost work is adequately represented by the twelfth-century Oxford Anonymous,^ it was by no means a full-fledged history. It was hardly more than an expanded version of Jewish calendar chronology in the style  bes t kno wn from the  Seder '' 61dm,  which, incidentally, was also used  by Mus lim sch olar s in some form or oth er po ssi bly from th e ea rly ninth century on.^ The  Ano nym ous  is restricted to historical events 1 Cf. above, p. 74 ff. ^ C f . G. G r a f  , Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, II, 348 ff. (Citta del Vaticano 1947,  Stu di e Test i,  133). For al-Makin’s continuator, al-Mufaddal b. Abi 1-Fada^il, cf. ibid.,  450. 3 Cf. A. M a r x , in  Revue des Etud es Juiv es,  LV III , 299-301 (1909)* Cf. A . N e u b a u e r .  Med ieva l Jewi sh Chroni cles,  II, 89-110 (Oxford 1895,  Anecdo ta Oxoniensia). ^ Cf. al-Biruni, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah,  75 and 78 S a c h a u (Leipzig 1878, 1 9 2 3 ) , and Istanbul ms. ‘^Uiniimi 4667, p. 127.  An ano nym ous chr oni cle (su ppo sed ly of the nint h or ten th cen tur y) cont ains rep eat ed references to a Jewish chronicle in the style of the Christian Chronikon  which dealt with the history of the world, the great events, and the religious festivals. Its Aramaic title,  whi ch is cor rup t in the sou rce, ma y ha ve been  Hus bdn ’■dlmd.  It has been suggested that this work was identical with (?, rather, similar to) the  Seder '■oldm,  and its translator that  Ah ma d b . ‘^Abdallah b. Sal lam (Sala m ?) wh o is kno wn fro m the  Fih ris t,  33 (Cairo 1348 = 22 F l u g e l ) . This would place the translation of the work in the time of Harrin ar-Rasid (?). Cf. G . R o t h s t e i n ,  Der Ka non der biblisc hen BUcher bei den babylon ischen Nesto rianer n im 9./10.  Jhd t., in  ZD M G,   LV III, 658 (1904), and W. B a c h e r , ibid., 774   f- All this, including the early date of the work, however, is very uncertain. For another, unidentified work on Jewish history which was used by Hamzah al-Isfahani and whose author is said to have been a certain Finhas b. Bata(?) al-'Ibrani, cf. E. M i t t w o c h ,  Di e literari sche Tdtig keit Ham za al-Isb ahdnt s, in  Mit teil unge n des Semi nars  fii r orienta lische Sprach en, Westas. Stud ien,  X II, 124, n. 6 (1909).

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of immediate Jewish interest and devotes most of its space to the period from the creation of the world to the end of Jewish poUtical hfe. Li ttle more th an one page is needed to deal with the last Jewish kings in the ^Iraq, with the inclusion of the names of some Jewish kings in Syria-Palestine, the Diadochi, Romans, Persian kings, and Res galutas. And just one-quarter of a page is considered sufficient to give all the necessary information about the remaining Persian kings, to refer briefly to the Arabs, and to mention some more Res galutas of the most recent years. It seems a fact that the Jews in the medieval Mushm environ ment did not produce any substantial historical works. And, to some degree, this statement is also true with regard to medieval Jews in Christian territory. M. S t e i n s c h n e i d e r , in the introduction of his Geschichtsliteratur der Juden}   realized the necessity of making a distinction betw'een historical works and historical sources. Never theless, most of the books he mentions in his work belong to the latter catego ry. The number of real historical works is ver y small, and subsequent resea rch has not changed, a nd will not change the picture. The  An on ym ou s,  as insignificant a compilation as it is, may help to explain the lack of a historical literature among medieval Jews. It fades out as soon as the historical presentation reaches the end of Jewish political independence. The existence of an active interest in historical production among Jews depended upon their having a share in political life. The Christian historical literature in Arabic points to the identical phenomenon. Only because Christians as a group enjoyed considerable political independence at certain times and in certain Muslim regions, much more so than the numerically greatly inferior Jews, do we find a Christian historical literature  wh ich the n m os tly dea ls wi th Chr isti an affai rs. Musli m his tori es  wer e rea d b y Jew s an d fou nd the ir w ay int o Jew ish librarie s,^ bu t Jewish historical consciousness in Islam, lacking the nourishment of political independence, remained restricted to the proud memory  ^ Fraukfu rt a.M. 1905. Cf. also idem, Die arabische Literatur der Juden,  X X f. (Frankfurt a.M. 1 9 0 2 ) . S t e i n s c h n e i d e r referred to Maimon,icles’ low opiuiou of Arabic historical, genealogical, and other adab  works. Maimonides’ judgment, however, reflects the attitude of the philosopher and theologian rather than that of the Jew. ^ Cf. the His tory of al-M ahdt   and the  His tory of the ^Abbdsids and Barme cides,  in a cata logue of books published by J. M a n n , Text and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, I, 652, 658 (Cincinnati 1931). The of Alexander (op. cit.,  I, 654) may be another sign of Jewish interest in moralizing history. The existence of a Turkish fragment of an ancient Ottoman anonymous chronicle in Spanish Hebrew script is interesting, but the scribe may not have been entirely the product of a Muslim environment, cf. F . B a b i n g e r , in  Arc hil' Orien tdlni  IV, 108-11 {1932). Cf. also below, p. 180, n. 2.

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of the past and some occasional sad reflections about the sufferings of the present. A t times, it lost itself in the admiration of the his torical greatness of Islam.^ The intellectual development of the tenth century led to the triumph of a type of thinking which found its most characteristic expression in Isma'ilism but, as a religion of the educated, probably extended far beyond the active adherents of the political theories of the extremist §i‘ah. In the series of great Muslim world histories, that type of thinking is best represented by the Tajdrib al~mnam of the Persian nationalist philosopher Miskawayh. He states that he found the historical sources to be “full of information which  wa s lik e en ter tai nin g stor ies and idle ta lk  [hurdfdt],  which had no use except making one fall asleep.” ^M iskawayh wanted the ex  periences of the nations to serve as examples for the reader. Thus, he had to ehminate such “idle talk.’' What he meant by it becomes clear on the following page of his work: “ I am beginning with reporting the historical information about the time after the Deluge,  bec aus e the inf orm ati on ab ou t ear lier ev en ts can be lit tle tru ste d, and also because that information is in no way useful for accomplish ing the professed purpose of the work (namely, to mention experi ences that might serve as examples). For the very same reason,  we did not un de rta ke to rep ort th e mir acle s and po liti ca l ach iev e ments of the prophets, because the people of our time can gain experience for the tasks they will face in the future only from human  be ha vio r th at is unc onn ect ed wi th an yth ing mi rac ulo us. ” Fo r thi s reason, the “idle ta lk” of the prophets— one cannot fail to be reminded of the supposedly extremist Si'ah literature on the “ char latanry of the Prophets” which tried to destroy the belief in prophethood and revealed religion—was barred from Miskawayh’s history.  A nd not on ly the hi sto ry of the pre -Is lam ic pro phe ts bu t also the religious history of Muhammad was entirely omitted. His political history is briefly treated like a rather insignificant incident in  wo rld his tor y. Th e olde st rec ord ed his tor y, acc ord ing to the aut hor , is that of the Persian kings. Therefore, he starts with them and  wi th evi de nt enth usia sm for his sub jec t ma tte r lea ds the ir hi sto ry  1 Cf. above, p. 46 f. It is a confirmation of the above statement th at some Jewish converts to Islam became famous historians, especially Fadlallah Kasid-ad-din (cf. W. F i s c h e l , tiher Kaschid ad-Daulas ji'ulischen Urspriing, in  Mona tssch rift fU r G eschichte und Wiss enscha ft  des Judentums,  L X X X I , 1 4 5 - 5 3 , i Q 3 7 )2 M i s ka w a yh , Tajdrib al-umam.  I, 4 C a  Serie s, 7).

e t a n i

(Leiden-London 1909, A'. /. W. Gibb Mem.

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down to the end of the Persian empire. Remarks about the Baby lonians, Greeks, Christians, Byzantines, and pre-Islamic Arabs are occasionally interspersed whenever the course of Persian history seemed to require it. The author’s flair for the interesting in litera ture did not fail him when he came to Islamic history. If “ he re stricted himself to abridge the text of at-Tabari’s  His tory   by dis carding the chains of transmitters and shortening the narrative,” as a modern scholar maintains, ^ he deserves praise rather than censure. For the early years of Islam, he also did the sensible thing and dispensed dispensed with the annahstic division. division. 2 His narrative of the events of the first seventy years of the fourth century of the hijrah, due to his own merit or by virtue of the sources he used, represents the highwater mark for historical writing in annahstic form.=^ Unimportant matters are hardly ever considered. Miska wa yh dis pla ys a kee n g rasp of wh at is h ist or ica lly esse ntia l, an d th e important events are intelligently and coherently presented.  A t- T a ‘M ibi’ s ^Gurar ^ Gurar fi siyar al-muluk wa-ahbdrihim was wa-ahbdrihim  was probably quite similar in some respects to the Tajdrib  Tajdrib  of his contemporary, Miskawayh. A t-T a‘ahbi certainly did not have the historical insight insight and the feeling for history which distinguished Miskawayh. How Gurar  is preserved in too fragmentary a fashion to allow ever, the Gurar  a definite judgment concerning its historical quahty. The Islamic history down to the early ‘Abbasids was, among other sources,  bas ed upo n at -T ab ari , alt ho ugh the ann ali stic arr ang em en t wa s not used and a division according to the reigns of the caliphs was followed, with special subsections devoted to the characterization of wazirs and some other great men of the time. The narratives  wh ich are ma in ly conc erne d wit h the eas t of the ‘A bb as id em pire are coherent and interesting. The cultural interest of the author,  wh ich is ind ica te d in the titl e, dom ina tes his tre atm en t of preIslamic history. Wise sayings of caliphs and other outstanding individuals as well as edifying and instructive stories are care fully noted. 1 E. B

l o c h e t

,   1912, 1128. , i n J R A S , 

^ Since the part of the w ork from the battle of Siffin, Siffin, to the year 199 of the hijrah is not yet pubUshed, it is not possible to say when the annalistic division sets in .

®Cf. Miskawayh’s statement {anno  {anno   340) as to the sources of his information. It explains  wh y his wor k tend s to be a loca l hi sto ry of Mes opo tam ia and Iran rat her tha n a true universal history. *  Cf. above, p. 92, n. 2. In addition to Z o t e n b e r g ’ s edition and the Paris manuscript on which that edition is based, I consulted the Oxford manuscript, Bodleian ms. or. D’Orv . X, 2 (542) (542) (Uri 130).

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The appearance for a brief moment in Islam of what might be called true historiography is explained by the fact that during the tenth century a class of men, such as, for instance, the Sabi’s,  who em bod ied the cu ltu ra l pro gres s ac hie ve d dur ing the pre ced ing century, became the leading element in political life and had a true inside knowledge of the historical processes they were writing about. These men were were also fortunate fortunate in that th ey hved in a time where the  ve stig es of Is lam ’s po liti cal gre atn ess we re stil l vis ibl e in the cru m  bli ng ‘A bb as id real m. It is tem pti ng tho ugh idle to spe cul ate tha t, if men of their cultural background and position in pohtics had been possible in the first century of the ‘Abbasids, a truly great his toriography might have arisen in Islam.  W ith the ea rly ele ven th ce ntu ry, the peri od of his tor iog rap hic al experimentation came to an end. The downfall was rather sudden though not unexpected. A great change had taken place in the cultural climate through the introduction of the madrasah  madrasah  system as a means of re-establishing the predominance of orthodox Islam over secularizing a nd S i‘ah tendencies. i The ne xt of the preserved great Arab ic world histories, histories, Ibn al-Jaw zi’s  Munt azam ,  reached the lowest level to which Muslim historiography, in its main represen tatives,^ ever sank. The  Mun tazam   represents a transitional stage in which which theology— Ibn al-Jawzi’s metier— had not yet fully estabhshed its hold over historical writing, though the political interest was waning. Ibn al-Jawzi introduced a sharp division  be twe en “ ev en ts” and ob itu ar y noti ces. He pla ced th e la tte r aft er the events of each year and arranged them alphabetically. His separation of the obituary notices from the historical contents  wa s no thi ng ba sic all y new. Ob itu ar y not ice s ha d ori gin all y bee n a historical subject to be treated by itself, and we have, for instance, annalistically arranged obituaries placed at the end of the descrip tion of each cahphal reign in Ahmad b. Abi Tahir’s  Histo ry of Bag  dad.^  dad.^  However, the consistent treatment of the biographies in this particular manner seems to be Ibn al-Jawzi’s merit. Biographies intended to serve the purpose of theological personahty criticism ^  we re the au th or’ s ma in conce rn. Ev en whe n he rea che d his ow n ^ Cf. H. A. R. G i b b , in Cahiers d’Histoire Mondiale,  Mondiale,  I, 54 ff. (i 95 3 ’ 54 )2 It is. of course, course, not difficu lt to find much poorer products among minor historical compilations. 3 I, 348 f. K  e l l e r (Leipzig 1908), for the reign of al-Ma’mun. * C f . t h e i n tr tr o d uc uc t io io n o f t h e Mun e  Mun tazam ,  reproduced by O. S p i e s ,  Beitrdg e zur arabische n  Literatu rgeschich te,  te,  61 f. (Leipzig 1932,  A K M , ig, 3).

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time in the historical presentation, insignificant events, such as extraordinary natural phenomena, are prevalent, and the more important happenings are given rather scant attention. Strangely enough, Ibn al-Jawzi himself labored under the illusion that he  wa s rep ort ing on ly im por tan t ma tter s, whi le oth er his tor ian s ha d filled their books with material which it would have been better to disregard. 1 Ibn al-Jawzi’s pre-Islamic history, to judge from the  Sud ur al-*-uqud,^ was al-*-uqud,^ was largely concerned concerned with cosmography, geography and Bibhcal history down to Jesus. It continued with a brief section on the Persian kings and a bare reference to the existence of other non-Muslim nations. A strict annalistic arrangement governs the later history, counting the years from Muhammad’s birth to the hijrah, and then the hijrah years. A monthly arrangement within the years is attempted.^ That, in spite of everything, Ibn al-Jawzi  wa s rec ep tiv e to the sign ifica nce of his tor ica l forc es is sho wn by the fact that he realized the importance of Isma'ilism in his time and therefore went beyond at-Tabari in his rather detailed descrip tion of the Qarmatians in connection with the year 278/891-92, in  whi ch he firs t me ntio ns them.^ It m ay be not ed th at his gre at ad  miration for historical knowledge also shows itself in his  Kit dh al M ud hi L   This work contains a chapter on basic historical data {^uyun at-tawdrih),  at-tawdrih),  starting with remarks on geography. In Ibn al-Jawzi’s estimation, this chapter ranks with the basic data on the Qur’an, Muhammad, the early Muslim scholars, and the Arabic language. Like them, historical knowledge provides the necessary learned preparation for the composition of sermons on the vanity of the world and the deceptive character of human ambitions.^  W ith Ibn al- Ja wz i, we also enc oun ter the ske leto n-l ike ha nd bo ok of history that gave all the information desired to those who did not have the time or patience to study the original sources. The  Su dur aUHtqud, aUHtqud,   Ibn al-Jawzi’s own abridgment of the  Mun tazam , is such a handbook. Brevity is the keynote. Hardly more than one happening is mentioned for each year. Events of real historical importance find only very sporadic attention. What counts in the 1 Cf. S p i e s , loc. cit.

^ C f . a l s o S p i e s , loc. cit. ^ Cf. J. UE So.MOGYi, in JR in  JR A S,   1032, 59 f. ^ C f .  Munt azam, V, 2, i i o - i q (Hyderabad 1357-58). At-Tabari, Ta^rth,  Ta^rth,  III, 2124-30.  Al -M ud his ,  57-70 (Bagdad 1348). Cf., further, J. S o m o g y i ,  Ibn al-Jau 'zVs School of   Histo riogr aphy, in  Act a Or. Acade miae Scient iarm n Himga ricae,  ricae,  VI, 207-14 (1956).

145

opinion of the author is such news as the demise of famous per sonalities, religious developments, including measures concerning Christians and Jews, strange births, earthquakes, diseases, the opening of a new hospital, a severe unseasonal cold, the eruption of a star, a great fire, the appearance of the Daylam Turks, fam ines, the deaths and successions of caliphs, the bigamy of a  wom an, and case s of inf lat ion and def lati on. A rap id su rv ey of pre-Islamic history makes the beginning, rounding out a picture of history propagated by m any mediocre mediocre reference reference works works and by occasional reference works of a better quality, such as ad-Dahabi’s abridgment of his  Hist ory of Islam ,   entitled  Duw al al-Isl dm.   Brief outlines of world history may also function as introductions to detailed histories of their authors’ own times, in the intention of placing contemporary history, as it were, in the proper perspective. In the early thirteenth century, al-Hamawi thus prefaced his preserved history (which was preceded by a longer version not preserved) with a list of pre-Islamic prophets, “as required by the Muslim view,” ^a few remarks about Muhammad, and hsts of the Umayyad, ‘Abbasid, and Fatimid caliphs, followed by an annal istic survey beginning with the first year of the hijrah, which be comes gradually more and more detailed on approaching the time of the author. In this connection, another development in the writing of univer sal history may be mentioned, that is, the use of tables as a form  [taqwim).   This device was always used of historical presentation  [taqwim).  b y chr ono gra phe rs and ast rono me rs and ta ke n o ver into the sci en tif ic discussion of chronology, as we find it in al-Biruni’s  Atd r albdqiyah. Its practical educational value cannot have long remained remained concealed to historians. However, the earliest available historical taqwim  taqwim  dates from as late as the fourteenth century.^ Its sixteen folios deal with the rulers of Islam. In separate columns, we find information about each ruler’s father and mother, his patronymic, surname, year of birth, appointment as heir to the throne, length ^  At-Ta^ rth al-M ans uri ,  fol. 3b G r y a z n e v i c h (M o s c o w    i 9 6 0 ) , immediately before a lacuna in the manuscript. ^ W . B a r t h o l d , Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion,  Invasion,   24 (London 1928,  E. J. W. Gibb  Mem . Serie s, N .S .,  .,  5), refers to a.Ta^rth-i-mujadifal   by a certain Abu 1-Qasim Muhammad b. 'Ali al- 4 madi, who may have lived at the beginning of the twelfth century, if not earlier, and who certainly was earlier than the thirteenth century. According to the title, this must have been a history in tabular form. For the genealogical-tabular representation of universal history, sec above, p. 97 f. Cf. also Ibn Farigun, Arabic texts, below, p. 459. For Ottoman calendars, cf. above, p. no , n. 3. 3. Rosenthal,

History of Muslim Historiography

10

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of life, date of death, length of reign, cause of death, and place of  bu ria l.1 An oth er, lat er inst an ce of the tra nsp osi tion of an na list ic  wo rld his tor io gra ph y into ta bu lar form can be seen in a Tu rki sh taqwim by taqwim by Hajji Halifah. It starts out with a discussion discussion of the various eras, followed by a presentation in the form of tables of universal history, first according according to the “ years of the world” and then accord ing to the years of the hijrah. The years are further grouped in decades (following ad-Dahabi?), and, for each year, the most importan t ev ent is reported. ^ Ibn al-Jawzi’s grandson wrote the  Mir ''at az-zamdn,  az-zamdn,   a universal history, which in its pre-Islamic part reflects the richness and cultural curiosity of al-Mas‘udi, and in its Islamic part gives much fuller historical information than Ibn al-Jawzi. At the same time, the work which among the ordinary annahstic treatments of  wo rld hi sto ry in Isla m dese rves to be ca lled the bes t wa s in the making, the  Ka m il f i t-ta^rih t-ta^rih   by Ibn al-Atir. For the vast ground it covers, the  Ka m il   il   is remarkably well balanced. The pre-Islamic history deals with the creation of the world, Bibhcal history (which is synchronized with that of the Persians), and the stories of Christians, saints, and pre-Islamic Arabs. The life of Muhammad is quite long but not unproportionately so, as it occupies roughly somewhat less than one-twentieth of the whole work. The author expresses his regret that “ someone in Mosul Mosul must necessarily miss up on events of the remote regio regions ns of east east and west.” ^ Even w ithout this express statement, it is fully obvious that at least he tried hard to strike an even balance between events from all parts of the Muslim world, even if he was not uniformly successful in this respect. In addition, he tried to do do justice to “ strange happenin gs” and the biographies of important individuals, while not putting undue stress on them. Ibn al-Atir’s historical treatment gets more detailed when he reaches his own time, but again he keeps within the proper limits. He occasionally if rarely shows ghmpses of true historical insight. For instance, he describes the capture of Antioch by the Crusaders 1 Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 86 m. In the manuscript, the taqwim  taqwim  is followed by Abu 1-Fida” s Tibr al-masbuk.  al-masbuk.  Both works seem to have been composed by the same author, but the question of their authorship needs closer investigation. The Tibr  Tibr  ends ten years after Abu 1-Fida’’s death. ,   II, 248;  Supp leme nt   II, 636; 2 Paris ms. persan suppl. 1739 (B l o c h e t 2293); cf. G A L ,  ure,  II, 128 f. ;  Kd tip Qelebi, hayat i ve eserleri hakk inda inceleme ler, S t o r e y ,  Per sian Literat ure,  48 ff., loi ff. (Ankara 1 9 3 7 ) 3  Ka mil ,  I, 3 (Cairo 1301).

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in 491/1098 as pait of a three-pronged attack of the Christian  wo rld aga ins t Isl am : in Spa in, in Sic ily, and no w in the he art lan d of Islam.^ Or he ventures an explanation of the observation that the founders of dynasties usually are not succeeded by their own o f f s p r i n g . 2 At a nother time, he reflects, as do other historians, upon the greatness of the calamity of the Tatar invasion.^ In this connection, he was surpassed in historical and psychological in sight by Ibn Ab i U saybi'ah, who knew that “there always was a greater calamity, a bigger event.” ^ On one occasio occasion, n, Ibn al-Atir even defies the annalistic arrangement, in order to give a coherent report on four years of crusader trouble which began with the year 614/1217-18.^ However, in some essential respects, he, too, does not rise above the ordinary level of the annalistic compiler. He often relies exclusively upon one source. In the case of information derived from at-Tabari, he tries to make up deficiencies from other works. On some rare occasions, he expressly mentions his use of more than one sour source ce.® .® He often shortens h’s partic ular source in a rathe r neghgent and subjective manner.’ On the whole, the  Ka m il, in formative as it is, is not very rehable, but it remains a great and remarkable achievement. The world-wide repercussions of the rise of the Mongols brought an increased interest in the history of non-Muslim peoples as well as the oppo rtunity to satisfy it. The most original work in this re spect was done by Fa dlallah Rasid-ad-din. Rasid-ad-din. In his  Jdmi^ at-tawdrih, he included sketches of Chinese, Jewish, Indian, and Western Euro pean history, the last one being based on a Latin chronicle close to or identical with that of Martinus Oppaviensis (Polonus) (d. 1278);  wh ile Ma rtin us tre at ed firs t the Po pes and the n the Em per ors dow n to his own time, the two lists were merged by the Persian author.  A n up -to -d ate pre sen tat ion of th e geo gra phi cal fea tur es of We ste rn ^ op. cit.,  cit.,  X, 112. “ Op. cit.,  cit.,  X I, 154 f., anno  anno   564, quoted by Baybars al-Mansuri,  Zubd at al-fik rah,  rah,   cf. Bodleian ms. Pocock 324 (Uri 704), anno  anno   564. Op. cit.,  cit.,  XII, 164, anno  anno   617. * I b u A b i U sa sa yb yb i'i' ^a ^a h, h, I , 23 23 3 M u l l e r . The author was belitthng the complaints which the physician SaMd b. Bisr had made about conditions in the tenth/eleventh century. On the fallacious concept of “ the good old days ,” cf. also al-Maqrizi’s  Igdtat al-ummah.   ed. M . M. Z i Y A D A H and J. a s - S a y y a l (2nd ed., Cairo 1957). ® Ka mi l,  l,   X l l , 1 4 7. 7. ® Op. cit.,  cit.,  XI, 170, anno  anno   568. ’ For Ibn al-Atir’s lelation to at-Tabari, cf. C. B r o c k e l m a n n ,  Da s Verh dltnis von Ibnal-A tirs K am il fit-ta^rih zu Tabaris Ahbdr er rusul U'al U'al muluk.  Dissertation Strasbourg 1890 (not seen); for his relation to Ibn al-Qalanisi, cf. H. A. R. Gibb,  Notes on the H istor y of the  Ea rly Crusad es in BS OS ,  VII, 739-54 (1933-35). Cf. G i b b , in  Spe culu m   X XV 49-72 49-72 (1950). (1950).

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Europe precedes the historical outline. In this way, Rasid-ad-din produced a true world history. 1 From the thirteenth century on, there was a steady flow of Arabic and Persian universal histories. Most of them were distinguished merely by the different emphasis they placed upon the one or other of the various components of Muslim world historiography. Wher ever the theological interest dominated histoiical writing, a quite notable development took place. Pre-Islamic history became pre dominantly a collection of Mushm traditions concerning the creation of the world and Biblical history. The biography of Muhammad, the treatment of which can serve, as has been shown, as an indica tion of the historian's intellectual outlook, was expanded beyond any reasonable limits. A typical representative of this tendency is Ibn Katir’s  Bid dy ah wa-n-nihdyah.^  wa-n-nihdyah.^   Or another way was found. Pre-Islamic history was unimportant for theology, and the biog raphy of Muhammad was a sacred sacred subject to be treated by itself. The result was works such as the  Histo ry  ry   of Ibn Abi d-dam (d. 642/1244),^ al-Kutubi’s (d. 764/1363) '"Uyun at-Tawdnh,  at-Tawdnh,  or al Y M i' i’ s (d. 768/1367)  Mif^d t al-jan dn,   all of which begin with year one of the hijrah. There also were comprehensive dynastic histories  wh ich sta rte d wi th the firs t cal iph , suc h as Ibn D uq m aq ’s (d. 809/ 809/ 1407)  Jawhar at-tamin f i strut al-hulafd^ wa-s-saldtin.   These works might be called “ truncated w orld histories.” There also existed occasional “ sham world histories,” that is, works deahng with some hmited historical subject but provided with world historical introductions.^ 1 C f. f. K . J a h n ,  His toir e Unive rselle de Ra std al-dt n . . . I, Hi stoi re des Fr ancs  ancs  (Leiden 1951), and above, p. 81. Publication of Rasid-ad-din’s work has been undertaken in many different places. Cf. S t o r e y ,   Per sia n Liter ature ,  Section II, 72 ff., 1231 f. For the first part, the Ta^rih-i-Odzdnt   (above, p. 105, n. 2), cf. the references in K. J a h n ’ s partial edition (The Hague 1957), covering pp. 739-838 of the edition Teheran 1338/1959. Other sections have  bee n edi ted by A.  A  x e s , such as the section on the Saljuqs (Ankara i960). A modern Arabic translation of Q u a t r e m e r e ’ s edition, covering pp. 1-20 and 677-838 of the Teheran edition,  was pub lish ed in Cai ro, n. y. An oth er edi tion beg an to app ear in the US SR in 1965. Cf. also K. J a h n ,  Rash id al -D in ’s His tory of Ind ia  ia   (The Hague 1965), the source of which  was the Ba ksh i Kar nala shr i. 2 Although the events of the Resurrection were always considered by Muslims part of of history and were, therefore, included in historical works such as al-Mutahhar’s  Beg inni ng and History,  History,  the addition of a special second part dealing with the End {nihdyah)  {nihdyah)  was a sign of growing theological influence. The publication of the  Nih dyah   which was announced at the end of the fourteenth part of the Cairo edition of the  Bidd yah   apparently has not yet materialized. For manuscripts of that part in Istanbul, cf. O. S p i e s ,  Beitrd ge zur arabische n  Literat urgesc hichte,   79 (Leipzig 1932,  A K M ,   19, 3). ^ Ibn Abi d -dain’s preserved work (Bodleian ms. Marsh 60 [Uri 728] 728])) is a brief annalistic history starting with the life of the Prophet and going down to the year 628/1230, cf. G A L ,  ,  I, 346, and  L I,   2nd ed., s.v.  s.v.  Ibn Abi ’ 1-Dam. ^ But cf. also above, p. 145. The scheme of universal historiography was occasionally 

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In addition to this twofold mark which theology impressed upon the pre-Islamic and early Islamic part of universal histories, theolog ical influence also showed itself in the treatment of later Muslim history. The preponderance of biographies became more and more pronounced. In both Ibn Katir and ad-Dahabi, they occupy a large part of the contents. Ibn Katir did not adopt the alphabetical arrangement of the biographies which he found in one of his main sources, the  Mun taza m,  m,   and he avoided to some degree the pedantic separation of events from biographies. Ad-Dahabi, on the other hand, always kept the two subjects strictly apart. If the Oxford manuscripts of the  Hist ory of Isla m   represent the author’s inten tion,^ tion,^ he showed some vacillatio n in the manner in which he arranged events and biographies in in his work. In the first “ decades,” ^ the  bio gra ph ies pre ced e the eve nts . La ter , all bio grap hie s, alp ha be ti cally arranged, are placed at the end of each decade. Again, we find the events of a fifty-yea r period treated together and followed  b y th e bio gra phi es for the who le perio d. Th ese bio gra phi es are then arranged annahstically and, and, within the individual years, years, alphabeti cally. Moreover, there is a superimposed arrangement according to decades and, at the end of each decade, there follow obituary notices of men whose exact date of death within the particular decade is not known. From the end of the twelfth cen tury on, the events of each  ye ar are foll owe d b y a l ist of tho se bor n in th at pa rti cu lar year.^ A nd for the last decades of the seventh/thirteenth century, the  Hist ory of   Islam , as we know it, contains only biographies. biographies. It is not only the large number of biographies which is so conspicuous but also their length, especially in the case of persons who seemed important from the religious point of view. transferred to literary subjects that had only a slight relationship with history. The awd^il, the first inventors or the things invented or done first, always had a certain historical interest (we find them, for instance, mentioned, in al-Quda 4 , ^Uyun al-ma^drif,  al-ma^drif,  Bodleian ms. or. Pocock 270, Uri 865, fol. 54a, and and already in our ear liest historians, such as alBaladuri’s  Ansd b,  b,   life of Ya zid II). Therefore, it is not surprising to find the scheme of universal history applied to a work on the “firsts,” the  Ma hdsi n al-wasd^il   by as-§ibli. The work starts with the awa^il   of creation, the awa^il   of Mecca and the Ka'-bah, then those from Adam down to Abraham and Isma'^il, those of prophets, kings, and Arab lords, of Muhammad and the men around him, the awd^il   of Islam and the Islamic religious law, of names and governorships, of chess, of the Umayyads and 'Abbasids, and, after some un classified awa^il,  awa^il,  those of the Last Day and the world to come (Phot. Cairo Ta’rih 5557 , fol. 11 a). a). Vice versa, the awd^il   of each ruler of the past constitute the introduction of the annalistic history of more modern times in al-Maqrizi’s  Sul uk   (Vol. I, Cairo 1934)1 For the Istanbul autograph of the work, cf. O. O. S p i e s , op. cit.,  cit.,  70. For the Oxford mss.,  belo w, p. 445, n. 4. (The wor k is now in cour se of pu blic ati on, Cair o 1367 ff.) * Cf. above, above, p. 85. 85. ^ Cf. above, p. p. 102.

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Universal historiography thus lost the power to give a wellrounded picture of the world which it had possessed for many cen turies and which was curtailed only by the circumstance that for most of the time the historians’ knowledge of events of the non-Muslim part of the world was extremely scant. The Muslim approach to the writing of universal history always offered many inducements to historians to be superficial, to copy their sources mechanically, to prefer quantity to quality. But it also represented a kind of universal historical consciousness which is one of the first necessary necessary stages on the road toward a truly human concept of the world. 3 — L O C A L H I S T O R IE IE S The occupation with local history ^has at all times been a favorite literary expression of group consciousness. The strong attachment that binds human beings to the place where they were born was felt and expressed by all the various population groups which inhabited the Muslim realm. A good part of the eariiest local historiography in Islam grew out of theologico-juridical consider ations. Nevertheless, local pride was behind the discussions of the scholars. Non-existence of works on local history was considered as much a disgrace by as-Sallami in Hurasan ^as it was by Ibn Hazm in Spain,^ and it remained axiomatic that an author should not neglect the the history of his own own co untry while writing writing a bout another one.^ Love for one’s city as the incentive to write a work on local history was expressly mentioned for the first time in al-Mafarruhi’s  Ma hds in Ishah dn  dn   in eleventh-century Iran.^ From then on, this is a recurrent motif in local histories. Successive authors on the history of a particular locality in m any cases followed almost slavishly the earhest standard work that dealt with that locality. But apart from this, local historiography left considerable freedom to the individual inclinations of the historian and presents a greater variety of form and contents ^ For some additional information, information, cf. iHdn  iHdn   121-35, below, p. 457 ff. ^ C f .  IHdn,   39 f., below, p. 322. ®Cf. Ibn Hazm’s reply to the letter which al-Hasan b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. ar-Rabib al-Qayrawani had addressed to Ibn Hazm’s cousin, Abu 1-Mugirah “^Abd-al-Wah hab b.  Ah ma d, and in whi ch he com plai ned abo ut the lac k of his tor ica l w orks by Spa nia rds dea ling  wit h Spa in, in al-M aqqa ri,  Anal ectes ,  II, 108-21 D o z y  and others (Leiden 1855-61); C. P e l l a t , in  Al- An da lus , X IX .   53-102 (1954). *  Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi, al-'-Iqd at-tamin,  at-tamin,   introduction, with regard to Qutb-ad-din alQastallani’s work on the history of the Yemen. ®Written near the end of the century, cf. H.

R 

i t t e r

,

in Oriens,  Oriens,  IV, 191 (1951).

151

than annalistic historiography. There were many minor variations. Genetically, however, two main strains of local or regional historical  wri tin g ca n be dis ting uish ed. Th ey will be br ief ly refe rre d to as secular local historiography and theological local historiography. Secular local historiography in Islam had some pre-Islamic antecedents. They came from an area which, in view of its geo graphical and cultural situation, might have served as the meeting ground where Muslims Muslims could have become acquainted with this type of hterature. Thus, we find that loannes Malalas had at his disposal a history of Antioch. He also seems to have used a history of Con stantinople. stantinople. ^ Syriac literature literature knows a brief history of the foun dation of Rome ascribed to the historian Diodes, who lived in the third century B. C.^ Arabic literature has some local histories of Eastern Christian origin. Among them, there is a fantastic descrip tion of Rom e ^ and a h istory of the foundation of Antioch. The latter includes an account of the buildings, pagan temples, sources, etc., of the city and its history in the time of Jesus and the Apostles. Apostles.'* '* “ A History of Antioch by some Christian” was copied copied by the sarif  Idris b. Hasan b. ‘Ali al-Idrisi, the historian, in whose manuscript Ibn al-‘Adim read it.® it.® The work appears to have been a truly historical treatment of the subject, but the time of its composition and its authorship are entirely uncertain. A description of Con stantinople, which is preserved in manuscript, was certainly no detailed history of the city. Such a history did not exist as late as the seventeenth century,® and it probably was never written, ^ Cf. A.

F

r e u n d

,

 Beitrd ge zur antioch enisc hen und zur konsta ntinop olitan ischen Stadt-

chronik  chronik   (Jena 1882). ^ C f . A. A. B a u m s t a k k ,  Geschichte der syrischen Literatur,  Literatur,  171 (Bonn 1922). Cf. also  W. H. P. H a t c h ,  A n Alb um of Date d Syr iac Ma nusc ript s,  s,  pi. LXV I (Boston 1946). 1946). ^ Cf. I. G u i d i ,  L'E ur op a occidentale negli anti chi geografi arabi, in  Flori legi um M. de VogUe,  VogUe,  263-69 (Paris 1909). *  I used the two Bodleian manuscripts of the work, ms. or. Selden super. 30 (Uri 432), fols. 54a-7ob, and Laud or. 30 (Uri 870). 870). For other manu scripts of the descriptions of Rome,  An tio ch , and Co nsta ntin opl e, cf. G . L e v i d e l l a V  i d a ,  Elen co dei manoscri tti arabi Isla mi ci  della Biblioteca Vaticana,  Vaticana,  uo. 286 (Citta del Vaticano 1935,  Stu di e Test i,  i,  67); G . G r a f  , Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur,  Literatur,  III, 155-57. The history of Antioch was published from the Vatican manuscript by I. G u i d i , in  Rend icont i, R. Accad . dei Lin cei , Cl. di scienze mor., stor. efiloL,  V ,  VI (189 7), 137 -61. D. S. M a r g o l i o u t h compared the very different manuscript Laud. or. 30. in  JR A S,   1898, 157-69; cf. also the unpublished doctoral dissertation (Yale University, 1932) by W. F. S t i n e s p r i n g . ^ Bug yat at-talab,  at-talab,  phot. Cairo Ta^rih 1566, pp. 158 and 160. For the 5 arf/al-Idrisi, cf. also al-'Imad al-Isfahani,  Har idat al-qasr  al-qasr   (Egyptian poets). I, 190, 201, 212 (Cairo 1370/1951);  Ab u Sam ah,  Rau'da tayn,   I, 130 ff. (Paris 1898,  Rec uei l des histor iens des Cro isades, His torie ns or.,  or.,  4). His work is also quoted in Ibn Saddad, al-AHdq al-hattrah,  al-hattrah,  ms. Topkapusaray, Revan Kosk 1564, fol. 12b, from Ibn al-'-Adim. ®Cf. Hajji Halifah,  Ka sf,   II, 116 F l u g e l . The author informs us that he knew a fifteenthcentury Persian translation of a history of Aya Sofya and a Turkish translation made from

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at least not in the traditional form. form. A Syriac work entitled entitled TasHt  (that is, Syriac tasHtd   “ story, history” ) containing containing information information on (Christian) (Christian) M ayyafariq in was used by Ibn al-Azraq (twelfth century) for his  His tory of Mayy dfdri qin.^   He had the work trans lated for him (orally, it seems) by a Christian. The legendary histories of of Rome and A ntioch as well as the Arabic description of Constantinople would not seem to be very ancient. They are preserved only in quite recent manuscripts. This, of course,  wo uld not pro ve rec ent orig in of the wor ks. Th ey m ay ha ve bee n compiled, or translated into Arabic, at a comparatively early date. This, however, cannot have been so early that these works might  be assu med to ha ve insp ired the cre ati on of Musl im loc al his tor iog  raphy. Moreover, the pre served Christian Arab ic local histories of this type, as well as the Syriac and Greek works, show no real similarity in either form or contents with later Mushm works. One more consideration would seem to speak against linking Muslim secular local histories histories to Christian models models The earliest known Muslim works had their origin in Mesopotamia, and this type of local historiography seems to have originated there, and not in Syria, as one would expect in the case of Christian influence.  Ac co rdi ng to the ir form and con ten ts, Mus lim sec ular lo ca l h isto rie s seem to have originated as a specialized form of general historiog raphy. In their later development, they were influenced influenced in some some  w ay or oth er b y the olo gic al loca l hi sto rio gra ph y and b y m an y different regional and cultural considerations. From the Mesopotamia of the ninth and tenth centuries, large parts of only two secular local histories are preserved,^ the  Hist ory of Bagdad   by Ahmad b. Abi Tahir Tayfur, which was continued by  the Persian translation. The Turkish texts dealing with the history of Constantinople and Aya Sofya which Hajji Halifah had in mind, were based upon Byzantine sources and, apparently, have nothing to do with the Arabic work, cf. J. H. M o r d t m a n n , in his review of F. K  r a e l i t z and P.  W i T T E K (editors),  Mit teilu ngen zur osmanis chen Geschichte  Geschichte   (Vienna 1921-22), in  Der  Isla m,   X III, 159 ff. (1923). (1923). Cf. also E also E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  s.v.  Aya Sofya.  w a d 1 Cf. the partial edition of the work under under the title Ta^rth al-Fdriqi   b y B . 'A . "^I w (A  w  w a d ), 15 f. (Cairo 1379/1959). I do not know whether the quotation(s) would permit any dating of the Syriac work. 2 It may be added here that the origin of theological local historiography in Islam, to be described later on, precludes any thought of an influence by these Christian works upon that branch of local historiography. 3 For the  Hist ory of al-Bas rah  rah   by Zakariya’ b. Yahya as-Saji (below, p. 436, n. 5) which seems to have contained predominantly political and geographical information, cf. Vaqut,  Mu'-jam ,  index W u s t e n f e l d  , and F. J. H e e r  ,  Die histor ischen mui ^eographischen Qud len in Jdqfit's Geoiiraphis GeoiiraphiscJiein cJiein Wortcrbuch, 32 f. (Strassburg 1S98).

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the author’ s son ‘U baydallah,^ and the the  Hist ory of Mo sul   sul   b y A b u Zakariya' al-Azdi. Ahmad b. Abi Tahir’s work was intended to be a history of the 'Abbasid caliphs caliphs that centered centered around their capital. capital.  As such , it wa s w^ell ell s uite d to ta ke the pla ce of a gen era l hi sto ry of the Muslim empire.^ A topographical chapter was added to the historical presentation, for we are told that the Spaniard Ahmad  b. Mu ham ma d ar -R az i wro te “ a des crip tio n of Co rdo ba dea lin g  wi th the sec tion s {hitat)  {hitat)  of the city and the residences of its distin guished inhabitants in the manner originated by Ahmad b. Abi Tahir in the  His tory {ahbdr {ahbdr)) of Bagda d.” ^ The description of Bagdad may have drawn heavily on cultural and economic statistics. An approximate idea of the character of that type of information may be gained from the preserved fragments of the works in praise of Bagdad by two other authors of the ninth century, Ahmad b. at-Tayyib as-Sarahsi and Yazdjard b. Mahbundad al-Kisrawi.^  Wh ile the re has nev er bee n a ny do ub t ab out the sec ular ch ara cte r of Ibn Abi Tahir’s work, al-Azdi’s  Hist ory of Mo su l   is generally described as a work on the hadit   experts of that city. Quo tations in other authors would seem to bear out the correctness of this description.^ However, the preserved part of the work tells another story.® It contains an excellent annalistic history tha t comprises the years 101-224 the hijrah. This history may have constituted a separate part of one larger work, or it may have  bee n an ind epe nde nt wo rk to wh ich the Tabaqdt of Hadit Scholars  wa s the bio gra ph ica l com pan ion vo lum e.’ Th e po liti ca l eve nts dealt with are of a general nature but they do have some con nection with Mosul. Particular attention is paid to the governors of the city and their exploits as well as the dates of death of scholars, among whom there are not only Mawsilis. Al-Azdi displays a certain understanding for the importance of economic factors in history  ^ Cf. below, p. 462, n. 2. 2. “ Cf. above, p. 81. ^ Cf. al-Humaydi, al-Humaydi,  Jadwa t al-M uqta bis,  bis,   Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 464 (Uri 783), fol. 45a. * Cf. above, p. 116, n. 3, and M. M. ^Awwad, in Revue in Revue de V Acad emie arabe de D anias,  anias,  X I X , 322-31 (1944). ^Awwad prefers Mahmandar to Mahbundad. We are not in a position to state how much historical information these works contained and precisely in what form it was presented. The important fragment of Yazdjard’s  Fadd^i l Bagdad   Bagdad   in Hilal b. al-Muhassin as-Sabi^’s  Rus um ddr al-hi ldfa h,  h,  18 ff. M. 'Aw wa d (Bagdad 1383/1964), 1383/1964), has been treated  by M. "^Awwad in a sep ara te pu blic ati on (B agd ad 1962). ®Cf. below, p. 482, n. 3, ad iHdn,  iHdn,  133. * I used the phot. Cairo Ta^rih 2475 (also Taymur TaMh 2303). The manuscript was  wr itte n by Ibra him b. Jama'- ah b. 'A ll in 654/125 6. Cf. abov e, p. 121 . ’ On p. 258 f. of the Cairo ms., ms., the author says ; “ We gave a full account of the histor y  [ahbdr]   of al-Mu'afa (b. 'Imran) in the  KUdh Tabaqdt al-mttha .dditin .'' 

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 whe n he des crib es, for inst anc e, the bla ck ma rke t ope rati ons whi ch took place during a famine in the year 207/822-23.^ Some of the information, it seems, has no obvious bearing upon Mosul, but there is little of that and closer scrutiny may show that it is necessary  ba ck gro un d ma ter ial for the hi sto ry of the cit y. Ac co rdi ng to the author, he was the first to compile a history of Mosul. He explains his inability to check the correctness of the statement that al-Mahdi had appointed Ah ma d b. Isma'il b. ‘Ali governor of Mosul in 167/ 783-84, in these words: “ I did not compose this history from a readily available special work which I could have used for the affairs of Mosul, but I collected (my material) from various books. I mentioned what I found, and did not deviate from the truth.” ^ The  Hist ory of Mo su l   by the two Halidi brothers may have been similar to Abu Zakariya^’s work. To judge from a prese rved frag ment, the authors-poets placed Mosul in a wider geographical con text, and thus they probably also included historical information from beyond the confines of the city and its immediate surround ings.^ The same is likely to have been in the case with the eleventhcentury  His tory of Mo sul   by Muham mad b. ‘A li as-Simsati.^ Ibn al-Atir’s  Hist ory of Mo sul,   which was not completed, followed the great tradition of politically oriented local historiography.^  Ab ou t ha lf a ce ntu ry befo re him, Ib n al- Az raq wro te his  Hist ory of   Ma yyd fdr iqin   which presented the history of the city from pre-Islamic times to the time of the author as forming part of the general history of the region politically and culturally.® In Mesopotamia, the glorious Muslim present overshadowed the great pre-Islamic past of the country. In Egypt, on the other hand, consciousness of and pride in its pre-Islamic history were alive and found expression in a number of works on local history. Ibn Zulaq  wro te a  His tory and Pra ise of Egyp t.   The manuscripts we have contain merely an excerpt of the author’s original v/ork,’ and the ^ op. cit.,  p. 308. ^ Op. cit.,  p. 216 f. ^ Cf. below, p. 482, n. 4, ad IHdn,  133. ■ ’ C f. Ibn al -A zr aq ’s  His tory of M ayyd fdr iqin   (above, p. 152, n. i), 27 (Eugl.) and 17 (Ar.). Cf. below, p. 482. The work is obviously identical with the  Hist oire des Ata becs de M osul ,  whi ch was edi ted in the  Rec ueil des historie ns des C roisade s, His torie ns or.,  II, 2 (Paris 1876), and, more recently, by ' A  b d  - a l -Q a d i r   A. T u l a y m a t (Cairo 1963). * Cf. above, n. 4. ’ I used the manuscript Paris ar. 4727, fols. i86b-2i2a. Th e manuscript is dated in Safar 988/March-April 1580. It is said to have been copied from a manuscript dated Kabi' I, 608/August-Septcmber 1211, which, in turn, was copied from a manuscript that was copied from the autograph of the author. The works wh ich Brockelmann, in G A L ,  I, 149 and  Sup plem ent   I, 230, enumerates as nos. 1-4 of Ibn Ziilaq’s works seem all identical or nearly 

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authenticity of the preserved text in general has been doubted.^ Since Ibn Zulaq wrote in the tenth century, we would expect to find a much better organization of the contents and fuller informa tion on classical Antiquity, if the work was in fact written by him.  A s it is, a tw elf th -c en tu ry da te is more lik ely bu t not ab sol ut ely certain. The work starts out, as any theological local history would,  wit h refe renc es to E gy pt fro m the Qu r’ an and the trad itio ns, bu t it then goes on to discuss oriental-Hellenistic information about Egypt as the home of Greek philosophy and science. This discussion is followed by the history of Eg ypt in pre-Islamic days down to the Muslim conquest. Thereafter, Egypt’s Si'ah families and other prominent Egyptian Muslims are enumerated, and finally there are notes on the topography of Egypt, its agricultural and industrial products, and the calendar used there. The tradition of secular local historiography in Egypt was continued by such authors as al-Musabbihi and Ibn Muyassar.  A curi ous ci ty hi sto ry of Al ex an dr ia was wr itt en by Mu ham ma d  b. Qas im an -N uw ay ri. Th e w^ork cen ters aro und an eve nt of the  ye ar 767/13 65-66 and wa s insp ired b y the stru ggl e wit h the Eu ro  pean Christians, as was the case also with such works as the Tm ad’s history of the conquest of Jerusalem, al-Fath al-Qussi,  or Ahmad  b. ‘A bd al lah b. ‘A m ira h’ s wo rk on the con que st of Ma jor ca, whi ch is said to have been fashioned after that of the ‘ImM.^ The work on  Al ex an dri a con tain s a long acc oun t of the hi sto ry of Al ex an de r and Aristotle and deals with many other matters of no historical import and of no particular connection with Alexandria.  W ith the app roa ch of the fift ee nth ce ntu ry, the tra dit ion of secular local historiography in Egypt led to the composition of reference works that present a wealth of topographical, cultural, historical, and economic information neatly arranged and classified. The most celebrated work of the kind is al-Maqrizi’s  Hitat. It shows the author’s wide interests and encyclopaedic reading and probably is much more comprehensive than the apparently very similar works of his predecessors, such as Muhammad b. A s‘ad al-Jawwani (d. 588/1192) and Muhyi-ad-din ‘Abdallah b. ‘Abd-azidentical. Cf. R. G o t t h e i l , in  JA OS ,  X X VI I, 226, n. 2 (1907). ^ C f . G o t t h e i l , loc. cit. ^ Cf. al-Maqqari,  Anale ctes,   I, 201 D o z y  and others (Leiden 1855-61). Ibn ‘^Amirah died in 658/1260, cf. also P o n s B o i g u e s ,  En say o,   288 f.; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   I, 203. Muhammad  b. al- Ha laf as- Sad afi (d. 509/ 1116) sim ilar ly wro te on the cap tur e of Val enc ia by the Christians, cf. Ibn al-Abbar 146, no. 514 Codera (Madrid 1886-89,  Biblio theca Arabi co His pan a, 6).

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Zahir (d. 692/1293). The universal outlook of world histories is reflected in the  Hi tat   in the brief discussion of the world and the earth with which the work starts. Writing on the history of Egypt did not stop with al-Maqrizi. After him, there were works such as, for instance, the  Dur r al-manz um fi -m d warad fi M isr mi n mawj ud  wa-ma'^dum  by ‘Ali b. Dawud al-Jawhari.^ A remarkable though little satisfactory achievement was as-Suyuti’s  Hu sn al-muh ddamh. Historical methodology, as devised by fifteenth-century historians, determined the plan of the work, and the scholar and theologian in as-Suyuti prompted him to lay great stress on biographical information. The result was a handbook full of information, a useful reference work, which, however, can no longer be called a history.

to the Tatar invasion.^ It may be mentioned in this connection that a similar combination of geographical description with annalistically arranged political history (and other elements of annal istic h istoriography, such as the discussion of the introduc tion of the Muslim era) is also found in the Yemen. Ibn ad-Dayba‘’s (d. 944/1537)  Bug yat al-m ustafi d fi ahhdr mad inat Za Ud   is a repre

In Syria, secular local and regional historiography made its appearance in the twelfth century. The ch aracter of the histories of Damascus written in the tenth century by Ibn A bi l-‘A ja’iz and  A bu 1-Husayn ar-Razi ^ remains as yet undetermined. Ibn alQalanisi’s (d. 555/1160) annalistic history centered around Da mascus. In the thirteenth century, Ibn al-‘Adim, whose magnum opus was a biographical history of Aleppo,^ wrote the city’s political history in the well-informed  Zubd at al-halah ft ta^nh H alah.   Before Ibn al-‘Adim, secular histories of Aleppo were written by al‘Az imi ^ and, it seems, Ibn al-Munla.^ The invig orating influence  wh ich th e his tor ica l ex per ien ce of th e Cru sad es exe rci se d upo n intellectual life in Syria showed itself in another product of Syrian local historiography, Ibn Saddad’s  AHdq al-hat imh on the Hist ory of the Governors and Rulers of Syria and Northern Mesopotamia. As the title indicates, the work is a regional history. Down to the year 302/914-15, the history of the whole area is treated as a unit. From then on, as there no longer existed any political unity, the different sovereign regions are dealt with independently. A description of the geographical or topographical features of each section makes the  beg inn ing. It is foll owe d by th e res pe cti ve po lit ica l hi sto ry dow n ^ Cf. above, p. 84. I consulted the ms. Cairo Ta’rih 863, dated 1031/1622. * C f . S. a l -M u n a ] J I d  , al-Mu?arrihun ad-Dimasqlyun  (above, p. 5). For the fadd'^il   work of ar-Raba*^!, see below p. 469, n. i. Cf. also the surv ey of Syrian lo cal histories by S. D a h a n , in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  His toria ns of the Mi ddle East ,  108 ff. ®Cf. below, p. 170. * Cf. GAL Supplement   I, 586, and '^Abbas al 'Azzawi, in  Revue de VAca demi c arahe de  Dama s,  X VII I, 199-209 (1943). ^ His work seems to have been a special history of Aleppo rather than a general histor ical work.

sentative of this type of local history.^  A rem ark ab le wo rk from Ma mlu k Sy ria is the pa rtl y pre ser ve d chronicle of Damascus (1389-97) {ad-Durrah al-mudi^'ah f i d-dawlah az-Zdhiriyah)  by an an otherwise unknown Muhammad b. Mu hammad b. Sasra.^ The work was not intended to be a local history of Damascus. However, the city was the author’s residence and cen ter of experience and he is almost exclusively concerned with events that took place there. The historical exposition is inter spersed with moral reflections and bolstered by verses and edifying stories, thus exemplifying the accepted purpose of historiography as a morality pla y and an exh ortation to a god-fearing life. Although Ibn Sasra tells us that he wrote another history, he can probably  be con side red an am ate ur his tor ian who se ou tlo ok on life some how differed from that of professional historians and who therefore holds for us the special attraction of a non-conformist attitude  wh ich is so ra re ly fou nd in Mus lim int ell ec tua l end eav ors. The same kind of attraction attaches to another type of Syrian secular local history, representing a combination of a family history  wit h the hi sto ry of t he ci ty th at was the ce ntr al sea t o f t ha t pa rti cu  lar family. This is Salih b. Yahya’s  His tory of Be iru t an d the F am ily of Buhtur.'^  The author deals with the Muslim conquest of Beirut and describes the ruins which testify to the city’s former greatness. The Christian legends connected with it and its high antiquity  wh ich an ted ate s Ch ris tia nit y are discu ssed , an d the geo gra phi ca l location of the city is described. Some notices about famous Mus lims, such as al-Awza‘i, who lived in Beirut, and a very few and  ve ry bri ef rem ark s ab ou t the Mus lim hi sto ry of the ci ty be fore the ^ The description of the contents of the AHdq  is based upon J. H o r o v i t z , in  Mitt eilun gen des Seminars fiir or. Sprachen, Westas. Studien, X  30 f. (1907). The part dealing with Damascus has been published by S. a d - D a h h a n (Damascus 1375/1956). ^ I used the ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 11 m, ^ Ed. and trans. W. M. B r i n n e r (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1963). ■ * J. S a u v a g e t , Corrections au texte imprime de I'Histoire de Beyrouth de Salih b. Yahyd, in  Bu llet in d'etudes or., Inst itut f ranga is de Da mas,  VH -V ni , 65-81 (1937-38), announced his intention to translate the work. Cf. above, p. 57. 1 have no information on tlie related work  by the six tee nth -ce ntu ry Ibn As ba t (Siba t) {GAL Supplement   II, 42; A. PI. H o u r a n i , in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  His toria ns of the Mid dle East,  229).

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Crusades are added. The treatment of the histor}^ of Beirut during the Crusades is comparatively long, but most of the work is filled  wi th the we ll-d ocu men ted hi sto ry of the Ba nu Bu htu r. Th e more recent generations of the family are divided into three classes {tahaqdt),  and the individual biographies of the members of each class are presented in their historical setting and in chronological sequence. The great privilege of local historiography to express the particu lar needs and aspirations of a given environment was nowhere more eagerly claimed in the Muslim world than in southwest  Ar ab ia. Th e pro ud me mo ry of the pas t, whi ch since the ea rlie st days of Islam had stimulated the growth of something akin to nationalism in that part of the Arabian peninsula, fathered a type of local historiography that was a combination of topography, cultural history, and genealog}^^ Al-Hamdani (d. 334/945-46) was not the first as he was not the last ^representative of that spirit,  bu t his fam ous  Ik li l   was its most prominent expression. The con tents of the  Ik li l   leans heavily toward the antiquarian and geo graphical side, and its descriptive title refers to it as a work on “information about the Yemen and its remarkable features as  we ll as rem ark ab le fac ts con cer ning its in ha bi ta nt s.” Y et , the essentially historical character of the  Ik li l,  in the sense of the works here discussed, cannot be denied. The contents of all ten books of the work was adequately described by al-Qifti in his  Hist ory of  Grammarians:  i) The beginning of creation and the genealogy of the descendants of Malik b. Himyar, 2) the genealogy of and anec dotes about the descendants of al-Hamaysa‘ who belongs to the descendants of Himyar, 3) the praise of the Yemen and the qualities of Qahtan, 4) the first Himyarite history (?, sirah),  5) the inter mediate Himyarite history, 6) the last Himyarite history down to the time of Islam, 7) the old way of life (?, as-sirah al-qadimah)  and impossible, untrue historical information, 8) grave stories ^ and remarkable things found in the graves of the Yemen, and the poetry of ‘Alqamah b. Di Jadan and A s‘ad Tubb a', 9) Himyarite speeches,  wise say ing s, an d exp erie nces , wh ich wer e tra ns mi tte d in the ir own native language, and 10) information about Hamdan and their genealogy and some historical notes about them.^ Already  ^ For southwest Ara bia as the setting of historical novels, cf. below, p. 187, n. i. 2 Cf. Cx. L e v i u e l l a V i d a , in Orientalia, N.S.,  IX, 1 6 4 ( 1 9 4 0 ) . ^ q u b u r i y d t   b y i t s e l f m e a n s t h i n g s f o u n d i n g r a v e s . ‘  Al- Qif ti,  In bd h ar -ru u'd h,   I, 282 f. ( C a i r o

1 3 6 9- 7 4 / 1 9 5 0 - 5 5) .

O. L o fg re n ’s edition

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al-Qifti knew only some books of the work, the first, fourth (not quite complete), sixth, tenth, and eighth; these had been acquired  b y his fat he r in the Ye me n and co ns tit ute d one -ha lf of the whole . The  Ik li l’ s  rarity and fragmentary preservation were attributed by al-Qifti to the action of members of tribes who had not been favor ably treated in the work and sought to prevent its circulation by destroying all copies within reach. The fate of al-Hamdani’s work  was, we are told , du pli ca ted b y ano the r Ye me ni te loc al hi sto ry  wh ich m ay ha ve bee n qui te sim ilar to the  Ik lil ,  the  Hist ory of   Za Ud   by Jayyas b. Najah. One explanation given for the great rarity of the  Hist ory of Zab id   in former times (and its complete loss for modern scholarship) is that the author exposed false claims to Arab descent made by a number of people, and those people then tried to suppress his work. Another explanation says that a group of people about whom the author had said many unfriendly things bought all the copies they could lay their hands on for  ve ry hig h pric es and de str oy ed them.^ The political history of the Yemen was cultivated by Yemenite authors in direct proportion to the growing isolation of the country  wi th reg ard to th e rest of the Musl im worl d. ^T he res ulti ng wo rks  were his tor ies dea ling wi th a pr ac tic all y sel f-co nta ine d region . Th ey can no longer be considered as representatives of local historiog raphy, but they belong to the mainstream of historical writing. The Yemenite local historian par excellence was the afore-mentioned Ibn ad-Dayba‘, who combined the history of his city Zabid with that of the whole region. In one of his many variations on the same subject, he dealt, for instance, with the excellence {fadl)  of the  Ye me n, its Isla miz ati on , its gov ern ors und er the U m ay ya ds and ‘Abbasids, the Qarmatians in the Yemen, and the successive dy nasties in San‘a’ and ‘Aden. Then, he discussed Zabid, its amirs and politicians, together with a chapter on building activities in the city and similar memorable happenings.^ In the far west of the Mushm world, we find secular local his toriography represented in works such as the lost  His tory of Cordoba Book I of the  Ik lil  began to appear in Uppsala 1954 (Bibl. Ekmaniana,  58 : i). Al-Hamdani’s critical attitude vis-a-vis certain genealogical information is given expression at t he  beg inn ing of the wor k. ^ C f . O . L o f g r e n , loc. cit.  (above, p. 56, n. i); H. C. K  a y  , Yaman XI I (London 1892). ^ For manuscripts on Yemenite history, cf. below, p. 484, n. 4. ®Ibn ad-Dayba*^, Qurrat al-’~uyun ft ahbdr al-Yavian al-maymun.   I used the ms. Cairo Ta’rih 1355.

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 b y Ah ma d b. Mu ham ma d ar -R az i/ bu t th e th eo lo gi ca l (or, at an y rate, the biographical) form appears to have been prevalent. Here, the loss of the older local histories makes itself felt with particular severity. As the political history of the Ma grib and of Spain was largely divorced from that of the rest of Islam, it was discussed by itself in numerous annalistic or dynastic works of general history. The setback Islam suffered at the hands of the Christians in Spain gave rise to much soul-searching reflection, even as late as the fifteenth century when Abu Yahya b. Abi Bakr b. ‘Asim tried to explain the historical reality of Christian supremacy as due to Muslim disunity. ^ The Iranian east, on the other hand, possessed a flourishing secular local historiography, an impressive monument to Iranian patriotism. The praise of Balh and Hurasan was sung by scholars of Persian descent in whom the love of their native country was burn ing.^ Their works may have been more geographical and cultural than historical. A  Histo ry of Isfa han   was written by Hamzah alIsfahani. It prob ably was not of the ordinary theological type,"^ even though the work itself as well as its continuation by Ibn Mardawayh was quoted by later authors for its biographical in formation. The author referred elsewhere to his  Hist ory of Isfa han as a work containing many “ events,” ^ and it was described by al-Qifti as “ a useful book of an admirable composition and con taining many remarkable things,” ®a description which would hardly have been applied to a purely theological work such as  A bu N u‘ ay m ’s  Hist ory   of the same city. We are on safer ground  wi th an -N ar sah i’s  Histo ry of Buhd rd,   although its tenth-century  A ra bi c ori gin al no long er ex ist s and we ha ve to be sat isf ied w ith a later Persian translation. After an introductory chapter on the  jud ges of Bu ha ra , his tori cal, top ogr ap hic al, and econ omi c ma tte rs are used to illustrate the city’s history.'^ The  Hist ory of Qumm by Hasan b. Muhammad al-Qummi was written only three decades 1 Cf. above, p. 153, n. 3. 2 From Ibn 'Asiin,  Jan nat ar-rida ft tasltm li-md qaddara All ah wa-qadd,  as cited by alMaqqari,  Azh dr ar-riyd d,  I, 50 ff., 162 f. (Cairo 1358/1939 ff.). ^ Cf. below, p. 467, n. 4, and pp. 473 f. and 476 f. Fo r an Ahbdr al- Jabal   (?) by Ahmad b. alFadl an-Nu'^aymi (d. 413/1024), cf. as-Sahmi, Ta^rth Jiirjdn,  82 (Hyderabad 1950). ^ A s E . M i t t w o c h assumed, iu  Mitt eilu ngen des Semin ars fii r or. Sprach en, Westas.  Stud ien,   XII, 131 (1909). ^ Hamzah al-Isfahani,  His tory,   I, 187 Go ttw ald t (St. Petersburg-Leipzig 1844-48). '  Inbdh,   I, 336 (Cairo 1369-74/1950-55). Cf. GAL Supplement  I, 2 1 1 ; III, 1197; English trans. by R. N. F r y e (Cambridge, Mass., 1954)-

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later and has suffered the same fate as the  Hist ory of Buhdr d.  A fte r top ogr aph ica l and eco nom ic note s, the wo rk goes int o a discussion of the Arab settlers of Qumm, especially the descendants of Abu TMib. It may have concentrated on the history of individ uals to a greater degree than the  His tory of Buhdrd.^  An el ev en th- ce ntu ry hi sto ry of Isf ah an , the  Ma hds in Isbah dn b y Mufaddal al-MMarruhi, represents a strongly individualistic trans formation of ordinary theological local history. It is not a political history b ut nevertheless exhibits a predominantly secular character.  A ft er pra isin g the he alt hfu l loc ati on and rem ark ab le fea tur es of Isfahan, the author hsts prominent Isfahanis from pre-Islamic and Islamic times. They are grouped according to professions and,  wit hi n the prof essio ns, acc ord ing to the anc ien t and the mod ern representatives of each profession. The list starts with the theolo gians, but leads through all kinds of professions down to the muhannatiin  of Isfahan, who are described as especially witty. Topo graphical notes, economic statistics, c ultural rema rks (e.g., on Isfahan! songs and music), and poetical quotations are richly represented.^ Similarly, the  Hist ory of Bayh aq   by ‘Ali b. Zayd al-Bayhaqi, dating from the middle of the twelfth century, relies upon the common scheme of theological local history. It includes a chapter on the men around Muhammad who came to Bayhaq . In connection  wi th some bio grap hie s, the Pr op he tic al tra dit ion s tra ns mi tte d by their subjects are quoted. However, the author was a historian  who con side red “ the scie nce of hi sto ry as bel ong ing to bo th re ligious knowledge and natural science” and for whom “historical  wo rks were the stor eho uses of the sec ret s of aff air s.” ^ He beg ins  wi th a gen era l disc ussi on of the va lue of h isto ry, pre sen ts b rie fly the general history of the region, and ends with reporting important happenings concerning Bayhaq (referring, for instance, among other matters, to two trees in the vicinity believed to go back to the time of Zoroaster) and adding some moralistic-philosophical reflections on the corruptness of the world. As a man proud of his own Arab descent— who also wrote an autobiography— , he groups the im portant men of the area in families (mostly of Arab descent, treating  wi th esp eci al de fere nce th e 'A lid n ob ilit y). Oft en, h e in jec ts refe renc es ^ C f. GAL Supplement   I, 211; S t o r e y ,   Per sian literature ,  II, 348 f., 1291. ®Cf. GAL Supplement   I, 571, 875, and above, p. 150, n. 5. Ta^rlh-i-Bayhaq,  7 (Teheran i^iyjig^g).  A copy of the work was made available to me through the kindness of C. A. I' e r g u s o n . Cf. also Q. S. K. H u s a i n i , in  Isla mic Cultur e, XX X III , 188-202 (1959). R  o

s e n t h a l

, History of Muslim Historiography

11

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to his own family. Finally, as a highly accomplished litterateur and author of a history of philosophers and scientists, he shows, following al-Jahiz, considerable interest in geographical data, in the biographies of physicians, and in the biographies of Bayhaqis  who wr ote Pe rsia n poe try . Th e  His tory of Bayh aq  is a rich work not easily classified.  Am on g lat er Pe rsia n work s, one m ay com par e Ibn Is fa nd iya r’s  His tory of Taharistd n,  which was composed in the early thirteenth century.^ The work begins with a  fiirst enspi egel,  and although it largely revolves around personalities, political figures and political history are preponderant. Or, from the fifteenth century, one may compare Zahir-ad-din al-Mar‘asi’s  Hist ory of Tabaristdn , Ruy dn, and Mdzandardn,  which is strictly pohtical and arranged according to the succession of individual rulers.^ Before we turn to theological local historiography, a few words must be said about a specialized form of secular local histories, that is, the history of the political and legal officials of a given locality. The origin of this type of works is not to be sought pri marily in local historiography. We do find special sections on judges and governors in al-Fakihi’s  Histo ry of Mecca,   Ibn ‘Abd-al-Hakam’s Conquest of Egypt,  or an-Narsahi’s  Histo ry of Buhd rd.   How ever, the monograph treatment of the history of officials with reference to a particular locality would seem to have been inspired  by the ex am ple of gen era l bi ogr aph ica l hist ori es of hig h offi cial s  wh ich be gan to be wr itt en in the nin th cen tur y. Su bj ect s such as the Governors of al-Kufah   or the  ftid ges of al-KH fah and al-Basrah, and even such speciahzed groups as the  Pol ice Prefects of the Am irs of the ^Irdq,  were already treated by al-Haytam b. ‘Adi.^ Outside the heartland of the ‘Abbasid empire, such works appear to have developed in regions in which governors and judges were the highest representatives of the central power, and in a period when those regions were not yet practically independent, that is, the early tenth century. The earliest historical monographs of this kind date from this period. They are the two books by the Egyptian Kindi, one on the  fud ges   and the other on the Governors of Egyp t. Ed. ' A b b a s E g h b a l (Teheran 1320/1942). Abridged translation by E . G. B r o w n e (Leiden-London 1905,  E. J. W. Gibb Mem . Seri es, 2). 2 Ed. B. D o r n (St. Petersburg 1850). For Ibn-i-Zarkub-i-§irazi’s  His tory of Sird z {Pars) cf. S t o r e y ,   Per sian Literat ure,  II, 351. The fourteenth-century  Hist ory of Hera t   by Sayf b. M uhammad al-Harawi was edited by M. Z. SiDDiQi (Calcutta 1944). 3 Cf.  Pih ris t,  146 (Cairo 1348 = 100 F l u g e l ). Cf. also 'Umar b. Sabbah. 1

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The  His tory of the Governors of Hur dsdn   by as-Sallami, of which a number of fragments is preserved, dates from around 950.1 later centuries, the history of local officials was made the subject of didactic verses. Th e rulers of Eg ypt were versified by al-Jazz ar in the thirteenth century.^ The history of Egyptian judges was the subject of several authors, among them Ibn Daniyal, whose “poem” on judges formed the basis of Ibn Hajar’s  Raf" al-isr on the fud ges of   Egypt,^  Ibn Jama'ah,^ and al-Kinani.^ Ibn Jama‘ah also composed a poem on the judges of Damascus. The history of the caliphs, princes, and gove rnors who had been in contact with tha t city was put into verse in the fourteenth century by as-Safadi who states that he followed the alphabetically arranged work of Ibn ‘Asakir, apparently the latter’s famous  Histo ry of D amascu s.  In as-Safadi’s  wo rk en titl ed Tuhfat dawi al-albdb,   the rajaz   verses are interspersed  wi th lon g pro se s ecti ons wh ich , a mon g o the r m ate ria l, con tai n hi sto r ical information and poems. Another treatment of the same subject concerning Egypt was, for instance, the  Dah ira h of the seventeenthcentury Gumri.®  A his tor ica l top ic wh ich mig ht ha ve co ntr ibu ted to the gre at  va ri et y of the form s of loc al hi sto rio gra ph y bu t did so on ly to a limited extent was the Muslim conquests. If this topic found the attention of early scholars, it was for the practical reason that the history of the Muslim conquests provided jurists with precedents enabling them to determine the fiscal and administrative status of a particular area. In addition, however, the subject involved a certain amount of geographical and historical information. All that was necessary to transform the history of the Muslim conquests into local history was to select the material relevant to one particu lar area and to add historical information on pre-Islamic times as  wel l as an ad mi nis tra tiv e and po liti ca l hi sto ry of th at are a be yon d the time of its conquest. This step was taken in the ninth century in Ibn ‘Abd-al-Hakam’s Conquest of Egypt and the West,   a product of regional historiography which has no true parallel elsewhere in the preserved literature,’ although the subject was taken up 1 Cf. below, p. 321, n. 7. Cf. also above, p. 1 3 7 , n. 3. For al-Basani’s  His tory of the Governors of Herat,  cf. below, p. 483, n. 6. For the histories of Nisabur, cf. R . N. F r y e (below, p. 483, nn. i and 2). 2 C f. GAL Supplement   I, 574. I used the Paris ms. ar. 1816, fol. 45b-49a, and 1608, fol. 200b-202b. A supplement by as-Suyuti, ibid.,  fol. 202b-203b. 3 Cf. GA L Supplement  II, i f. ^ Cf. GAL Supplement   II, 80 f. Cf. GAL Supplement   II, 5 7 . “ Cf. G A L ,  II, 297, and above p. 49. ’ In writing about The Colonization [nuzul] of Hurdsdn and the Sawdd by the Arabs

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 by su bse qu en t Spa nish and Eg yp tia n hist oria ns. It can be ass um ed that Muhammad b. Musa ar-Razi’s (ninth century) lost  Kit db ar-Rdydt,   the h istory of the conquest of Spain, ^and possib ly other conquest works, similarly went into pre- and post-conquest history. The history of local historiography under the influence of theology  wa s not as colo rful as th at of its sec ula r cou nte rpa rt, bu t it also  was no t co mp let ely one- sided . It s fir st rep res en tat ive s wer e at the same time the oldest local histories in Islam. However, they did not yet employ the form soon to become predominant. These were the histories of Mecca by al-Azraqi and al-Fakihi. Th ey did not have the word ta^rih  in their titles 2and were quite properly called ahhdf. D ates and biographies were not their real concern. Their purpose was to provide MusHms with a knowledge of the holy history of their sacred city. Over three-fourths of al-Azraqi’s  wo rk is ta ke n up b y the stor ies wh ich since pre -Isl am ic tim es ha d grown around the main sanctuary of Mecca, and by the description of the rites connected with it. The remainder dealt with other holy places in Mecca, the conditions governing the ihrdm,  and references to Muhammad and his Meccan contemporaries as well as the to pography of the city and its environs. Old histories of Medina may have been rather similar to those of Mecca. They appear to have contained very httle, if any, bio graphical materia l. This is the conclusion suggested by the lack of quotations from Medinese city histories in later biographers. Moreover, even a thirteenth-century author such as Ibn an-Najjar,  who was th or ou gh ly fam ilia r wit h the bio gra ph ica l tra di tio n of local historiography, filled his  Hist ory of M edi na   with topography and holy history to the exclusion of everything else.^ His work, in cidentally, was written for a purpose which was characteristic of many Meccan and Medinese city histories (as well as some of the  wo rks dea ling wi th Jer usa lem an d Heb ron) and wh ich set the m apart from other local histories. These works were to stimulate visits to the holy cities and to serve as guidebooks for pilgrims. The y  {Fihrist, 1 4 5 , Cairo 1 3 4 8 = 9 9 F l u g e l ), al-Haytam b. ‘^Adi may already have moved in the same direction, but it is uncertain how far he went. * Cf. E . L e v i - P r o v e n q a l , in  E l, s.v.  al-Razi. ^ The appearance of the w ord in the title of the Leiden manuscript of al-Fakihi (cf.  E l, 2nd ed.) would seem to be secondary. ^ In the introduction of the work, Ibn an-Najjar reports that when he stayed in Medina, the Medinese requested him to write the history of their city, and he complied with their request in spite of the fact that being without his library, he had to rely upon his memory, cf. p. 321 of the edition of Taqi-ad-diti al-Fasi,  Sif( P   (Mecca-Cairo 1 9 5 6 ) ,  wher e Ibn an-Najjar’s work is published as an appendix.

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 wer e a com bin ati on of tra ve ler s’ guid es an d pro pa gan da pam phl ets . For many centuries, the histories of Mecca and Medina seem to have remained free from the overgrowth of biographical history.^ Mecca’s prominent historian of the fourteenth/fifteenth century, Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi, said in the introduction of the ""Iqd at-tamin that he had no predecessors with respect to the biographical section of his work. The only histories of Mecca he knew were those of al Az ra qi and al- Fa kih i. Th ey pro vid ed him me rel y wi th the int ro  ductory chapters of the ""Iqd.  In addition, he had heard about the existence of a history of Mecca by the sarif   Zayd b. Hasim alMurtada al-Hasani. His information was derived from a remark in the  Jawdh ir of a l -M a y u r a q i ,^  whi ch, ho we ver , wa s not suffi cie nt to prove (though al-Fasi is inclined to assume it to be true) that Zayd’s work contained biographies and information on the secular history of Mecca.^ In another of his works, the  Sifd^ al-gardm,  wh ich in its firs t pa rt mo ves en tir ely alon g the line s of al- Az ra qi and al-Fakihi, al-Fasi also referred to the lack of predecessors and to his efforts to bring al-Azraqi’s and al-Fakihi’s historical and topographical information up to date. He decribed, for instance, in detail the contemporary condition of the city’s walls and gates and tried to clarify the history of some of the changes that had taken place in the course of time. The work also contains a discus sion of Mecca’s pre-Islamic history, a chronological detailed hst of its governors and rulers, and a number of chapters on historical events such as incidents connected with the pilgrimage, inundations, and the cit y’s economic history. All of this is based upon extensive research in the general historical literature.^ It is true, though, that there existed many more earlier works on Mecca’s history, as al-Fasi himself realized from references to them. And if scholars such as Abu Sa'id b. al-A‘rabi and ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Mandah actually wrote histories of Mecca, as was stated by as-Sahawi,^ In their particular case, biographical tradition would have justified the inclusion of the  va st ma jor ity of all Mus lims of dis tinc tion , cons ider ing th at the reli giou s du ty of the pilgrimage brought many Muslims to the holy cities at least once in their life. “ Cf. below, p. 304, n. i. ®Al-Fasi, al-'-lqd at-tamin.  I used the four-volume copy of the work, Taymur Ta’rih 849, of which the first volume is an old manuscript. No edition of the work (cf. GAL Supplement  II, 221) was available. In the  Si fP , I, 5 (Mecca-Cairo 1956), al-Fasi repeats this information and ibid., II, 272, he cites Zayd through al-Mayuraqi for an event from the year 676/1277-78. Cf. also below, p. 481, n. 2. *  Ed. F.  Wu sT EN FE LD ,  Di e C hroni ken der Sta dt M ekk a,  II, 66 ff. (Leipzig 1859). A modern edition appeared in Mecca-Cairo in 1956. Cf. also above, p. 126. ® I^ldn  133, below, p. 481.

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their histories are almost certain to have contained biographical mate rial; h owever, as-Sahawi is not supported by some more reliable evidence. Except for Meccan and Medinese histories, theological local historiography used one characteristic form peculiar to it. It con sisted of a topographical introduction which was followed by an enumeration of the men (and women) who were born or had settled in, or had some other kind of contact with, a particular locality. Originally, the persons listed had to be religious scholars, but soon all kinds of scholars, litterateurs, statesmen, and even a sprinkling of wealthy businessmen were admitted. The topographical intro duction, on the other hand, was capable of being greatly reduced in size. This form of local historiography grew out of the need for ad ditional protection against the invention of spurious traditions by determining the residence of transmitters. Its growth was favored  b y the po ht ica l riv al ry be twe en the va rio us cen ters an d scho ols of hadit   transmitters who ha d settled in the cities of the Muslim empire. It was politically inspired school rivalry rather than educational expediency which caused a scholar to make a statement such as this, reported in the name of the author of the Tahaqdt al-Ha~ maddniyin,  Salih b. Ahmad: “When religious scholarship has been cultivated in a place and scholars have lived there in ancient and modern times, the students of traditions there and all those interested in traditions should begin with a thorough study of the hadit   of their home town and with the acquisition of solid knowl edge concerning the representatives of the science of tradition there.  A fte r the stu de nt has come to kno w wh at is sou nd an d wh at is unsound in their traditions and has become completely acquainted  wi th the hadit   scholars in his city and their conditions, he may occu py himself with the traditions of other places and with traveling in search of traditions.” ^ Bahsal’s late ninth-century  Hist ory of Wds it   is the oldest pre served work of this type. The original form and concept are well represented in it. The  Hist ory of Wd sit   has come down to us in only one incomplete manuscript in which, moreover, a number of leaves are disarranged.^ It goes rather briefly into a discussion of the

early history of the city and its surroundings, and then deals  wi th tho se of its reli gio us sch ola rs who wer e con nec ted wit h the author by an uninterrupted chain of transmitters. The scholars are grouped together according to their “generation” {qarn,  instead of tabaqah  which was commonly used in this sense later on). The first generation “ are the men around Muhammad— those who served him, saw him, transmitted his hadit,  and heard him speak—  wh o cam e to th e ci ty of W as it. ” ^ Th e ind ivi du al bio gra phi es contain very httle information. As a rule, they merely mention the name of the transmitter, his tradition(s), and those who trans mitted on his authority as well as their tradition(s). The purpose of quoting the tradition(s) which was (were) connected with the name of a particular transmitter was “to h ave e very personality’s position (in scholarship and the degree of his reliability) made known.” ^ The following tenth century saw a widening of the professional groups which qualified for inclusion in local histories. The result  wa s a re lax at ion of th e con dit ion th at eac h b iog ra ph y w as t o con tai n at least one tradition which had been transmitted by its subject.  An ot he r r esu lt was the ad dit ion of a g rea ter am ou nt of bio gra ph ica l information. This process was very slow in certain places. A genera tion after Bahsal, Muhammad b. Sa'id al-Qusayri, in his  His tor y of ar-Raqqah,  still followed the old custom.^ Toward the end of the century, however, the process was nearly completed. At the same time, the alphabetical arrangement of biographies made its ap pearance. It ma y ha ve been used much earlier in local historiogra phy. Unfortunately, bibliographical references and quotations do not help very much. The word ta^rih  in the title of a local history may as well refer to a tahaqdt   work. Only the express statement that a particular history was arranged alphabetically or according to tahaqdt   permits a classification. According to as-Sahawi, Ibn  Y as in ’s (?)  His tory of Herdt   was alphabetically arranged, and Ibn  Y as in is said to ha ve liv ed in the firs t ha lf of the nin th centu ry.^  A t ab ou t the same time , al- Bu ha ri use d an alp ha be tic al arr ang e ment in his  Histo ry,  and local historians might have conceived the idea of arranging their biographies alphabetically already at that early date. However, the passage in as-Sahawi is corrupt, and op. cit.,  fol. 56b, which belongs after fol. 7b. ^ Op. cit.,  fol. iib . ®Cf. below, p. 469, n. 8. ‘  IHdn,   133, below, p. 483, nn. 4 and 5.

^

1 Cf. al-Hatib al-BagdMi, TB ,  I, 214. ^ Ms. Cairo Taym ur Ta ’rih 1483, written in 629/December 1231 ; K. ‘^Awwad, in  Sumer , XIII, 50 ( 1 9 5 7 ) . Cf. below, p. 484, n. 2.

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further confirmation of his statement is needed before any reliance can be placed upon it. For most of the older local histories down to the end of the tenth century/ our information is insufficient. This applies, for instance, to the works of Ahmad b. Sayyar (Marw)  whi ch, ho wev er, wa s cal led ahhdr  and, therefore, may not have contained alphabetically arranged biographies; Ahmad b. Mu hammad b. ‘Isa (Emesa); al-Huraqani (Marw); Abu ‘Arubah (Jazirah); Ibn Yunus (Egypt); the Anonymous (Ishaq b. Salamah al-Qayni?) on the personalities of Malaga; Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Warraq (Ifriqiyah) whose North African city histories, however, are called ahhdr]   HMid b. Sa'd al-Qurtubi (d. 352/963), on the personahties of Spain Salih b. Ahm ad (Hamadan); Muhammad  b.  Sali h  al-Ma‘Miri al-Qahtani (Sp ain); Abu s-Sa yh (Isfah an); Ibn ar-Raqiq (al-Qayrawan); Muhammad b. Ja'far at-Tamimi (alKMah); al-Hakim (HurLsan, Nisabur) whose  Histo ry of Nisd bur, however, was a tabaqdt   work;^ and al-Idrisi (Samarqand, Astara bad ). A goo d m an y of thes e wor ks, esp eci all y in the seco nd ha lf of the list, m ay have been alphabetically arranged. An a lphabetical arrangement was indicated by as-Sahawi for the  Histo ry of Ba lh b y a certain Abii Ishaq who is said to have lived in the early fourth/ tenth century, and the  Histor y of Marw   by Ahmad b. Sa‘id alMa'dani (d. 375/986).^ The oldest preserved local history with an alphabetical arrangement of its biographies is Ibn al-Faradi’s (d. 403/1013)  Histo ry of Spa nis h Scholars.   For the sake of brevity, Ibn al-Faradi wrote alphabetically arranged biographies instead of a collection of historical notes and anecdotes concerning the  va rio us Spa nish cities.® Th e alp ha be tic al arr ang em en t in Ibn al-Faradi was quite rudimentary (and was retained in this form  b y mo st of his Spa nish succes sors). It too k into acc ou nt on ly th e given names of the subjects of the biographies. Still, even in this form, it made “ for easier reference,” as Abu N u'a ym (d. 430/1038),

' Cf.  IHdn,   121 ff., below, p. 457 ff. Only works that can be dated approximately through knowledge of the lifetime of their authors are considered here. ^ Cf. Ibn al-Faradi, I, 113 f., no. 396 C o d e r a (Madrid 1890-1902,  Bibl iothe ca Arab ico Hi spa na, 8). ®Cf. Hajji Halifah,  K as f az-zu nun,   II, 155 f. F l u g e l . But, apparently, there was a rudimentary alphabetical arrangement within the tabaqdt,  cf. R. N. F r y e (below, p. 483, nn. I and 2). ‘ ‘Abd-al-Jabbar al Hawlani’s  Hist ory of Ddra yyd   (near Damascus) (ed. SA'iu a l  A  f g a n I, Damascus 1950) has no alphabetical arrangement. ^ I, 5 CODERA.

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 who cam e ne xt am ong the aut hor s of pre ser ved alp ha be tic al loca l histories, said in his  His tory of Is fah dn } The scholar who through his use of an alphabetical arrangement accomplished the final break with the tabaqdt {qarn)  arrangement  was the H at ib al- Ba gd ad i in the ele ve nth ce ntu ry .2 Al ph ab et iza tio n of the given name of a person and of the name of his father was the system adopted by the Hatib, although, in the form in which the  His tory of Bagdad   has come down to us, it is not consistently and logically apphed. Persons known under their patronymics ^ and noteworthy women follow alphabetically at the end of the work. In its choice of individuals to be mentioned, the  Hist ory of Bagd dd  is all-inclusive. H owever, preference is still given to religious scholars. Their biographies are much more extensive than those of anybody else. The contents of all biographies remains largely concerned with traditions. The religious side of the activities of the persons listed, including those who were not prim arily religious scholars, is stressed. The men around Muhammad, of course, did not live to see the foun dation of Ba gdM proper, but some of them were reported to have  vis ite d its neig hbo rho od. Th eir bio gra ph ies pre ced e all oth er bio g raphies. This was a relic of the tabaqdt   arrangement, but the system  was re- inte rpr ete d by the aut hor s of al ph ab et ica lly arr ang ed wor ks as a sign of respect for the exalted position of the sahdbah  and as a means of making it easy for the reader to learn their names.^ Preceding the biographies is a long section dealing with topograph ical, cultural, and historical information concerning Bagda d, its suburbs, and the story of its foundation.® The high quality of this section of the work is due to the author’s use of the research that had gone into the earlier secular histories of the city. The Hatib’s  Histo ry of Bagddd   remained the model not only for all later histories of BagdM, but also for the majority of the numerous local histories of the following centuries, and there was no part of the Muslim world in which this type of theological local history (which, at times, severed all its ties with rehgious scholar ship) was not represented. The  Hist ory of Bagddd   was surpassed in size by Ibn ‘Asakir’s  Histo ry of Dama scus.  Ibn ‘Asa kir’s introduc^ I , I D e d e r i n g (Leiden 1931-34). ‘ Cf. TB , I, 213 f. ■ ’ Thi s w rong translat ion of kunyah  has been adopted in this book.  Hy ion ym ic or  paid onym ic  would be the proper word, if the thing had been known to the Greeks. * C f. A bu Nu 'a ym ,  His tory of Isfa han, I, 43 D e d e r i n g . The custom persisted, cf., for instance, ar-Rafi'i’s Tadu'tn ft dikr ahhdr Qazwtn. ^ C f . J . L a s s n e r , i n  JA OS ,   L X X X I I T , 4 5 8 -6 9 ( 19 6 3 ).

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tion was mainly concerned with the relations between Damascus and Muhammad and the early Muslims. Items borrowed from an nalistic historiography, such as the story of the introduction of the Muslim era, seemed more important to the author than a factual topographical description such as we find it in the  His tory of   Bagdad.  An oth er Sy ria n hist oria n, Ib n a l-‘ Ad im , who has alr ea dy bee n mentioned as the author of a secular history of Aleppo,^ also wrote a biographical history of the type of the  His tory of Bagdad . Its title is  Bugy at at-talab f i ta’ ^rih Halah.  Ibn al-‘Adim deserves mention not so much on account of the historical quahties of some of his biographies ^as because of the fact that in his hands the topo graphical introduction became a substantial volume on the geog raphy of northern Syria presented according to the best sources and with a wealth of cultural information. ^ A later continuation of the  Bugy ah,   Ibn Hatib an-Nasiriyah’s  Dur r al-muntahab f i  takmilat Ta'rih Halah,  gives a brief outline of the  Bu gya h’ s  intro duction. According to that outline, this introduction was divided into five chapters of the following contents: i) The different names and the construction of Aleppo, 2) the location of the city, its extension, and its suburbs, 3) its excellence and remarkable feature s, including a description of the influence of political events upon the physical appearance of the city down to the time of the author, 4) the Muslim conquest of Aleppo, and 5) its waterways, historical relics, mosques, and sanctuaries.^ Ibn al-‘Adim gave future historians of Aleppo a good start,  who se effe cts were fel t well int o the fif tee nth cen tur y. Th e con tinuator of Ibn Hatib an-Nasiriyah, Sibt Ibn al-‘Ajami (d. 884/1480), in his  Ki in uz ad-dahab f i ta^rih Halah,   was still capable of presenting a highly readable description of Aleppo and its history. The things he had to say about some of the mosques of Aleppo would seem to  be as com ple te an ar t his tor ica l des cri pti on as one mi ght ex pe ct from an author writing in the medieval tradition.® With the help of  ' Cf. above, p. 156. ^ Cf. the specimens printed in Vol. Ill of the Rec ueil des hi storie ns des Croisad es, His torie ns or.,  pp. 695-732 (Paris 1884). ^ For a brief survey of the sources of the Rugy ah,   see M. C a n a r d , inAnnales dc Vlnstitut  d’Etude s Or., Faculte des Lettres de I’U niv. d'Alger,  XV, 41-53 (1957). C f . also F. R o s e n t h a l , in  JA OS ,  LX XI, 136-41 (1951). For the manuscript of Ibn Hatib an-Nasiriyah used here, cf. below, p. 445, n. i. “ I used the incomplete ms. Cairo (Taynu'ir?) Ta ’rih 837. The description of monuments  was the tas k o f g eogr aph ers whos e d ata were occ asi ona lly used by his tori ans. An ou tst and ing example is the description of the famous mosque of Cordoba.

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17 1

materials derived from Ibn Saddad and other Aleppo historians, Ibn al-‘Adim’s introduction also served as the basis for Ibn asSihnah’s compilation of the history of Aleppo, ad-Durr al-muntahab  f i ta^rih mamlaka t H alah.  This work omits all biographical informa tion and has only little historical information, but it shows the author’s predilection for dates of buildings and monuments as well as statements verified either by himself or his sources. Scholars who were not born in a particular city or region but lived and taught there always found special attention in local histories, but it was a peculiarity of Egyptian theological histori ography that it produced a large work devoted exclusively to “for eigners,” that is, religious scholars who were not born in Egypt but made their home there for some time. This was the Gurahd^  of Abu Sa'id b. Yunus.i The great attraction which the valley of the Nile has exercised for foreigners through the millennia made such a  wo rk poss ible. An oth er min or va ria tio n of the olo gic al loc al his  toriography is attested in connection with Egypt, a collection and annalistic presentation of the dates of death of contemporary Egyptians (among whom a few non-Egyptians were included).^  A s a tru nc ate d for m of the olo gic al loc al his tor iog rap hy , the  fadd^il   works in praise of a given locality may find a place here. Down to the eleventh century, the words faddHl  o r hawass  (praise  w or th y qu ali tie s and prop erti es, res pec tive ly) in con nec tio n wi th a city or region indicated works that contained only a limited amount of historical information and dealt with the praiseworthy physical and geographical features of that city or region and the excellence of its inhab itants; the literary topic of rivalry between two localities as to their respective merits and drawbacks was also frequently treated.^ Later on, the title  fadd^il   usually denoted monograph collections of quotations from the Qur^an, the traditions, and related sources in praise of a particular locality, the same type of material we also find in the introductions of local histories, both secular and theological. This then can no longer be considered as ^ Cf. below, p. 477, n. 9. Ibn al-Faradi imitated Ibu Yunus by adding the foreigners, if there were any, after each name. ^ C f . GAL Supplement   I, 572 (al-Habb al d. 482/1089-90); Y. al-'-Iss, Fi hr is mahtutdt Ddr al-Kutiib az-Zdhiriyah,  151 (Damascus 1366/1947). The work of al-Jazzar (above, p. 54 ,n. 3)  was pr esu ma bly of a sim ilar typ e, and so were , in a sense, the cen ten nia l hist orie s (abo ve, p. 86). ^ Cf., for instance, J. S c i i a c i i t and M. M e y e r h o f ,  The Medico-Philosophical Controversy hetiveen Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and Ibn Kidwan of Cairo,  89 ff. (Cairo 1937,  Pub licat ions of  the Faculty of Arts of the Egyptian University,  13), or the fourteenth-century comparison of Damascus and Cairo, in al-Maqrizi,  Hi tat  I, 368 (Bulaq 1270). Cf. also below, p. 473, n. 6.

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representing a branch of historical writing. H owever, it remains another manifestation of the devotion to regional divisions which often influenced the course of Muslim history with not too happy results but contrib uted to Muslim historiogra phy one of its most productive branches. 4 — C O N T E M P O R A R Y H I S T O R Y A N D M E M OI R S  A ll Mush m his tor ica l wo rks wer e ke ye d to the tim e of the ir individual authors. Strictly antiquarian history was confined to occasional monographs on events of the early years of Islam and on the oldest Muslim leaders. The tendency in these works was theological rather than historical. Even rarer were the occasions on which a writer recalled the glorious old days as they were, for instance, personified in the Barmecides. ^Here, literature a nd biog raphy greatly outweighed history. Biography, in general, was not oriented toward the contemporary scene as inexorably as was history. In all genuinely historical production, the author would use past history merely as a background for the present. The result was, on the one hand, that all historical works contained information on contemporary history, and, on the other, that all contemporary historiography did not differ in its form and contents from general histories. In writing the history of their own times, Muslim his torians could not avoid reflecting the intellectual interests of their respective periods, but they made no specific contribution to the development of the forms and contents of historiography other than that which found its expression in general historical works. There fore, not much needs to be said about the writing of contemporary history in Islam. The most common monograph treatments of contemporary history were those undertaken upon orders of the ruling sovereign  who wis hed to see his deed s (and oft en also tho se of his dy na sty ) or the one or other outstanding event of his reign immortalized in  wri ting . It seem s to be true th at the gre atn ess of the rule r and the imprint he left upon the history of his time are paralleled by the quantity and quality of his contemporary biographers (Mahmud of C^aznah, Salah-ad-din, Sulayman the Magnificent). Official historians often held high positions in the administration. In the tenth century, this produced a Suli who, with all his literary genius, his brilliant sty le, and the w ealth o f information he ha d to offer, * Cf. below, p. 429, n. 3.

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 was ha rd ly abl e to con cea l his pre dile ctio n for cou rt cer em oni al ^ and court chitchat. More important, it also led to the adoption of the artificial flowery style of the bureaucracy for writing the  bi og ra ph y of th e rule r. 2F or fla tte ry an d ind ire ctio n th at st yl e was unsurpassed, and it retained its hold over works of this type. B y  vi rtu e of the offi cia l po sit ion of the his tori an, his wo rk not inf re que ntly assum ed the characte r of memoirs. At one point of his  bio gra ph y of Sa lah -ad -din , Ibn §M da d des crib es ho w thi s cam e to pass. This is what he says: ‘T have come to love Salah-ad-din since I first saw him and noticed his love for the  jih ad.   I loved him on account of that, and I was in his service since the beginning of JumMa I of the year (5)84/ June 28,1188, when he came to northern Syria. All m y information on the time before that date was derived from eyewitnesses whom I trust. From that date on, I put down only things which I witnessed personally or about which persons  wh om I tru st ha d info rme d me in a wa y com par abl e to pers ona l observation.” ®Thus, for the last five years of Salah-ad-din's reign  wh ich co ve r thr ee -fo urth s of Ib n Sa dd ad ’s wor k, bi og ra ph y turn s into memoirs. Two authors of memoirs, both of whom lived in the twelfth century, were distinguished by the fresh approach they brought to their task, the South Arabian ‘Umarah al-Hakami, in an-Nukat  al-'^asnyah f i ahbdr al-wuzard^ al-M isr iya h,   and Usamah b. Munqid, in his famous  IHihdr.  The former starts with his autobiography, leading it down to the time when he settled in Egypt. The history of the Egyptian wazirs promised by the title then sets in, but it develops into a display of ‘Umarah’s proficiency as a poet. Usamah, in turn, deals with many of his personal experiences which reveal him as a good observer and a thoroughly human personality. It is clear, however, that in ‘Umarah, the literary, and in Usamah, the popular philosophical element was stronger than the historical one. The basic material for memoirs are notes or diaries. Many a ^ The court ceremonial of the 'Abbasid s continued the Persian tradition, but con temporary Byzantium was the shining model with which one had to compete. A certain  Ab u 1-Husayn Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Ahwazi wrote a work on the Byzantines which  was bas ed upon per son al obs erv atio n and whi ch, amo ng oth er thin gs, de alt wit h the ecclesiastical ranks in the Byzantine Empire, cf. al-Biruni, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah,  289 f., 293 Sachau (Leipzig 1878, 1923). For the 'Abbasid court, cf. the relevant chapters in Hilal b. al-Muhassin as-Sabi^  Rusu m ddr al-hi ldfa h,  ed. M. ‘Awwau (Bagdad 1383/1964). For as-Siili, cf. also above, p. 48 f. ^ Cf. below, p. 177. ^  An- Xaw ddi r as-su ltdniy ah, 7 1 (Cairo 1 3 1 7 ) . Cf. also Miskawayh, Tajdrib al-umam, anno  340.

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Muslim occ upying a place of distinction in his comm unity ma y have kept notes about his activities. But whether there were many who dared to entrust their intimate thoughts to regularly kept diaries seems doubtful, considering the political climate of the Middle Ages  wh ich mad e such an un de rta kin g rat he r dang erou s. Y et , diar ies  we re ke pt by some offici als, pr ob ab ly fro m the be gin nin g wi th a  vie w to the ir lat er pub lica tio n. Mem oirs such as wer e com pos ed  b y the wa zir Ib n Mas arji s in the nin th ce nt ur y ^ or b y the ‘I ma d al-Isfahani, in his voluminous  Barq as-S a'm i, in the twelfth century,  wer e bas ed on the note s of a life tim e and m ay ha ve bee n ba sed on regular diaries. When Ahmad b. at-T ayyib as-Sarahsi accompanied the future caliph al-Mu‘tadid on a military expedition to Palestine in the year 884-85, he kept a careful diary of the trip, presumably upon official request. His observations were mainly geographical and military.2  A s the tit le of a boo k, the wo rd dia ry, in its Pe rsi an form Yuzndmajah,  appears among the works of the Sahib Ibn ‘Abbad (d. 385/995). His  Dia ry   is preserved in a number of fragments^  whi ch sho w th at it wa s not conc erne d wi th ma tte rs of hi sto ric al interest, but with literary and philological information of the type known from the  Am dli   as well as general adah works and a certain form of  Mu'-ja m. Ibn al-Bann a’ ’s afore-mentioned work, ^ if it ever had a title, was probably not called “dia ry” by its author,  bu t it does qu al ify as such. Li vi ng in B ag dM , Ib n al-B ann a* mainly noted events affecting this city. As a Hanbalite, he was particularly interested in the affairs of his colleagues. And his per sonal predilection was the recording of his own meaningful dreams.  A ll of this ma ter ial wa s sui tab le for ea sy tra nsf orm ati on int o a full-fledged history. ^ Cf. above, p. 5 1. The volume of reminiscences of the reign of the caliph al-Mu'tamid  by the poe t Ah ma d b. Ja 'fa r Jah zah (224-324/83 8(3g)-936) ma y hav e been in the sty le of as-Suli’s history of the caliphs (cf. Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  II, 243 Cairo = I, 384 M a r g o l i o u t h ). ^ Cf. F. R o s e n t h a l ,  Ahm ad b. at-T ayyib as-Sar ahst,   62 ff. (New Haven 1943.  Am eric an Oriental Series  26), and  JA OS ,  LX XI, 138 ff. (1951). Going on the pilgrimage from Adarbayjan one might well keep a diary for the instruction of his children, as was done by a certain Muhammad b. Ahmad b. al-Hasan al-Katib, whose  Ruzn dma j   was used by Ibn al-'Adim,  Bug yat at-talab,  Ph ot. Cairo Ta’r ih 1566, p. 209. ^ C f . GAL Supplement   I, 199; II, 28. Further quotations: at-Ta'-alibi, Yattmat ad-dahr, II, II (Damascus 1304); idem, Abu t-Tayyib al-Mutanabbt,  62 (second ed., Cairo 1343/1925); idem, Hass al-hdss,  42 (Cairo 1326); idem, I'-jdz,  241 (Cairo 1897); al-Azdi,  Badd^i^ albadd^ih,  II, 21 (Cairo 1316); Yaqut,  IrSdd,  X V, 112 ff., 116 ff. (Cairo = V, 440 ff. M a r g o  l i o u t h ). Cf. also M. H.  A  l Y  a s i n , as-Sdhib Ibn ^Abbdd, 243 f. (Bagdad 1376/1957), and  A l  Y  a s i n ’ s collection of the preserved fragments (B agdad 1966). For another literary diary, cf. al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq,  192 (Teheran 1317). ‘ Cf. above, p. 83.

CONTEMPORARY HISTORY AND MEMOIRS

175

 An oth er dia ry of his tor ica l imp ort wa s th at of the se cre tar y  whos e pen rat he r tha n the swo rd of his ma ste r Sa lah -ad -di n was ,  wi th some ex agg era tio n, sai d to ha ve bee n resp ons ible for the lat ter’s success,^ the Qadi al-Fadil al-Baysani (d. 596/January 25, 1200 2). The quotations from his work are headed by the Arabic  wo rd for dia ry, muydwamdt,  or, as a rule, by the title “ News  [mutajaddiddt)  of the year n . ” ^ Al -B ay sa ni wa s con cer ned wi th Sal§,had-din’s naval expedition to Aylah and other military operations,  wi th the des tru cti on of the pal m tree s of a l- ‘Ar is b y the Crus ade rs,  wi th est abl ish ing the da te of the con str uct ion of a min are t, bu t above all with matters of administrative importance, such as the unseasonal increase of the Nile, the fiefs, the distribution of the charity taxes, the Coptic new year celebration, the equalization of fiscal with lunar years, the treasures left by the last Fatimid, al-‘Adid, the income of the various districts, the high prices in a certain year, or the inauguration of a new hospital. All this was carefully noted with the day, month, and year of its occurrence. His work is especially significant in that it shows what excellent materials historians of the period had to work with. Among PersianTurkis h historians we encounter the use of diaries ^ in historical  wr itin g and m an y mem oirs, bu t it m ay no t be en tir ely b y cha nce that most of the examples of this brief chapter date from the time of the Crusades. At no other time in the history of the central region of Islam did the rhythm of the change from fear to hope and from hope to fear make contemporary happenings appear so worth y of the attention of the historian as it did then. ^ As-Safadi, Wdfi,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld. Arch. A. 26, fol. 150a. * Cf. Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  X III, 25, where the day of the week is indicated. ®Cf. A. R. G u e s t , in  JR A S,   1902, no , and C. H. B e c k e r ,  Beitrd ge zur Geschichte  Agyp tens unter dem Islam ,  I, 24 f. (Strasbourg 1902), where the quotations in al-Maqrizi’s  Hi tat   are enumerated. The work also appears to have been quoted in Ibn al-'Adim,  Bugy at  at-talab,  cf. C. C a h e n ,  La Syr ie du Nord ,  53, n. i (Paris 1940). For other possible diaries, cf. also Ibn Hallikan, IV , 143 trans. D e  S l a n e . * Cf., for instance, K ebir Qadizadeh’s His tory of the Conq uest of Egy pt   by Selim I, writtei upon the order of the emir Sadruddin Muhammad, after notes taken during the campaign in which he had participated, cf. F. T a u e r , in  Arc hiv Orien tdlni,   IV, 98 ff. (1932).

THE USE OF RHYMED PROSE

CHAPTER SIX

 AR TI ST IC FOR MS OF HI ST OR IC AL WR IT ING I — T H E U S E O F RH Y M E D P R O S E {S A / ‘) Historical writing on the whole successfully withstood the on slaught of the rhymed prose mania which did so much more harm than good to Mushm literature. A number of factors contributed to bring about this healthy situation. For one, historiography was not wholly belles-lettres but in many respects a scientific pursuit and as such able to offer some resistance to literar y fashions. Its concern with concrete data and observations from daily life brou ght 1 Such childish nonsense as Ibn al-Muqri^’s history of the Rasulids of the Yemen which consists of a column of letters read vertically in an elementary treatise on jurisprudence (cf. G A L ,  II, 190 f. The Library of Congress in Washington has an edition of the work, Cairo 1309) cannot be called an artistic approach to historical presentation. But a word may be said here about illustrated histories:  Wh en Isla m app ear ed on the scene, illu mi nat ed edi tion s of his tor ica l tex ts had a lon g and varied history behind them (wich, however, is not quite tangible for us). Such illuminated histories were known both in the Greek and, presumably, the Persian orbit. For the former, of., especially, A. B a u e r - J . S t r z y g o w s k y ,   Ei ne Ale xan drin isch e Weltc hronik , in  Denk schriften der k. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Wien, phil.-hist. Kl.,  LI, 2 (1905); H. L i e t z m a n n ,  Ei n  Bla tt aus einer antik en Weltch ronik, in Quantulacumque, Studie s presented to K. Lake,  339-48 (London 1937); K.  W  e i t z m a n n , m Byzantion,  X VI, 87-134 (1944). Only little of that found acceptance in Islam. The Muslims knew of books with the pictures of Sasanian rulers, as an often quoted passage of al-Mas'udi informs us {Tanbih,  106 f. D e G o e j e ; trans. H. H. S c i i a e d e r , in  Jahrb uch der Pre uszi sche n Kuns tsam mlun gen,   LVII, 231 f., 1936). Pictures of Greek philosophers appeared in the histories of philosophers by Hnnayn and al-Mubassir (for the latter, where the illustrations m ay be a later addition [ ?], cf, the Istanbul manuscript Topkapusaray , Ahme t III, 3206, discussed by R. E t t i n g h a u s e n ,  Ara b Pain tinf ;,  74 ff. [Lausanne-Paris 1962], and the crude drawings of the Berlin manuscript or. 785 quarto reproduced by J. K  r a e m e r , in  ZD M G ,  CVI, 289 [1956]). The appearance of illustrated historical works in Persia later on seems to be a new depar ture, following the precedent of the epical literature. We have illustrated manuscripts of the Persian translation of at-Tabari (cf. E . K t J H N E L , in A. U. P o p e ,  A Surve y of Per sian  Art ,  III, 1853, 1855, New York 1939, cf. also plates 8i6b, 880); of Fadlallah Rasid-ad-din’s  Jdmi'^ at-tawdrth (op. cit.,  Ill, 1835 ff. and plates 827-29, 845, 847-50, cf. also above, p. 105, n. 2, and the report of Ibn al-Fuwati, TalMs Majma'^ al-dddb,  IV, I, 528 J a w a d [Damascus 1962], to the effect that in 705/1305-6 he met an artist in Arran who was engaged in illustrat ing the work); of al-Ju\vayni’s Ta^rih-i-jahdngusay (op. cit., Ill , 1843)! quite commonly, of historical works of the Mugal period. (The references to illuminated Islan^ic manuscripts in this paragraph have been selected from the long bibliography on the subject with which Dr. R. E t t i n g h a u s e n in Washington most kindly provided me.) For tenuous relations between medieval Western illustrations of historical works and Muslim book illumination, cf. H. B u c h t h a l ,  Min iatu re Pai ntin g in the Lat in King dom of   Jerus alem ,  85, 100 ff. (Oxford 1957).

17 7

 wi th it a fa ct ua l an d con cre te for m of lin gu isti c exp ress ion. A nd the historian was under the obligation to reproduce his sources literally and to avoid any arbitrary tampering with them, with the result that the history of the past was usually written in the sober style of the early authors. The use of saj^  became obligatory in the introduction of histories. It was also used as an escape into a less pedestrian presentation of the material, especially, when the writer’s emotions were involved . ^  As a do mi nan t sty lis tic dev ice , the use of rh ym ed prose en ter ed historical writing through the panegyrical biographies which high officials devoted to their masters. In these works, they felt duti bou nd to ex hib it the ir vi rtu os ity in th e rhy me d-p ros e offic e sty le.  A t the beg inn ing, the lit er ar y ta ct and ski ll of th e auth ors, as we ll as their deep understanding of the genius of the Arabic language, did indeed make their works masterpieces. The stylistic briUiance displayed in these works reconciled the reader to the difficulties he encountered in trying to figure out their meaning. Tact and skill and linguistic ability, however, were rare qualities. Especially in later Persian and Turkish works, these qualities were conspicuously absent. Ibrahim b. Hilal as-Sabi" (d. 384/994) possessed them in the fullest measure and made use of them in his famous encomium of ‘Adud-ad-dawlah and the Biiyids, the Tdji.'^  His use of rh5rmed prose in this work was probably as sparing as that of al-‘Utbi in his Yamini, a panegyric of (Yamin-ad-dawlah) Mahmud of Gaznah, in which he followed as-Sabi’ as his model. The master of the art who wrote his historical works throughout in a rhyme d prose verbose but not heav y was the ‘Im&,d alIsfahani. Occasionally, he hand led the rhyme quite freely. In the  His tory of the Salj uqs,   Tugrilbek was permitted to relate a dream ^ This was the case, for instance, when a writer related the end of the 'Abb asid caliphate, cf. Mugultay’s  ISdrah ild strut al-M usta fd wa-dtdr man ba^dahu m in al-hulafd^, for which I consulted the Bodleian ms. or. Sale 56, in the absence of the edition (Cairo 1326, cf. G AL

 Sup ple men t  II, 48). “ C f. G A L , I, 96 {Supplement  I, 153 f.), and above, pp. 51 and 59; D. S . M a r g o l i o u t h , in  Islam ica, II, 388, n. 4 (1927), and idem, Lectures on Arabic Historians, 134 (Calcutta 1930). For references to the Tdjt, cf., further, al-Birum, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah, 38 S a c h a u ; aI-‘Utbi, al-Yamini, I, 47 f., 106 (Cairo 1286), cf. GAL Supplement  I, 547; at-Ta'alibi, Yattmat ad-dahr, II, 3, 9 f., 26 f.; Il l, 3 (Damascus 1304); Ibn Hassul, Tafdil al-Atrdk, introduction, cf. GAL Supplement, I, 553, III, 1216; Ibn Isfandiyar,  His tory of Tabar istdn, 90, 223 B r o w n e (Leiden-London 1905,  E. J. W. Gibb Mem . Seri es, 2); Ibn yallikin, I, 213; II, 263; III, 261 f. trans. D e S l a n e ; an-Nuwayri,  Nih dyat al-arab, Paris ms. ar. 1576 foL 23a. The work was used by aI-‘Azim i (above, p. 156, n. 4), cf. C. C a h e n ,  La Chron ique abrdgee d'al-A^tm t, in  J A , CC XX X, 355 (1938). For a brief abridgment of part of the Tdji  from a manuscript in the Yemen, cf. M . S. K h a n , in  Ara bica , XI I, 27 ff. (1965) ;  W. M a d e l u n g , in  JN E S, XX VI , 17-57 (1967). Rosenthal,

History of Muslim Historiography

12

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ARTISTIC FORMS OF HISTORICAL WRITING

in ordinary prose. ^ On the other hand, A lp A rslan on his death  bed used pe rfe ct saj\'^  In his abridgment of the ‘Imad’s work, al-Fath al-Bundari, a generation after him, complained that the author as usual had given free rein to his pen and that his rhymed prose made it difficult to understand what he intended to say.®  Al -B un da ri, ho we ver , did no t ma ke an y cha nge s wh at so ev er in the ‘Imad’s style. That he, the Arabic translator of Firdawsi’s  Sdhndm ah, occupied himself with the ‘Ima d’s work may in itself  be a com plim ent to its hig h sty lis tic qu ali ty . It ma y, ho we ver ,  be ad ded th at a mor e hi sto ric all y an d less ar tis tic all y inc lin ed author, Abu Samah, in his  Rawdatayn,   objected to the *Imad’s style and pruned it severely.^ In less gifted authors, the constant use of rhymed prose was a source of serious shortcomings. The fourteenth-century Ibn Habib al-Halabi, for example, wrote the  Dur rat al-asldk fi dawlat al-Atrdk and a general history,  Juh ayn at al-ahbdr,  in a type of saj'^  in which always two, and no more, cola rhymed with each other. Thus, we read in the  Durr ah: Their king, al-Faransis, tumbled,® and the foundation of the building which he had constructed with so much care crumbled.  A bo ut 30,000 of the m wer e ca ptu re d or kille d, and by about a hundred Muslims the martyrdom  wa s fulfilled,®  wh ile sho rt cola pr ev ail in the  Juh ayn at al-ahbdr:  A ba ga b. H ula gu : He lit w ar ’s flam e, like his father, a man of crime and shame. He continued to shun of right guidance the way, until, after sixteen (years), he saw his last day.’ It is obvious that bare facts and concise descriptions could not  be pres sed int o thi s form . Inde ed, the rh ym ed pros e st yle al wa ys 1  Nus rat al-fit rah,  Paris ms. ar. 2145, fol. 22b. Al-Bundari, Ta^rth dawlat as-SaljHq, 26 (Cairo 1318/1900). “ Cf. above, p. 120. ®Al-Bundari, op. cit., 3. ‘ Cf. B. L

e w i s

,  i n B S O ^ S , X V I I , 1 6 9, n . 2 ( 1 9 55 ) .

“ Literally; was seized. In any evaluation of the rhymed prose style, it should not be forgotten that the number of rhyming words and endings in Arabic is vastly larger than in English. *  Durr at al-asld k,  Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 223 (Uri 750), fol. 4a. ’  Juh ayn at al-ahbdr,   ms. Cairo Ta’ri^ 1610.

THE USE OF VERSE

179

showed a considerable disinclination for facts and conciseness. In order to produce the rhyme, a line which as a rule was merely repetitious and rarely contributed to a better characterization of a personality or an event had to be added. Much of the space which might otherwise have been d evoted to factual information was thus taken. Instead of giving a full bibhography in his scholarly biogra phies, I bn Hab ib al-Halab i restricted himself to an average of one title. The main rehc of factual information in his work is the indi cation of the date of the death and, if it was known, the age of the deceased person as well as a genealogy in the beginning of the obituary notices. All in all, whatever attractiveness the use of rhymed prose may have added to historical literature in the eyes of the cultured reader,^ it made no contribution to a deepening of the historical understanding, nor did it produce an essentially new form of historical presentation. 2— T H E U S E O F V E R S E The technique of the prose rhyme as such was hardly suited for a truly artistic treatment of history. The traditional medium of poetical expression, the verse, could alone fulfil the task of trans forming history into poetry. There was no intrinsic reason why, in the languages of Islam, poetry, being itself “ feigned history,” ^ could not have, in turn, served to sublimate the description of actual happenings. However, in Islam, poetry was only once called upon to render this service to historiography, and that was on Iranian soil in the cause of Iranian nationahsm. The magnificent epic of Firdawsi (born between 933 and 936, died between 1020 and 1025) had its more modest predecessors.  A ce rta in Ma s'u di wro te a poe m on Pe rsia n hi sto ry, of wh ich a fe w  ver ses are pre serv ed. Th e Pe rsia ns are sai d to ha ve hel d th at poe m in the highest esteem and to have considered it a true history (or chronology, ka-ta^rih)  of theirs. Considering the preserved verses, one would hardly venture to assert that it was more than a rather prosaic and rather brief enumeration of the mythical and historical rulers of ancient Iran.® The larger, incomplete work upon which ^ A long marginal note in the Bodleian manuscript of the  Durr at al-asld k  (above, p. 178, n. 6), fol. 24b, concerning the conquest of Bagdad by Hulagu would seem to indicate that readers objected to the lack of factual information. * F r a n c i s B a c o n , The Advancement of Learning,  in speaking about poetry. “ Cf. al-Mutahhar,  Beg inni ng and His tory ,  III, 138 and 173 (trans. 143 and 176) H u a r t (Paris 1899-1919,  Pub licat ions de l’ £col e des langues or. vivantes,  IVe Serie, Vols. 16-18, 21-23). Cf. also at-Ta'alibi,  L ’his toire des roi s des Pers es [O urar),  388 Z o t e n b e r g (Paris 1900).

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THE USE OF VERSE

Firdawsi based himself was that of Daqiqi (wrote between 960 and 980). If Daqiqi was a Zoroastrian, as one has occasionally assumed, his place would not be among Muslim historians, but one may also doubt the propriety of placing the  Sdhnd mah   itself into the con text of Muslim historiography, since its sole purpose was to exalt the heroism and grandeur of pre-Islamic Iran. However, Firdawsi  wro te an d fe lt as a M uslim, no le ss th an did, for ex am ple , a h isto ria n such as Miskawayh.i The history of the past came to him as legend, and it was not his task to uncover the reahstic traits it might have contained. Valiant heroes of superhuman strength and chaste  wom en of gre at be au ty, bas e tra ito rs and fa ith ful war rior s, dra wn  wit h a few ste reo typ e ye t life hk e stro kes , po pul ate his wor k. Th e tragedy of man and the beauty of the world, the inexorable doom  wh ich gu ilt brin gs int o the his tor ica l proce ss, are the su bj ec t of the many dramatic episodes loosely strung together by the poet into a gigantic composition. The  Sdhnd mah was often imitated in its own country. I ts form  wa s used for a va ri et y of nov eli sti c top ics bu t also occ asi ona lly, in the eastern part of the Muslim world, for a presentation of Mushm history.2 Its greatness and popularity was grudgingly ad mitted by Arab writers,^ but the rest of the Muslim world never produced anything comparable to it.

ment of poetical products bu t no more so than the sayings of the sages of the past.^ Important contemporary events often constituted the material for poems. A glorious mihtary happening might inspire the poet when he hoped for a material reward in some form or other from the person who had played a leading role in that happening. Historical events could be made the topic of biting vituperative poems, which, hke the hijd''   of old, were important weapons in the struggle between two contesting parties. ^ The impact of history upon the contemporary scene could be celebrated in poems, or mourned, depending upon circumstances.^ All these poems are  va lua ble for our und ers tan din g of the hi sto ry of the ir time , bu t in no way do they form part of historiography. Unless a comprehen sive study, which would be highly desirable, should lead to different results, it seems evident that the historical import of the events  wi th whi ch the poe ts d ea lt w as of li ttl e o r no co nce rn t o m ost of them . The value which a Muslim poet would most surely find in a rapid review of world history was history’s lesson of the instability of all human greatness. The Uhi-sunt  motif would be in the mind of the poet who looked at history, no matter whether he lived in the Spain of the early twelfth century hke Ibn ‘Abdun,^ or later in the same century in the Yemen like Naswan b. Sa ‘id, the author of the famous

i8 o

The epical treatment of history in verses remained unknown to  Ar ab ic lite ra tu re; at lea st, the few att em pts at po eti ca l his tor iog  raphy made in the ninth century (see below) never led to any true epical poetry.^ A knowledge of history was considered as an adorn^ For the conflict between Muslim and Persian ideas in Firdaws i’s concept of history, cf. G. E.  VON GRt )N EBA UM, in  Melang es F ua d Kdp riil u,  177-93 (Istanbul 1953), reprinted in his

 Islam , E ssa ys i n the N ature and Growth of a C ultu ral Trad ition ,  168-84 (Menasha, Wise., 1955). ^ For Hamdallah al-Mustawfi’s  Zafar ndmah ,  which was completed in 735/1334-35, cf. S t o r e y ,   Per sia n Liter ature,  II, 81 ff., or, for the history of the Muslims in India entitled  Fu tuh as-saldt tn  by 'Isami, cf. P. H a r d y  ,  Hist oria ns of M edie val Ind ia, 94 ff. (London i960). The form was so popular that also a seventeenth-century Jewish author, B^bay, could use it, cf. W. B a c h e r , in  Revu e des ^t. Jui ves,  LI-LIII (igo6 f.). ®“Th e Qur’an of the common people,” cf. Diya’ -ad-din Ibn al-Atir, al-Matal as-sd^ir, 503 (Bulaq 1282), quoted by I. G o l d z i h e r ,  Muha mmed anisc he Stud ien,   I, 173, n. 2 (Halle 1889-90). * G.  VON G r u n e b a u m has pointed out that the form of rhyme employed in them might have been borrowed from Persian sources {On the Origin and Early Development of Arabic  Mu zda wij Poet ry, i n  JN E S,   III, 9-13, 1944)- Some predecessors of Firdawsi’s  Sdhndm ah may have influenced the historical attempts of the Arabic poets. In this connection, it may  be of some sign ific ance th at the hist oria n al- Ba lad ur i tra nsl ate d the Covenant of ArdaU r i n (with) poetry (?), according to the  Fih ris t,  164 (Cairo 1348 = 113 F l u g e l ) . Cf. above p. 36, n. I, as well as the activities in the same dire ction of Aban al-Lahiq i {GAL  Supp lem ent   I, 239). It may also be noted that early versifications of astronomical lore originated under foreign (Indian) influence and used a peculiar form of rhyme, cf. the

 Him yari te Poem.^ In the golden age of Arabic hterature, some reluctant attempts  wer e ma de b y gre at poe ts to tr y the ir ski ll on his tor ica l sub jec ts.  A yajaz   poem on the conquest of Spain said to have been written  by Y ah ya b. Ha ka m al- Ga za l in the firs t h alf of the nint h ce ntu ry ® quotations in al-Biruni,  Ifrd d al-maq dl f i amr az-zild l,  142-44 (Hyderabad 1367/1948), and idem, Tamhtd al-mustaqarr li-tahqiq ma^nd al-mamarr, 26 {ibidem). 1 Cf. al-Husri,  Zah r al-dddb.  I, 96 (Cairo 1305, in the margin of Ibn 'Abdrabbih, ^Iqd). * Cf., for instance, al-Qaffal’s poem against Nicephoros Phocas (cf. the literature quoted  by B r o c k e l m a n n , GAL Supplement   I, 307 and III, 1200), or a minor example from the Crusades in al-Maqrizi,  Hi tat,  I, 223 (Bulaq 1270). ®Cf., for instance, J. d e S o m o g y i ,  A Qastda on the Destr uction of Ba ghdad by the Mongols, in  BS OS ,  V II, 41-48 (1933-35), concerning a poem by Abu 1-Yusr Isma'il b. Ibrahim {GAL  Supp leme nt,  I, 458). The modern historians of Muslim Spain, in particular, have recognized the importance of these poems as historical sources and devoted to them a number of studies, cf. E. G a r c I a G o m e z ,  La “ Qastda MaqsHra” del Qartaj anni   (d. 684/1285), in  Al- An dal us, I, 81-103 (1933); E. L 6  v i - P r o v e n 9AL, Un “ Zaya l” hispanique sur Vexpedition aragonaise de  1309 contre Almeria, in  Al- An dal us,   VI, 377-99 (i 94 i)* For his famous poem, cf. G A L ,  I, 271,  Supp leme nt   I, 480, and A. R. N  y k l ,  Hisp ano Arab ic Poet ry,  176 ff. (Baltimore 1946). The Arabic text also appears on pp. 299-302 of the Cairo edition (1340) of Ibn Badrun’s commentary,  Kim dma t az-zahr. ‘ Cf., for instance, R. B a s s e t ,  La Qasidah Him yari te  (Alger 1914), or I. G o l d z i h e r , apud   C. H. B e c k e r ,  Islam studi en,  I, 519 (Leipzig 1924). “ Cf. GAL Supplement   I, 148; al-Maqqari,  Anale ctes,   I, 178; II, 123 D o z y  and others (Leiden 1855-61); £. L e v i - P r o v e n ^a l ,  Isla m d'Occid ent,   91 ff. (Paris 1948).

i

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is not preserved, and there is no indication to show whether the poetical genius of its author asserted itself in it. The poem of Abu Firas in which he praised the achievements of his ancestors was hardly motivated by historical considerations of any kind.^ Ibn al-Mu‘tazz’ biography of al-Mu‘tadid, on the other hand, was a  ve ry inte res tin g at tem pt to ap ply the cu sto ma ry form s of A ra bi c poetry to a large historical composition of 419 verses. Ibn al-Mu‘tazz was conscious of the fact that his enterprise was different from ordinary poetry as practiced by the Arabs. He was not able to free himself from the conventionalities of prose literature. Thus, the first verses contain the hasmalah  and htitbah  which introduce all prose works. The ending, which was added after the poem was finished, is restricted to two prosaic lines, of which one indicates the date of al-Mu‘tadid’s death and the other comments upon the instability of human life. The main contents describes the troubled conditions before al-Mu‘tadid, his greatness, and the viciousness of his enemies. This is done in a number of skilful specimens of laudatory and vituperative poetry. These specimens are units by themselves. They are not welded together by any internal logic, nor are al-Mu'tadid’s character and career explained through his activities and the events of his time,^ which, however, is something one looks for in vain also in ordinary prose histories. It was Ibn alMu'tazz’ merit to have chosen for the versification of the traditional type of historical information those poetical forms which were most suitable for the task, the madih  and the hija .  This was a highly intelligent choice and a considerable achievement. The poet executed his design with his customary masterly craftsmanship, as far as the choice of words and figures of speech were concerned. It was, however, an unfortunate idea to use the pedestrian rajaz  metre with internal rhyme of the two half-verses. Since it always  was the ten de nc y of Ar ab ic po etr y to cons ider the rh ym e wo rd the conclusion of a unit of thought and expression, the units now  bec am e mu ch too sho rt to exp res s a coh ere nt idea . Th e who le poe m almost dissolves into hackneyed, overbrief sentences, whose agglom eration has a rather tiresome effect. It is hardly possible to assume that Ibn al-Mu‘tazz selected this 1 GAL Supplement   I, 144. Cf. also D. S. M a r g o l i o u t h ’ s comparison of Abu Firms’ poem  wit h Mi ska way h, in his val uab le cha pte r on “ poe try as a veh icle of hi sto ry ” {Lectures on  Mu slim Hist oria ns,  59-81, Calcutta 1930). “ Cf, C. L a n g ’ s remarks in his edition and translation of Ibn al-Mu'^tazz’ poem, in  ZD M G, XL, 563-611 (1886), and XL I, 232-79 (1887).

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form because of the practical impossibility to continue one rhyme letter through hundreds of verses (anticipating the conclusion of later literary critics that long poems of necessity always contain many bad verses^). This might have been a secondary consideration. Unless we are willing to believe in an influence exercised by Persian rhyme d histories, ^ it would seem that the simple metre and rhyme chosen here recommended themselves for an essentially prosaic subject. The jingling effect made this type of verse stick in the memory and caused it to become the favorite form of didactic and mnemonic rhymes. Its use by Ibn al-Mu*^tazz is evident proof, if such were needed, that the later rhymed histories were, like the later histories in rhymed prose, degenerated versions of legitimate older attempts to give a certain artistic form to the material contained in historical works. Quite a number of years before Ibn al-Mu‘tazz, another great poet, *Ali b. al-Jahm, wrote a rajaz   poem on world history down to his own time.^ Some verses from a continuation of Ibn al-Jahm’s poem written a few decades later by Ahmad b. Muhammad al An ba ri ^h ad alr ea dy sho wn th at the poe m wa s a dr y enu me rati on of the various caliphs much inferior to Ibn aI-Mu‘tazz’ work, and quite unworthy of so gifted a lyrical poet as ‘Ali b. al-Jahm. Other previously known lines from the beginning of Ibn al-Jahm’s poem also marked it as a mediocre product. They run about like this; They then procreated, and offspring he desired.  An d Ev e wa s pre gna nt b y him wi th a chil d. She bore a son, and they called him Cain,  A nd th ey saw him at ta in wh at he did attain.®

1 Cf. Diy a’-ad-din Ibn al-Atir, loc. cit.  (above, p. 180, n. 3). ®Cf. above, p. i8o, n. 4. * Published as a special appendix to y alil Mardam Bey’s edition of Ibn al-Jahm’s  Diwd n, 228-50 (Damascus 1369/1949). * C f . Y A qi l t,  Ir^dd,  IV, 197 f. (Cairo = II, 62 M a r g o l i o u t h ), according to whom the author of the continuation of 'Ali b. Jahm is identical with Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Sayh. This identification needs corroboration from independent sources. Ibn Sayh died in 307/919, according to al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, TB ,  V , 42 f., and not in 320, as Yaq ut (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 123) assumed on the basis of a rather daring identification. * Cf. al-Mutahhar,  Beg inni ng and Hist ory,   II , 85 f. (trans l. 75 f.) H u a r t .  Al- Ma s'ud i,  Mu ru j,  I, 19 (Cairo 1346) quotes a slightly different version of the last verse and adds another one: Thus Abel grew up, and so did Cain.  An d no diff eren ce was bet wee n the twa in.

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The complete te xt does nothing to improve the negative impression as to the artistic merits of the work gained from the occasional quotations of individual verses. Usually, however, the poetical histories of the ninth and tenth centuries seem to have retained a certain dignity which lifted them above the level of mere mnemonic exercises. The early work on the history of Spain by Tammam b. ‘Amir b. ‘Alqamah has unfor tuna tely left no trace. 1 The long rajaz   poem, in which Ibn *Abdrabbih described the reign of ‘Abd-ar-Rahman III of Spain and his military expeditions, was an a ttempt to convey full information in an appropriate literary, if not poetical, language. In it, the author followed an annalistic arrangement marked by intermediate lines in prose.2 If Ibn ‘Abdrabbih is compared with Ibn al-Mu‘tazz, however, the great difference between the former’s prosaic rhymes and the latter’s use of genuine poetical forms for a prosaic subject  bec om es at once evi de nt. Th e ele ve nth -ce nt ury his tor ica l rajaz  poem by *Abd-al-Jabbar al-Mutanabbi from Alcira also is no great poetry and is reminiscent of Ibn al-Jahm, but, with its philosophical introduction, it is as sensible a product of versified historiography as one might expect to encounter.^ The flood of rhymed histories was loosened in the thirteenth century and has never since been stemmed. The thirteenth century  was the tim e wh en the ph ysi cia n Sad id- ad- din b. Ra qiq ah (d. 635/ 1237-38), an adept rhymester of the better sort, impressed his colleague Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah with his ability to turn any medical  wo rk into rajaz   verses more quickly than any other physician of the time. In addition to the speed of his “ poetica l” production, he expressed himself well and was able to retain in his versifications the whole contents of the works he versified.^ Historians of the same proficiency were certainly not wanting. The didactic purpose of versified prose histories is obvious, even if an author occasionally states that he was induced by the conciseness of the metrical form to make use of it.® At times, the verses were interrupted by com  ments in prose. This simplified the rather difficult task of squeezing exact data into a metrical form. The  Raqm al-hulal f i nazm adduwal   by Ibn al-Hatib, which deals with prophets and caliphs but * C f. GAL Supplement   I, 148, 233. “ Cf. ^Iqd,  II, 288-302 (Cairo 1305). ®Cf. Ibn, Bassara,  Dah irah ,  I, 2, 404-31 (Cairo 1361/1942). *  Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah, II, 2 20 M u l l e r . ‘ Ibn Daniy al, cf, as-Suyuti,  Hu sn al-muhd darah,   II, 139 (Cairo 1299).

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devotes most of its contents to the western dynasties, is a work of this type. It also is a good illustration of the fact that even men of literary taste and historical understanding were no longer able to improve the form of rhymed histories. Their contents usually consisted of a bare list of names and some factual data, and the  who le wa s wel l sui ted for mem oriz ing. Th e int rod uc tio n nev er failed to be the exact rephca of the corresponding type of prose  wor ks. 1 Th e com mo n pra ise of the imp ort anc e of hi sto ry wa s not omitted.^ Even the sources on which a particular poem was based  wer e des crib ed in verse.® T he po eti ca l qu al ity of lat er rhy me d his  tories is indicated in the translated specimens from al-Ba‘um,^ although it must be said that the English translation does more than justice to the original. Not many of them have been printed, and few ever will. Some are known from the context of larger his torical works, such as a brief rajaz   poem on the ‘Abbasids inserted  by Ib n K at ir in his  Nihdya h,^  or Ibn Daniyal’s poem on the judges of Egypt which was taken over by as-Suyuti in his  Hu sn al-mu hddarah^ and which may also be found in Ibn Hajar’s  Raf^ al-isr."^ 1 Cf. already Ibn al-M u'tazz, above, p. 182 f. ^ Cf. Ibn al-Ij[atib,  Raqm al-hu lal,   Paris m,s. ar. 5026, fol. 2a (the edition, T unis 1316, cf. G A L , II, 262, was not at hand); al-Ba'uni, in as-Sahawi, iHdn  15 and 95, below, pp. 286 and 409; al-Cumri, op. cit.  (p . 49, n. 6). => Cf. as- Safadi, Tuhfah,  used in the Paris ms. ar. 5827 (phot. ms. Cairo Taymur TaMl> 2102), see above, p. 163; al-Gumri, op. cit.  In his poem on the creation of the world, ‘Ali b. al-Jahm already referred at some length to his sources characterized by him as “reliable transmitter s” . Cf. also 'Abd-al-J abbar, loc. cit.  A specimen is to be found below, p.54 6. * Below, p. 409. » XIII, 206 ff., anno  656. • II, 138-42, and supplement by as-Suyuti, 142 f. (Cairo 1299). ’ Ed. H A m i d ' A b d - a l - M a j i d and I b r a h i m a l - I b y a r i , 2 ff. (Ca iro 1957- 61). For rhymed biographies of the Prophet, cf. below, p. 398.

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL It is a most significant fact that the novel (or romance) in Arabic literature is largely represented by historical novels. Educated Muslims always looked down upon these historical novels and other  wo rks of fic tio n as infe rior pro duc ts. In fa ct, th ey are gr ea tly in ferior to the best products of Muslim literature, both in their artistic form and in the intellectual level of their contents.^ But their very existence and popularity are indicative of a strong historical con sciousness in the Muslim masses. It was through these novels that history filtered deep down into the hearts of the people. Through them, children learned to understand Islam as a historical phe nomenon. The illiterate could get a glimpse of Muslim history  wh en th ey list ene d to the sto ryt ell er s in the stre ets. Am on g thos e  wh o wer e ab le to rea d and to bu y boo ks, nov els were the mo st  wi de ly rea d and bo ug ht of all A ra bi c b ook s, wi th the sole ex ce pti on of the Qur’an. Arabic historiography would have been no less remarkable as an expression of intellectual curiosity without the existence of its lowly sister, the historical novel, but it would have  bee n muc h less of an ins tru me nt for ma kin g hi sto ry a pa rt of ev er y Muslim’s intellectual experience. Notwithstanding the existence of a large Persian historical literature which was known to the Muslims and soon recognized as fiction,2 the Muslim historical novel was in its origin a product * T h is st at em e nt is not to  be modified on account of the fact that these works are for us invaluable sources for the understanding of the psy chology and aspirations of the common man in Islam. The inherent value of a work of literature must not be confounded  with its val ue as a sour ce of info rma tion ent ire ly unc onn ecte d wit h its orig inal des tina tion . For a brief survey of the Arabic historical novel down to modern times, cf. H. Per^s, in  Ann ales de I'ln sti tut d'£t ude s Or., Facu lte des Lettres de I’ Univ . d'Al ger ,  XV, 5-39 (1957); XV I, 5-40 (1958). 2 Cf. the chapter on works of fiction, in  Fih ris t,  422 ff. (Cairo 1348 = 304 ff. F l O g e l ) . It is doubtful whether the Graeco-Byzantine titles of novels, lumped together in the  Fih ris t, 4 2 5 ( = 3 0 5 f - F l x ) g e l ) , under the su btitle of “novels and histories”, were known to the Muslims before the third/ninth century. Their appearance in Arabic took place, it would seem, about a century later than that of the  corresponding Persian literature. For the passage of the  Fih ris t  on asmdr  and tawdrth,  cf. B. E. P e r r y , in  Byza ntin isch e Zei tschr ift, LIV , 12 ff. (1961), and F . R o s e n t h a l , in Oriens,  X V, 37 f. (1962).

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of Arabia. Its oldest stage antedates the consolidation of Muslim scholarship and hterature. This type of historical novel existed  whe n Mus lim lit era tur e wa s firs t wr itt en dow n, and it bec am e a part of historical Hterature. It was no longer transmitted exclusively  b y sto ryt ell er s bu t b y the ord ina ry proc esse s of wr itte n or ora l scholarly transmission, and its novelistic origin was no longer reahzed. Th e subj ect ma tter of these novels was the legen dary history of pre-Islamic southwestern Arabia. Through them, that part of the  Ar ab ia n pen insu la bec am e fir ml y est abl ish ed in Musli m fic tio n as the favorite setting for novels. The “ Yemenite saga," in its origin, perhaps, a non-Yemenite echo of Yemenite nationalist feeling,^  wa s at tac he d to such nam es as W ah b b. Munabb ih,^ who m ay in fact have functioned as a transmitter of some information about southwestern Arabia to early historians, and the much less his torical ‘Abid b. Saryah and Ibn Qirriyah.^ The name of ‘Amir as-§ a‘bi, the early transmitter whom later legend made the paragon of MusHm scholarship, was also used in this connection. Among the literary figures under whose names material of this type was published, we find al-Asma'i as the authority for philological in formation, and Ibn Hisam as that for historical information. Even Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ was not omitted.^ All this material which to a large part existed already in the ninth century, though later additions to it were not unknown, was generally accepted as history and transmitted as such, together with the rest of the pre-Islamic history of southwestern Arabia. The historicity of it was much less sus pect® than that of the conquest  [futuh)   novels and the ascription of their authorship to al-Waqidi. 1 G. L e v i d e l l a  V i d a , in calling my attention to the fact that he had occupied himself  wi th the Par is man usc rip ts of Ps eud o-A sm a'i men tion ed in  JA OS ,  L XIX , 90 ff. (i94 9 )> cf. Orientalia, N.S. , IX , 164, n. 2 (1940), maintains the theory that the origin of the Yemenite pseudo-historical literature should be sought in the Yemen where that literature was popular as evidenced by the Yemenite provenience of manuscripts dealing with it. ^ Cf. below, p. 335. ’ For ‘Abid, cf, GAL Supplement   I, 100; new ed., I, 63 f., as well as above, p. 50, n. i, and p, 64, n. i. The data available for him would seem to indicate that his appearance in literature as a historical novelist does not antedate the early eighth century. As a sage and longevous mu^ammarhe  might have been known much earlier. It is not certain wh ether his name is to be read 'Abidor 'Ubayd. For the form Saryah, cf. the verse cited in O. L o f g r e n ,  Ei n Ha mda ni-F und , 24 (Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift, i 93 5 >no. 7); al-Hamdani,  IkU l, 6 L o f g r e n (Uppsala 1954,  Bibli otheca Ekm ania na,   58: i). For Ibn al-Q irriyah, cf. H. M. L e o n , in  Isla mic Cultu re,  II, 3 4 7 - 5 9 (1928). * F o r P s e ud o - a l- A s n ia ' i’ s (o r a l -W a s s a ’s ? )  Mu luk al-'-Arab,  cf.  JA OS , LX IX, 90 f. (1949), and above, p. 58, n. 5. Ibn Hisam’s  Kit db at- Tij dn was published in Hy derabad 1347* Ibn al-Muqaffa' figures in the  Nih dya t al-arab. ‘ But cf. al-Mas'udi,  Mu ru j,  IV, 89, Paris ed.

i8 8

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL

 Wh ile this olde st his tor ica l nov el los t its id en tit y in gen era l history, the second stage of historical fiction has preserved its charac ter to the present day. It is represented by two groups of works: the  futu hdt   just mentioned which describe the early Muslim con quests (or magdzi   “ raids”), and the siyar  which deal with the novelistic biography of historical or pseudo-historical heroes or peoples. 1 The stead y flow of novehstic creativity reached its largest dimensions in the time of the Crusades. It was still vigorous in the colorful Egypt of the fourteenth/fifteenth century where, for in stance, such novels as the sirah  of Baybars and that of Sayf b. Di Yazan originated,2but slowly ran out with the decay of Hterary and pohtical vitality in the Mushm world toward the end of the Middle Ages.® The passive interest in historical novels, however, has always remained aHve. This is indicated, for instance, by the fact that ancient manuscripts of the novels appear to be very rare. They were no collectors’ items. They were read, worn out, and replaced. The manuscripts of S p r e n g e r ’ s collection in Berlin date from the seventeenth, and in the majority of cases from the eight eenth and nine teenth centuries. Nothin g older was appa rently to be found in S p r e n g e r ’ s days.^ In our time, the many cheap editions of the fu tu h  works or the success of a film version of the *Antar novel testify to the continued popularity of the novehstic tradition.® The roots of this tradition are inextricably connected with the  beg inn ings of Musl im his tor iog rap hy. Mod ern his tor ica l cri tici sm has recognized that the early historians of the conquests, such as Sayf b. 'Umar and Abu Hudayfah, prepared the ground for  fu tu h novels and, incidentally, by their colorful novelistic presentation of events caused historians like at-Tabari to give more credence to their works than they deserved. With the beginning of the second millennium, the existence of novels such as the Sirat ‘Antar is ex1 The references in G A L , I, 136, and II, 62 (new edition I, 142, and II, 74),  Supp leme nt  I, 208, 616; II, 63-65, furnish much of the bibliographical help needed as far as Arabic  wor ks are conc erne d. Th ere also exi st such nov els or igi nal ly wri tten in Per sian and Tur kis h. * For the former, cf. H.  W a n g e l i n ’s study (Stuttgart 1936) and G. S c h r e g l e ,  Die  Sul tan in von Ag ypte n, 97-122 (Wiesbaden 1961), and for the date of the latter, cf. R. P a r e t ,  Sa if ibn Dh i Jaza n, ein arabischer Volks roma n  (Hannover 1924). ®Cf. R. P a r e t ,  Di e Geschichte des Islams in der arabischen Volksliteratur, 20 f. (Tiib ingen 1927,  Phil osop hie und Geschichte , 13). * Cf. the indications in  W . A h lw a r d t , Verzeichniss der arabischen Handschriften,  Vol.  V II I (Be rlin i8g6.  Di e Hand schri ften- Ver zeich nisse der kdnigl ichen Bibli othe k zu B erl in, 20). Cf. also R . P a r e t ,  Di e legenddre Mag hdzi-L itera tur  (Tiibingen 1930). On p. 124, P a r e t dubiously refers to a manuscript in Cairo which, according to the Cairo catalogue, was copied in 846/1442. ®Cf. alsoj^above, p. 47, n. i.

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pressly attested.^ Except for works that indicate a terminus post  quern  by their historical setting, such as the  Sir at Baybar s,  only a thorough literary analysis of the preserved works could give us a  be tte r insi ght into the ea rly hi sto ry of the nov els, unles s Ar ab ic hterature should yield some day exact indications as to an existence of those works in earlier times and as to the form they had then. It would, however, be dangerous to assume a specific and very early date for certain handpicked elements of the contents,^ since the novelists derived their material in part from the historical hterature .3  The extraordinary length attained by many novels  wa s due to a proc ess of con tinu ous acc ret ion wh ich to ok long er for the  fut uh   works than for those novels which dealt with more recent heroes. The date when a novel reached the form in which  we rea d it to da y ma y, perh aps, be ap pr ox im at ely det erm ine d b y a careful collection and comparison of all the existing manuscripts and by the study of variations occurring in their texts. In view of the recent date of most manuscripts, results may, however, not always be forthcoming in this manner. The form elements which make up the contents of the historical novel are the same as in habar  historiography. The individual episodes seem, however, to flow much more smoothly into each other than in historical works; in fact, as in any effective “ thriller,” ancient or modern, there never seems to be a pause or stop, and the end seems never to be in sight. The speeches are longer and much more frequent. Battles are more ferocious than in real his tories but hardly as vividly described. Descriptions of locale are held in very general terms. A fabulous building has just everything. It is furnished with all   kinds of carpets. Garments are composed of all   colors. Trees have all   kinds of fruit.^ The narrator relied on his fancy, which often failed him. The fictitious chain of trans mitters indicating the supposed historicity of a particular habar  wa s w ide ly pre ser ved , bu t t her e also app ea red a s um ma ry ind ica tion of sources in which, in typically novelistic fashion, all kinds of historians from different periods were lumped together.® The out1 Cf. GAL Supplement   II, 63. Cf. R. P a r e t , op. cit.  (p. 188, n. 3), 9 f., w ho is ha rdly convi ncing. ®On the mutual relationship between the novel and historical works, cf. the instructive discussion in connection with §ajarat-ad-durr by G. S c h r e g l e , op. cit. * Cf.  Fut uh Bah nasd   (Paris ms. ar. 1690, fols. 23b-24a);  Fu tuh al-Y ama n  (Paris ms. ar. 1816, fol. 54a). Cf.  Fu tuh Bahn asd,   II, 138 (in the edition of the  Fu tuh aS-Sa^m,  Cairo i 354 /i 93 5 )*

I go

standing ingredient of the historical novel is poetry. The frequency of poetical insertions often marks a work as fiction. The verses occurring in novels are characterized by a simple language which, in contrast to Arabic poetry in general, needs no philological training and acumen for its understanding. Their simplicity often makes them very appealing to the modern reader, if much less so to the educated Muslim. It was even permissible to use local dialects.^ The use of rhymed prose was strongly favored, as we would expect. It took on such childish forms as found in the following conversation  be twe en Mu ham ma d and ‘A li: Muhammad: Where is my uncle’s son,  W ho dispe rses all m y sorro ws and lea ve s not one! ‘Ali:

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL

 A t yo ur com man d, at yo ur com man d! Before you here I stand. God ’s blessings upon yo u I demand. ^

Stock phrases, such as: “ And the Messenger of God stood up, standing on his feet,” were often repeated. The description of the same recurrent situation, such as the coming of mornings and evenings ,2  wa s nev er om itte d from the sto ry. As a ty pi ca l dev ice of epical narrators, such repetitions are known to us from Homer and the Ugaritic epics to Firdawsi and down through history. The contents of the novels, as in all popular fiction, was heroism in the  futu hdt,   and heroism and some love in the siyar.^  All evil is conquered by the shining goodness of the hero. No danger is too great for the hero to face, and he always overcomes it with little effort. The element which distinguishes Muslim historical novels from other novels of old is the predominant interest in religion which finds expression in nearly all of them,^ and makes them “documents of religious history” ^ more than anything else. Heroism in history, to the simple mind, revealed itself in wars.  Wa rs, acc ord ing to Musli m the ory , cou ld on ly be wa ge d aga ins t infidels. In fact, the momentous wars in Islam which engaged the ^ Cf. Ibn. y^aldun,  Muq addi mah,   III, 362 ff. Paris, and A. B e l ’ s edition, of a poenj, from the story of the Banu Hilal, in  JA ,  IX , 19, 289-347 (1902), 20, 169-236 (1902), and X, 1,311-66 (1903). * C f . th e  Fut uh al-Y ama n. * The proportion between history and love in Muslim novels marks the distinction between historical and other fiction. ‘ R. P a r e t , op. cit.  (p. 188, n. 3), 7, refers to the novel of Zir  Zalim   as one in which Islam plays no role at all. ®Cf. R. P a r e t , op. cit. ( p . 1 8 8 , n . 4 ) , 1 6 7 .

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fancy of the common people were directed against infidels, whether one thinks of the early conquests of Islam, the continuous struggle  wi th the By za nti ne s, or the defe nse ag ain st the Crusa ders . It  wou ld, how eve r, be wro ng to see in the pr eva len ce of reli gio n in the historical novel merely the mechanical consequence of historicalpolitical circumstances. It was in the religious element that life and fiction met. Withou t it, the novels would have seemed pointless and wholly unrealistic to the ordinary Muslim. It was thus necessary to turn pre-Islamic figures into precursors of the Muslim  jihd d.  Am on g Mushm s, a pos itio n of pre emi nen ce wa s acc ord ed to ‘A li b.  A bi T il ib . W ith him as the glor iou s hero , th e pu bli c fel t th at here  wa s the con du ct th at the ir Mus lim upb ring ing co uld ap pro ve as exemplary. When the infidels pronounced the Muslim confession of faith, it was the only really happy ending which the hero’s adventures could find.  A bri ef des crip tio n o f t he con ten ts of th e firs t p ar t o f th e  Fu tu h alYaman,  which was ascribed to a certain Abu 1-Hasan al-Bakri  who en jo ye d the re pu ta tio n of a pro ve rbi al lia r,i m ay ser ve as an illustration of the basic tenor of the historical novel in Islam. The  Fu tu h al-Y am an   begins with a man called ‘Urfudah ^ telling the Prophet about the accursed Haddam b. al-Jahhaf (Jahhaf?). Only ‘Ali b. Abi Tahb would have a chance to defeat him. The archangel Gabriel tells the Prophet that ‘Ali would indeed succeed. Reassured, Muhammad calls ‘Ali. The people are assembled and harangued . ‘A bdalla h b. Una ys is ordered to describe the heresy of Haddam. He reports that Haddam had made for himself an idol  wh ich is susp end ed in the air by me ans of ma gne ts. Th is affa ir and the buildings of Haddam are described. The gold, silver, and marble used in the construction of the buildings, the beautiful slave girls there, everything is mentioned, also, that Haddam has established the worship of his own person. When the Prophet hears this story, he prostrates himself. With his eyes full of tears,^ he asks Ibn 1 Cf.  E I,   2nd ed., s. V. al-Bakri; GAL Supplement   I, 616; al-Qalqa§andi,  Subh al-aH d, I, 454 (Cairo 1331/1913-1338/1919); G. L e v i d e l l a V  i d a , in Collectanea Vaticana,  II, 167 f. (Citta del Vaticano 1962,  Stu di e Tes ti,  219-20), who is inclined to believe in the historicity of the indication that the original al-Bakri was an authority of the ninth-century ‘Umarah  b. Wa tim ah and thu s liv ed in and befo re the time of the lat ter . Th e olde r Sib t b. al- 'A jam i (d. 841/1438, cf. G A L ,  II, 67),  Nu r an-nib rds,   Paris ms. ar. 1968, fol. 2, warns emphatically against him, with reference to ad-Dahabi,  Mi zdn ,  I, 53 (Cairo 1325). * = ' U rf u ta h . ®Emotional situations were greatly favored in these novels. Cf., for instance, the scene of ya iid b. S a'id standing at the grave of his son, in the  Fu tuh aS-Sa^m, I, 12 f. (Cairo

1354/1935)-

IQ2

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL

THE HISTORICAL NOVEL

Unays where Hadd^m is living. In the Yemen, is the answer, far from civilization in the Wadi of the Idol— this is a good opportun ity to exhibit some superficial knowledge and enumerate the names of wadis in the Yemen.^ The kings of the Yemen, the tubba's, the offspring of the Amalekites, the heroes of the Himyar, all of them are powerless against Haddim who has an immense army. The Prophet just smiles: “ 0   Ibn Unays, you will see something that  wi ll ma ke yo u gla d, if God wills . Th e hel p of God , He is ex alt ed , for His friends is close. There is no might and strength except with God, the High, the Great.” Then, he calls ‘All who forthwith appears. The Prophet smiles broadly and embraces him. Then, he commands ‘All to go on the expedition against Hadda m. ‘Ali reflects for a long while, then looks up, with his cheeks flushed. Then, again, he reflects (the repetition serves to add to the suspense of readers and listeners). The Muslims show concern, and the hypocrites are  ju bi lan t, bec aus e th ey thi nk th at ‘A li is afra id. Bu t, of cour se, he

excitement, ‘Ali find the time to pause every few moments to recite poems of his own composition. . . . It was mainly in this manner that Muslim historiography ful filled its destiny as a living force which helped to shape the history

193

of Islam.

is not. Asked by Muhammad why he does not say anything, ‘Ali declares that since Gabriel had stated that Haddam would be de feated with the help of God, he should rely on no other help but on God alone. He would, therefore, go all by himself. The Prophet’s face and those of the Muslims light up. The faces of the hypocrites change. Muhammad writes a letter to Haddam. Jamil b. Katir  vol unt eer s to go. He is sent in adv an ce. Th e Pr op he t we eps aga in. ‘All fasts, prays, washes, puts on his armor, kisses his sons, says good-bye to his wife Fatimah, and takes leave from the Prophet. He is accompanied by all the inhabitants of Medina and kissed and exhorted by the Prophet outside the city. Then, he finally gets off. A hypocrite, Waraqah, offers ‘Ali his services as a guide.  Af te r muc h he sita tion , ‘A li ev en tua lly tak es him on, alt ho ug h he is aware of his evil intentions. The trip is filled w ith dangerous adventures which result from the presence of the hypocrite. When they come close to their destination, two lions attack them. ‘Ali kills both of them. One of them is split by him into two parts. This is a good opportunity also to split the hypocrite in two, as his evil intentions had become fully evident in the lion episode. The negro  [al-aswad)  who had watched ‘Ali fight the lions becomes a Muslim. ‘All sends him to Muhammad. Needless to say, inspite of all this

' A certain relationship of the novel with local historiography in the choice of material is evident, cf. the traditions in praise of Bahnas^, in the  Fut'Uh Bahna sd. Rosenthal,

History of Muslim Historiography

13

EVALUATION OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

CHAPTER EIGHT

 AN EV AL UA TI ON OF MU SLI M HI ST OR IO GR AP HY  Historical works constitute a large percentage of the literature of the various Muslim peoples. The question poses itself whether historiography influenced Muslim intellectual life to a degree com mensurable with its quantitative importance, or: What place did Muslim historiography occupy in the whole of Muslim civili zation ? Historiography, admittedly, never was one of the determining factors of the currents of Muslim intellectual life. In its beginnings around 700, when, like all other Muslim scholarship, it still was entirely in the service of Muslim law and religion, it absorbed Byzantine and, perhaps, Iranian influences and strove, with partial success, quickly to become a worldly political and educational subject. In the golden age of the ‘Abbasids, historical works became the mirror of th e most progressive phases of the Muslim renaissance,^ the experimental ground on which constantly new methods were tried out in order to present as many of the results of contemporary science and learning as possible to men of general education, in a manner which would be understandable to them. During the time of the Crusades and, it seems, during the whole lifetime of Spanish Muslim literature, historiography hesitatingly entered the service of the forces in the individual which wished to proclaim the impor tance of the here-and-now and which were usually suppressed in Islam. In fourteenth and fifteenth-century Egypt, it was subjected to the searching criticism of sociology and juridical methodology.  Am on g the no n-A rab Musli m peopl es, suc h as the Pe rsia ns an d the ^ A . M e z , in his famous work, was not the first to use this expression which conveys to the modern Western reader the real significance of the cultural process in ninth/tenthcentury Islam as well as any single word is able to do. L. L e c l e r c used it in his  His toir e de la medicine arabe,  I, 139, 323 (Paris 1876). Simultaneously with M e z , T. J. d e B o e r compared the “ eternal wisdom” concept of ar-Razi with the ideas of the humanists of the European Renaissance, cf.  De Me dici na mentis van den arts Rdz i,  8 f. (Amsterdam 1922,  Meded eel. d. k. Ak ad . van Wete nschapp en, Af d. Lette rkunde  , deel 53, ser. A. D e B o e r ’ s contribution already appeared in 1920. M e z had died in 1917, five years before the publica tion of his book).

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Turks, and in some areas of the Arabic speaking world, historical  wo rks wer e the fore mo st pro du cts of int ell ec tua l ac tiv it y, alm ost the only ones if one discounts theology as serving, as a rule, practical purposes. Nevertheless, it could not be said that historiography ever originated an intellectual movement in Islam. It always oc cupied the more modest position of a means for preserving and reflecting the achievements of the Muslim mind. In this ca pacity , it fulfilled a number of importa nt functions. Second only to the customs and practices of religious life, historiog raphy was instrumental in firmly planting into th e hearts of a large number of Muslims the ideals and aspirations of Islam, an eminent ly historical religion both in its origin and later development. At the same time, historiography also served to keep alive the memory of the significance of their distinctive national heritage for the  va rio us nat ion s of Isla m. Fu rth erm ore , it alw ay s ma int ain ed a position in which it was able to stimulate a certain interest in val uable aspects of cultural activity which were in danger of being entirely eliminated from Muslim life. Its never broken continuity of literary production was in itself a sort of intellectual life insurance  wh ich sup por ted the exi ste nce of “ wo rld ly ’' kn ow led ge lon g aft er the scholarly urge to cultivate it had largely been suppressed.  A bo ve all, in its close ass oci ati on wi th bio gra ph y, his tor iog ra ph y  wa s the on ly eff ec tiv e ve hic le in Isla m for con cre te self- exp ress ion and for the factua l observation of life, for looking at life as it was and for analyzing— if one may use this word to designate the ru diments of psychology that existed in medieval Islam— man and his aspirations as the sole source of cultural development.  A fte r th e pos itio n of Musl im hi sto rio gra ph y in its own cu ltu ra l environment has thus been briefly described, another question demands an answer, namely, what position did Muslim historiogra phy occupy in the history of Western civilization and, in particular,  wh at con trib utio n, if an y, did it ma ke to mod ern W est ern his tor iog  raphy. If we were dealing, for instance, with medicine or philoso phy, this question would certainly be of fundamental importance. In the particular case of historiography, however, it means compa ratively little. No research will be able to discover that Muslim historiography ever reached the depth of penetration and artistic expression of classical Greek or Roman historiography, although it eventually achieved a definite advance beyond previous historical  wr iti ng in t he soci olo gica l u nde rst and ing of h ist or y and the scie ntif ic

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EVALUATION OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

systematization of historiography. The size of Muslim historical literature was conspicuous. Byzantine chronicles were closely related to their Muslim counterparts, but with regard to them, Muslim historiography had the advantage of its great variety and its vast  volu me . Inde ed, it m ay be do ub ted wh eth er any wh ere in earl ier history, there existed so large a historical literature as we find in Islam. The Greek and Latin historical production may have been equally large, but there certainly was nothing to be compared with it in sheer bulk in medieval Byzantine, European, or even Far Eastern literature. Its prominent place in Muslim literary activity cannot have remained concealed to medieval Western scholars  who ha d co nt ac t wi th the Ar ab s. Bu t tho se scho lars wer e int ere ste d in science, philosophy, and theology. Like their average Muslim colleague, they would not stoop so low as to admit to any knowledge of the existence of a historical literature.^ At any rate, how much or how little they might have known of Muslim historiography, their knowledge was not communicated to any wider group of people. The political situation in thirteenth-century Christian Spain stim ulated a certain interest also in Muslim history. Nevertheless, it can safely be said that information about Muslim history (including even the historical facts of the life of Muhammad which were not infrequ ently related in some detail was prac tically non-existent or pitifully inaccurate in the West, and there are no signs of any influence of the forms and contents of Muslim historiography upon historical writing in medieval Europe. Modern historiography drew its inspiration from Western spiritual antecedents. Thus, the cultural value of Muslim historiography rests on its significance as a Muslim phenomenon. Only in as much as it formed part of Muslim 1  Wi llia m of Ty re cer tai nly kne w Ar ab ic hi sto ric al wor ks, cf. , for ins tan ce, C. C a h e n ,  La Syr ie du Nord ,  17 (Paris 1940). When Jacob of Vitry, in the early thirteenth century,  boa ste d of ha vin g con sul ted Lat in, Gre ek, and Ar ab ic his tor ica l sour ces (cf. U. M o n n e r e t DE   V i L L A R D ,  Lo studio del l’ Isla m in Eur opa nel X I I e n el X I II secolo,  25 f., Citta del Vaticano 1944,  Stu di e Tes ti,  no), this could be interpreted as evidence that at least he knew about the existence of such somces. A careful perusal of the Western medieval literature concerning Muslim affairs may yet yield the one or other express reference to the existence of a Muslim historical literature. S. M. S t e r n , in Bibliotheca Orientalis,  X I, 75 (1954), refers to Alfonso the Sage and C. E. D u b l e r , in Vox Romanica,  1951-52 , 120 ff., in connection  wit h the sit uat ion in me die val Spai n. It is probably of no significance that the eleventh or twelfth-century Spanish Glossarium latino-arabicum,  224 S e v b o l d (Weimar-Berlin 1898-1900,  Semi tistis che Stud ien,   15-17,  Ergdn zungshe ft zur ZA ),   has no Arabic equivalents for any of the three entries; historia narratio rei geste preterite-, historicus qui instoriam scribit; historiografus historic auctor. ^ Cf. the life of Muhammad from the history of the late twelfth-century Geoffrey of  Vit erb o, whi ch is “ unu sua lly ric h in its inf orm atio n” (E. C e r u l l i ,  II „L ibr o della Sca la” , 427, 552, Citta del Vaticano 1949,  Stu di e Tes ti,  150).

EVALUATION OF MUSLIM HISTORIOGRAPHY

197

intellectual activity as a whole did it indirectly have its niche in the great complex of East-West cultural continuity. For the later development of Western historiography, it may not have been entirely insignificant that in Mushm literature there existed so large an amount of historical information. The mere fact that such information was readily available for everybody  who to ok the tro ubl e of lea rnin g Ar ab ic m ay ha ve has ten ed the slow progress of Western historiography toward a truly universal outlook on history. The development of modern historical writing seems to have gained considerably in speed and substance through the utilization of a Muslim historical literature which enabled  W est ern his tori ans , from the sev en tee nth ce nt ur y on, i to see a l arge section of the world through foreign eyes. Muslim historiography also contributed to the picture of Islam which inspired the historical  vie ws of me n suc h as D. H u m e , T h .  W a r t o n , and, through them, J. G. H e r d e r ,2 and thus, it helped indirectly and modestly to shape present-day historical thinking. Modern historiography as a whole has clearly outdistanced any thing achieved in the field of historical writing in Islam. Little could be said about Muslim historiography if one would apply to it a scheme such as J. G. D r o y s e n ' s Grundriss der Historik.^  For many centuries, Muslim historiography was superior to contempora ry non-Muslim works. Then, the changed concept of history, the  va st ly wid ene d mo der n exp eri enc e in ma ny field s th at are more or less closely related to history, and the general intensification and diffusion of research that was brought about by the invention of printing largely replaced the forms of Muslim historiography. It remains an admirable and immortal giant monument of the searching medieval Muslim mind. It also is a vast storehouse of factual information and historical insights which up to now has only in part been exploited. And if there is a basic truth which Muslim historiography could teach us after all historiographical efforts, would it not be t hat the simple approach to histor y as a source of facts and examples, both useful and informative, might still be the best ke y to historical understanding ? ^ Cf. the brief survey by P. M. H o l t , The Study of Arabic Historians in Seventeenth Century England,  in BSO ^S, XIX , 444-55 (i 957 )“ According to F. M e i n e c k e ,  Die Entsteh ung des Hist oris mus,  II, 459 (Munich-Berlin 1936). ®In J. G. D r o v s e n ,  His torik . Vorle sungen Uber Enzy klop ddi e und Methodologi e der Geschichte,  ed. R. H O b n e r , 360 ff. (Munich -Berlin i 937 )-

PART TWO

CHAPTER NINE

 A L- lJ i’ S TU HF AH i I— I

n t r o d u c t io n

 A. Z e k i V  e l i d i T o g a n  was the firs t to dra w the att en tio n of scholars to an apparently unique manuscript in the Siileymaniye Library in Istanbul, in the collection Hatice Turhan Valide Sultan, No. 231. It contains the oldest large-scale theoretical discussion of historiography that has so far become known from the Muslim  world,^ if one ex cep ts the  Muqad dima h  of Ibn Haldun, the original  ver sio n of whi ch was fini she d fou r ye ars earli er. Th e  Muqad dimah  wa s tre at ed as a sep ara te wo rk alr ea dy duri ng the life tim e of its author who called the subject dealt with in the first book of his historical work an independent discipline.® How ever, i t was intended ^ The annotation to this and the following translations might have been expanded ad infinitum. It has been kept as brief as possible. Individuals have as a rule been identified at their first occurrence in as-Sahawi’s  IHdn.   For all other occurrences, the index must be consulted. Except for the men whom I did not succeed in identifying, only caliphs and some other rulers easily traced in such reference works as the  Encyc lopae dia of Isla m  are left unidentified.  Wh ere ver pos sible , no oth er refe renc e than one to GA L  has been given. References are as a rule to the original first edition, although the  Supp leme nt   often provides the more important information. Bibliographical information contained in G AL   has as a rule not  been rep eate d h ere. For the Prophetical traditions, a reference to A. J.  W  e n s i n c k  , J. P. M e n s i n g , and others. Concordance and Indices de la tradition musuhnane   (Leiden 1936 ff.), has often been considered sufficient. Not all the passages indicated in the Concordance   for a given entry agree, in certain cases, with the text as quoted in the works translated here. Quotations from the Qur’an are according to the numbering of the verses in the Egyptian edition, with the number of the verse in F l u g e l ’ s   edition added in brackets. Some frequently quoted works; Al-Buhari, Ta^rih  (Hyderabad 1 3 6 0 - 7 8 ) ; al-Hatib alBagdadi, T{a^rih) B{agddd)  (Cairo 1 3 4 9 / 1 9 3 1 ) ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdib  (Hyderabad 1 3 2 5 - 2 7 ) ; idem, Lisdn (Hyderabad 1 3 2 9 - 3 1 ) ; idem, Durar  (Hyderabad 1 3 4 8 - 5 0 ) ; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Munt a zam  (Hyderabad 1 3 5 7 - 5 9 ) ; Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h  (Cairo 1 3 5 1 - 5 8 ) ; as-Sahawi,  Daw’   (Cairo

1353-55). ^ C f .  Proceed ings of the Twenty Second Congress of Oriental ists  (Istanbul 1 9 5 3 ) , I, 82, and  Islam Tetk ikle ri Enstit iisU Derg isi, I, 4 3 - 4 9 ( 1 9 5 4 ) . During my stay in Istanbul in the summer of i 9 6 0 , Professor T o g a n expressed to me the hope that the manuscript might some day be reproduced mechanically, as this would seem to be the most suitable form of publi cation. He also kindly allowed me to make use of al-Iji’s work in this publication. I have refrained from publishing the Arabic text of the translated sections, but I have added a larger than usual amount of transliterated Arabic terms. My sincere thanks go to the library authorities in Istanbul who, with their customary courtesy, let me have a microfilm of the manuscript. *  Muqa ddim ah,  I, 61 Paris.

20 2

INTRODUCTION

 A L - fj i ’s TU HFA H

to be the introduction to a world history, and it was concerned with history, and only indirectly with the writing of history. A l-lji ’s Tuhfah,  like the works to be discussed later by al-KMiyaji and asSahiwi, is concerned with the methodology of historiography.^ The full title of al-lji’s work is Tuhfat al-faqir ild sdhih as-sarir. The name of the author, Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-lji, is new to Muslim literary history. Al-lji composed his work in 783/1381-82 (fol. 79b). The scribe of the manuscript was a certain Pir ‘Ali al-Hafiz, known as JUl, who completed his task on Tuesday, al-Muharram i, 800/September 24, 1397. The author gives us some information about himself in the work. He was a student of the well-known philosopher, *Adud-ad-din al- lji (d. 756/1355). He had mastered, it seems, the full curriculum of religious studies and had intensively occupied himself with the study of the hadit.  However, presumably as a result of his contact  wi th ‘A dud -ad -di n, he was dra wn to the forb idd en fru its of ph i losophy and the study of non-Muslim religions. Although he con stantly stresses the dangers inherent in these subjects, he uses every occasion to defend the right to study and discuss them. His concept of history is that of the religious philosopher or, perhaps, the cultural historian. For al-lji, history has as its proper object the study of all natural and supernatural phenomena, the data of physics, geography, and metaphysics. Above all, history deals  wit h ma n and, in pa rtic ula r, wit h ou tst an din g Ind ivid ual s, am ong  wh om the mo st eff ec tiv e age nts of hi sto ry wer e the fou nde rs of religions as well as the scholars and thinkers. Political history is of much lesser moment in the eyes of al-lji. This basic conviction of his finds its expression in the fact that the number of pages devoted to political history is less than half that devoted to re ligious and cultural history. Unlike his western contemporary Ibn Haldun who was concerned  wi th po lit ica l and soc ial forc es and tri ed to un de rst and the ir his  torical setting, or the later Egyptian historians who imbibed his torical thought from the intellectual climate that surrounded them, al-lji’s mind was attuned primarily to religious and philosophical ideas. 2 It is hard to see how he came to write on histo ry in the first 1 However , al-lji ’s discussion is in a way a prelude to his historical presentation and similar in this respect to the  Muq addim ah,  if on a much smaller scale. The honor of having  wr itt en the olde st Mus lim mon ogra ph on the th eor y of hi sto rio gra ph y kno wn to us mus t, therefore, still go to al-KMiyaji. * In this respect, al-lji reminds us of the much earlier Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi

203

place. This does not mean that historical works were not written or appreciated in al-lji’s circle or that his education left him entirel)^ unprepared for an interest in history. However, the environmental stimulus was much weaker in his case than the one that existed in the Mamluk realm and the Mamluk sphere of cultural influence. Thus, the fac t tha t he turned his attention to h istory must be con sidered an original move on his part. It was the result of his desire to test the philosophical and theological presuppositions he had  bee n ta ug ht to ac ce pt on th e rea liti es of thi s wo rld. Th e too ls he used in his approach to the problems of history were borrowed from the disciplines in which he had been trained. He relied upon the criteria developed by hadit   scholars for the critical evaluation of traditions and upon the principles developed by jurists on the  bas is of form al log ic for the de ter mi nat ion of tru th and fals ehoo d. He was convinced that these criteria and principles were applicable to the study of history and, in fact, to every item of information, no matter what its subject. It was natural for him to use the term habar ^ to include every conceivable kind of information. As he saw it, there was no fundamental difference between the criteria to be applied to a habar  that concerned a fact of geography or physics, an event of recent history, a miraculous happening, or a statement by a religious authority. The great weakness of al-lji is that he does not consider it nec essary to prove the correctness of his approach. He merely states that his principles, based as they are on the religious sciences and the principles of jurisprudence, are generally applicable to historical information. He does not bother to give examples and to show in detail how these principles could be used in connection with indi  vi du al cases. No t unl ike Ib n Ha ldi in, he pr ob ab ly assu med th at his historical presentation later on would bear out the soundness of his views, without any further explanation or comment. Those responsive to the philosophical approach will, I believe, see the author’s point right away and agree with him that recognition of “ the truth ” in history must be based upon some generally valid philosophical principles. On the other hand, historians who cannot help noticing the gap between lofty principles and their assured applicability to humble facts are justified in feeling somewhat shortchanged. (above, p. 114 f.), who, however, wrote in a very different age. ‘ Cf. below, p. 266. In long stretches of al-lji’s work, the historical relevance of habar,

204

205

A L- ijl’s TUHFAH

INTRODUCTION

 A l- K af iy aj i, lik e al -l ji, reli ed upo n the me tho ds ev ol ve d by the science of hadit   and the principles of jurisprudence, and there are similarities between his work on historiography and al-lji’s Tuhfah. This we would expect to result from the use of common sources. In fact, both authors state that they used the  Mun taza m  of Ibn al-Jawzi. Elsewhere, dependence upon a common source can be safely inferred, as in the case of the various definitions of ta^'nh cited in the identical sequence in both works (again, on the basis of Ibn a\-]a.wzVs Muntazam}).  However, al-Kafiyaji cannot be assumed to have known al-Iji’s work. His independence from al-lji is confirmed, for instance, by the treatment of the various classes of truth and falsehood. Both authors, following their sources, give their number as five but define them in a rather different manner.  As -S ah aw i sho ws no ac qu ain tan ce wi th al- Iji.

 bee n un ifo rm ly con sist ent in thi s resp ect. Th e poss ible use of dif  ferent terms in connection with al-lji does not by itself imply repudiation of the terms used in the other translations. There usually are many possibilities of translating a given Arabic expres

 A l- lj i seem s to ha ve bee n pro ud of his flu ent kno wle dge of A ra   bic, an d wit h some jus tifi ca tio n. Y et , sty le and lan gua ge are not his strong points. The technical terminology forming the backbone of his exposition is transformed into literature by an outpouring of all the tired cliches of Arabic diction, strung togethe r almost me chanically.^ Al-lji makes a very extensive use of rhymed prose, and he tends to be verbose. The intellectual stature of an author writing in Arabic can be measured by the kind of use he makes of all those obligatory synonyms and the inevitable ■parallelismus membr orum. If there is additional meaning, however slight, in the seeming repetitions, he is a master not only of style but also of thought.  A l- lj i’ s rep eti tio ns add me rel y words .

 je ct {muhbar '■anhd)  of some item of information. Its purpose is the study of the conditions of outstanding individ uals  [a'-ydn)  in the world and the different kinds of human beings,

The following translation tries to give the essential argument of al-Iji’s discussion. I feel that it deserves the space devoted to it, although I have had initial, and persistent, misgivings on this score. Practicing historians will strain at the excessive theorizing, and they will be well advised to skip the pages dealing with al-lji. The reader should keep in mind that the translation of the Tuhfah  wa s done m an y ye ar s aft er thos e of the wo rks of al -K M iy aj i an d as-Sahawi, which were already contained in the first edition of the present work. I have attempted some harmonizing, that is, I have tried to use the same English expressions for the same  Ar ab ic ones wh ere ve r this was ind ica ted . Ho wev er, I ha ve not atar,  aad similar terms is usually less obvious than in al-Kafiyaji and as-Sahawi. ^ In these cases, the following translation usually dispenses with artificial literalness in favor of bringing out the intended nieaning.

sion, all of them equ ally accurate— or inaccurate, 2— T R A N S L A T I O N End of the author’s introduction (fol. 12b):

Thus, let it be known to you that historiography {Him at-ta^rih) is the acquaintance with conditions of the world that have been transmitted provided with (an indication of) the times (when they took place), inasfar as they constitute items of information {habar md) . Its object is the things created, in (13a) particular, human beings and the effects  [dtdr]  of their activities, inasfar as they are the sub

as transmitted. Its usefulness is too great for exhaustive description. One of its useful aspects is that it provides proof of the createdness of the  wo rld and the wo rld ’s nee d for a cre ato r and ad mi nis tra tor who is knowing, powerful, wise, living, enduring, prim eval, whose essence is too exalted for the blemishes of createdness and disintegration. This is the greatest usefulness of historiography. We shall mention details in the chapter devoted to the subject (cf. the fourth chapter). The principles {mabddi^)  of historiography— that is, the basis on which it rests— are the oral transmission {naql)  from authorities through listening (to their lecturing) and a written tradition (nwdyah)  of assured continuity {bi-t-tatabbu^).  The process of trans mission {riwdyah)  has its particular ways and methods which have  bee n ad eq ua tel y ex pla ine d b y th e lea din g hadit   scholars. These can, however, only rarely be observed in all the other kinds of transmitte d information. I have tried hard to collect all (the rules) that are to be observed by an author in connection with the trans mission of (historical) information {ahbdr)  and which he should use as criteria for the criticism of reports {dtdr).  I have devoted a special chapter, th e sixth, to bringing toge ther all the necessary information on this subject. God leads to the path of right guid ance. ^ ^ Similarly, Q ur’an xl 29 (30 FI.), 38 (41 FI.).

 2 o 6

TRANSLATION

 AL -f ji ’s TUHFAH

F

i r s t

C

h a p t e r

This chapter (fols. i3a-i7a) deals with the division of the sciences. They are classified as follows; 1. The sciences of the religious law {as-sarHyah). II. The philosophical sciences {al-hikmtyah). III. The literary sciences (al-adaMyah). The third group is subdivided as follows;  A. Dis cipl ine s con cern ed wit h ind ivi du al word s. B. Disciplines concerned with composite statements. The subdivision of B proceeds as follows: r. Disciplines coucprned with the accidcnts that go with composite statements as such (as, for instance, literary criticism, prosody, etc.). 2. Disciplines concerned with the outstanding topics {a'-ydn)  of composite statements in as much as they indicate meanings descriptively (that is, the science of conversation con cerned with the telling of stories, proverbs, or poetry). The second category is further subdivided as follows:

207

a fixation of the periods of time, expressed in months and years, that have elapsed between those conditions and (certain) major happenings, is called historiography  [Him at-ta^rih). (The part) concerned with the condition of a specific outstanding individual is called biography  [Him as-siyar) . (The part) concerned with individuals all of whom share one and the same aspect,^ is called  Him al-qisas  (which refers to the “stories of the prophets” and similar works of collected biographies of persons sharing the same vocation). (The part) concerned with pedigrees is called genealogy  [Him alansdb). (The part) concerned with wars is called  Him al-mald him  (re ferring to the “ prediction poems” which often deal with war and

a. Everything that is concerned with the preservation of poetry {an-nazm al-muttaba^, that is, the factual knowledge  [Him]   of poems).

similar matters). (The part) concerned with countries is called the science of mon

 b. Ev er yth in g th at is co rc em ed wit h th e (re )pr odu rtio n of po etr y  [an-nazm al-muhtara^, that is, the knowledge of the recitation and composition of poetry, al-inSdd wa-qard   af-siV), c. Ev eryth ing tha t is concerned with the production of prose (an-natr al-muhtara^,  that is, literary composition as practiced by the writers of official communications and papers, al-insd'‘).

uments (relics, dtdr),  roads, and provinces. Strange and laughable stories are called wonders (of creation).  An ec do tes an d fic tio na l rep orts con cer ning dum b cre atu res (17a)

d. Everything that is concerned with the preservation of prose  [an-natr al-muttaha^).

and (dangerous) unknown places are called stories.^ The preceding eight disciplines constitute the science of (histori

This last subdivision, finally, includes three categories: a. Prose preserved liter ally *  [al-muttaba^ bi-hasab al-laf z,  that is, the knowledge of proverbs).

cal) information  [Him al-ahbdr).

p. Prose preserved not literally but with regard to its meaning  [md ttubi^a bi-ha sabi  l-ma^nd duna l-lafzi,  that is, historiography).  y. Pros e pre ser ved bot h lit er all y and wit h reg ard to its mea ning  [an-natr al-muttaba^ lafzan wa-ma^ndn,  that is, the knowledge of the sayings and statements of prophets, saints, scholars, sages, kings, wazirs, litterateurs, etc.). The subdivision of h istoriography (II I, B , 2, d, (B) is explained in the following passage (tols. i6b-i7a):

The second category is prose preserved not literally but with regard to its meaning. This is the science of (historical) information {^ilm al-ahbdr)  w hich reports on the conditions of created things— mainly human beings and only rarely others— , their actions, their pedigrees, their dwelling places, their countries with their roads and remarkable phenomena, and the remaining (visible) effects (monuments, dtdr)  of their activities. Each (part of this science) has its own name. (The part) concerned with the conditions of human beings in former times and among the nations of the past and in connection  wit h ev en ts th at hap pen ed, (if the rep orts are) acc om pan ied by  ^ That is, only or mainly for its literary form. “ Taken up (critically)” or “ adopted, adoption” may be a more literal rendermg for what has here been translated “ preserved, preservation.”

S

e c o n d

Ch

a p t e r

This ch apter (fols. i7a-i9 b) co ntains a long discussion of time and time units, introduced as follows:

Linguistically, ta^rih  is the indication of time. It is derived from a Persian expression, namely, mdh u roz,  that is, month and day. It was arabicized and changed to mu^arrah,  from which ta^rih  and other derivatives were formed. Whenever the Arabs use a foreign  wor d, th ey mi x it up ba dl y un til it fits in to the ir kin d of spee ch.  As a tec hn ica l term , ta^rih  is the fixation of time for the purpose of relating to it a time-section that comes later.  Ac cor din g to an oth er def init ion , ta^rih  is the indication of time  by re lat ing it to the firs t occ urr enc e of a ma tte r of wid e conc ern, ‘ The manuscript has  jih atu n whdh,   the last word not being clear and apparently cor rected by the scribe, read wdhidatun. ^ The Arab ic text of the last three paragraphs runs; wa-bi-l-bildd Him al-dtdr wa-lmasdlik wa-l-mamdlik wa-l-gard^ib wa-l-maddhik summiya bi-l-'-aja^ib wa-n-nawddir wa-lmawdu^dt ^an al-^ajmdwdt wa-l-majdhil bi-l-hikdydt.  I believe that I have broken up this  jum ble cor rec tly . Ho we ver , in ord er to be on the safe side I ha ve add ed the ori gina l te xt here.

208

a l

TRANSLATION

-!  j I’ s t u h f a h

such as the appearance of a religion, or a dynasty, or the happening of a terrifying event (17b) such as a deluge.  Ac cor din g to an oth er defi niti on, it is a kn ow n str et ch of tim e  be twe en the occ urre nce of an ob vio us ma tte r (of imp orta nce ) and other events.^  Ac cor din g to sti ll ano the r defi niti on, it is the fix at io n of a da y on which there appeared something of wide (concern) for the pur pose of knowing (the time that has elapsed) between it and the times of events (of the past) and of future matters whose dates have to be established, such as contracts drawn up to take effect at some later date {al-'-uqud al-mu^ajjalah). Thus, ta^rih  is a known and delimited time-section, divided according to years, months, days, and hours. One of its limits is the time fixed by the happening of an obvious matter (of impor tance) that has been made a starting point  [mabda^]   for earlier or later events to be measured on it. The other limit is the other event that one wants to delimit. The first definition (of ta^rih  as a technical term) is derived from the beginning; the second, from the end; the third, from what is in between; and the fourth, from all of that together. Ta^rih  was then employed in some special customary usage and used for the science that deals with the events considered suitable to be a starting point for the ta^rih  and with the (historical) infor mation {ahbdr)  fixed by it. Everywhere, the time-section (zamdn) is considered an essential part of the definition.  Zam dn,  in the opinion of the philosophers, is. . . . T h i r d Ch a p t e r This chapter (fols. 2oa-28b) treats the various ancient eras and the era of the hijrah and subsequent Muslim systems of time reckoning. The story of the introduction of the Muslim era is reported on fols. 24b-2sa.

F o u r t h Ch a p t e r The Uses of Historiography  Let it be known to you that the extraordinary usefulness and importance and the far-reaching influence of historiography are something that is no secret to intelligent and learned men. His toriography is a discipline very difficult to handle, which yields itself to the student only after long and skilful work. Persistent ‘ The preceding remarks all reappear in al-Kafiyaji, cf. below, p. 249.

209

reading is required in order to master it, and only constant and penetrating discussion (on the basis of information) derived from the best and most skilful transmitters can yield a thorough knowl edge of (historical) information and help to capture its meaning. Its uses are manifold, and the profit one can derive from it im measurable. At this time, I wish to indicate ten of its general fea tures. 1— Learning about God’s mighty works, perfect power, m ar  ve lou s crea tion s, an d hid den wisd om. Th is pro vid es some sor t of (legal) necessity (for the study of history), as a premise for achieving the knowledge about {ma'^rifah)  God which is something necessary for all responsible (Muslims, mukallaf).   Therefore, He commanded them in His noble book to stu dy and reflect on the various kinds of created things and mentioned the clear signs by which He can be recognized. I shall refer to some of this when I get to the proof for His existence. 2— Becoming acquainted with the condition of the cream of humanity— that is, the prophets and messengers who explained the religious laws and clarified the ways (of moral behavior)— , with the tribulations they suffered while promoting the cause and help ing the religion of God, and with the manifold experiences they had as the result of the manipulations of God’s enemies, until they were able to remove corruption from the earth, to spread right guidance on it, to secure for the truth victo ry over falsehood, even though this took some time, to estabhsh firmly the rule of religion, and then, to realize the promise (29b) God gave them with regard to the other world and to be sure of success for the remainder of their days in this world. 3— Gaining a more accurate appreciation of the verses of the Qur’an through the knowledge of how the (historical) information about the past contained in it agrees with that which was revealed in all the other scriptures of the founders of religions, although it came from an illiterate informant  [muhhir)  who was unschooled in the sciences and in history  [ahbdr)  and had never in his life visited remote places. 4— Acq uiring full knowledge of the conditions of various kinds of nations, whether they were religious or political groupings. This shows the superiority of Islam over all other religions and reveals the superior qualities of the Muslim caliphs and sultans as compared to the rulers of all other periods of the past. It proves that Rosenthal,

History of Muslim Historiography

14

21 0

AL-tjI’S TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

the religio-legislative activities of the scholars of Islam rank with the revelations of the prophets of the Israelites and that Muslim theologians outweigh the most outstanding of the pillars (asdtin) of Greek philosophy.

g— Obtainin g knowledge of the precious statements in prose and verse made by outstanding men, such as prophets, sages, scholars, and, in particular, kings, whose sayings, according to the proverb, are the kings of sayings. All this will be found in this  wo rk ins ert ed in the na rra tiv e hk e gem s in sign ets, or pea rls in  je we lry , as the mo st pre cio us gi fts fro m the nob lest soul s a nd min ds, deserving to be written with gold upon the eyes rather than with ink upon paper. Those who act in accordance with (the precepts) contained in those sayings in both verse and prose will obtain happiness and leadership in both this world and the next. 10— {30b) Finding t hat most of the religious sciences are based

5— Knowing about the condition of the pious and the righteous in this world, how they were scattered widely, lived long ago, left no posterity, and were held captive by their adversaries.^ This encourages rulers to practice justice, to acquire a good rep utation, and to give ample rewards, and it discourages obstinate tyran ts from committing their pestilential, oppressive misdeeds. This is truly a great advantage for everybody at every time. 6— Plantin g in the minds of men the seeds for the proper handling of matters that may happen, and alerting prudent (hdzim),  wide awake persons to (the potentialities of) the though ts ^ that may come to them. The story of the life (30a) of a prudent man and the description of the results he achieved can teach many an intelligent person the good management and prudent handling of his own affairs. On the other hand, the story of the life of an immoderate person and the description of the end he found can cause many an intelligent man to avoid immoderate aspirations. This, then, is an education for the powerful and a lesson for the thoughtful, implyin g a sharpening ^ of dulled intellects. 7— Encountering wondrous affairs, the changes of dynasties, the vicissitudes of destiny, which is a relaxation for the souls and a consolation for the hearts of both the ruler and the ruled. It also encourages patience in the face of (untoward) happenings and conditions and stills worries by creating hope. 8— Giving a person the delight and the intellectual pleasure of learning about remarkable and wondrous matters which he had not known or heard of before. It has been reported on the authority of Abu l-‘Ala’ al-Ma‘arri {sic)  that a man had grown very old and no pleasure was left to him. He was asked whether he would not prefer to die. “No,” he replied, and when asked what pleasure was left to him, he said: “ I am still able to listen to wondrous stories.” ^ ^ Wa-l-asr ft aydt husamdHhim, rather (with al-asr corresponding to ad-darb), “and how  the hands of their adversaries were stayed” (?).

^ Ms. mh^r [leg. majdri) az-zunun . ^ Leg. Sahd.

* The preceding three paragraphs are based, in part literally, on Ibn al-Jaw zi’s  M un ta za m , m,entioned by al-lji as his basic source (below, p. 243). The same text is cited also by asSahawi, cf. below, p. 295 f., where the name of the old man appears more appropriately as  A.bu 'A mr b. al- 'Al a’ .

211

upon historical knowledge and in many cases require it: The science of the Qur^dn  needs it in three of its subdivisions: In theology  [al-i ldU ydt) ,  it is needed in connection with the proofs for the existence of the Creator and the establishment of His attributes, for these proofs are based upon the proper apprecia tion of His activities as the creator of the essences of the various species and the different and remarkable forms and shapes of individual creations. In this connection, it is further needed for the arguments for the createdness of the world, because these ar guments are derived from the changes that take place in the sub stances and accidents found in the world, and from the occurrence of corruption {haU)  and decay that affects the basic and individual (features of this world, arkdnihi wa-aVddihi). In (Qur’^nic) prophetology  [an-nubuwdt) ,  historical knowledge is needed to explain the miracles that disrupt the ordinary course (of events) and to infer the truth of the claims of the prophets (to divine inspiration) from such miracles, from the condition and char acter qualities of the prophets, and from the fact that their pre dictions as to what was to happen to their friends and enemies  wer e fulf ille d. In traditional matters based on the Qur’an {as-samHydt),  it is needed in connection with questions concerning the imamate and caliphate and the orthodox sects and the various kinds of unortho dox innovators. The science of Qur'^dn interpretation   needs historical knowledge in connection with the circumstances of the revelation, the abro gating and abrogated verses, and the explanation of the stories of prophets and the generations, nations, and peoples of the past. The science of hadit   needs historical knowledge for the personality 

21 2

TRANSLATION

 A L -f jt ’s TUHFA H

criticism that is needed in order to ascertain the conditions and the methods of giving information of the men around Muhammad and the men of the second generation who transmitted traditions (on the authority of the Prophet), and of the men who, in turn, trans mitted on their authority. It is also needed in order to ascertain the dates when they were born, how long they lived, when they died,  who the ir con tem por ari es were, in wh at cou ntrie s th ey tra ve led , and with whom they m ay have had contact, things that show wheth er a given tradition is reliable or unrehable or a fraudulent fab rication.  Juri spru denc e {fiqh)  needs historical knowledge in order to as certain consensus and differences of opinion as well as the classes of leading scholars of independent judgment, (31a) authorities  who ma ke hi gh ly rega rde d sta tem en ts {ashdb al-wujuh wa-l-aqwdl), men whose statements and legal decisions are relied upon in theory and practice  [al-ahkdm wa-l~a^mdl)}  My sti cis m   needs historical information in order to ascertain the various classes of saints and mystics and the ranks of the leading heads of Sufi orders and of the mystics who have achieved union, so that one can be sure of the validity of the cloak {hirqah)  and of the permission to practice the dikr  received from them and can confidently follow their method of mystical exercises and of cleans ing the soul of sinful desires and adorning it with virtuous habits. For  preac hing {al-wa'-z wa-t-tadkir),  historical information con stitutes an integral part, or, rather, preaching entirely revolves around it. ^  Yo u sho uld rea lize th at some his tor ica l and bio gra ph ica l wo rks {kutub at-tawdrih wa-l-ahhdr wa-s-siyar wa-l-dtdr)   possess all these useful aspects. Others do not possess all of them but choose eyes that see and pearls that shine(?),® Others again combine valuable and worthless information, like jet thrown together with precious pearls. Others are loaded with husks and waste i^l-srf   ?) and lack substance and grace ?). This situation results from the differ ent ambitions and purposes of authors and from their varying degree of learning and scholarship in intellectual and traditional matters. 1  Ahk dm is often used by the author in the narrower meaning of the five degrees of  legal classification, which is sometimes applicable even in passages where the present translation employs more general terms. “ This is the end of the discussion of the ten uses of history dealt with by the author.

?) bi-qutrayhd fa-ftalada min-a-l^uyuni n-nawdziri wa-dtara min [del. ?) ad-durari z-zawdhiri.

213

I hope that God will enable me to bring this book to a successful conclusion in the way I have envisioned it, namely as containing all these useful aspects of history, as being free from all those draw  ba cks , as com pris ing th e (histo rical ) inf orm ati on ab ou t all nati ons and peoples, as giving an adequate explanation of the condition of most groups of human beings, and as being elegantly and sol idly organized. The (historical ) information presented in it I envision as being critically sifted according to the criteria of tra dition and reason, as being protected against contradiction and incoherence, as being fortified by the evidence of (monumental) relics and signs {al-dtdr wa-l-dydt),  as being adorned with precious saws (31b) and verses, as containing practical problems and scien tific opinions, as being a successful collection of transmitted mate rial {riwdydt),  and as being a thorough presentation of the stories dealt with. Help and success come from God. He can be expected to make human hopes come true. F i f t h

Ch a p t e r

This chapter (fols. 3ib-4oa) deals in detail with the divisions of the natural and super natural worlds and the means of knowing about them. On fol. 38a, we read:

Further, let it be known to you that giving information on all the other kinds of  pos sibi lia   in histo riograph y is something par asitic. The basic purpose and general o bject (of historiography) is the m ost noble of species, tha t is, man, of whom there are many different single specimens and numerous distinct kinds. Six t h

c h a p t e r

The Principles of Historiography and the Criteria of Historical Criticism (fols. 4oa~7ob) This chapter contains valuable investigations of a unique useful ness, such as are rarely produced by the minds of students and con sidered worth collecting even by the most skilful of transmitters of (historical) information. With the help of divine guidance and the  be nef ice nt sup por t {maydmin)  of (our) splendid ruler  [ad-dawlah al-garrd"' as-suUdniyah)}   I have succeeded in undertaking these original (investigations), and I have thus laid a foundation for this discipline {li-hddd al-Hlm).  I have arranged them in an introduction and twelve sections.

®Ms. wa-minhd md fdza min m’r yth’ {leg. hiydzitihd

^ This seems, in fact, to refer to the financial support received or hoped for by the author.

21 4

INTRODUCTION

 Introd uction

firstly, to speech that is part of a declarative sentence {jumlah habariyah),  whether predicate {musnad)  or subject {musnad ilayhi). For instance: “ The servant who belongs to Zay d did such-and-such a thing.” Each one of the two parts (of this sentence) is speech, but it is not a habar,  because it does not indicate anything by itself. Secondly, (it is) inapplicable to insd^ (wishes, commands), because, according to the definition of al-Maydani,^ inm^  is speech in which the words are the cause of a relationship that is not preceded by another relationship. Now, although the words of a hahar  are the cause of a relationship which results in speech, it is a relationship that is preceded by another one which it tells about. Thus, if the two conform to each other, the hahar  is true; if not, it is false.  Insd^,  on the other hand, has only (41a) the relationship expressed in the words of the speaker and no other outside relationship but, in fact, is seeking to establish another relationship. Therefore, it does not tolerate (the judgment of) true or false, for (true or false) are identical with conformity and non-conformity, and (either)

Let it be known to you that the student of intellectual problems involving both general and definite concrete notions ^ must of necessity investigate their species, subdivisions, rules {sarait)  and laws {ahkdm),^  and the ways {turuq)  leading up to them, such as explanatory statements and obscure or clear arguments. Each of them has its own qualities  [kayfi ydt)  ^tha t characterize it, and is divided into species  [anwd^)  and classes {asndf). Thus, the student and transmitter of (historical) information has to follow specific ways and established methods which enable him to grasp intellectual and concrete matters {ma'-quldt-masnu'^dt)  and  wh ich ha ve the ir own pec ulia r qu ali tie s {kayfiyah)  that provide them with a certain number of classes and rules  [sardHt).  These are (40b) known among transmitters and serve as a pivot for their considerations and as the base for their criticism of (historical) information and its (possible) condemnation as spurious. They may be contradictory in (their application to) the hahar  text which, on the basis of them, can be subdivided into categories, each of  wh ich posse sses its own ra nk and sta ndi ng. Th us, (the stud ent ) must know the ways that enable him to establish degrees of pref erability  [turuq at-tardjih)  and to put everything into its proper place and decide whe ther it is sound. (The conten ts of habars may contradict the requirements and conclusions of reason. Thus, it is absolutely necessary to know on what (basis) one of two {habars) can be established as preferable to the other after thorough study, or how they can be combined successfully. The thorough historian must pay attention to all of this, so that he and the material he transmits can be considered authoritative. The matter can be explained in a number of sections containing the basic principles.  Fi rs t Section The definition of hahar  and the basis of its true character which serves to explain all its subdivisions  Hahar   is speech that by itself indicates a relationship of some thing to some other thing outside. (This definition) is inapplicable, 1 Cf. below, p. 256, n. 2. “ Cf. above, n. 212, n. i.

The suffix iu

 yu ^dr id uh d   is

can result only among two things.  A hahar,  further, consists of matn  (text), sanad, isndd,  and irsdl  (terms dealing with the transmission or the chains of transmitters of traditions), the meaning of which must be known, because the most important aspects (of the study of habars)  depend on it.  An explan ation of these terms and of the classific ation of traditi ons, on the basis of their transmission and chains of transmitters, as sound

most likely to refer to au implied

ahbdr.

{sahth),   good {hasan),   and

weak

\daHf).

Transmission of a weak tradition, without an explanation of its weakness, and la xity with regard to its isndd   are permissible, as is acting in accordance with weak traditions in, for instance, moral and ethical matters  [ka-l-mawdHz wa-faddHl al-a^mdl),  but not in matters concerning what is allowed or forbidden or matters con cerning the divine attributes. Many hadit   scholars permit the trans mission of traditions on the authority of all except those trans mitters who by general agreement should be left alone. Accordingly, the historian is permitted to report (historical) information while omitting the isndd   and being lax about it, to transmit material on the authority of men who are little known  [majdh il),  and to be content (42a) with the use of written materials without the support ^ Ahmad b. Muhammad (d. 519/1124, cf.

^ That is, “ the how, the manner in which something takes place,” occasionally to be translated “procedure, process.”

*

215

 A L -t ji ’s TUHFAH

G A L ,   I, 289), who is best known for his collec

tion of proverbs. I have not been able to trace the quotation in the works of al-Maydani available to me, but most of the above paragraph appears verbatim in at-Tibi’s H u l d s a h f t   ma'-rifat al-hadit   (Ms. Istanbul, Kopriilii 230, fol. 2a). At-Tibi is mentioned by al-lji later on,  below, p. 225. Al-M ayd ani ’s name does not occur among the state d sources of at-T ibi.

2i 6

217

 A L -f ji ’s TUHFAH

INTRODUCTION

of oral tradition, ^since all this is possible in connection with the transmission of Prophetical traditions, and there is so much more leeway in connection with other material.

(falls into three categories). Some of it is accepted by those who hear it, an d adjudge d true b y reason. Some of it is simply and nat urally rejected. An d some of it seems reasonable to some minds and is rejected by others, considered worthy of attention by some and

From God there comes the protection against mistakes and loquaciousness.  Second Sectio n The methods by which information  [ahhdr)  becomes established These, on the basis of inductive reasoning, are several things: 1— Personal observation  [musdhadah) , as is, for instance, in dicated by the men around Muhammad when they sa y: “ I have seen the Messenger of God do such-and-such a thing.” . .. . 2— Hearing {samd^)  a tradition in the words of a speaker or a sayh  who transmits it. It does not matter whether this involves dictation {imW)  or lecturing {tahdit),  whether (the sayh)  uses his memory or his book (written notes) ......... 3— Reading {qird^ah)  to a sayh,  a procedure called by early scholars '■ard.  It makes no difference whether he himself reads or someone else while he is listening; whether he saw the sayh or did not see him, but his presence was known. It may be from a book or from memory... 4 — T h e ijdzah,  that is, granting the right to and permitting transmission (of the material studied). Here, nine kinds of ijdzah  are enumerated, including the procedures called munawalah, kitdbah, iHdm,  and wijddah.  The wijddah— that is, the use of written sources not certified  by an y sor^ ot oral tra diti on* — ^raises, amo ng oth er thi ngs , the pro blem of how to dea l  wit h boo ks of do ub tfu l aut hor shi p. Sinc e it is cons ide red per miss ible, the aut hor say s, “ this (point of view) has been considered authoritative b y me in connection with the material used in this book, and I have relied upon the information found in the (written) works of fellow writers (ashdb),  after conridering it critically.”

Third Section Causes of and laws  [ahkdm)  governing rejection and acceptance, and the various kinds and categories of (historical) information Let it be known to you that the information on remarkable events set down in the pages of books which is unconfirmed by personal observation and rests upon the method of transmission * The text appears to be al-qand^ah '■aid l-wijdd ah  (for wijddah,  cf. below, n. 2), How  ever, the use of the preposition ^ald,  instead of hi-,  is strange. * For a discussion of wijddah,  cf.  A  b u l - Y  u s r ' A  b i d i n , in  RA A D ,  XX XV I, 58-67 (1961).

demolished (as untrue) by others. This is because the reasons for rejection and acceptance vary and because students differ in their (experience of) data provided by tradition and reason. Many a heart is familiar with matters within its own (experience) and considers anything else unacceptable and absurd. Many a free mind is ready to take in whatever (information) an informant may pour into it, saying (with the poet): Love for her came to me before I knew what love was. It found my h eart free— and took over. ^ (44a) Thus, it is absolutely necessary to investigate all the reasons for and characteristics of acceptability and to study all the categories and classes of rejection and acceptance, to find out what is to be classified as unreliable and what is to be considered authoritative, and to uncover and explain what constitutes a sound basis for considering (items of historical information) true and what seems to  be fic tit io us  [awhdm)  and must be disregarded after thorough study. It is no secret that the causes and reasons that imply differences (in acceptability) have reference to the condition of the speakerinformant {muhhir),  the meaning of the subject {al-muhbar '-anhu), or the item-of-information {habar)  itself, and, further, to the con dition of the student {sdmi^), since a habar’s  power, or the lack of it, to purvey knowledge  [Him),  probability {zann),  doubt {sakk), or fictitious information  [wahm) does not go be yond any of these. In view of these circumstances, a habar falls into several catego ries, each of which differs with regard to rejection and acceptance. Consideration of the condition of the informant {muhhir)  leads to (a twofold conclusion): He either attributes his habar  to himself or to someone else. In either case, classification {hukm)  depends on the (informant’s) condition with respect to his known, unknown, or doubtful faultlessness {Hsmah)  and reliability or unreliability. The pitfalls in this respect have been removed by the scholars of the principles (of jurisprudence) and of the hadit.  In their books ancient ' Cf.  Dtwd n Ma jnU n Lay la,   282 Farr A j (Cairo, n.y. [1958?]), where further references are given. Cf. also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah,  Rawdat al-mu hibb tn,  138 'Ubay d (Cairo

1375/1956).

2i 8

219

 A L - fj i ’s TU HF AH

INTRODUCTION

and modern, they have mentioned rules {hukm)  applying to this situation as far as matters of the religious law are concerned. Now, owing to the long time that has gone by, the transmitters of in formation {ahbdr)  find it difficult to observe the rules {sardHt) governing it. Therefore, they ha ve come to consider as authoritative the musnad, sunan,  and ahkdm  works composed by the leading Muslim scholars. In (information) other than Prophetical traditions, the chain of transmission has become interrupted because men who are little kown {majdhil)  have entered into it, so that the gap has  bec ome too wi de for rig ht- mi nde d peo ple to brid ge. Th us, the re exists no desire (on the pa rt of modern scholars) to clarify the s it uation and to verify the condition of transmitters. Consideration of the conditions  [ahwdl)  that refer to the subject of a habar {al-muhbar '•anhu)  must proceed from the assumption that (the subject) may be absurd and not possibly true, or theoret ically true, or theore tically possible  [mum kin ma^qul), or observable  by the senses and fam ilia r as eith er som eth ing cu sto ma ry or som e thing extraordinary, as something that is observed repeatedly or something that rarely happens.

receives) deserves preference and thus be firmly decided upon ac ceptance of the opposite ^because of some knowledge he possesses or because of his trust in tradition {taqlid),  because of bias and ob stinacy {^asabiyah— ‘m ai), fiction and iajicy {wahm— haydl),  weaknes and stupidity, or deceitfulness (jarbazah)  and shrewdness. All these qualities may cause the student in question to accept or to reject what comes to him and is put before him, regardless of wheth er it is in itself false or true and in contradiction or conformity

(44b) Consideration of the conditions that refer to the habar  (as a  whole ) mu st proc eed , as far as the habar  as such is concerned, from the assumption that its meaning  [daldlah)  may be definite  [maqtu^]  or probable  [maznun ],  that it may be a text (nass)  or an obvious implication {zdhir)  or something requiring interpretation  [mu*awwal)  whether it be ambiguous {mujmal)  or clear  [mubayy an).  As fa r as the sanad   is concerned, consideration must proceed from the assumption that it may go back to many authorities  [mutawdtir)  or to one  [dha d]}   that it may be generally known  [mustafid) or not, that it may skip the first transmitter on Muhammad’s authority  [mursal)  or lead back to the Prophet {musnad),  that it may be uninterrupted  [muttasil)  or lacking one link {munqati'-), and so on, things that have been adequately explained by the leading scholars of the hadit   and the principles of jurisprudence. Consideration of the conditions that refer to the student {Sami') must proceed from the assumption that he may have a free mind or be seeking (something), tha t he ma y be doubting or disa pprov ing, as he ma y believe that the opposite of (the information he 1 More correctly, “less than three,” according to the definition of habar al-wdhid   accepted  by the author (below, p. 222). Acco rding to al- 6a zza li,  M u st as fd ,   I, 93 (Cairo 1356/1937), the number may be as high as five or six. For the occasional distinction between habar  al-wdhid   and dhdd,   cf. J. R o b s o n , in  J ou r n al of Se m i ti c St ud i es,   IX , 327-40 (1964).

to reality {md f i l-wdqi'). Let us explain in detail the(se) parts of the habar  by considering the reasons that decide the question of certainty {qat"-),  probability {zann),  or doubt {sakk), and the causes tha t require acceptance, rejection, or withholding a decision {waqf),  for the guidance of those who seek to exercise habar  criticism. The remaining parts we shall reserve for the other ^section later on. Let us also distinguish  wh at is wo rth y of at ten tio n from th at whi ch is not. Thu s, I sa y;  A habar qua habar,  if no consideration is given to the particulars connected (hususiyah)  with the informant {muhbir),  may be true or false. If consideration is given to the pillars it rests on— that is, the informant {muhbir)  and the subject {al-muhbar '■anhu)— , i t may be divided into five (45a) categories; 1 — Known to be true. 2 — Known to be false. 3 — Poss ibly either true or false. This falls into the three categories of (a) probably true, (b) probably false, or (c) doubtful either way, that is, it is equally possible that it is either true or false, be cause of the equivalence of indications in either direction {li-ta'^ddul  amdratihimd). If either tr uth or falsehood seems to preponderate on one side, the other side is fictitious {mawhum). Let us discuss these categories together with the legal classifi cation {ahkdm)  applicable to each, inasmuch as they are connected  wit h the purp ose of the pre sen t wo rk, bu t om itti ng the det ails required for an exhaustive treatment of legal classification {ahkdm).  Fi rs t category:  Information known to be true that must be ac-

* Ms .

l i - H i m d d i   

(read

li-Hiqddi] hildfihi Hiqddan rdjihan musirran jdziman ^ald hildfiht.

Perhaps, we should translate: “ . . . decided upon opposing it.” * Ms. al-fasl at-tdn(,   apparently referring to the fifth and following sections.

22 0

 AL -t jf ’s TUHFAH

cepted. According to the fundamentalists {usuliyun)}  there are seven kinds: 1— Information whose existence is known ^of necessity, such as primary data  [awwaliydt),  things observable by the senses, matters transmitted by many authorities  [mutawdtirdt),  matters proven by experience {mujarrabdt),  and matters based upon (intuitive) con  jec tur e {hadsiydt).  Or (information) which is known through de ductive reasoning, such as, for instance, data based upon argu mentation {burhdniydt), tha t is, syllogisms {adillah)  composed of necessary (propositions) {daruriydt) or leading up to them. ® 2— The information {hahar)  of God, such as the Qur’an and the revealed scriptures that are protected against alteration. 3— The information of the prophets, because it is confirmed by the proof of miracles. It becomes known only to those who hear it or obtain it through transmission by many authorities. 4— The information of the entire (Muslim) nation, because gen eral consensus is decisive proof. 5— The informatio n of a large number of people concerning their own conditions, whether they are matters observable by the senses or, rather, matters of, for instance, internal observation (wijddniydt).^ 6— Information surrounded by propositions that lend them selves to conclusions  [qar ain) ,  for indications  [amdrdt)  that support each other give (a hahar)  the status of necessity. 7— Information reported by m any authorities, where the trans mitters are so many that custom(ary experience) precludes the assumption that they might have happened to agree upon some thing untrue. The Sumaniyah (Buddhists) held a contrary opinion in this respect. They did not acknowledge (the possibility) that knowl edge could be obtained in this manner, nor did they acknowledge (the possibility of) obtaining knowledge through speculation {nazar).  Their opinion is similar to that of the Sophists.^ ‘ I.e., the scholars versed in the principles of (religion and) jurisprudence. It is hoped that the use of “fundamentalists” will not give rise to misunderstandings. * Ms . md ^ulima wujit-du niuhbariht. The consonants might suggest m u l j b i r i M   “infor mant,” that is, “the source of which is known to exist.” However, the required vocalization is niuhbariht,  which is seemingly identical with the more common muhhar ^anku.   The same

muhbar {md ^ulima naqtd muhbariht)   occurs

in connection with the first paragraph of the

second category. ^ Cf., for instance, 'Adud-ad-di n al-Iji, the muqaddamdt qafiyah.

*   Cf.

Ibu Haldun,

 M u qa dd i ma h,  

 M aw dq i f,

38 (Cairo [?] 1 3 5 7 ) , in connection with

trans. F. R o s e n t h a l , I, 1 9 8 , n. 277 (New York 1 9 5 8 ) .

TRANSLATION

221

(45b)  Second category:  Information known to be false that must  be rej ect ed . Th ere are two kin ds; 1— Information, the contrary of which is known ^ (to be true) of necessity or through deductive reasoning. 2— Information that, if it {madlul)   were correct, would be trans mitted by many authorities in view of its having ample claim to being transmitted, because it is important or remarkable. The information ascribed to the prophets contains much of the sort. Inasmuch as it is ascribed to Muhammad, there is his statement: “ Falsehoods will be ascribed to me {sa-yukdabu '-alayya).”  In asmuch as it is ascribed to the Israelite prophets, there is the statement of the Qur’an: “ The y alter words and remove them from their places.” ^ The one prophetical scripture definitely protected against alteratio n is the noble Qur’an, as God has said: “ Falsehood  wil l not come to it from bef ore it or from be hin d it ,“ ^ for He guarded it with His essence {bi-ddtihi)  and did not entrust (it) to anyone else, saying: “ We revealed the reminder, and We are guard ing it.” ^ The reason for ascribing false information to God and the Prophet is twofold. The lesser of the two reasons is oversight, forgetfulness, and negligence. The most frequent one is (pure) invention {wad"-). This is done either by heretical {zindiq)  innovators and disbehevers, in order to scare intelligent men away from the true religions or in order to circulate their own falsehoods and innovations. Or it is done by ignorant persons such as storytellers and related (profes sions) like would-be preachers. They frequently invent moral and ethical traditions, for Satan caused them to slip and led them astray from the even road and deceived them by causing them to approve of (such a) procedure as something pleasing to God. They  wer e de cei ve d and inv en te d fals e and dis ap pro ved sta tem ent s. They w ent astray and led others astray and joined “ those who  wer e the gre ate st loser s (46a) in wh at th ey did, who se effo rts we nt

1 For the Sophists, cf. al-lji,  M aw dq i f, 20   f., where, however, nothing is said about the Sumaniyah. They are often mentioned in other works on the principles, such as al-Amidi, I h k d m ,   I, 151 (Cairo 1347), or al-'Allamah al-Hilli,  A n w ar al- m ala k ut ,   5 Najmi-Zanjani (Teheran 1338). Cf. also, for instance, E. S a c h a u ’ s translation of al-Biruni’s work on India, II, 261. * Cf. above, p. 220, n. 2. “ Qur’an iv 46 (48 FI.) and v 13, 41 ( 1 6 , 45   FI-)* Qur’Sn xli 42 (42 FI.). ®Qur’ an XV  9 (9 FI.).

22 2

223

 A L -! jf ’s TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

astray in the life of this world while they thought that they did  w el l." 1

4— Accuracy and lack of indifference, because negligence and indifference do not permit placing reliance upon statements made. In this category, probable (truthfulness) can be assumed only  whe re the re is no dec isiv e evi den ce to the co ntr ar y or whe re an

Since such fabrications occur so frequently in traditions and stories, I have dwelled on the subject at some length, so that the reader of the book who comes across something of the sort and is sure that he is confronted with invented material can eliminate it. I have no responsibility for it. The responsibility for avoiding such (material) rests upon the one who invents it {wada^ahd).^ Third category:  Information that is probably true. This is in formation coming from a reliable person {hahar a/-‘aifZ) which has not reached the status of having been transmitted by many authorities {tawdtur). If there are fewer than three transmitter s (for a habar),  it is known to the fundamentalists {usuliyun) as habar al-wdhid;  if there are more, it is known as mustafid.  Both in dicate probable (truthfulness), even though they do not fulfill the conditions {sard’it)  laid down in connection with the first category. Characteristics referring to the informant {muhbir)  that suggest probability are five: ^ 1— (Legal) responsibihty {takUf),  because someone who is not responsible {mukallaf)  does not fear the taint of falsehood and sin. 2— Religion, because the religious person fears the consequences of (spreading) falsehoods. In matters of the religious law, he must  be a Musl im, bec aus e unb eli eve rs cai mo t be tru ste d wi th reg ard to Muslims. 3 — P r o b it y {^addlah),  which is a habit in the soul that prevents it from committing major sins or doing what is bad, (if) permissible. Transmission by a wicked man (fdsiq)  does not produce probability (for the material he transmits), because in the fondness he shows for wickedness, he is as a rule quite ready to (transmit) falsehoods. (The existence of) probity (in a transmitter) is known through a declaration (by qualified scholars) of reliability {tazkiyah)  and also through the fact that there is widespread knowledge (of him as a transmitter, suhrah).  The absence of probity is known through negative personality criticism. * Qur’an xviii 103-4 (103-4 FI-)- The preceding lines contain allusions to Qur’Snic phrases, cf. Qur’an v 77 (81 FI.). * Possibly, “the student who sets it down.” However, the author presumably had in nund the first inventor as the guilty party. ®On ly four are enumerated here and again referred to in connection with the fourth category.

interpretation is acceptable.  Fou rth category.  (Information) that is probably false, which is of necessity fancied to be true {mawhum as-sidq).  The character istics (46b) that suggest the probability of untruthfulness are the opposites of those four (mentioned in connection with the third category): Absence of (legal) responsibility, unbelief, wickedness, and indifference and lack of accuracy, because these qualities preclude any trust in statements made by men possessing them in the case of legal matters  [al-ahkdm as-sarHyah).   However, in other matters, greater tolerance is indicated, especially in connection  wi th perso ns w ho be lie ve th at un tru thf uln es s is for bid den (in gen er al) or who are upstanding and prominent people.  Fi fth category. Doubtful information. Tha t is information coming from a person about whose condition with respect to characteristics (46b) that might suggest either truthfulness or falsehood (for the information he transmits) little is known {majhul). * * * Now, le t it be known to y ou th at this bo ok contains different kinds of information {ahbdr).  (Information in it) known to be true is the information transmitted from the prophets, the heavenly scriptures, and the divine revelation enounced by the Qur’an and by (Prophetical) traditions ^transmitted by many authorities. (Information) known to be false is the information coming from pseudo-prophets and ignorant unbelievers concerning their beliefs affecting God, the divine attributes, and the beginning of creation, as, for instance, the statements coming from Magians, Manichaeans, the altered passages of the Torah and the allegorical interpretation of the Gospel, the beliefs of the Christians with regard to the Mes siah, and the statements of Indian and Chinese eternahsts {dahriyah)  wi th reg ard to the be gin nin g of cre atio n, and the sta tem en ts of the Sabians with regard to the stars and the heavenly bodies. 1 Its seems reasonably certain that the above translation represents the intent of the author. He does not mean: “ . . ., the divine revelation enounced by the Qur^an, and (Pro phetical) traditions . . . ”

22 4

TRANSLATION

 A L -f jI ’s TUHFAH

There is no harm in transmitting such (information) on their author ity. For the transmission of falsehood is not (in itself) falsehood,  ju st as the tran smi ssio n of unb eli ef is not (in itself ) unb eli ef. Th e purpose in transmitting such (information) is to learn about (the degree of) nonsense which owing to the machinations of Satan they have obtained. It is the task of the transmitter to transmit every item of information as it has come down, and to send on {irsdl) any statement so as to express the tenets held by the person who made it (J-ald muHaqad al-qail),   be it true or false. The criticism (of information) and its condemnation as spurious are left to others. (Information) that is probably true constitutes much or, indeed, most of the contents of this book. It also contains information that is probably false (47a) but only little of it, such as statements trans mitted on the authority of other than religious persons not definitely established as false. The absence of religious commitment {tadayyun) and the combination of individual (opinions,  fard)   with generally accepted ones  [al-'-dmm al-aglah)  are what makes preferable the assumption that (a given item of information) is false, except, of course, in the case of people who believe that untruthfulness is forbidden (in general), or in matters tha t are no concern of theirs and in which they have no stake. Then, (only) doubt is created. The fifth category— that is, doubtful information transmitted on the authority of men who are little known {majdhil ) — is widely represented in the (historical) information about the first age dealing with the conditions of all the (pre-Islamic) nations, while  ve ry lit tle of it is fou nd in the seco nd (Muslim) age wh ere ev er y (information) is, in fact, either definitely or probably true. In the former case, the reason is the great antiquity and dis appearance (of the nations and individuals concerned) and the lack of sources for knowing {inqitd'- asbdb al-Hlm)  the conditions of the transmitters of information concerning them. The information that has reached us has passed through two channels  [min tan qay n) : I— The information of the prophets coming from the heavenly scriptures, which is restricted to the conditions of peoples among  who m the Qu r’a n was rev ea led and ab ou t wh om the Pr oph et has given proven and clear information  [hi-^-sarh wa-l-haydn),  saying, “ Messengers about whom We h ave told you before, and messengers about whom we did not tell.” ^

22 5

2— Stories {anbd^)  of Jewish rabbis and Christian bishops who converted to Islam, which they found in ^the books of their proph ets and which came to them from persons whose material {binaqlihim wa-anbdHhim they trusted. All their other material is suspect of having bee n altered, falsified, or freely invented. More over, every sect accused the other of purveying false and fictitious (information). Their opinions on the beginning and the end of the  wo rld  [al-ihtida* wa-l-intiha*)  contradicted each other. Many dif ferent subsects arose which held different opinions and possessed diametrically opposed information {ahhdr).  We have therefore restricted ourselves to (information) that has reached us in ways {turuq)  considered (worthy of attention) by men versed in many disciplines {mutafanninun), and hav e paid no attention to infor mation assailed by historians. The information {ahbdr)  of the second age concerning the con ditions of the Prophet, the rightly guided caliphs, the men around Muhammad, and the leaders of Islam and rulers of men has been exhaustively sifted, explained, and verified (47b) by the early Muslims. All the transmitters are authoritative. Men who are little known {majdhil)  are rarely found in between, except, of course, in the later generations {al-awdhir).  (The later generations) have neglected to observe this method {tanqah),  and the chain of transmission {silsilat al-isndd)  is, in fact, broken, even if some faint, nominal traces are left. Reliance must (now) be placed upon books and upon the material transmitted by the ancients, and not upon the material stored in the minds  [mahfuz)  of the later generations.  A t- Ti bi ^ sai d: “ In the se time s, peo ple pa y no at ten tio n to an y of the conditions  [smut)  governing the transmission. As far as ^the probity  ['■addlah)  of a transmitter is concerned, they are satisfied  wh en he does no t sho w an y we akn ess es (mastur al-^adddlah),  and as far as his accuracy is concerned, they are satisfied if his samd"  ® is found confirmed by a reliable signature  [hatt)  and his transmis sion  [riwdyah)  comes from a manuscript {asl)  that agrees with that of his sayh.”   Now, if the science of hadit,  one of the bases of the religious law, has come to such a pass, what do you think about ^ The preposition  f t   is to be supplied. 2 H a r dl y , w a - i n b d H h i m   “whom they trusted as transmitters and narrators.” ®Al-Husayn b. ‘Abdallah at-Tibi died in 743/1343, cf. G A L ,   II, 64. His H u l d s a h   appar ently does not contain the above quotation. Other works of his could not be

consulted.

*• Leg. min  

1 Qur^aii iv 164 (162 FI.), conflated with Qur^w xl 78 (78 FI.).

(instead of 'an). “ I. e., the fact of his participation in lectures on the material in question. Rosenthal,

History of Muslim Historiography

15

226

AL-tjt’s TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

historical and biographical information {al-ahhdr wa-s-siyar)  of the distant past! Thus, do not desire to have everything verified and accept what I give you, which is the appropriate thing to do under the circumstances. And ask God for guidance and success.

(i— ) Its being familiar, occurring repeatedly, and being du plicated, according to customary experience, by similar events, as, for instance, (historical) information on the change of dynasties. 2— Its belonging to matters observable by the senses, such as information on topographical conditions {ahwdl al-bildd)  and the remaining traces {al-dtdr al-hdqiyah)  of former kings, for the soul,  bec aus e of its fa m ili ar ity wi th (such ma tte rs ), welc om es the m mor e than anything else. 3— Its belonging to concepts {ma'-nd)  imagined and given form to by the imagination {wahm— haydl),  such as information given {ihbdr)  by mathematicians on the shape of the heavenly bodies, for, even if it is not definite, since, as they have said, it is (always) permissible to assume the contrary, the probability is that it is as

 Fou rth Sectio n The reasons that call for the acceptance or rejection of information {ahhdr),  and the matters that make it attractive {mayl an-nafs)  or unattractive Let it be known to you that the afore-mentioned reasons, though the y do suggest, in the way we have mentioned, (definitive) knowl edge, proba bility, doubt, or fictitiousness (affecting a given item of information) on the basis of reason and tradition and also indicate the characteristics as we have detailed them that are to be taken into consideration, (do not exhaust the problem,) but whether (historical) information is rejected or accepted often depends on how the mind of the student (sdmi^)  judges the matter (48a) on account of accidental circumstances, on his departure from the required classification {hukm)  in a given case, and on situations {ahwdl)  arising from other characteristics {sifdt)  not considered by fundamentalist {usuli)  and hadit   scholars as necessitating action in accordance with them but which are influential in causing accept ance or rejection. Frequently, something looking like a weakness  [Hlal) is mista ken for one and turns the person who hears a pa rticular item of information  [sdmi'- al-hahar)  from the right direction. He does not pay the least attention to something that deserves to be accepted, and he carefully listens to what ought to be rejected. This is because the mirror of his reason {'■aql)  has become rusty through the soul’s desires and the fact that the soul is attracted toward matters tha t agree with the claims of nature and imagination  [wahm) : Nature is a ruler (slavishly) obeyed.  An d ho w ma ny tri ck s does im ag ina tio n ha ve re ad ily av ail ab le. Let us mention part of this, so that it may serve as a base for comparison. Reasons referring to the subject of a hahar {al-muhbar '■anhu),  provided it is something possible, that call for acceptance are:

227

(they say). 4— Its conforming to ethical requirements, such as biographical information on noble representativ es of the early generations, be cause the soul judges that it must be acceptable. (48b) 5— Its conforming to the requirements of generally known propositions derived from religious laws {sardH'-)  and educational ideas {dddb),  adjudged by reason to be valid because of a general interest or a weakness or fervent emotion in their favor.^ 6— Its being useful on account of its comprising some theoretical or practical wisdom {hikmah),  instruction {adah),  or experience  bo und up wi th vi rtu e who se acq uis itio n is the na tura l (purpose) of noble men. 7— Its being (commonly) known as and having ample claim for itself and the conditions connected with it to be known. 8— T h e habar  being transmitted from men whose statements are accepted with much faith, because they possess much knowl edge or religion or (act under a) divine command, such as the ma terial transmitted from scholars, ascetics, and excellent and god fearing men. 9— Its agreeing with and being conform to the belief and purpose of the student {sdmi^),  because he (then) considers it a matter to  be ta ke n for gra nt ed by reas on {min musallamdt al-''uqul)  and accepts it. 10— Its belonging to matters commonly and widely known among (various) people which are not reported to have been dis approved by anyone of those who(se opinions) count. ^ Ms.

mim-md hakama l-^aqlu biha  

(?)

li-maslahatin '■dmmatin aw riqqatin aw hamtyatin.

228

229

A L - i j t ’ s T U HF A H

TRANSLATION

These are ten reasons which compel attention to (historical) information and require to welcome it (iqbdl),  and which in most cases are considered adequate.

cidental characteristics {a'rdd)  of (the prevailing) religious or po litical leadership that imbues them with that (attitude),1 or other

The reasons for shunning (historical information) are also ten: 1— The subject {al-muhbar '^anhu)  being rare, strange, and of sporadic occurrence, such as a deluge. The soul dislikes to accept unfamiliar facts, unless it is forced to do so by evidence. Never theless, it feels attracted to hearing about them, because it pas sionately enjoys learning unknown, new data. 2— Its belonging to intelligihilia   whose quantity reason cannot perceive {yatasawwaru)  and whose quality it cannot depict {yusawwiru),  such as information about matters connected with the other world which are beyond observation by the senses and (49a) the perception of weak intellects, especially if they are dominated  by the pow er of i ma gin ati on {vis aestimativa, al-quwah al-wahmiyah). 3— Its belonging to pure, abstract intelligihilia   which the power of imagination is u nable to perceive or to imagine. (Such information) is therefore adjudged unacceptab le, unless the judgment of reason compels acceptance. Even so, it is considered unsatisfactory and a thing to be avoided, such as, for instance, the giving of information (ihbdr)  on theological matters {al-umur aL-ildhiyah). 4— Its belonging to matters that cannot be verified by reasoning {al-^uqul al- fikn yah ),  because they belong to the world of the super natural {'■dlam al-gayb).   They are, in fact, perceived by perfect souls aided by the holy power, by information from heaven, by divine inspiration and intuitional knowledge  [al-'-uliim al-mawhibiyah).  Those who were eager to acquire intellectual knowledge {al-'-uliim al-fikriyah) but were unable to master those (supernatural) matters were quick in rejecting them. It is enough of a loss for them to be deprived of (the knowledge of) them and to have to be satisfied  wit h (the re stri cte d know ledge ) th ey ha ve ! 5— (Its being presented to) a student {sdmi^)  who is fettered  by bli nd adh ere nce to tra dit ion {taqlid)  and holds (preconceived) different notions, for if the mind is impressed with (notions) con trary to (those contained in the information presented to it), it shuns acceptance. This is an incurable disease which affects many school members {ahl al-maddhib)  for various reasons which have their origin in one's immediate family {dba)  and relatives, in one’s contact with professors and teachers and other outsiders, in ac

things. 5— Its being repetitious for the student, because similar and related (matters) have occurred to his mind several times. Frequent occurrence makes them something ordinary {ka-l-mu'-dd)  and thus unattractive. This does not contradict the earlier statement that familiar matters are more easily accepted.^ “R epe tition” {takrdr) means that the pleasure of acquiring new knowledge is absent,  bec aus e purp ose and int en t rem ain the same , eve n if the sub jec t {al-muhbar '■anhu)  is different. The earher statement refers to know ing similar matters (in general), (49b) and not as individ ual instances {ma'rifatu mitlihi jumlatan Id bi-''aynihi).   When some informa tion is heard for the first time, it produces the pleasure of knowing (al-ma^rifah),  but when it is repeated, it produces no longer any pleasure, except after a long period when it has been somehow for gotten. Individual repetition {at-takrdr bi-hasab as-sahs)   necessitates the dishke and boredom that go with what is ordinary. Generic rep etition {bi-hasab an-naw')  necessitates attention and is welcomed {at-tawajjuh wa-l-iqbdlr).  y— Its bei ng lit tle kno wn

{majhul),  because such information

is rarely of interest to the soul, unless a given item {habar)  contains some additional attractive aspect, such as strangeness, because this produces the pleasure of a new, previously not experienced percep tion {tasawwur).  Information about something (commonly) known is frequently of no interest either, because it involves repetition. 8— Its being impossible. Thus, it is known to be false. Bu t (such information) is often found attractive and pleasurable, because giving information {ihbdr)  about it in a way means transforming it from impossibihty to possibility, and the soul finds it strange and, therefore, pleasurable. 9— Its being well known as something that does occur, because giving such information {ihbdr)  is useless, since the use of any information {habar)  consists in making (new) knowledge available. 10— Its contradicting matters attested by sound tradition and pure reason. This is (information) to which no attention is and should be paid. ‘ Ms. hamalahum, leg. * Of. above, p. 227.

hamalathum.

2 31

 A L -t jt ’s TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

Details of these reasons that justify the expression of preference for either rejection or acceptance can be learned through inductive reasoning {istiqrd^)  verified by one’s own examination, because it is something that is not unknown  [mim-md Id yunka ru). Now, knowing the foundations laid and the edifice erected by us and being fully acquainted with the reasons and causes and the things that remove the veil of doubt— whateve r information you ma y obtain (orally) or read in books, you should strip ^ of all accidents and free from the qualities and purposes 2 that envelop it. You should weigh it in the scales of attentive study {iHihdr) and examine it according to the critera fixed by us, distinguish  be twe en the tru e (50a) and the false , an d assi gn to (eac h item ) its proper place and rank. Then you should go over it again once more and keep nicely a w a y ^ from whatever seems tarnished by the doubt of disapproval {subhat al-inkdr),  so that someone who might be inclined to disapprove will not find a way to reject it. Not everything that is true must be transmitted. Not everything that conforms must be followed and accepted. “ Leave the things that puzzle you for those which do not puzzle you.” ^ Throw off the burden (boredom) of ma tters which o ccur frequently in similar form, and do not weave the embroidered garment of your dis cussion on their loom, since this is of httle use and unprofitable for the student  [Sami'-). (Repetitious mate rial of) this sort is frequent in histories and has brought censure upon its transmitter.  Yo u sho uld lea ve it to thos e qu ali fie d to giv e info rm ati on  [ihhdr]  on matters connected with the other world. You should not con cern yourself with it in any way. For the historian is spared this heavy and dangerous commitment. Beware of dipping into the churn ing waters of the discussion of pure intelligihilia   and be satisfied  wi th (those of the intelligihilia)  that are connected with the sensibilia,  the images of which are engraved upon the tablet of the things fancied  [mawhumdt).  You should go after the most widely useful, most readily acceptable, most intellectually impressive, and, for the purposes of the reader and hearer, most helpful and profitable historical information, and you should not pay any attention to anyo ne’s rejection resulting from ignorant or uninformed

disapproval or obstreperous and misled haughtiness. The truth deserves most to be followed. ^ Only information th at is (simply) invented should be rejected, and not what is (merely) strange and novel. I t is not wrong for yo u ^to report interesting and strange happenings and rare and remarkable cases, even if things of that sort rarely happen and the interesting conditions surrounding them are considered astonishing, as long as possibility does not turn into impossibility. For such inform ation is considered attra ctive (50b) and agreeable. God’s power is wide and His wisdom as regards

230

^ Ms.  fa- jar rid an-na fs '■ an . . . wa-^arrihd. Obviously, nafs refers to the information, and not to the reader, as all the following suffixes {-hd) are best explained as referring to ahbdr. ^ The manuscript has a^rdd  twice, apparently by mistake. ®Cf. Qur’an Ixxiii lo (lo FI.).

*•

¥or: this hadit, cf. below, p. 259, n. 5.

His interesting creations extensive.  Y ou sho uld tes t wh at yo u sa y, and gu ard it ag ain st con tra dic tio n and incoherence from beginning to end. You should keep your pen from transmitting and giving wide currency to evil deeds of  wic ked nes s. Th is is a crim e, eve n if the tra nsm issi on is (te chn ica lly) sound. Imprudent persons  [futtdk)  might imitate (such deeds) and be guided by their erroneous example. They might make light of their own bad quahties which entrain the suspicion of evil deeds,^ and you might be held to some degree responsible for the trouble and harm caused. If the discussion leads to something of the sort,  yo u sho uld cal l a tte nti on to the dam age to his pos itio n and pro pe rty suffered by the evildoer in question. This will serve as an excuse for you and as a warning for those who are not (hopelessly) negligent and perplexed. Be careful not to report any stories about (actions of) unjust ancient rulers called by them statesmanship  [siydsah) and considered a credit to themselves  [fadd ’i l),   without stressing the delusion that lurks in such interesting reports. This covers  va rio us kind s o f inj us tic e  [zulm) which (the ancient rulers) prom oted  b y usin g the wo rk (“ sta tes ma nsh ip” ) and for wh ich th ey ha d no  bas is in the reli gio us la w. A pp ro va l (of th is so- call ed stat esm ans hip ) as something better than and preferable to the religious law is  wh at has oft en pus he d ign ora nt pers ons into unb elie f. Th us, th ey contract an incurable disease. The transmitter of (information on such unjust activities) faces dire consequences. For by reporting them he has revived them and is culpable as much as the person  who did them .  Yo u sho uld rep ort m an y s tori es ab ou t goo d a nd nob le qu ah tie s as such, because these are the masters of customs (51a) and the cus^ Cf. below, pp. 250, n. 2, 350, n. 4, and 375, n. 2. ^ Ms.  Id '■alayka, leg. Id <.b a?sa> '■alaykal  3 Ms. al-muqtarifah bi-sH^ al-fa^dl. Perhaps, the author meant to say: “which entrain the commission

{U-)  

of evil deeds.”

232

AL-tjt’s TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

toms of masters {sadat al-^dddt wa-^dddt us-sdddt),   and they are most helpful with respect to the acquisition of pleasing habits and a good, acceptable behavior, since they are concealed in the center of the minds and natures of noble men and are sparked into being  b y rep ea ted refe ren ce to and disc ussi on of the m, as fire con cea led in the stone is kindled only by contact with flints. Therefore was the chosen Prophet commanded as follows in God’s clear book: “ Remind, for being reminded is useful for the behevers.” ^ This  wa s the n fol low ed b y refe renc es to the ev il deed s of tho se cre dit ed  wit h th e opp osit e qua hti es, the vic es, and to the gre at mi sfor tun es they experienced in this world. Things become clear through their opposites. Without darkness, the perfection of the full moon would not be apparent. This is the excuse for mentioning evil persons and stories about them together with the information on good men. May God inform us about our own faults and give us success by means of His excellence and generosity.

other through interpretation, or it may not. This, then, are three categories. It is a fixed (principle) that the {habar)  with the stronger (evidence in its favor) must be taken into account. One that admits of interpretation must be interpreted, and the two  [habars]  be combined according to all possible methods of combination, in order to guard against the terrible mistake of attributing untruth fulness to a transmitter, whereas everything else must of necessity  be rej ect ed . W hen the re is eq ua ht y and an int erp ret ati on un ac ce pt able, it may be said to be a case of incoherence (tasdqut)  and con fusion {tahayyur).  It is better to make a distinction between re ligious and worldly matters (in such cases). In connection with religious matters, the more cautious (solution, al-ahwat)  should be adopted, and in worldly matters, the more beneficial one {al-aslah). In cases of conflict between tradition and reason {ma^qul — manqul),  if the information based on reason is definite(]y known to be true), the one based on tradition is subjected to interpretation, in case it admits of that; whatever does not admit of interpretation is rejected. Reason is basic, and tradition secondary. The former cannot be invalidated by the latter, even if it is not definite(ly known to be true). If the information based on tradition is definite(ly known to be true), it is accepted, and the information based on reason is interpreted or rejected. If both are cases of probable (truth), one looks for things estabhshing preferabihty and adopts (the information) found to possess greater prob abihty . If they are equal, combination as much as possible (is required). If not, the information based on tradition should be accepted in religious mat

 Fi fth Sectio n  A n ex pla na tio n of inf orm ati on {ahhdr)  contradictory in significance, of conflicts between tradition and rea son, and of the general rules applicable here in finding (items of information) equivalent or the one preferable to the other {wa-hukmihi al-kulU Hnd at-ta'-ddul  wa-t-tarjih) Contradiction {ta^'dfud)  means that two habafs  differ in meaning. It cannot take place in the case of two definite(ly true habars),^  be cau se thi s wo uld in fa ct req uire th at tw o co ntr ad ict or y or opp o site (statements) be combined. It also cannot happen in the case of something definite(ly known to be true, maqtu^)  and something else, (51b) because adoption of what is definite(ly known to be true) is (obligatory as a) fixed (principle). It can happen only in the case of {habars)  supposed (to be true).  W he ne ve r habars contradict each other or differ from one another, they may have either equally strong or weak evidence (in their favor), as far as the sanad   or the matn  are concerned, or they may not. In the former case, the one of them may be reconciled with the 1 Qur’an li 55 (55 FI.). * Cf., for instance, al-Gazzali,  Mus tasf d,  II, 126 f. (Cairo 1356/1937).

233

ters, and the one based on reason in other matters. There is room for making a choice (tahyir). This is what appears evident to me. Critical minds have looked  be yo nd it, and jud gm en t con cer ning it can be ent rus ted to the m. If you are acquainted with that, you should know that after ob serving the rules  [sard’it]   governing the information that comes to  yo u, yo u sho uld em plo y spe cul ati on and ref lec tio n con cer ning it. Now, if the information refers to the supernatural world that is outside and above sense perception and the grasp of the imagination, to something the principles of which are perceivable  b y reas on and rat ion al arg um ent s (52a), som eth ing whe re the pro cedures  [kayf iydt]   and the details of its particulars can be under stood only by prophets and saints through intuitive reason {^aql  mawhibi) and instruction coming from heaven and divine inspiration,

234

AL-tjt'S TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

in this case you should trust in and consider authoritative the sound traditional information of (those prophets and saints) that has been given in completely clear terms. Through divine power, they perceived the spiritualities of the supernatural world {''dlam al-malakut)  in their special forms and gave information based upon personal observation  [Hydn).  Thus, we must consider such (infor mation) true and entrust matters to them with regard to what they  will ed {fi-md arddu),  as reported on the authority of as-§afi‘i al-Muttalibi: “ I believe in God and in what has come from God, and I believe in the Messenger of God and in what has come from the Messenger of God as willed by {'^ald murdd)  the Messenger of God.”

cally, since the ancients and the modems have agreed upon it, and since there have been ample warnings against any disapproval of it, they follow a prudent and cautious course. If they disapprove and reject those (who give information about the supernatural), the only thing they can expect in this world is loss, and in the other  wor ld, th e pu nis hm ent of He ll. It has bee n sai d tr ut hf ul ly by the prince of religion and the knight of certainty, may God ennoble

The unnecessary use of interpretation is never free from inven tion and the dangerous risk of innovation. Examples of such in formation {ahbdr)  are the unsuccessful speculations and conclu sions of physicists and mathematicians. Their intellects grew  we ar y from me asu ring the ex ten t of the ex ter na l wo rld {'■dlam as-sahddah),  and they were unable to penetrate the worlds of the supernatural. Whenever they approached the vanguard of the supernatural world, they lost their bearings and had to turn back. Between the world of sense perception {‘■dlam al-ma hsus)   and the supernatural world {'-dlam al-malakut),  there is a stage  [rutbah)  wi th tw o sides, one ext en din g tow ar d the sup ern atu ral wor ld, and the other toward the world of sense perception. Here, the Greek sages, the Indian philosophers, and the Persian scholars are active. This is their frontier, and they are unable to go beyond it to the supernatura l world. Therefore, the train of their though ts was in terrupted and their vision (stopped and) reflected. B y applyin g to their eyes a light from the supernatural world, they perceived  wh at (52 b) the com mon peo ple wer e not ab le to per cei ve. A s the intellects of the common people did not have the capacity of the intellects of the sages, and (the common people) therefore consid ered the information given by the sages about the magnitude {kammiydt)  and position {awdd')  of the heavenly bodies improbable and in their ignorance often felt they were lying and making things up and thus received what they said with disapproval and skepti cism, so are the sages in turn common people as compared to those  who giv e inf orm ati on ab out the sup ern atu ral worl d. Now , if th ey grant (the truth of) it, since their reason considers it possible and permissible, since tradition hints at it both openly and metaphori

23 5

his face: ^ Both astrologer and physician think  That there is no resurrection of bodies. I said: Go away! If what you say is true, I do not lose anything. But if what I say is true, you are the losers. This is not meant to express doubt but belongs to the rhetorical figure called “ fair speech and the feigning of ignorance by one who knows”  [al-kaldm al- mu nsi f wa-tajdhul aU^drif),'^  something com parable to making some concessions when one wants to silence one’s opponent. Remember this principle, for it will save you from the untruthfulness of fanciful interpretation {at-tahyil wa-t-ta'‘wil)  and rescue you from the morass of confusion in matters of the divine attributes {at-tamtU wa-t-taHU).  Si xth Section The ways and aspects of establishing preferability {tarjih) in the case of contradictory information {ahbdr) Tarjih   means declaring one of two hahars  stronger than the other (53a) in the case of contradiction  [ta^drud),  so as to be justified in adopting it. A habar per se,  according to the hadit   scholars, does not possess strength or weakness but acquires the one or the other from outside, either from the characteristics of the transmitters as reliable and accurate or suspect and fumbling, or from the pro cedure {kayfiyah)  of transmission which may be musnad, mursal, munqaU'', muttasil,  and so on.® In connection with establishing preferability, the fundamen talists  [usuUyun)   considered these two points as well as matters 1 That is, 'All ?The verses cited anonymously by Ibn 'Arabi, al-FutUhdt al-Mak kiyah, I, 312 (Cairo 1329/1911), are by Abu l-'Al a’ al-Ma'arri (cf. al-Gazza li,  Ih yd '  ,  IV, 52). ^ For references to this rhetoric al figure, cf. G . E.  v o n G r u n e b a u m ,  A Tenth -Cen tury

 Docu ment of Ara bic Lite rary Theo ry and Cri tici sm, 118 (Chicago 1950). ®Cf. above, p. 218.

23 6

a l

- ! j i ’s t u h f a h

derived from other aspects. The various notions (they developed) amount to seventy items that can be classified under seven aspects as follows:  Fi rs t aspect:  Establishing preferability with reference to the conditions of transmitters, which, according to the majority, in cludes several matters: (i) Their number. (2) The small number of intermediaries. (3) The transmitter’s knowledge, that is, juris prudence and Arabic philology. (4) His greater distinction in both. (5) His orthod oxy and his being untouched by innova tion. (6) His  bei ng a p ar tic ipa nt in the hap pen ing. (7) His bei ng cou nte d am ong the transmitters. (8) His being a man of independent judgment. (9) His being considered reliable by many {katir al-muzakkm).  (10) His being considered reliable by a scholar who has done much more research or is better acquainted with the conditions of trans mitters (than the transmitter in question). (11) His being considered so reliable that his hahar  is accepted as a basis for action. (12) His  be ing des cri bed as posse ssing mu ch me mor ize d kn ow led ge and great accuracy. (13) His being well known and of well-known descent. (14) The existence of no confusion regarding his name. (15) The time when he became a Muslim.^ And (16) His being free and male, something taken into account by some people.  Second aspect:  Establishing preferability with reference to the time of taking on the transmission of information  [tahammul). If this is done when a person is mature, it is preferable to his doing so as a child. This aspect has been restricted by (the usuliyun) to this one point. Precedence of those who take on the transmission of information as Muslims, over those who do so as unbelievers is something that should be counted as belonging to this aspect, although they count it as belonging to another one. Third aspect:  Establishing preferability with reference to the procedure  [kayfi yah)  of transmission, which makes certain kinds of hahars  preferable to their counterparts: (i) That which, it is agreed, goes back to the Prophet {marfu^)  is considered preferable to that about which there exist different opinions (as to whether it is marju'-).  (53b) (2) That which is provided with a reason  [sahah]  is considered preferable to that which is not. (3) That which is transmitted literally in the name of Muhammad is considered pref erable to tha t which is transm itted only according to the sense. And Ms.

ta^ahhur Isldmiht

.

TRANSLATION

23 7

(4) that which is not disapproved by the first transmitter is considered preferable to t hat which is {md Id yunkiru rdwi  l-awwali ^ald ma ankarahu)   (?).  Fou rth aspect:  EstabHshing preferability according to the cir cumstances under which the hahar  is reported, which makes certain kinds of hahars  preferable: (i) Medinese  [habars)  are considered preferable to Meccan ones. (2) That which indicates the exalted role of the Prophet is considered preferable to that which does not. (3) That which indicates leniency is considered preferable to that  wh ich ind ica tes se ve rit y (in que stio ns of law and ritu al) . (4) Th at  wh ich is da ted pre cis ely is con side red pre fer ab le to th at wh ich is not dated. (5) Th at which is not dated is considered preferable to that which is dated imprecisely. The establishment of preferability in these cases reverts to (the principle of) giving preference to the later (event or injunction) over the earlier one {taqdim al-muta’ahh ir '■aid al-mutaq addim) .  Fi ft h aspect:  Establishing preferability with reference to the hahar’^ wor din g, wh ich ma kes cer tai n kin ds of hahars  preferable: (i) That which is clearly expressed (fasih)  is considered preferable to that which is not. (2) A text (nass)  is considered preferable to obvious implication {zdhir).  (3) General (apphcability) is considered preferable to special (applicability). (4) General (apphcability) that is not specialized is considered preferable to that which is not. (5) R e a h t y  [haqiqah]   is considered preferable to metaphor {majdz). (6) Metaphor that is closer to reality is preferable to metaphor less close to it. (7) Legal r ealit y is considered preferable to customary or verbal reality, a ma tter detailed by the Imam.^ (8) That which does not require silent assumptions {idmdr)  and middle (terms, wasat) in making a point {daldlah) is considered preferable to tha t which does. (9) Th at which mak es a point  [ad-ddll) from two directions  [min wajhayn) is considered preferable to that which does from one only. (10) That which is conjoined with contrary (statements, mu'-drid) is consid ered preferable to thatw hichis not. (11) That whichis connected with threats  [tahdid)  and emphasis  [mu^akkad)  is considered preferable to other  [hahars).  A nd (12) th at which contains a stateme nt of the causa legis [kalimat al-Hllah)   is considered preferable to that which does not.  Si xth aspect: EstabHshing prefera bihty w ith reference to the legal classification {hukm),  which makes certain kinds of hahars * That is, Fahr-ad-din ar-Razi, rather than al-Gazzali.

238

TRANSLATION

A L - i j f ’s T U HF A H

preferable; (i) That which preserves the law of the basic principle {hukm al-asl)— that is, basic freedom (from obligation, al-haraah al-asUyah)— is considered preferable to that wh ich removes (it, an-ndqil)?-   (2) That which makes something forbidden is considered preferable to that which makes something permitted. (3) That which asserts divorce and manumission is considered preferable to tha t  wh ich denie s the m. An d (4) (54a) th at wh ich denie s a lega l pe na lty is considered preferable to th at w hich asserts it {^dfi l-hadd  '■aid mu thi tih i).  Seventh aspect:  Establishing preferability through something outside the given hahar  and all that belongs to it, such as establish ing preferability on the basis of the fact that most of the ancients acted in accordance with that particular hahar.  It would not be far-fetched to count as belonging to this aspect the establishment of preferability on the basis of the existence of the transmission of another hahar  which agrees with the first one— as belonging to the establishment of preferability on the basis of the existence of a large nimiber of indications {katrat al-adillah). These are fifty ^items making for preferability which were con sidered by the fundamentalists {usuUyun)  in connection with establishing preferability among Prophetical hahars  and other hahars  which either belong to them or are close to them. In connection with general information {al-ahhdr al-'-dmmah) intended for the study of the conditions of the world in general and those of noble human beings in particular, there is much leeway. I have discussed previously some of the aspects and causes of rejection and acceptance as criteria for the critical approach to tra ditional information. We re all of tha t transferred to this place and combined with the detailed rules {ahkdm)  just given, the reader  wo uld be in the posse ssio n of a com ple te kno wle dge of the va rio us aspects that go with the estabhshment of preferability, and he  wo uld kn ow wh at to re jec t and wh at to con side r cor rec t. He wo uld find that the sources used by the fundamentalists for establishing preferability exist quite similarly for all other items of historical information {ahhdr— siyar— dtdr).  They can be applied to them in exactly the same manner, and the fundamentals of reasoning and the evidence of tradition as well as his trust in his own perfect in telligence and reliance upon his own insight will guide the reader 1 Cf. R. Brunschvig, in E l ,   2nd ed.,  s.v . bard’a. “ In fact, not quite that many.

239

toward them, so that no lengthy repetition of details and examples is necessary.  Wh ere the re is co ntr ad ict ion  [ta^drud], the main thing is adopting  wh at ev er is mor e lik el y and more to the poi nt, mor e in kee pin g  wi th the cir cum sta nce s of the sub jec t {al-muhbar 'anhu),  truer to the picture formed by reason, and more readily acceptable. Then, there is (the problem of) establishing preferability on the  bas is of qu an tit y  [kammiyah ]   over quality  [kayf iyah) , or vice versa. Here it is up to the critic to decide which side deserves preference. Likewise, when there are several aspects making for preferability on both sides, it is up to him to compare each one of them and to  ba lan ce eve ryth ing, ^ (54^) un til it bec ome s cle ar th at one is pre fer able to the other {at-tarjih wa-l-maziyah) or that both are equivalent and irreconcilable {at-ta'-ddul wa-t-tasdqut).   Whatever  [hahar) is found to contain one of the elements referred to in part in the chap ter on the uses of historiography (ch. IV), or something similar to them— the more intensively, generally, and comprehensively useful it is for the student and the more lasting the impression it makes, the more does it deserve consideration and study. In the same manner, the more clearly (a hahar)  proves the perfection of the  wo rk of the Cre ato r, the mor e at ten tio n sho uld be pa id to it.  Seventh Section The preferability of traditional information {naql\ on supernatural matters inaccessible to sense percep tion wherever reason  [al-qdti' al-'-aqli)  does not oppose it This section (fols. 54b-56b) contains a polemic against the philosophers {al-faldsifah adtheir Muslim followers who do not accept the prophetical

dahrlyah wa-t-tabtHyah)   and

information about the supernatural as attested by Muslim dogma. The argumentation centers around the distinction between the acquired reason {^aql mustafdd)   of ordinary  human beings and the intuitive reason {‘aql mawhibi)   of prophets and saints, as similarly  above, p. 233 f. The author quotes as-Suhrawardi’s R a s f ,  that is, K a§f al-fadd^ilf, al-Yun dntyah

wa-raSf an-nasdHh al-tmdniy ah.

 Eigh th Sectio n The preferability of (information confirmed by) reason in natural matters  [ahkdm '■dlam al-mulk)   that can  be pro ve d b y (reason) This section (fols. 57a-5ga) continues the preceding section and argues, on the basis of  statements by al-Gazzali and as-Suhrawardi, that acceptance of the data of physical science must not undermine the belief in the revealed religion. * Ms. tarhu kullin bi-md yu'-driduhu, apparently an arithmetical metaphor with the approximate literal meaning of “to divide everyth ing by that which contradicts it.”

240

 AL -I jt ’s TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

 Ni nt h Sectio n

celestial and terrestrial occurrences, the interesting effects of tahsmans, and the like is not to be considered improbable, according to the theologians {mutakallimun)  on the basis of the general extent of the power and the firmness of the vohtion of God, and according to the sages on the basis of the influence exercised by the natures, the variety of reasons {asbdb),  the occurrence of strange positions  [awdd^)  among the heavenly bodies {falakiydt),  and the differences that exist in preparedness (for reception) by (the matters) that receive (strange phenomena, that is, that act as substrata for them). This leads to differences in the influence of the causes and the ap

 Habar   criticism and the combination of reason and tradition in considering (information)  Af te r con tin uin g a t f irs t t he pre ced ing disc ussi on, thi s s ecti on conc lude s w ith the fol low ing remarks;

The available information on the conditions of individuals and generations of the past, as far as it concerns the first period,^  bec aus e of its gr ea t an tiq ui ty and the fa ct th at the ch ain of tra ns mission is largely broken, is rarely free from discrepancies and uncertainties which make it necessary to avoid most of it. The only authoritative source for it is the People of the Book, as the only  w ay to ob tai n it is thr oug h the inf orm ati on {ihbdr)  God gave His prophets and messengers and through the tradition of the (Chris tians and Jews) among the men around Muhammad who became Muslims. It is to be considered as authoritative and as probably true, because it (can be classified as) belonging to traditions trans mitted by one transmitter (ahdd).^  Everything else, and historical  wo rks are ful l o f it, pres ents tru th mi xe d i ne xt ric ab ly wi th fals eho od and belongs into the doubtful category. From among transmitters  who are lit tle kno wn, the car efu l rep orte r mu st giv e pref ere nce to the one who is most accurate, thus joining the select group of those who “listen to what is being said and follow the best of it.” ^ He should adopt (the information) that is most appropriate and most indicative of the perfection of the work of God Omnipotent. The information definite(ly accepted as true) by reason  [al-ma'-qul  al-maqtu'-)  is the one that rehes upon verified reason or upon tra dition confirmed as sound. ^ Eve ryth ing else remains (at best) in the realm of the possible. One should adopt the most appro priate, and take into consideration the most likely, subjec t {almuhhar '■anhu).  Where doubtful information is morally and ethi cally edifying and stimulating (6ib), (it is allright, and) it is not necessary to refrain from the invention of stories about animals and inanimate objects that talk, which serve the purpose of de picting proper attitudes and behavior and of showing the results obtained through using those (attitudes and behavior). The information available on the wonders of creation, remarkable ^ Cf. above, p. 224. “ Cf. above, pp. 218 and 222. “ Qur^an xxxix 18 (19 FL). ‘ The active participles muhaqqiq  “reason that verifies (it)” and musahhih  “ tradition that confirms (its) correctness” may be preferable.

2 41

pearance of the things caused. The information referring to celestial and terrestrial angels, to  ji n n   and human beings, and to Satans (is to be considered pos sible, since) all this is possible in the power of God, and reason cannot prove it false, nor is there any evidence for denying them corporeality. Definite statements {qawdti")  transmitted by tradition indicate their existence, and it has been confirmed by information attested by many authorities and derived from actual observation of these (beings), so that no allegorical interpretation would be acceptable. Even though, like traditions transmitted by one trans mitter  [bi-hasab al-dhdd),  this (information) is not transmitted by many authorities, all (the information) taken together comes close to having the same force of proving the common denominator— that is, the existence of these kinds (of beings)— as attestation by many authorities would have. How could this be considered im probable, seeing that the sages spoke about matters that reason considered even more improbable, such as, for instance, the Platonic ideas and the perfect nature. Tabit b. Qurrah ^often mentions that he had seen the spirituality of the stars and conversed with (the perfect nature). He says, in direct quotation {ft hikdyah):  “ M y perfect nature gave me such-and-such information.” The existence of angels and  ji n n   is a definitely established fact, the denial of  wh ich can not be rec onc iled wi th bel ief in the Scr iptu res and the messengers. The disapproval (62a) of the Mu'ta zilah smells of the discussions of the philosophers, a smell that clung to them and by sticking to their doctrines led them astray. 1 M s. al-Qurrah.  Cf. Ibn Haldun,  Muq addi mah,   trans. F. R  o s e n t h a l , I, 213, n. 311, and, especially, the translation of “ Picatrix” Das Zie l des Weisen von Pseudo-Ma^rUt  by  H. R  i t t e r and M. P l e s s n e r , 198, n. i, and 205 (London 1962). In the last mentioned passage, we find a statement ascribed to Socrates corresponding rather closely to what is said here about Tabit b. Qurrah. R o

senthal

History of Muslim Historiography

16

24 2

 AL -l jf 's TUHFAH

TRANSLATION

This is a proven principle which I have explained here. If the reader follows it, it will be easy for him to be critical in his collec tion and arrangement of the historical and biographical information on the good men of the past and to be an authoritative critic ex pected and able to make the (right) choice. The discussion of this important subject here has become long wind ed, an d mu ch ink has been use d up to bla cke n wh ite pape r. Lengthiness is rarely free from repetition. However, laying down soHd principles requires much explanation, especially if new and useful ideas are involved to be added to the existing foundation. May God enable us to use our minds and thoughts constantly. Tenth Section  A ref uta tio n of tho se who de ny the occ urre nce of lo ng ev ity  In this section (fols. 62a-65a), the author takes issue with those who do not believe that people in other periods of history enjoyed a longer life. His argurnents rest upon the omnipotence of God and the observable changes in the physical features of animals and the inanimate world. He also discusses, mainly on the basis of al-Biruni, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah, 8i f. S a c h a u , the beliefs of astrologers and biologists. He concludes with a statement from the commentary on the  Kul Uyd t   of Ibn Sina’s Qdnun  by “ the pole of the firmament of perfection” (apparently, Fa^r-ad-din ar-Razi, but cf. also G A L S u p p l .  I, 824, no. 82 f.) that “ the well-known opinion that the extent of natu ral life is 120 years is one of the wellknown opinions that are false.” ^

 Eleven th Section  A re fut at ion of thos e vil e igno ram use s who de ny the occurrence of giantism This section (fol. 65) and the preceding section are particularly interesting in connection  wit h the  Muq addi mah   of Ibn Haldun, the author’s contemporary, who argues for the opposite thesis. The subject was obviously considered as one of paramount importance for  jud gin g the tru stw ort hin ess of the ent ire cor pus of Bi bli cal lege nds wh ich rep res ente d a large part of the Muslim knowledge of pre-Islamic history. The debate is an excellent example for the difficulties that confronted a medieval scholar, historian, or scientist who attempted to get at the truth and was confronted with an immense accumulation of con tradictor y “ evidence” laid down in works he had to think of as representing the best available thought and information.

Twelfth Section The chain of transmission (sanad)  of the material reported from transmitters and books in this  wo rk  The preceding discussion has shown that it is absolutely necessary to ascribe every habar  to a truthful informant or an informative  bo ok {kitdb ndtiq).  It would obviously be difficult to list fully all ^ Cf. F.

R o s e n t h a l , in  Bu llet in of the His tory of Me dici ne, 

XL, 240, 242 (1966).

243

individual transmitters or titles of books. This would lead to boring length, and the student would miss out on the purpose (of the book). In this book, therefore, we have, for the sake of simplification, dropped the chains of transmitters of the (historical) information presented, as is considered permissible by haMt   scholars in the case of traditions that belong into the weak category. But we shall mention enough of it to give the reader (66a) and student author itativ e and reliable guidance and to acquaint (him) with the ways and chains of transmission used by me {naqli — riwdyati). The author then mentions his teachers and their authorities, and the works he studied and for which he obtained ijdzahs.  These are the famous hadit   collections and other works on hadit,  jurisprudence, and theology. All this has nothing to do with historiography as we understand it. The only historical title mentioned is the  Ka mi l   of Ibn al-Atir. The author also studied the works of ar-Rafi'i, but he does not say whether they included arRafi'i’s  His tory of Qazwtn.  He concludes with an indication of the sources used in the present work.

This work is based upon the  Kit db al-Mu ntaz am   by the Helper of the  Had it,  S a y h A b u 1-Faraj ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. al-Jawzi, may God show mercy unto him, for he spent much effort on verifying the (historical) information, and he selected the information upon which the majority of historians agreed. Of other works, I used as the  bas is for m y info rm ati on on the Pr oph et the bo oks on siyar  and  by Muh am ma d b. Ish aq b. Ja rir ^ (at -Ta bar i), al- Wa qid i, and other, later authors. For the statements {dtdr)  of and (historical) information  [ahbdr)  on the men of the following generations  [atbd^], I used the hadit   work by the hadit   expert, Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani,2  the  Ma^rifat as-sahdbah  by the hadit   expert Ibn Mandah al-Isfahani,^ and the  Siy ar as-sa laf   by the hadit   expert Isma'il al-Isfahani.^ For the historical eras {tawdrih al-waqdH*-),  the length of human life, and strange conditions, I used the  Kit db al-Atd r al-bdqiyah  by Professor Abu Rayh§.n (al-Biruni). For the history of the Persians, I used the  Kit db Tajd rib al-umam   b y Abu ‘Ali Miskawayh.® For genealogy, I used the  Mun tahab Diwd n an-nasab and the  Kitd b al-An sdb,   put out {tahrij)  by Ja‘far b. Ibrahim asSkwy. ®For reports on religions and sects, I used the  Kit ab al- Mi lal  wa-n-niJml   by as-Sahrastani and the  Risd lat Ta hsi l al-haqq  by the 1 Ms. al-Jarir. Cf. below, p. 400, n. 5. The reference seems to be to his  MaW ifat as-sahdbah. ®Cf. below, p. 400, n. 4* T h a t is , A b u 1-Qasim at-Taymi, cf. below, pp. 394, n. 3, and 400. ^ Ms. al-Miskawayh. ®As-Sakuni, as-Suk kari, as-Sadusi ? I do not know the identity of this author.

244

 A L -I ji ’ s TU HF AH

Imam and great scholar, Fahr-al-millah wa-d-din ar-Razi.i These  boo ks co nta in the ba sic mater ial.^ Fo r det ail s of all sor ts and wise and entertaining remarks ^ and for information concerned with the description of geographical zones (70b), the shape of the spheres, the location of oceans, and the routes of provinces {masdlik al~ mamdlik  [sic]), books dealing with these disciplines were used, such as the  Nih dya t al-idrdk,^  the Tuhfah as-sdhiyah,^  the Qdnun al Mas'-ud i   (by al-Biruni), the  Ma wd qif al-' -Adu diyah as-S idd iqiy ah al IjiyaJi,^  and other works, e ven if at the time of writing, no page or line of the books mentioned was available. God knows best the true state of affairs. From Him is the be ginning and to Him is (the return at) the Resurrection. Se v e n t h C h a p t e r This chapter (fols. 7ob-86a) deals with the different kiuds of nations and the peoples of the inhabited quarter of the earth, Arabs and non-Arabs, and includes a rather lengthygeographical discussion. It starts out by stressing again the fact that human individuals, in their manifold variety, are the proper subject of historiography.

E i g h t h Ch a p t e r This chapter (fols. 86b-92b) briefly discusses genealogy along familiar lines.

N i n t h Ch a p t e r The ninth and last chapter (fols. g3a-295a) contains the historical presentation, introduced as follows:

The preceding discussion has made it clear that the general and  ba sic ob je cti ve of his tor iog rap hy and of wr itin g his tor ica l wo rks is (to give) historical information on the best nations and (to study) the conditions of the noblest representatives of the Arabs and the non-Arabs. This is the highest goal (of the historian). Anything else that is mentioned is mentioned as either something introductory or something supplementary. The more noble a human being is, the more important and appropriate does it become to study his condition. It is no secret that prophets occupy the most exalted rank. ... Of the following 202 folios, over two-thirds are devoted to religious and cultural history, that is, such subjects as religion, prophecy, the prophets, scholars, mystics, sects, pseudo prophets, heretics, philosophers, and sages. Only some sixty folios (fols. 231b ff.) deal with political history. 1 His TahsU al-haqq ft l-kaldm  is mentioned by H ajji Halifah, II, 216, no. 2510 F lu ge l. 2 The text is uncertain. ^ The te xt seems to be defective here. ‘ By Mahmud b. Mas'^ud as-Sirazi, cf. below, p. 384. “ Another work by as-§irazi. ' That is, the famous work of the author’s teacher, 'Adud-ad-din al-lji.

CHAPTER TEN a l

- k  A f i y a j I’ s

s h o r t

I—

 w o r k 

o n

h i s t o r i o g r a p h y  

INTRODUCTION

The short treatise by al-Kafiyaji entitled al-Muhtasar fi Him at-tanh “ The Short Work on Histo riogra phy^   of which the follow ing pages contain a resume, was written in 867/1463. In spite of its com paratively recent date— and the competition offered by al-lji and Ibn H aldun— , it can still claim the honor of being the oldest Muslim monograph  on the theory of historiography known to us.  A l- K af iy a ji at te m pte d to wr ite a wo rk con cer ned ex clu siv ely wi th the theoretical treatment of ta’rih.  It may be said at once that he did not succeed in his purpose. The second half of the twenty folios of the Egy ptian manuscript of the work is taken up by mere stories. Those stories were intended to be illustrations of the theo retical discussion. However, they are merely the ordinary run of fanciful, unhistorical tales about angels and prophets, with a few historical data added at the end. While the second half of the work is filled  wi th ab sol ut ely wor thle ss ma ter ial , the fir st ha lf fu lly com pen sate s for the shortcomings of the second. Muhyi-ad-din Muhammad b. Sulayman al-KMiyaji, a native of Ko kjaki 2 in Anatolia, was born— apparently according to his own statem ent which m ight ha ve e xagge rated his age— in 788/1386-87. He died in 879/1474.^ The frequency with which his name occurs in the biographies of persons from the ninth/fifteenth century in as-Sahawi’s  Daw"*   suggests that he was a popular teacher. His pub lications were q uite numerous. Most of them, however, were short. None of them has been published. In addition to the work on his toriography, the Egyptian Library in Cairo preserves, among the manuscripts of al-Kafiya ji consulted by me a commentary on a gram matical work by Ibn Hisam and two collections of his minor trea^ The title-pages of the Istanbul manuscripts and, its seems, also that of the Tal'a t manuscript in the Egyptian Library add al-muftd “ The Instructive Short Work . . ^ For the correct form, cf. J. S c h a c h t , in Oriens,  VII, 154, n. i (1954). “ Cf. G A L ,  II, 114 f.

2 46

a l

- k  A f

i y a j

I’ s

s h o r t  w o r k  o n

INTRODUCTION

h i s t o r i o g r a p h y  

tises.i The subjects of these treatises are v ery indifferent, but i t seems that al-Kafiyaji handled them with considerable originality. The present  Short Work on Histo riogr aphy   is likewise remarkable for its seemingly original approach and execution. It follows the common scheme of scientific definition which goes back to Aristo telian philosophy.2 The a uthor’s immediate source of inspiration in this re spect wa s the method ology of jurisprudence.^ The ques tions about the character ( t o t i ) of his science, its object, purpose, and use are more or less briefly answered, A l-Ka fiyaji devotes more space to the problems growing out of the ambiguity of the Arabic  wo rd ta'rih  (history, era) and the position of history in Muslim re ligious scholarship.  A l- K a fi ya ji was no pro fessi ona l his tor ian , nor does he seem to have been particularly interested in history. In addition to the present work, he occupied himself with historical problems in the  Kit dh an- Nasr al-qdhir wa-l-fath az-zdhir.^  In his time, he was con sidered a great authority on the non-traditional, non-religious disciplines. A modest acquaintance with philosophy and the sciences is apparent in his work on historiography, but like his younger contemporary as-Sahawi and like every other scholar of the period, he was above all a religious scholar. More than he himself might have liked to admit, his occupation with history was incidental to his studies of traditions and religious law.  A l- K M iy aj i’s ide as ab out hi sto ry, as ex pre sse d in the pre sen t  wor k, gr ea tly infl ue nce d as- Sah aw i. W ith ou t the  Short Work on  His torio grap hy,  as-Sahawi’s Open Denunciation {IHdn)  would not have been possible. The problems, and to some degree their pres entation, are the same in both works, and there is no reason to assume the existence of a common source for them. However, it  wo uld be wro ng to con dem n as- Sa ha wi for his la ck of app rec iat ion of the work of his predecessor. As-Sahawi constantly tried to give ^ Mss. Cairo 'Ilm. an-nahw , 1140 (cf. also 240, 241, 440, 46111), and Maja miS 392 and 395. The desire to be original seems to be present in all the numerous treatises from his pen preserved in the various manuscripts collections, among which those in Istanbul are as usual particularly rich. * As-Safadl’s introduction to the Waft, on the other hand, shows the philological approach (cf. the translation by £. A m a r  ,  Prolegomdnes d I’etude des historians arabes par Kh ali l   Ibn Ai bak as-Sa fadt , in  JA , X,   17, 251-308, 465-531, X, 18, 5-48, X, 19, 243-97, igii- 12 ),  bu t it shou ld be not ed th at al-M aqri zi’s  Hi tat   starts out with the eight “Aristotelian” problems that govern the composition of a literary work. * Cf., for instance, 'All b. Abi ‘A li al-Amidi,  Ifik dm al-hu kkdm ,  I, 6 (Cairo 1914). * Cf. W. A h l w a r d t , Verzeichniss der arabischen Handschriften,  VII, 495a, ad   no. 8507 (Berlin 1895,  Die Hand schrif ten-V erzei chnis se der konigl ichen Bibl iothe k zu Ber lin,  19).

247

new solutions to the problems raised by al-K afiyaji. He was explicit  wh ere al -K af iy aj i’ s ex po siti on wa s mo st sk etc hy . A nd he fill ed a great gap in al-Kafiyaji’s work by giving full bibliographical in formation on all aspects of Muslim historiography. Unfortunately, al-KMiyaji’s originality was not matched by his talent for hterary expression. His remarks appear to be notes of lectures given to an audience of law students. There are occasional references to previous discussions with w hich we a re not familiar.  A fte r am ple all ow an ce is ma de for the int ric at e tec hn ica l (m ain ly legal) language of the period, the exact meaning of the text occasion ally remains obscure. This is due mainly to the author’s inability to express himself clearly. However, his ideas, too, are vague. Many of them appear not to have had time to mature in the author’s mind.  Al l the se fac tor s com bin e to comp Hcate the ta sk of th e tr an sla tor . The translation of al-KMiyaji was approached in the same spirit as that of as-Sahawi, and the remarks in the introduction to the translation of the  IHdn   should be compared (below, pp. 266-68).  An occ asi ona l nee d for gre ate r lite raln ess wa s fel t. In th e  IHdn, the expression  Him at-ta^rih  has as a rule been translated by the simple “ history,” and not by the often awkward “historiography,” nor by “ science of history,” a translation which might easily evoke  wro ng ass oci atio ns in th e min d of the mo dern read er. He re, the more literal translation “h istoriography” was chosen. A word like tadwin,  for which “systematic-theoretical treatment” would have  bee n an ac cu ra te tra nsl ati on, ha s bee n ren der ed b y the art ifi cia l “ codification.” The manuscript of the  Short Work on Histor iograp hy  on which this translation is based is the one preserved in the Egyptian Library .’1 It was finished just eight days after the completion of the work in 867/1463. The scribe was one of al-Kafiyaji’s famuh, ‘Ali b. Dawud al-Jawhari, the historian, who was bom in 819/1416 and who died in 900/1495, As-Sahawi, in the  Da w\   it may be said in passing, gave him a very bad n a m e , ^  A n au tog rap h co py of the wo rk from the ye ar 868 is in the

^ Ms. Cairo Ta ’riji, 528, cf, V, 145 of the old, and V, 335 of the new, catalogue of the  Ar abi c boo ks and ma nus cri pts of the Eg yp tia n Lib rar y. * Cf. V, 217-19; Ibn lyas , II, 288 (Bu liq 1311/1893-94, see above, p. 84); G A L ,  II, 43,  Sup plem ent   II, 41, new edition II, 53.

248

al-k Afiy aj!’s short work

on

historiography 

TRANSLATION

2— T R A N S L A T I O N

Tal'at collection of the Egyptian Library, Ta’rih 1814.1 It has not  bee n cons ulte d. There are two more manuscripts of the work in Istanbul, Aya Sofya 3402 and 3403. When I originally inquired about them with H. R i t t e r ,  who wa s in Ista nb ul at the tim e, he ki nd ly info rm ed me, in a letter dated March 28th, 1948, that only one of the two manuscripts was accessible, the other being in its wartime hideout in Anatoha. When both manuscripts were again in Istanbul, I received photostats of them through the most courteous cooperation of the Turkish authorities both in this country and in Turkey, and through the great kindness of Dr. M u s t a f a K o y m e n , then director of the Istanbul libraries, and Dr. J. K. B i r g e of Istanbul. Both manuscripts were written by one and the same person, Yahya b. Muhammad ad-Damsisi. Ad-Damsisi, who was born in 833/1430,  wa s an oth er pu pil of al -K Mi ya ji. In co ntr as t to al- Ja wh ari , he remained on good terms with as-Sahawi. W hen the latter wrote his  Daw'^,  ad-Damsisi was still alive and came in for a good deal of high praise. 2 The manuscript Aya Sofya 3402 was finished on Thursday, § a‘ban 23rd, of the year . .. (I was unable to decipher the rest of the subscription; it may be the year in which the work was  wr itte n. Th e tw en ty- th ir d da y of Sa 'b an of the ye ar 867/M ay 13t h, 1463, was a Friday. In 868, which appears to be the more like ly reading, the corresponding date [M ay is t, 1464] was a  We dne sda y). The manuscript Aya Sofya 3403 was finished on Ramadan 28th, 868/June 4th, 1464. It has a few marginal notes not found in the other manuscripts.  W hil e al -J aw ha ri’ s ma nus crip t was ev id en tly wr itt en for his per  sonal use, as shown by its bad handwriting, ad-Damsisi’s copies  wer e pro duc ed on be ha lf of the res pe cti ve libr ari es of Qa ’it ba y, the future Sultan, and a certain Mahmud Basa. Therefore, they were copied in a hand of studied legibility. In this case, a bad hand  wr iti ng does no t me an a goo d te xt . A l- Ja w h ai i’s co py is infe rior to the work of ad-Damsisi. The Arabic text of al-KMiyaji’s work will be found below, pp. 547-580.

^ Cf. Fu^ad Say yid , in Revue de I'In stit ut des Man uscr its arabes,  III, 204 (1957). * C f.  Daw^,  X , 251 f.

249

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful Praised be God Who created earth and heaven and all that is in them as a lesson for the intelligent. God’s prayer and blessing upon His beloved P rophet Muhammad, the bearer of the revelation and guidance, and upon his family, the men around him, and those  wh o foll ow ed the m, all of wh om are lod esta rs to be follo wed . [The following passage is quoted in  I Han,  36j8-375» below, p. 318.] .. . I hope that God will give me a good memory in this world and ample reward in the other world. He has the power to do eve ry thing, and He can be expected to respond to prayers. I divided the work into three chapters. FIRST CHAPTER THE PRINCIPLES OF HISTORIOGRAPHY 

Linguistically, ta^rih  is the indication of time.  Ac co rdi ng to c us tom ar y u sag e a nd as a tec hn ica l te rm , ta^nh is the general fixation of time for the purpose of relating to it a time-section, either of the past, the present, or the future.  Ac co rdi ng to an oth er defi niti on, ta^rih  is the indication of time  b y re lat ing it to the fir st occ urre nce of a m at te r of wid e conc ern, such as the appearance of a religion, or the happening of a terrifying event, that is, a deluge, a big earthquake, or some similar celestial or terrestrial sign and phenomenon.  Ac cor din g to ano the r def init ion , ta^rih  is a known stretch of time between the occurrence of an obvious matter and the times of other events.^ Each one of these (definitions of ta^rih  as a) technical term has something in its favor. The most appealing (definition) may, therefore, be selected. (The existence of various definitions) shows that ta^rih,  as a technical term, is a word of many m e a n i n g s, ^ ^ Cf. al-lji, a bove p. 207 f. * T h e pr e ce d in g d e f in i ti o ns of ta^rth, though in general quite coramon (cf. also, for instance, al-Maqrizi, Hi tat,   I, 250, Bulaq 1270), were derived by al-Kafiyaji, with some changes, from al-Sirazi,  Nih dya t al-id rdk,  cf. below, p. 384, n. 2. Al-Bistami, al-FawdHk al-miskiyah,  Ms.  A ya So fya 4160, fol. 13a , def ines ta^Hh  as “a known d ay to which is referred a time-section that follows upon it  [yaHi ^al ayhi l).

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TRANSLATION

251

such as '■ayn (eye, source, etc.). There is nothing wrong with that. Technical terms may be freely chosen by anybody for anything, provided that there is a sound purpose behind it and that one avoids frivolity. Every reader can testify that books are full of that (sort of thing). “ Eve ry group is pleased with its own (posses sions, opinions).” ^ (2b)

 Ac co rdi ng to a w ide ly acc ep ted opini on, a ti me- sec tio n, in cus tom  ary usage, is the measure of movement. The knowledge of it is needed by the historians. According to another opinion, a timesection, in customary usage, is something coming up new that is used as a measure for something else that is coming up new (3b).

[Further elaboration of the theme that everybody has the right to his own opinion, but the truth should be followed. The verses quoted in this connection are again referred to by al-KM iyaji in his  Kit dh al-F arah wa-s-surur f i haydn al-maddhih,   Brit. Mus. ms. ar. 322 (Or. 3109), fol. 5 a. 2]

The expression ta^rih  is an arabicized loan word from (Persian)

The expression ta'^rih  is thus determined by traditional usage  ju st lik e oth er tra dit io na l (conce pts) of reli giou s law or cu sto ma ry usage, such as, for instance, “ faith ” , or “pr aye r” , and the like, or, for instance, “ beast of burden”, and the like. The question ma y be asked what difference there is between ta’rih in its linguistic meaning and ta'nh  as a technical term. The answer is that it is a difference of range. Linguistically, td^Yih  has a wider meaning than it has as a technical term, in the sense in which “ anima l” has a wider meaning t h an “ m a n ” . Historiography is a branch of learning which investigates timesections and the circumstances prevailing in them, as well as the circumstances which are connected with those time-sections, (3a)  wi th a vie w to the ir fix at io n as to time . Now, linguistically, (the words) time-section  [zamdn)  and time i;waqt)  are identical. Time is a generally known (concept). (The  word) miqdt   (derived from waqt   “ time” ) has a wider range than time. The time appointed for a certain activity, such as the time of the pilgrimage, or of prayer, and so on, is called miqdt.  In ad dition, miqdt   is used for the place designated for something. The miqdt   of the Syrians is the point where they have to enter into the ihrdm,  that is, al-Juhfah; the miqdt   of the Yemenites is Yalamlam; that of the ‘Iraqians Dat al-‘irq, and so on.® [Other uses of the root wqt.]  1 Qur’ an XXX 32 (31 FI.). * Cf. also as-Sakkaki,  Mi ftd h al-^ulum,  244 (Cairo 1356/1937), and al-iji, above, p. 231. ®Cf. al-Buhari,  Sah ih,   I, 386 ff. K  r e h l ; idem, Ta^rih,  II, i, 400; al-^atib al-Bagd^di,  Kif dya h,   73 f. (Hyderabad 1357); Y aqut,  Mu^j am,  II, 35 f., IV , 1025 f.  W  u s t e n f e l d ;  E l, s.v. Ihrd m,  etc.

[Explanation of solar year and lunar year and other time units.] mdh Yoz. Ta^rih  originated when Abu Musa al-As‘ari wrote to ‘Umar b. al-Hattab: We are receiving letters from the Caliph, and we do not know which we should follow. We had an I.O.U. ^payable in Sa'ban, and we do not know which §a‘ban, the past one, or the coming one. Another version reads: An I.O.U. payable in Sa'ban  wa s pre sen ted to ‘U ma r, and he ask ed wh ich S a ‘ba n was me ant , the present one, or the coming one. [The following passage, including the quotation from as-§irazi,  Ni hdy at al-idr dk f i dirdyat al-afldk ,   is quoted in  IHdn,   8i8-82u,  bel ow, pp. 383 f., wi th on ly ve ry mino r chan ges. ] .. .This era {ta^rih)  is called the era of the hijrah. Now that the meaning of ta^rih  is known, it should be said that the eras which are  wi de ly use d in our tim e are tho se of the hij rah , the By za nti ne s, the Persians, the Maliki era,^ and the eras of the Jews and the Turks. The hijrah year is a lunar year, and the Byzantine year is a solar  yea r. Th e m ean ing of lu na r ye ar and sola r ye ar wa s ex pla ine d abo ve. Since historiography (5b) is a codified branch of knowledge, it must have its problems and its object. It m ay be asked what are its problems, and what is its object. Its problems will be explained in detail in the second chapter. Its object is remarkable happenings which are of interest, which create a desire (for good actions) and constitute a warning (against evil deeds), which engender energy (to do good deeds) and which are a hindrance (in the way of doing evil),® which give advice and contain instruction, which are enjoyable and impressive. The 1 For the assum ption that the document was a document of indebtedness rather than a draft or check, cf. below, p. 381, n. 7* The era introduced by Malik§ah between 467/1074-75 and 471/1079, cf. H. S u t e r  , in  E l s.v. Djal dlt',  at-Tahanawi,  KaSS df istil dhdt al-f unu n,  59 (Calcutta 1862.  Bibli othec a  Ind ica) ; S. H. T a q i z a d e h , in  BS OS , X,   108-17 (1940-42), and idem, in  E l,   2nd. ed., s.v.  Dja ldlt . ®Cf.  IHdn ,  42, below, p. 326.

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condition is that those happenings are clearly defined and their time established and that they are then carefully set down for a sound purpose. Happenings of this kind are the occurrences ex perienced by the prophets, [Qur^an xii i i i ( ii i FI. ) and xii 3 (3 FI.) quoted from al-Kafiyaji in  IHdn,   387.9, below, p. 320.] and other celestial and terrestrial events, such as the new formation of a rehgion, the appearance of a dynasty, an earthquake, deluge, pestilence, and other important and terrifying affairs. Investigations in the field of history which do not observe the condition (just) mentioned in connection with the definition of the object of history are undertaken as a completion of and supplement to (the task of the historian), and for calling to mind some particular purpose. This is done similarly in the other codified branches of learning. The reservation here expressed is made only in the assumption that the problems (of history) are dealt with in their plain meaning. If the fundamental facts of historiography are to be evolved from (their meaning), any reservation is superfluous. The problems of any branch of learning are more generally realized than the fun damental facts. This (fact) was expounded in its proper place. History is a branch learning just like the other codified branches of learning, such as jurisprudence, grammar, hterary criticism, and so on. It is, therefore, needed just hke the other branches of learning. Like (the knowledge of) them, the knowledge of history is necessary as a community duty,i because ^it presents the best available method of establishing the chronology of the whole course of human affairs, including the other life. (6a) Th at the ancients were able to dispense with a codification of history casts no suspicion upon its necessary character. The neces sary character of the other branches of learning is also not suspect (on account of the fact that they were not codified by the ancients). The ancients lived in a time of truthfulness and trust. They knew the matters and occurrences that came to their attention. They  wer e thu s abl e to disp ense wi th the co dif ica tio n of jur isp rud enc e, let alone that of something else. In that time, the events were few. They have become very numerous in our time. A comprehensive,  we ll-o rga niz ed tre at me nt of the m wa s the ref ore cal led for. Suc h 1 (Fard) al-kifayah. Fard al-^ayn  has here been translated “individual duty ” . * O r : i n or de r to . . . ?

TRANSLATION

25 3

 we ll-o rga niz ed tre at me nt is pro vid ed by his tor iog rap hy. Its per  fection and perpetuation is accomphshed only through codification. Codification (of history) is, therefore, as necessary as that of any other branch of learning. It is known that the laws depend for their existence or non existence on the changing interests {masdlih).  Jurisprudence is built entirely upon this fundamental rule. Muhammad referred to it when he said; ‘Tf Musa were ahve, he would have no choice but to follow me.” 1 In this sense, jurists sa y: “ This is a difference according to (the changed) time. It is no difference in the legal situation {burhdn).” ^ ‘Umar said: “ Give the people an era {ta^rih)  which they can use in business and which permits them an exact indication of the date in all their mutual dealings.” The other men around Muhammad approved (of his idea) and agreed to it.^ Now, the question may be asked: Does all this indicate that the codification (of history) is necessary (from the legal point of view) ? The answer is yes. In fact, it is an express proof of its necessity for all who get the idea. It might be said that historiography as heretofore described does not impart the knowledge of any one particular occurrence in the first place, let alone that of many. It would, therefore, be like a tree that bears no fruit. The occupation with it would be a sort of trifling, and, as an irrelevant and unimportant matter, it should  be avo ide d, acc ord ing to the req uir em ent s of the relig ious law . God said: “ Do you think that we created you trifhngly?” ^ The answer to all this is that it just is not correct. In fact, the useful aspects of history are innumerable. This noble branch of learning, for instance, comprises all individual events in a well-organized manner (6b). Without it, people who discuss those events would have to do it in a haphazard manner. They would not be able to make a distinction between sound and corrupt (information). They would move completely in the dark and be like the (prover  bial) gat he rer s o f w oo d in the night.® H ist or iog rap hy is t he ya rd sti ck  ^ Cf. Ibn *^Abd-al-Barr,  Jdmi^ baydn al-Hlm,  II, 42 (Cairo n y.); Ibn ‘^Arabi,  Kii db al Fand^, in  Ras. Ibn ’^Arabi,  6 (Hyderabad 1367); Ibn Haldun,  Muq addim ah,  II, 387 Paris. 2 Cf. The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,  68a, n. 4 (Rome 1947,  Anale cta Orientalia,  24), where I erroneously suggested that the incorporation of this principle in the Ottoman  Ma jall ah   might have been due to Western influence. ^ Ci. I'^ldn,  81, below, p. 383 f. ^ Qur^an xxiii 115 (117 FI.). ^ Ulughani,  Zafa r al-wdli h bi-M uzaf far wa-dlih ,  II, 784 Ross (London 1910-28), also applies this phrase to the historians.

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and standard of events. Measured on it, they take on the right proportions and become acceptable to the thoughtful. All codified  bra nch es of lea rnin g, such as, for ins tan ce, juri spr ude nce , (its)  ba sic prin cipl es, gra mm ar, an d ht er ar y cri tici sm , foll ow the sam e pattern. None of them is concerned with imparting the knowledge of any one particular detail. In the same way, it can be observed that God talks to His servants in generalities. The scholars noted that none of the men around Muhammad was mentioned in the Qur'an with the express indication of his name except Zayd,i according to the soundest opinion. A statement hke this obviously somehow alludes to things such as have just been mentioned here. The principal foundations of grammar are the three vowel end ings which serve for the expression of subject, object, and genitive, and their corresponding forms. It was thus transmitted from the caliph, ‘All, as is well known, and codified in many works. The situation is similar regarding religious philosophy {kaldm).  In the  Kit dh Abk dr al-afkdr,   ar-Razi made it clear that religious philosophy has eight  p r o b l e m s . 2 The codification of all other branches of learn ing follows the same lines. Now, historiography comprises many fundamental facts and principles. This will be explained in the second chapter. [The following passage is quoted in  IHd n  375-10, below, p. 318] The same four qualifications which are required for transmitters of traditions are also required for the historian. He is required to be intelligent, accurate, a good Mushm, and fair. (In the possession of these qualifications) both the historian and the transmitter of traditions will be reliable in religious matters and trustworthy. The work of the historian will thus be more desirable. An increased wariness of (baseless) expansion {mujdzafah)  and in  ven tio n (of stor ies, or trad itio ns) wil l be the res ult. Th e historian will thus also be protected from wrong and misleading statements. The question may be asked whether the historian is permitted to include a doubtful story in his work. The answer is yes.^ He is 1 Qur’an xxxiii, 37 (37 FI.). “ Ar-Razi obviously is meant to be Fahr-ad-din. However, a work of the title mentioned is not attributed to him, nor was I able to find a reference to the eight problems of kaldm in his works, as far as they were available to me. A correction of ar-Razi to ('Ali b. Abi 'Ali) al-Amidi seems indicated. The above statement is found in the beginning of al-Amid i’s famous  Abk dr al-afk dr. ®Cf. al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq,  16 f. (Teheran 1317).

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permitted to do this on condition that a story of that kind serves the purpose of creating a desire (for good actions) and a fear (of evil deeds) (in the reader) and also serves to instruct him. (The reader) must also be warned of the doubtful character of the story. The historian is not permitted to report doubtful statements re garding the essence and attributes of the Creator or the laws. The situation is exactly the same with regard to the transmission of  we ak tra dit ion s, acc ord ing to the det ail ed ex pla na tio n men tion ed. In his work, the historian needs an authority upon which he can rely. Auth ority, in this sense, m ay be defined as that which gives the historian the justification to transmit whatever he transmits, and makes his material acceptable (to others). Without an authority, the historian is legally not justified (to transmit any material nor is that material acceptable to others). The historian obtains such authority through various forms of direct and indirect instruction  b y a q ua lifi ed scho lar. Th is w as ex pla ine d in de tai l in its p rop er plac e.

SECOND CHAPTER 

THE

BASIC

PRINCIPLES

AND

PROBLEM S

OF

HISTORIOGRAPHY 

 A ll ex ist en t thi ngs are eit he r pri me va l or cre ate d. Or th ey are neither primeval nor created and then do not interest us here. God and his attributes are primeval. Religious philosophy investigates the essence and attributes of God, and related (problems). It is not the task of the historian to devote himself to such investigations according to the method of religious philosophy. Nor is it his task to devote himself to research in jurisprudence, (its) basic principles, and other branches of learning. This has nothing to do with his particular task. However, in as far as it is necessary for the delimi tation of material and time, he ma y devote himself to such investi gations. The created things are either celestial or terrestrial. Now, the objective of the historian is twofold. It is either a basic intentional objective, or a secondary accidental objective. The basic objective here is the accurate, well-organized treatment of man (7b). There are three classes and ranks of men, the high class, the middle class, and the low class. Th e high class is that of the prophets. The middle class is that of saints, independent scholars, and good men. The low class comprises all others. The restriction of all classes

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(of men) to (these) three becomes obvious upon the sHghtest reflec tion and consideration.! Now, it is a well-estabhshed fact that the classification of a thing depends on the prior acquisition of a general concrete notion about it .2 Now, the general character of each one of these three classes is known. Also each particular (species) of each of these classes is somehow known. However, the knowledge of each individual (rep resentative) of each of these classes is something absolutely im possible to attain. In the search for it, countless generations of men have suffered great pain and expended great efforts with little noticeable success. God said: “ Yo u could (otherwise) have reached it only by exerting yourselves.” ^A similar idea was expressed by the poet who said: O her house at the mountain slope that is very near !  Ye t, the vi sit of wh ich is ba rre d b y dan ger and fear.^ If these things are clear, I say: The historian who wants to write about one individual (representative) of any of these classes, such as, for instance, Adam, will acquire in the process (the knowledge of) certain notions {iHihdrdt)  and conditions which are thinkable and theoretically possible. It does not matter whether they do, or do not, occur in actual fact, nor whether they can, or cannot, occur simultaneously. Something like that is, for some purpose or other, permitted by the religious law, reason, custom, habit, and nature. Books are full of that (sort of thing). It very fre quen tly occurs in discussions and debates. God said: “ If there had  bee n (other) god s ex ce pt God in the two of the m, th ey bo th wo uld have perished.” ^He further said (8a): “ Say: If the Merciful One ^ The translation, depends upon the syntactic position of hddd   as indicated in the Arabic text, below, p. 557. It does not seem impossible to read, however, wa-ta^ammal hddd. ^ Tasawwur,  “ perception, general concrete notion” , cf. H. A.  W  o l f s o n , The Terms Tasawwur and Tasdtq in Arabic Philosophy, in The Moslem World,  X X XI II, 114-28 (1943). The terms were also adopted by the terminology of jurisprudence.  Kd na yatasawwaru aqwdlahum  “ apprehend, grasp the logical implications (of their arguments)” occurs in Ibn Tagribirdi,  Nu jum ,  V I , p . X X X I X P o p p e r (Berkeley-Leiden 1920-23). Tasdtq  “ j u d g  ment, apperception” has later on been translated “definite concrete notion” . ®Qur^an xvi 7 {7 FI.). ‘ This is a frequently quoted verse by Abu l-'Ala’ al-Ma‘^arri, cf. Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  III, 138 Cairo = I, 176 M a r g o l i o u t h . Cf. also H a l i l M a r d a m ’ s edition of the  Diw dn  of ‘•Ali b. al-Jahm, 142 n. (Damascus 1369/1949); Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu dh il,   299 (Bagdad 1348); Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyah,  Badd^i'- al-fawdHd,  III, 219 (Cairo, n.y.);  W . P o p p e r ,  His tory of   Egy pt, trans. Ibn Taghrt Bir dt,  IV, 145; VII, 11, 44 (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1958, i960). Many localities in Arabia were supposedly known as al-Hayf (“m ountain slope”). However, since the poet is not from Arabia, he hardly has a definite place in mind, unless he is quoting from some other poet. ‘ Qur’an xxi 22 (22 FL).

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had a child, I would be the first worshiper.” ^ There are other  ver ses of the Qu r’ an as we ll as tra dit ion s to thi s effec t. Am on g other similar popular statements, the following one is well known: If three were an even number, it could be divided into two even (parts). Statements of this kind very frequently occur in conversa tions and debates. The notions acquired by a historian who intends to write about one individual (representative) of any class are five theoretical possibilities (for each class), or altogether fifteen aspects. They are the result of a contemplation of the universal and general structure of the three classes. The contemplation of each individual (representative) of each of the three classes would yield an in determinable number of aspects. The restriction of the notions to five is the result of reasoning in the direction of the greatest prob ability. Once the method of learning about the fifteen aspects is known  wi th reg ard to the clas ses of the hum an spec ies, an alo gy ou ght to teach the (corresponding) fifteen aspects of all the other classes, that is, all species of animals, plants, and minerals, and all other kinds of terrestrial, celestial, and other phenomena. As a result, so many aspects will be known that they can hardly be counted in their relationship to species, let alone units and individuals. These are the notions to be acquired by the historian who wants to write about something: 1— The notion of being present and seeing with his own eyes. 2— The notion of certain knowledge. 3— The notion of proba bility (8b). 4— The notion of contradiction without the possibility of giving preference to one (case) or another. 5— A notion th at differs from the four preceding ones.  A d  I . The first notion is the best one. God mentioned that Ibrahim said: “ But I would like to be reassured.” ^Cf., further, the statement: “ He who lost a sense lost a knowledge” ^ (Another statement:) This story is widespread among experienced antiquari1 Qur’an xliii 8i (8i FI.). ^ Qur’an ii 260 (262 FL). ®Cf. Aristotle,  An al, post. ,  8ia 38 f., quoted, for instance, by al-Farabi,  Phil osop hisch e  Abha ndlun gen,   ed. F. D i e t e r i c i , 20 (Leiden 1890,  Di e Phil osop hie der Arabe r im IX . und   X . Jahr h. n. Chr .,  14); Ibn Sina,  Sifd^, Bur hdn,   158, 162 B a d a w i (Cairo 1954); Hibatallah al-Bagdadi,  MuHab ar,  I, 230 f. (Hyd erabad 135 7); Fahr-ad-din ar-R azi,  Muh assa l, 13 (Cairo 1323); Ibn Haldun,  Lubd b,  7 (Tetuan 1952); G.  V  a j d a ,  Recherches sur la philo soph ie et la Qabbale,  123 (Paris and The Hague 1962). R 

History of Muslim Historiography

i7

2 58

AL-KAFIYAjt’S SHORT WORK ON HISTORIOGRAPHY

ans, but a story is not like seeing things with one’s own eyes.^ eyes.^ God mentioned that Musa said: said: “ O Lord, let me see see so that I may be hold you. He said: Yo u shall not see see me.” ^ God further said: said: “ Face s then (will be) shining, shining, beholding their Lord .” ®The historian  who wa nts to wr ite ab ou t a per son rep res ent ing a cas e of the firs t notion must spend the greatest care upon his work and jo yfully seize seize the offered precious opportunity and high distinction. This could not  be dif fere nt sinc e his ta sk is int ere stin g, use ful, and “ a lesso n for the thoughtful.” ^ God said: “T hat should be the the object of the ambitious.” ®He further further said: “Th ey should be glad about that. that. It is better than what they have been collecting.” ®“ ®“ For something like that one should work.”  A d 2 .  The historian who intends to write about a person rep resenting a case of the second notion must likewise do his work  ve ry well , bec aus e his ta sk is int ere stin g, stim ula tin g, ins tru cti ve , and in many respects helpful.  A d  The historian who intends to write abou t a person (rep resenting a case of the third notion) must execute his intention  bec aus e his ta sk is ins tru cti ve , an d also int ere sti ng an d use ful from the religious point of view.  A d  The historian historian may write about a person person representing representing a case of the fourth notion, while calling attention to the existence of different opinions. No sides should be taken wherever there is no certainty as to which side deserves preference. If preference is expressed for one side, or one side (better) known than the other (9a), the historian faces the same situation as in the cases of the second and third notions. notions. The question question m ay be asked whether there is any use in writing about (representatives of) the fourth notion if no preference for one side is expressed. The answer is yes. It is useful in connection with the law and the public interest and may be instructive. If not now, preference for one side may pos sibly be expressed later on. It gives an opportunity to study the ^ For the last part of the sentence, sentence, cf. Concordance,  Concordance,  II, 5a; al-Mufaddal,  Fd hir ,   205 S t o r e y   (Leiden (Leiden 1915); as-Sahml, as-Sahml, Ta^rth Jurjdn,  Jurjdn,   33, 461 (Hyderabad 1950); TB ,  III, 200, 200, 360, VI, 56,  V II I, 12, 28; al-M awa rdi ,  Ada b al-waztr,  al-waztr,   39 (Cairo 1348/1929,  Ar-R asd Hl an-ndd irah,   5); Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   IV, 94. * Qur^an Qur^an vii 143 (139 FL).

^ Qur’ an *  Q u r ’ a n “ Qur’an * Qur’ an

Ixxv 22-23 (22-23 (22-23 FI.). FI.). x i i i i i ( m F I. I. ). ). Ixxxiii 26 (26 FI.). x 58 58 (59 (59 FI.). FI.).

’ Qur’an xxxvii 61 (59 FI.).

TRANSLATION

259

material. For this reason, scholarly books deal with the different school opinions and their mu tually c ontrad ictory arguments. Book s are full of that (sort thing). Their readers will confirm confirm this from their own observation. Note: Through the history of a representative of the fourth notion, the historian and others acquire some general concrete notions, though they do not acquire any definite concrete notion. General concrete notions somehow constitute a kind of knowledge, and knowledge no doubt is always useful. Acquire knowledge, for man is helped by his knowledge. God said: “And say: 0   Lord, give me more knowledge.” ^ It is known that efforts efforts toward in dependent scholarship are circumscribed by the scholar’s personal capacity. It is also known that something which cannot be attained in its entirety should, therefore, not be entirely given up. The re marks of any man, except for special cases (Muhammad), are partly acceptable, and partly not.^ The denial of the possibility of having a definite concrete notion of some particular aspect in this case does not make it obligatory to deny the possibility of having a definite concrete notion in a general way and certainly does not preclude having a general concrete notion.®  A d  The historian should not write about a case in which the fifth notion is involved. He should be silent and not say a word of either denial denial or confirmation. G od said: “ Only God knows those after them.” ^ Muhammad said: “ Leave the things that puzzle  yo u for tho se wh ich do no t p uz zle yo u. ” ®(The obs erv an ce of silen ce in these cases) also serves to avoid stabs in the dark, (unfounded) guesses, and slander. The historian who writes about such a case should confess that his subject is not known to him. He should admit his inadequateness and state (9b) that the knowledge of the case rests rests with God . . . . The question whether anything useful useful can  be ex pe cte d from wr iti ng ab ou t suc h a case m ay be ans wer ed in the affirmative. If a study of the case may not be possible under the prevailing circumstances, it may often be possible later on. Cf. ^ Qiur’an Qiur’an xx 114 (113 FI.). ^ Cf./'Zan, 61, below, p. 355 355 f; a l-Kaf iyaji, below, p. 564; ad-Dahabi,  Siya r an- nub aW , I, 18 a l - A  f g  A n i (below, p. 492, n. 6). ®Cf. above, p. 256, n. 2. * Qur’an xiv 9 (9-10 (9-10 FL). ' Cf. Concordance,  Concordance,  II, 322b. Further, al-Jahiz,  Bu ha W ,   173 and 184 (Cairo 1948); Abu N u ' a y m ,  His tory of Isfa han ,  I, 45 D e d e r i n g (Leiden 1931-34); al-Mawardi, al-Ahkdm assuUdntyah,  suUdntyah,   417 E n g e r (Bonn 1853); TB ,   II, 220, 387; ad-Dahabi,  Bay dn zagal al-Hlm, 15 (Damascus 1347); al-lji, above, p. 230, n. 4, etc.

26o

A L - K A F I Y A j i ’S ’S S H O R T W O R K O N H I S T O R IO IO G R A P H Y

the remarks made in connection with the explanation of the fourth notion.  A ll (the pre ced ing rema rks) are con cer ned wi th the fir st speci es, that is, man. Analogy should enable us to undertake a comprehen sive, well-organized, and instructive study along general lines of the second species, that is, everything but man. If all this introductory matter is clear, we shall begin to establish the basic principles and fundamental facts of historiography. We say: The rule laid down in describing the first notion should be applied in writing the history of any aspect of any (representative of the) first notion. The rule laid down in presenting the second notion should be applied in writing the history of any aspect of any (representative of the) second notion. The rule laid down in establishing the third notion should be applied in writing the history of any (representative of the) third notion. The history of any aspect of any (representative of the) fourth notion should  be wr itt en in an alo gy to the rem ark s ma de in ex pla na tio n of the fourth notion. The history of any aspect (involving) the fifth notion should be written in accordance with the specifications given in presenting the fifth notion. The preceding remarks have made it clear that historiography is founded upon five basic principles, each of which includes many particulars. The (historical) particulars in the first place are quite obviously derived from the fundamental principles in exactly the same manner in which particulars are derived from the fundamental principles in other branches of learning, such as religious philosophy, the basic principles (of jurisprudence), and others. Lengthiness easily gets boring. If this danger did not exist, we  wo uld me ntio n here ma ny rem ar ka ble thi ngs (lo a) for the en jo y ment of the thoughtful. But the aforementioned remarks suffice for a sound and alert mind, and they constitute safe guidance for a straightforward and critical nature.  We ha ve fin ish ed est abl ish ing the fun da me nta l fac ts and bas ic principles. We shall now begin to exemplify them with (the history of) the individuals of the three classes, in a very concise, index-like manner. We shall start with the prophets.

261

TRANSLATION

[On the prophets in general; Qur’an xl 78 (78 FI.) and xi 120 (121 FI.); proofs of prophecy; a verse by Labid^; Jabal Qaf, the foundation of the earth; verses, quoted in  IHdn,   IHdn,   42, below, p. 326; the  jin n\   Iblis; the Angel of Death; the spirit entering Adam;  A da m ’s de ath ; int erp re tat ion of the tra di tio n; “ Tim e wa s alr ea dy revolving in its usual manner", etc., cf.  IHdn,   13, below, p. 283; the age of the world; N uh ; Muham mad; a verse in in praise praise of Muhammad  wh ich is asc rib ed to al -A 's a^ ; the firs t fou r cal iph s; the gre at respect due to the men around Muhammad; Abu Hanifah; Malik  b. An as ; as -§ af i‘i ; Ib n H an ba l . . . ] THIRD CHAPTER  THE

NOB ILITY

OF

SCHOLARS,

TH TH E

EXCE LLENCE

OF

S C H O L A R S H I P, P,

 A N D TH E IN ST R U C TI V E N E SS O F R E C O R D IN G A N D P O N D E R I N G (t

h e

  LESSONS OF HISTORY)

This chapter deals with a number of points. First point: The Qur’an, the traditions of the Prophet, the tra ditions of the early Muslims, and reasoning prove the nobility of scholars (and scholarship). [Quotation of relevant passages and arguments.] Second point: The "anqd^  "anqd^  (Phoenix) explained. [When the ^anqd^  ^anqd^  expressed to Sulayman doubt in predestination, Sulayman bade her to keep apart a boy and a girl who had just  bee n bo m in dif fere nt pa rts of the wo rld and wer e des tine d to be united. She did not succeed... .] Third point: The source of life. [Dii 1-qarnayn’s search for the source of life. Al-Hidr, who was in Du 1-qarnayn’s company, reached it, but Du 1-qarnayn himself did not. During his travels, it was demonstrated to Du 1-qarnayn that man is never satisfied....] Fourth po int: Ever ybod y will be transferre transferred d from the world world of the  bo dy to the div ine wo rld of the spir it. Th e trac es (of h is a ct iv it y in the world) will live on, and his memory will remain in this world through history and tales. ‘ Cf. his  Dtwd n  no. 41, verse 9 H u b e r t - B r o c k e l m a n n (Leiden 1891). * The verse is ascribed ascribed to Hassan Hassan b. Tabit by al-Qalqasa al-Qalqasandi, ndi,  Subh ,  II, 288 (Cairo 1331/ 1913), bu t it is not included in the edition of Hasslin’s Dtwd Hasslin’s Dtwd n.  n.   Cf. also al-lji, Tulifah,   fol. 126b; al-Maqqari,  Anal ecte s,  s,  I, 36 Dozy and others (Leiden 1855-61).

262

a l

- k A f i y a j I’ s s h o r t w o r k

o n

h i st o r i o g r a p h y

Nothing endures. Be therefore a tale That will be remembered with pleasure. The world is a tale.^ [The following passage is qu oted in  I Han, Han,  37io-38g, below, p. 318 f ......... f .........]]

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Fifth point: [Praise of Egypt ^

 _ _ 

]

. .. The author of the the work— May God grant him a long long life life for the benefit benefit of all the the living— said : The composition composition of the  Short  Work on Historiography was finished in the morning of T uesda y, Ra jab 8th, 867/March 867/March 29th, 1463, 1463, in Cairo— Cairo— May God prote ct (city and country) from calamities, earthquakes, damage, and misfortune.... 1 Cf. at-Turtusi,  Sird-j,   Sird-j,  129 (Cairo 1289). ^ This subject seems to have been very dear to al-Kafiyaji’s heart. With it he also con cludes another work of his, al-Uns al-ants ft ma^rifat sa^n an-nafs an-nafis,  an-nafis,   which was composed in 873/1469, cf. Brit. Mus. ms. ar. 433 (5719 Rich), fols. 47a-48a.

a s - s a h  A  w  I*s

pl a n

I — I N TR TR O D U C T IO IO N The following pages contain an English translation of al-IHdn bit-tawMh li-man damma ahl at-tawrih,  that is, Th& Open Denunciation^ of the Adverse Critics of the Historians,   by as-Sahawi (831-902/142797). 97). 2 In the  I Han,  Han,  the author has erected a worthy monument to Arabic historiography. As the title indicates, the work was of an apologetic character. It was written in order to defend the study of history as an auxiliary subject in the curriculum of re ligious studies. History, in this sense, preferably referred to the discussion of certain aspects of the biography of religious scholars. In fact, the work was written entirely from the point of view of the religious disciplines. However, at the same time, it was written  by a ma n who wa s poss ess ed b y a pas sion for co llec tin g det ails an d  wh o ma rke d th e end of a gre at era of rese arch on th e pro ble ms of the writing of history. The result was a work which constitutes a comprehensive and often briUiant exposition of Muslim historiog raphy.  W e mi gh t he sit ate to ca ll the  I Han a history  history  of Muslim historiog raphy. As an apology, the work is very largely concerned with the  wr itin gs an d opin ions of the au th or ’s con tem por ari es or nea rcontemporaries. Much less attention is paid to the beginnings of Muslim historiography and its early products. Apart from the attempted chronological arrangement of the quotations from his torical works on the usefulness of history, no historical principle is followed in the arrangement of the material and in the biblio graphical data, in which ancient and recent authors, works known to as-Sahawi directly or indirectly, works whose existence is well established or dubious, are enumerated together. The historical ^ More literally: “The publication of the the blameworthin blameworthiness ess . . . ” ^ Cf. G A L ,  ,  II, 34 f.,  Supp leme nt   II, 31-3. He was born Dec. 1427-Jan. 1428. Cf. also, for instance,  A . J.  A  r b e r r y ,   Sakha wiana   (London 1951); W. P o p p e r ,  Sakh dwi's Cri tici sm of Ibn Taghrt Birdi, in  Stu di Orien talist ici G. Lev i della Vid a,  a,  II, 371-89 (Rome 1956).

264

AS-SAHlwf’S I‘LAN

perspective is thus not preserved. Yet, as-Sahawi’s book remains a fine survey of Muslim historiography historiography and— for those those who know how to read it— of its aspirations and problems. problems. It is an accurate picture of its final achievements and failures. On the whole, it is a picture that is is little cheerful. We may be inclined to console our selves with the thought that as-Sah&,wi’s age was one of intellectual decadence and that the historiography of earlier centuries was not that exclusively concerned with the quarrels of very unimportant personalities. In doing so, we would deceive ourselves. We must not lose sight of the fact that, although there was, in the ninth/ tenth century, a period of infinite promise and although there  we re occ asi ona l im po rta nt ex cep tion s, all the wa ys wh ich led to as-Sahawi started with the very first beginnings of Mushm his toriography.  As -S ah aw i’s bib lio gra ph ica l info rm ati on is qu ite ex ten siv e, bu t, of course, nowhere anything hke complete. It often is not firsthand. In books, such as those by his teacher, Ibn Hajar, and many other scholars, a great many titles of historical works were easily available. There is a great number of indirect quotations in the  I Han. Han.  There may be more of them than it is at present possible to tell. The author is better informed about theologico-historical titles than titles of general history. Wherever his indications do not agree  wi th thos e from oth er source s, it is mo st lik el y he th at is wro ng (though sometimes the fault may lie with the modern editor of his  wo rk ).  As -Sa ha wi, as the au tho r of wo rks of tho usa nds and tho usa nds of pages, was not free from the curse of superficiality, which is the unavoidable result of a long and fertile literary tradition. There  wa s so mu ch ma ter ial, so m an y bo oks to ma ke more bo oks from that just picking at random some material here, some material there, would make a large, instructive, and in a sense extremely useful work. Had authors of his type seriously tried to assimilate one of the subjects with which they dealt, their literary output  wo uld not ha ve bee n m ore tha n a sm all pa rt of w ha t it ac tu al ly was. The most disturbing aspect of the  I Han  Han  is the lack of organization of its contents, in spite of the systematic character of its general plan which was derived from al-Kafiyaji.^ It may be said that  wh at we ha ve bef ore us is no t the fin al form of the wo rk. Ce rtai n gaps which could not have been difficult to fill and, in the list of  ‘ Cf. above, p. 246.

INTRODUCTION

26 5

local histories, the repeated statement that further checking would  be ne ces sar y ^ sho w th at as- Sa ha wi did not con side r his wo rk com  pletely ready for final publication. Except for details, however, the  I Han is Han is exa ctly as its author had planned it, and its unrevised state is no sufficient excuse for its lack of order and clarity. The reason for this is to be sought in the mental make-up of the author and the scholarly trend prevailing in his period.^  As -S ah aw i was de ep ly co nvi nce d of the pa ram ou nt imp ort anc e of everything concerned with traditions and religious law. At any moment, therefore, he made excursions into those subjects  whi ch ha d lit tle or no thi ng to do wi th the sub je ct of his wor k. In one place,^ as-Sahawi himself remarked that he was straying from his subject, but that was in connection with literary, and not religious, material. An excursus into the religious disciplines would have never seemed out of place to him. He felt no compunction about enumerating works on comparative religion, although, he says, they have nothing to do with the subject of history.^ The insertion of extraneous material often disorganizes the text. One of those excursuses ®concerns the distribution, at different periods, of re ligious scholars upon the various cities of the Muslim world. It was derived from a monograph by ad-Dahabi, with only a few changes  b y as- Sa haw i, and ob vio us ly ent ere d the  IHdn   as an afterthought of its author in connection with the list of local histories. It has so  ve ry lit tle to do wi th hi sto rio gra ph y— eve n as as- Sah aw i u nde rsto od it— that it was om itted from from the translation (but the proper proper names occurring in it have been listed in the index).  As -S ah aw i poss esse d a pron oun ced ten de nc y to pr ol ix ity an d repetitiousness, and th e e ditorial technique of the age was also not favorable to the cure of such bad habits. There were no foot notes into which the excursuses might have been relegated.® There also were no cross references which might have eliminated repeti tions. However, as-Sahawi did at times make an honest effort to 1  I^ldn, 128, below , p. 472 f. ’ A secondary reason m,ay be the fact th at as-Sahawi conabined conabined the systematic approach of al-Kafiyaji with the philological approach which may, for instance, be found in as-Safadi’s Wdft   (cf. above, p. 246, n. 2). This may have caused some disorganization. ® I^ldn,   I^ldn,   35, below, p. 315. * I Hd Hd n, n, 107, below, p. 431. ® IHdn,   1364-1448. • For some time, I considered removing such material from the body of the translation and putting it into footnotes. Such a procedure, however, might easily have increased the existing confusion and was, therefore, not adopted.

266

A S - S A H A W t ’ s I ‘l A n

avoid repetitions. In comparing his alphabetical list of historians ^  wi th al- Ma s‘u di, one not ice s th at tho se of al- Ma s‘ ud i’s com me nts on historians and their works which as-Sahawi had quoted on previous occasions were as a rule not repeated. The translator of an Arabic text will always feel that the partic ular text with which he is dealing at the moment is of all Arabic texts the one most difficult to translate. In the case of the present  wor k, such a fee ling wo uld no t seem to be en tir ely un jus tifi ed . As Sahawi stands stands at the end end of a ver y long development and combines the cultural and linguistic influences of many different periods. He often gives quotations and refers to matters with which his colleagues and students were fully familiar, so that he could restrict himself to brief allusions. A correct understanding of the text at times requires much snooping into the petty jealousies of the schol ars of the period— an uninspiring uninspiring business. business. Then, the languag languag e of the author is extremely technical. The technical terms he uses  be long to dis cipl ine s pec ulia r to Isla m. Ev en in case s in wh ich the re is a concise way of rendering one of these technical terms by an English expression, this English expression still lacks the aJl-important element of being a technical term. In similar situations, classical philologists have evinced a growing tendency to retain their “u ntransla table” words in in the original Greek. This procedure, however, is neither desirable nor, as far as Arabic is concerned, practicable, but it cannot be entirely avoided. The word ta^nh  ta^nh  is a case in point.^ As often as possible, and in doubtful cases, ta^rih  ta^rih  is translated translated “histo ry” . But whenever the  A ra bi c ha d to be tra nsl ate d b y “ era, da te, ch ro no log y,” or the like, the Arabic word has been added in brackets. In addition, there are other Arabic words, such as, for instance, ahbdr,  ahbdr,  which frequently may be best translated “history.” In order to avoid a confusion between ta^nh  ta^nh  and ahbdr,  ahbdr,   the latter word is often translated “historical information” information” , and only in rare cases “history .” In both instances, the Arabic term has been added in brackets. Difficulties of this kind abound in the present text. Even words dtdr,  present considerable difficul that look very harmless, such as dtdr,  ties, on account of the great many different shades of meaning they may convey. A uniform uniform rendering rendering by one and and the same English ^  IHan ,  153 ff-. cf. below , p. 501, n. 4. * Cf. also the the discussion of ta'^rth  ta'^rth  and habar,  habar,  above, p. 11 ff.

INTRODUCTION

267

 wo rd in eac h ins tan ce is impo ssib le. In thi s case, thi s is not as un fortuna te as it wo uld be if we were dealing, for instance, with a philosophical text. Nevertheless, an attempt has been made to render one one Arabic expression expression through one— or as few as possibl possible— e— English expressions.  As -S ah aw i’s num ero us qu ota tio ns fro m oth er wo rks co ns titu te another problem. These quotations originated at very different times, and they are by authors who approached the problem of history from different angles. This is one difficulty. There is another:  Al th ou gh as- Sa haw i, as a rule , wa s qu ite acc ura te in quo tin g, the  w ay in wh ich he lif te d qu ota tio ns out of the ir co nte xt, ret ain ed pronouns which had now lost their antecedents, and changed from direct to indirect quotation and vice versa, is rather confusing. Moreover, as-Sahawi often abandoned the habit of Arabic authors to quote their sources as they came. Instead, he rearranged the text of his source in the way he saw fit, as, for instance, in the quo tations from al-Mas‘udi, al-Mas‘udi, Judge ‘lyad , and al-Kafiyaji.^ Frequently, therefore, only a comparison w ith the original tex t guarantees a correct understanding of the quotation. Such checking of quotation and original was therefore undertaken wherever possible. AsSahawi occasionally gave some details about historical works. His remarks in these cases, too, often presuppose an acquaintance  wi th the wo rks in que stio n. The most difficult task of all which a translator from the Arabic must face is the accurate rendition of the stylistic quality of a given passage. The simplest English prose may suggest itself for the most a rtificial Arabic . The opposite case is much more frequent. Every-day Arabic language often sounds picturesque and quaint in translation. The present translation has certainly not gone far enough toward avoiding such stylistic mistranslations. Only oc casional attempts were made to do justice to the problem. The customary formulas of benediction which according to Muslim reUgious usage were applied by as-Sahawi with complete regularity are omitted in the translation. The phrase “ our teacher” has been replaced replaced by “ Ibn Hajar.” W hether al-kdtib, al-qddi, al-hdzin,  al-hdzin,   etc. are part of a name rather than an indication of the profession of a person is sometimes difficult to decide. Certain terms, such as al-qddi, al-Jidfiz, al-muhaddit,   etc., are always translated, because it 1  IHdn,   36 f., 100, and 145, below, pp. 318-20, 417 f-, f-, a nd 489 f. Cf. also the quota tions from the five  fatwd s, IHdn,   53 f., below, pp. 343-47.

268

AS-SAHlwt’s I‘LAN

seems desirable to leave as little Arabic words in the text as pos sible. sible. These translations are often clumsy. clumsy. Therefore, in the cases of the epithets that occur less frequently, it was thought advisable to consider them part of the name and as a rule leave them un translated. It was more disturbing but unavoidable to leave the titles of books untranslated. Phrases such as “ a work which could heal the sick and dispel all grief” were often translated in accordance with their meaning, in this this particular case: “a com pletely satisfactory satisfactory work.” ^ A reader who does not know Arabic may wonder about the meaning of a literal translation such as: “Let God protect her from that,” and I hope that no Arabist will object when this phrase appears in the translation translation as: “ Heaven forbid, what an idea.” ^ But, of course, literal translations were chosen when the meaning appeared to be transparent, or when a suitable paraphrase would have taken more space than seemed justified. Synonyms are occasionally rendered by but one Enghsh expression. Clarifying additions will will not infrequently be found. They are inserted in the text in brackets.  Ye t, all thi s mi gh t ha ve been done on a muc h lar ger sca le tha n is actually the case. The Arabic text was edited in Damascus 1349/1930-31. The edition is ver y poor. The editor states th at he derived his text from two manuscripts of the collection of Ahmad Taymur Pasha, now in the Egyptian Library in Cairo. Their present catalogue numbers are Ms. Cairo Taymur Ta'rih 704 and 2047. The latter manuscript,  wh ich was wr itte n in 111 5/1 703 , also ex ists in a ph oto sta t co py in the Egy ptian Libra ry, Ms. Cairo T a’ rih 1846. 1846. In a note on a separate slip, ad   p. 92 of the Arabic text, which is not found in all copies, the editor states that M. R a g i b a t -T a b b a h compared the edition with the Ahmadiyah manuscript in Aleppo and noted that that manuscript had the same lacunae as the Cairo manuscripts. The editor indicates no variant readings. Occasional checks of the edition with the photostat manuscript of the Egyptian Library showed complete complete identity of the printed text with tha t of the manu script. Howeve r, certain passages, as, as, for instance, instance, the “ additional note” at the end of the  I Han, Han,  are missing in the manuscript. They appea r to have been contained in the Ms. Ms. Cairo Taymi ir T a’ rih 704, 704,  wh ich I did not con sult . I did, how eve r, ma ke at tem pt s to see the *  Pl an ,   5, below, p. 270. “  IHdn,   64, below, p. 360.

INTRODUCTION

26 9

manuscript from which the Ms. Cairo Ta ym ur T a’ rih 704 704 was copied and which was written in 900/1495. According to a footnote at the end of the edition of the  IHdn,   that manuscript is preserved in the library of the Turkish House of al-Azhar. Notwithstanding the kind efforts of my Egyptian friends, however, it was not possible for me to gain access to the manuscript while I was in Cairo. The Leiden m anuscript anuscript of the  IHdn   (No. 746 of the printed cata logue, Ms. Ms. or. Wa rner 677 was written by a certain ‘AJi b. Ibrahim al-Yamani al-Hanafi. The phrases which would indicate that asSahawi was still alive when the manuscript was written have been retained in it. However, the manuscript gives the impression of dating from from the (early) (early) eleventh/seventeenth century. Its tex t shows no real divergences from the printed tex t, exc ept occasional mistakes and frequent omissions. The few cases in which the Leiden manuscript has the better reading appear as a rule to concern misprints of the edition. Many omissions, including that of the “ additiona l note” at the end, are no no mechanical mistakes. However, before the entire manuscript material is available, it is not advisable to discuss the problems raised by the existence of these omissions (or additions). 2— T R A N S L A T IO IO N (5) (5) In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Our teacher, the religious leader and great scholar, the §ayh-alIslam, the standard-bearer of the sunnah  sunnah   of the lord of mankind (Muhammad), the final expert ^in the knowledge and transmission of traditions, the conqueror of corrupt teachers and innovators,  Ab u 1-Hayr Muhammad §ams-ad-din, the son of the Qur’an com mentator ®and reader §ay h Zayn-ad-din ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Mu hammad b. Abi Bakr b. ‘Utm an as-Sahawi al-Qahiri al-Qahiri as-Safi‘i— may God make us and all Muslims profit from his learning and partake in his blessing blessings. s. Amen !— thus said: Praised be God Who causes days and nights to follow upon each other; Who gives his servants much information about happen1 C f. f. p. p.  VO OR HO EV E,  Han dlis t of Arab ic Ma nusc ript s,  s,  127 (Leiden 1957)==A s-Sahaw i’s understanding of the term hdfiz, which hdfiz,  which is here translated by “hadit  expert,” is lengthily explained by him in the  Jawd hir wa-d-durar,   his biography of Ibn Hajar, Paris ms. ar. 2105, fols. 8b-i3a. ®Ms. Leiden: the sainted.

270

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ings in past ages and bygone times; Who, in all months and  yea rs, hono rs thi s (Muslim) nat ion thr ou gh per fect , un int er rup t ed accura cy (in religious tradi tion) ; Who teaches intellectua l and traditional knowledge, such as is more precious than jewels and pearls, to whomever He wants to teach; Who, through excellent explanation and superb instruction that revives decaying corpses, makes persons with keen minds recognize the w ell atteste d way of short lines of transmitters to be followed in learning about man and time! God’s prayer and blessing upon the noblest creature (Muhammad) to whom there was revealed (the verse of the Q ur’an): “ We shall tell you all the stories of the messengers (of old) through which we shall stead y your heart” tha t is, the sincere friend of both those  wh o ke ep alo of an d tho se wh o t urn tow ar d hi m! Go d pr ay for him, his family, the men around him, the following generation, masters and clients! The occupation with history is one of the most rewarding tasks of (religious) scholars. Histo ry is indeed one of the necessary bran ches of learning. Persons in the right frame of mind recognize that it falls under all five degrees of classification (of the Muslim religious law, from necessary down to forbidden things). Yet, I have never seen a completely satisfactory work on the virtues of history. Con sequently, it has happened that some wretched people who have difficulties with obvious, let alone obscure, problems, have found fault with history and the historians. I wish, therefore, to present to scholarly experts and those desirous to learn (6) all that is ab solutely necessary to know about the subject. At the same time, I  wis h to sho w its pro ve n ins tru cti ve ne ss an d to ma ke it cle ar th at it is recognized as a fundamental branch of learning. I shall begin by giving a definition of history (I) both linguisti cally and (H) as a technical term. I shall then discuss (HI) the object of history, (IV) its fruitful instructiveness, and (V) its goal. I shall further discuss (VI) how history should be classified, whether as necessary, or desirable, or permissible. Then, there will be men tioned (VII) the unequivocal evidence in its favor from the Qur’an, the sunnah,  a nd other sources. Next, (VII I) the blameworthiness of those persons, wanting in piety, who adversely criticize history  wil l be discu ssed . The n, (IX ) the nec ess ary qua lifi ca tio ns req uir ed of those who occupy themselves with history will be enumerated. ^ Qur^an xi 120 (121 FI.).

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Then, there will follow a discussion (X) of who first instituted the (Muslim) era  [ta’^rih)  and when, in the course of months and epochs, it began, in what month and whether with the hijrah. Then, I shall mention (XI) the works I know in the field of history, on persons, trends, and manifold other subjects, with all their great variety of purposes. I shall then mention (XII) the authors of historical  wor ks. Fi na lly , I sha ll like wis e me ntio n (X II I) the chi ef rep rese n tatives of personality criticism, although no completeness can  be at tai ne d in thi s res pec t, eve n if we wer e to giv e muc h m ore space to the investigation of and research on that subject. These are ten, or rather more than ten, subjects. Their discussion blocks the gate leading to darkness. I have called this book The Open Denunciatio n of the Adverse Critics of the Historians.  I am asking God that He may protect us from the ignorance of the ignorant and that wherever forgiveness is required in the past, present, and future He may help us out with His kindness and generosity. ( l — A L I N G U I S T IC D E F I N I T IO N O F t a ^ r i h )

Linguistically, ta^rih  means information regarding time. One says; arrahtu, or warrahtu al-kitdha,  that is : I made clear the time of writing of the book (document).  Al -J aw ha ri sai d: “ Ta^rih  is the indication of time. Tawrih  means the same. One sdjys: arrahtu, or warrahtu. Tawrih  is said to have been derived from arh, irh, tha t is, < the young one of > a wild cow, because it is something that is new, like the young (animal) is something new.” ^Al-Asma*i made a distinction between arraha  and warraha.  Ac cor din g t o him , th e Ba nu Ta mi m sa y: warrahtu l-kitdha tawrihan,  whe rea s the Qa ys sa y: arrahtuhu ta^rihan.'^ This would confirm the genuine Arabic origin of the word. Others say that it is not pure Arabic, but an Arabicized loan word, from Persian mdh roz, mdh  in Persian meaning moon, and roz   day, with night and daytime constituting a day. In the  Kit dh al-Mu'-arrab min al-kaldm al-a'-jami,  Abu Mansur al-Jawaliqi said: “The commonly used tawrih  is said to be not pure 1 Israa'il b. Hammad al-Jawhari (d. end of fourth/beginning eleventh century, cf. G A L ,  I, 128 f.),  Sihdlj,,  I, 200 (Bulaq 1282). Cf. also Mawhub b. Ahmad al-Jawaliqi (d. 539/1144, cf. G A L ,  I, 280),  Mu^arrab,  39 f. S a c h a u (Leipzig 1867), and  Lis dn al-'^Arab, III, 481 (Bulaq 1300-8). “ 'Abd-al-Malik b. Qurayb al-Asm,a'i, d. 215/830-31, or 216, or 217 (cf. G A L ,  I, 104 f.). For the dialectal distinction, cf. £ilso as-Suli,  Ada h al-kuttdb ,  180 (Cairo 1341).

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 Ar ab ic bu t to ha ve been der ive d by the Mush ms from the ahl  al-kitdb.  The ta^nh  of the Muslims was reckoned from the year of the hijrah. It was put down in writing during the caliphate of ‘Umar, and thus became ta'^rih  (and has remained in use) down to this day.’' ^ (7) In the  Kit dh al-Har dj,   A b u 1-Faraj Qudamah b. Ja‘far alKatib says: "The ta^'rih  of each thing is its end. The time in which memorable events took place is taken as (the epoch of) an era.” 2 Similarly, as-Siili said: “ The ta^rih  of each thing is its goal and its final time. Someone may thus be called the ta^rih of his people.” ^ This expression signifies either, as stated by al-Mutarrizi, that he is the final culmination of the glory of his people in view of the fact that great deeds of generosity or prowess or the like are connect ed with his person. Or it signifies that he talks about historical events and related matters. One of those who were called the ta^rih of his people was Abu 1-Barakat Muhammad b. Sa‘d b. Sa'id alBagdadi al-‘AssM al-Hanbali, the Qur’an reader, who died in the  ye ar 509/1116.® 1  Mu^arrab, loc. cit. * Q u d am a h li v e d ar o u nd 90 0 ( cf . G A L ,  I, 228; Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  XV II, 12 f. Cairo = VI, 203-5 M a r g o l i o u t h ). For a discussion, of some of the many problems connected with his  bio gra ph y, cf. S. A. B o n e b a k k e r , The Kitdb Naqd al-Si'^r, 1  ff. (Leiden 1956). I could not find this quotation either in the published extracts of the  Kit db al-H ard j   or in the Paris ms. ar. 5907. Cf., however, Ta^rih Dimaiq,  I, 18 (Dam ascus 1329 ff.), where the quotation is said to have been derived from Qudamah’s  Hi sto ry,   this might be the  Zah r ar-rabt^, mentioned as a work by Qudamah in al-Mas'udi,  M uru j   (see  IHdn,   156, below, p. 506), and Yaqtit,  Irsd d,  X VI I, 13 (Cairo = V I, 204 M a r g o l i o u t h ),  bu t not in  Fih ris t,  188 (Cairo 1348 = 130 F l u g e l ). Both al-Jawhari and Qudamah were also quoted by Ibn ad-Dawadari,  Ka nz ad-dura r, Phot. Cairo TaM h 2578, I, 81 f. Qudamah alone was quoted by 'Abdallah b. al-Fadl al-Lahmi, Wdsitat al-dddb,  Par is ms. ar. 6493, fol. 14 b.  As -Sa ha wi ’s imm edi ate sour ce for mo st of the abo ve info rm atio n was pr oba bly Sib t Ibn al-Jawzi who quotes al-Jawah“qi, al-Jawhari, al-Asma*^!, and Qudamah (in this order) in the beginning of the  Mir^dh  (Ms. Istanbul, Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2907, fol. 3b). ^ Muhammad b. Yahy a as-Suli (d. 335 /94 6 -47 , or 336, cf. G A L ,  I, 143),  Ada b al-kuttd b, 178 (Cairo 1341). ^ Nasir b. 'Abd-a s-Sayyid , d. 610/1213 (GAL,  I, 293 f.), al-Mugrib,  I, 13 (Hyderabad 1328), where as-Suli is quoted. ^ Cf. Ibn al-*^Imad,  Sadardt,   IV, 26 (Cairo 1350-51). 'Ali b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz al-Jurjani {GAL  Sup pl.   I, 199) was declared a ta'^rlh  in literary excellence by at-Ta'Mibi, Yatimah, III, 243 ff. (Damascus 1304), who then proceeded to quote at length from al-Jurjani’s work on Tahdtb at-taMh.  'Ali b. Muhammad at-Tanuhi was described as the ta^rth  of witty men, cf. as-Sarisi,  Sarh al-Ma qdmd t al -Har irtya h,  I, 68 (Cairo 1306), quoting at-Ta'^Mibi’s Yatimah.  Y ah ya b. 'A li b. 'A bd -al -L at if al-M a'ar ri was call ed the ta'^rih of Syria, cf. as-Silafi,  Mu^jam , Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 3942, 468. Sadaqah b. Mansur was the taMh  of the Arabs in nobility (d. 501/1108, cf. Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  IX, 159; Ibn Abi d-dam,  Short Hist ory,   Bodleian Ms. or. Marsh 60). Cf. also Ibn al-Mu'tazz,  Diw dn,  II, 133 (Cairo 1891); TB ,  IV, 15017. The expression of “a story becoming a ta^rih  among the people” appears in Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah, II, 818 M u l l e r .

TRANSLATION

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( 11 — A D E F I N I T IO N O F tO^Ylk   A S A T E C H N I C A L T E R M )

 As a tec hn ica l term , ta^rih  is the indication of time that serves for an accurate estabhshment of circumstances affecting transmit ters of traditions and religious leaders. It indicates the dates of their bir th and death, their soundness of mind and body, th eir travels and pilgrimages, their accuracy and knowledge of traditions, the degree of reliability and unrehabihty ascribed to them, and sim ilar matters. All of this has reference to research concerning their circumstances throughout their entire careers. Important events and occurrences that happen to take place are added to this. Such events are the appearance of a religion, the imposition of new (rehgious) duties, events concerning caliphs and  wa zirs , raid s, ba ttle s, and war s, con que sts of cou ntri es and the ir hberation from usurpers, and changes of dynasties. The term td'rih  is also often extended to include the beginning of creation, the stories of the prophets, and the affairs of nations of the past as  we ll as the cir cum sta nce s of the Re sur rec tio n an d the eve nts pre  ceding it which will take place in the future. It may also be extended to minor matters such as the construction of mosques, schools,  brid ges , pa ve d road s, and sim ilar ob jec ts of gen era l usef ulnes s, matters that are well-known, observable, or obscure happenings, celestial ones, such as the appearance of locusts and eclipses of the sun and moon, or terrestrial ones, such as earthquakes, conflagra tions, inundations, floods, droughts, pestilences, epidemics, and similar great signs and big marvels. In sum, the term ta'nh  signifies a branch of learning that is con cerned with research regarding the occurrences which take place in time, in the intention of establishing their character and their place in time. In fact, it is concerned with everything that was (and is) in the world. ( i l l — T H E O B J E C T OF H I ST O R Y )

The object of history is man and time. The problems with which history is concerned are the circumstances of man and time broken down to details within the general framework of the accidental circumstances that exist for man and in time. ( i v — T H E U S E F U L N E SS O F H I S TO R Y )

The instructiveness of history consists in the knowledge of matters as they actually are. Among other things, history is most

274

as

- s a h  A  w  I’ s

i ‘ l  A n

useful in that it constitutes one of the ways of learning how to eliminate one of two mutually contradictory traditions which are difficult to reconcile with each other. This ma y be done by (recognizing that one of the traditions) refers to a later time, such as: “ I saw him a year before his death ,” (8) or something similar, or to a later authority among the men around Muhammad. The transmitter may expressly state (the later date of a certain tradition), as, for instance, in this statement: “The later of the two things which the Prophet did was the omission (instead of the performance) of the ablution in connection with (food) touched  b y fir e. ” ^ An ot he r inst anc e, am ong othe rs, is the sta tem en t of ‘A ’isah that before the conquest of Mecca, Muhammad did not  wa sh if he ha d no em issi on ; la ter on, he did was h, and com ma nde d (the Muslims) to adopt this practice.^ In the case of material transmitted through a scholar who (later in his life) became confused, the distinction of his old traditions (from the time before he became confused and which, therefore, are considered reliable) from the recent ones is achieved by history. In the case of transmitters who did not meet the person on whose authority they transmitted traditions, either because they were lying or because they jumped some links in the chain of transmitters ,3  those facts are brought out by history, in that knowledge of the different types of breaks in the chain of transmitters ^ results from it. History shows, for instance, that a transmitter was no contempo rary of the person on whose authority he handed down a certain tradition; or that he was his contemporary but did not meet him,  bec aus e the two men liv ed in diff ere nt cou ntri es an d none of the m  vis ite d the co un try of the othe r, nor did th ey me et on the pil  grimage or the hke, in addition to the fact that the transmitter had no (written) permission ^or the like from his authority.  A ce rta in hadU  expert found it difficult that Yun us b. Muhammad al-Mu’addib ®should have transmitted traditions on the authority  ^ Cf. A. J.  W  e n s i n c k  , a  Handbook of Ear ly Muh amm adan Trad ition,   260 (Leiden 1927); TB ,  IV, 14; Ibn as-Salah,  Muq addi mah,   ch. 34, p. 239 in the edition of M. Ragib at-Tabbah (Aleppo 1350/1931). ^ This tradition is not m,entioned in the musnad   of 'A^isah in Ibn Hanbal. Cf. also the references in  W  e n s i n c k  , op. cit., 8 6 a ; Ibn Hanbal,  Mu sna d,  V , 11 5 f. (Cairo 1 3 1 3 ) . ^ The technical terms in this passage cannot be translated, and it is superfluous for the understanding of the context to explain them in detail. * Personal contact was no longer necessary to obtain an ijdzah. ®D. 208/823 {TB,  IV , 350 f.).

TRANSLATION

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of al-Layt,i because (Yunus and al-Layt) hved in different coun tries. He therefore suspected a break in the chain of transmitters  be twe en the two . Al- Mi zzi , ho we ver , sai d: “ Pe rha ps, he me t him on the pilgrimage.” Then, he said: “Or rather in BagdM when al-Layt came there on a mission.” ^ It is strange that al-Hatib mentioned ‘Abd-al-Mahk b. Habib among the transmitters of traditions on the authority of Malik. It was thirty years after the death of Malik that ‘Abd-al-Malik traveled in quest of knowledge. In fact, he was born after Malik’s death.®  A sim ilar cas e is Ib n an -N aj ja r’s conf usio n of Mu ham ma d b. al-Jahm as-Susi and Muhammad b. al-Jahm as-Sami. He mentioned as-Susi as the transmitter of a story which as-Susi (allegedly) had heard from al-Muhtadi bi-llah b. al-Watiq (who said) that he had  bee n wi th his fa the r wh ile he wa s ca h ph ----- Ibn Hajar said: “ This is a gross error. As-Sami heard that story abo ut thirty years after the death of as-Susi, and al-Muhtadi’s father, al-Watiq, died about twenty years after as-Susi’s death.” ^ In Ibn as-Sam‘ani’s  Ansd b,   it is mentioned under al-Qaddahi that after the death of Isma‘il b. Ja'far as-SMiq, ‘Abdallah b. Maymun al-Qad dah claimed to be Ism a‘il’s son. Ibn as-S am‘ani  was co ntr adi cte d by Ib n a]- Ati r who rem ark ed th at “ Is m a‘ il died  whi le his fath er, J a ‘fa r as -S Mi q, was sti ll ahv e. Thu s, how cou ld al-Qaddah have claimed to be Isma‘il’s son while Isma'il’s father  was stil l aliv e ? ” ® The hadit   expert 'Abd-al-Cani stated in the  Ka md l   that Jabir  b. N uh al-H am ma ni died in the y ear 203/818-ig.® Al- Mi zzi c onsi dered 1 Al-Layt b. Sa'd, an Egyptian, d. i  75 /79 i {TB,  X II I, 3 £f.). TB ,  XIII, 313 mentions  Yu nu s as one of al -L ay t’s stude nts while the lat ter was in Ba gd M. 2 Yusu f b. 'Abd-ar-Rahm an al-Mizzi, d. 742/1341 (cf. G A L ,  II, 64). His Tahdtb al-Kamdl   whic h cer tai nly was the source of the quo tation was not ava ilab le for chec king . 3  'Abd-al-Malik b. Habib, d. 238/853, or 239 (cf. GAL, I,  149 f -; M a h m u d M a k k i , in  Revist a del Insti tuto Egi pci o de Estu dios Isld mic os,  V, 189 ff., 221 ff. [i 957 ], where the date of his birth is given as 174/790). Malik b. Anas, d. 179/795   (cf- G A L ,  I, 175 f.). Al-Hatib alBagdMi, Abu Bakr Ahmad b. 'Ali, was born in 392/ 1002 and died in 463/1071 (cf. G A L , I, 392). I did not succeed in locating the above statement in his works. ‘ Cf. Ahmad b. 'Ali b. Hajar ( 77 3 -852 /i 372 -i 44 9 >cf. G A L ,  II, 67-70),  Lisd n,  V, 109 f. The first Muhammad b. al-Jahm is better known as al-Barmaki, the latter one as the brother of the poet ‘Ali b. al-Jahm. Muhammad b. Mahmud b. an-Najjar (d. 643/1245, cf. G A L , I, 360),  Da yl Ta Mh Bagdad ,  is the probable source of Ibn Hajar. ^ 'Abd -al-K arim b. Muh ammad (Ibn) as-Sa m“^ani (d. 562/1167, cf. G A L , I,  j,2g t.), Ansd b, fol. 449a; Ibn al-Atir, the author of the  Ka mil ,  'A ll b. Muh ammad (d. 630/1233, cf. G A L , I, 345 f.),  Luhdb,   II, 245 (Cairo 1357-69)« 'Abd-al-Gani b. 'Abd-al-W ahid a l-Jamma 'ili al-Maqdisi (d. 600/1203, cf. G A L ,  I, 356),  Kam dl,   Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 55, fol. 28a-b. Cf. also TB ,  VII, 237 f-, where Jabir’s death

276

this a mista ke and sa id: “ In fact, he diedin 183/799-800.” (9) Ibn Hajar contradicted al-Mizzi and said that it was one of the most curious errors which al-Mizzi committed in his book. In support of ‘Abdal-Gani, he quoted a statement by az-Zuhri concerning ^ Ahmad  b. Hanb al,^ one of the tra nsm itt ers of tra dit ion s on the au th or ity of al-Hammani, to the effect that it was only after the year (1)86/802 that Ahmad b. Hanbal traveled in quest of knowledge. Moreover, Judge Ahma d b. Buday l ^and Muhammad b. Tarif al-Bajali ^are transmitters of traditions on the authority of al-Hammani, and  bo th men did no t stu dy un til afte r the nine ties . ^All thi s ma ke s the statement of the author of the  Ka md l   appear to be the more likely one.  A num ber of scho lars ga ve the ye ar 160/77 6-77 as the da te of the death of Mujammi' b. Ya'qub b. Mujammi' b. Yazid b. Jariyah al-Ansari.® Ad-Dahabi was hesitant to accept this date, because Qutayba h who did not travel in quest of knowledge until after the seventies was one of the transmitters of traditions on the authority of M ujammi‘ . However, the fact that Q utaybah trans mitted traditions on Mujammi^’s authority needs verification.® Sufyan at-Tawri^ said: When the transmitters employed lies,  we em plo ye d hi sto ry in deaUn g wi th th em ." Hassan b. Zayd^o is said to have stated that as a protection is placed in 203. 'Abd-al-Gaui’s authority for the date of Jabir’s death is Mutayyaii. The authority of TB   is Muhammad b. 'Abdallah al-Hadrami. The same Hadrami, strangely enough, is al-Mizzi’s authority for the earlier date, of. Tahdtb al-Kamdl,  Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 25, s.v.  Jabir b. Nuh. 1  Sic   Ms. Leiden. I do not know which Zuhri could be meant here. The name is probably not correct. 2 Ahm ad b. Muhammad b. Hanbal, 164-241/780-855 (cf. G A L ,  I, 181-83). Ibn Hanbal could, of course, have studied with Jabir in Bagdad at an earher date, as he is also said to have been a student of Ibrahim, b. Sa'^d az-Zuhri who died between 183 and 185, cf   V I, 81-86. ®D. 258/871-72 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  I, 17 f.). *  D. around 240/854-55 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb, IX , 235 f. ?). ®All these points of criticism are found together in a marginal note written by the scribe of the Cairo manuscript of al-Mizzi (p. 275, n. 6), who lived in Damascus in 741/1341. " He and his grandfather are mentioned by al-Buhari, T a M h ,  IV, i, 408-10. ’ Qutaybah b. Sa'id, d. 240/855, or 241 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  VIII, 358-61). ®Muhammad b. Ahmad ad-Dahabi (673-748/1274-1348, cf. G A L ,  II, 46-48). Cf. Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb, X, 49. » Sufyan b. Sa'^id at-Tawri, d. 161/777-78, or 162 (TB,  IX, 151 ff.). This and the following three sayings are found together in as-Sibli,  Mah dsi n al-wasd^il. Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 5557 , fol. 95b. All of them, with the exception of that ascribed to Hassan  b. Za yd , are men tion ed by Ibn as-S alah ,  Muq addi mah,   ch. 60. Sufyan’s familiar saying is also quoted by al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  Ki fdy ah,   119 (Hyderabad 1357); Ibn al-Jazari (below, p. 421, n. 2),  Muht asar Ta^rih al-I sldm   (by ad-Dahabi), a work which the author finished in R ajab 7g8/April 1396, Ms. Alex andria Ta^rih 2o72d, p. 3. Cf. TB ,  VII, 357. Ibn ^Asakir, according to as-Sibli, loc. cit.,  suggested a correction to

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TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW i’ s I ‘L AN

against liars nothing is as effective as history. If upon being asked a sayh  indicates the date of his birth and we know the date of the death of his authority, we know whether he speaks the truth or  wh eth er he is a har. Judge Hafs b. Ciy at ^ is said to have stated; “ If you suspect (the veracity of) an authoiity, question him about the two ages, that is, his own age and the age of his authorities.” Isma‘il b. ‘A y y a s ^ dehberately ^ asked a man: “ In which year did you study with HMid b. Ma'd an?” When he told him, “ In the  ye ar 113/ 731 -32 ,” Is m a' il sai d: “ So, yo u pro fess to ha ve stu die d  wi th him sev en ye ars af te r his de at h. ” Suhayl b. Dakwan Abu s-Sindi transmitted traditions on the authority of ‘A ’isah, professing that he had met her in Wasit. Thus, the he comes out, for the death of ‘A ’isah took place some time before al-Hajjaj’s estabhshment of Wasit as a colony.^ In this connection, (one may also quote) the statement of Ibn al-Munadi ^that al-A ‘mas ®held the stirrup of Ab u B akrah at-Taqafi,’ and the following remark of Ibn Hajar regarding that state ment; “ This is an ugly mistake. A l-A ‘mas was born in either 61/680-1 or 59/678, and Abu Bakrah died either in 51/671 or 52/672. How could al-A‘mas have held the stirrup of someone who died ten years or so before his birth!” Ibn Hajar said further; “With considerable hesitation, one might suggest that al-A‘mas held the stirrup of the son of  Abu B akrah. Th e word ‘son’ may have been Hammad b. Zayd, against the text of TB   available to him. Cf. also as-Suyuti,  Samd rih, 8 Se

y b o l d (Leiden 1894). 1 D. 195/810-11, or 196 (TB,  VIII, 188 ff.). For the saying, cf. also al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,

 Ki fdy ah ,  119 f. 2 D. 182/798-99 (TB,  V I, 221 ff.). 3 The word ihtiydran  here replaces the introduction that goes with this saying in the other sources. Ahmad Taymur, according to the edition of the  IHdn   171, thought that ihtiydr  was the dialect word for old: “ . . . asked an old man.” T his is unlikely. The meaning appears to be that he asked “in order to find out.” (A correction of ihtiydran to ihtibdran  wo uld not be nece ssar y.) Cf. also as- Safa di, Waft,  I, 45 R  i t t e r ; as-Suyuti,  Nazm al-Hqy dn, 6 H i t t i (New Yor k 1927). Halid b. M a'an’s death is placed between 203/818-19 and 205/ 820-21. *  Ibn Hajar,  Li sd n,   III, 124 f., probab ly is the immediate source of as-Sahawi. 'A ’isah died in 58/678. Wasit was settled by al-H ajjaj b. Yu suf (d. 95/714) between 83 and 86/702-5. Suhayl is mentioned, without a date, in al-Buhari, T a M h ,  II, 2, 105. » Apparently, Ahmad b. Ja'far, d. 336/947 {TB,  IV, 69 f.). His  Kit db al-H dfi z   is quoted  by Ibn al-‘ Ad im ,  Bug yat at-talab.  Phot. Cairo TaM h 1566, 179 and 428; Ibn Saddad, al AHdq al-hati rah,  ms. Topkap usaray, R evan K osk 1564, fol. 96a. His  Af wd j al-qurrd^ is quoted in TB ,  V, 41, and as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 351a. His  Kit db al-M aldh im  is quoted in T B , X ,  107, and, rather extensively, it seems, in Ibn al-Barizi (above, p. 88, n. 2), fols. 2ib-36a, 44b. • Sulayman b. Mihran, d. 147/764-65, or 148/765 (TB,  I X, 3 ff.). ’ N u f a y '  b. al-Harit (an-Nawawi,  Biog raph ical Dict iona ry, 677 f.  W O s

t e n f e l d

).

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omitted from the rest.” Ibn Ha jar was amazed tha t (the anachro nism involved in Ibn al-Munadi’s statement) should have escaped al-Mizzi, in spite of his knowledge and critical attitude.^ In the introduction of Muslim, it is stated that al-Mu*alla b. ‘Urfan^ said: Abu WaMP told us (10): Ibn Mas'ud^ w ent out against us at Siffin. Abu Nu ‘aym— that is, al-Fadl b. Du kayn ® —  who tol d the st or y on the au th or ity of al- Mu ‘a lla sa id : “ Do yo u think that Ibn Mas‘ud was brought to life again after death The implication is that Ibn Mas‘ud died in 32/652-53 or 33/653-54, three years before the end of the caliphate of 'Utman, and the  ba ttl e of Siff in to ok pla ce in the cal iph ate of ‘A li two ye ar s af te r the end of ‘Utman’s cahphate. Ibn Mas'ud, therefore, could not have gone against them at Siffin.®  An oth er sim ilar inst anc e of the usef ulne ss of hi sto ry is fou nd in connection with a certain scholar’s characterization of Ibrahim  b. Y a 'q u b al- Ju za ja ni as a Ja riri , a foll owe r of the jur idi ca l scho ol of Muhammad b. Jarir at-Tabari.’ Ibrahim belongs to the class of Ibn Jarir’s teachers. This fact is clear from the dates (ta^rih)  of the  bir th and the de ath of the two men. Ib ra hi m’ s nishah  is not Jariri,  bu t Ha riz i, aft er Ha riz b. ‘Utman.® History is also useful in that it constitutes one of the two ways to find out about errors regarding persons with identical names in cases in which someth ing referring to one of th em is (wrongly) ascribed to the other. This can be done by establishing that the one was born after the death of the other. A case of this kind is that of Ahma d b. Nasr b. Zi yM al-Ham adani. He died in 317/929-30, and it was suggested that he was identical with Ahmad b. Nasr ad-D^wudi ®who died in 402/1011-12. Th ere are man y such instances.

‘ Cf. Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  IV , 223 and 225 f. * Cf. al-Bul>iri, IV, i, 390; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  VI, 64. * gaqiq b. Salimah, d. 79/698-99 (al-Buhari, II, 2, 246 !.: TB ,  IX , 368 ff.; anNawawi,  Biog rap hica l D icti ona ry,  318  W  u s t e n f e l d ). ‘ 'Abdallah b. Mas'M (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  V II, 162 f.). “ D. 219/834 {TB,  X II, 346 ff. ; his biography from the  Kam dl   of 'Abd-al-Gani al-Jamin E . S a c h a u ,  Stud ien zur altesten Geschic htsiib erlief erung der Arabe r, in  Mitt eilu nge n des Seminars fUr or. Sprachen, Westas. Studien,  VI I, 189 ff., 1904;  E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  Abu Nu'aym,). Abu Nu'aym was a prominent authority for the historians, of., for instance, alBuhari’s Ta^rth  where a num,ber of dates are mentioned on his authority. « Cf. MusUm b. al-H ajjaj (d. 261/875, cf. G A L ,  I, 160 f.),  Sahth   I, 152 f. (Bu laq 1304. Margin of al-Qastallini,  IrSdd). ’’   The famous historian, 224 or 225-310/839-923 (cf. G A L ,  I, 142 f.). » D. 162/778-89, or 163 or 168/784-85 {TB,  V III, 265 ff.). * AM aiikite jurist who lived in Tripoli and Tlemcen, cf. ad-Dahabi, TaMh al-Isldm, anno

279

History often helps to discover falsifications in documents and the Hke. It may show that the judge before whom the deposition (in a case) was made, or the witness, or some other particip ant in a case, or the like, died prior to the date (ta^nh)  of the document. For instance, some Jew presented a document which, he claimed,  wa s a le tte r of Mu ham ma d ex em pti ng the (Jew ish) inh ab ita nts of Haybar from the payment of the poll tax. The document was signed by witnesses from among the men around Muhammad.  Am on g th e sign atu res , it is said , wa s th at of *Ali. In 447/10 55-56, this document was brought before the chief government official,  A bu 1-Qasim ‘Ali,i the wazir of al-Qa’im. *Ali submitted it to the great authority in the rehgious sciences, Abu Ba kr al-Hatib AlHatib studied it and declared it to be a falsification. Asked upon  wh at he bas ed his opin ion, he sai d: Th e con qu est of H ay ba r too k place in the year 7/628-29, and the document contains the signature of Mu‘awiyah who became a Muslim only in the year of the Conquest (of Mecca in the year 8/629-30). It also contains the signature of Sa'd b. Mu‘ad, who had died on the Day of the Banu Qurayzah, two years before the conquest of Haybar. ‘All fully approved of this (argumentation) of al-Hatib and based the decision in the matter upon it. The Jews were not granted the tax exemption  wh ich wa s sti pu lat ed in the doc um ent, bec aus e it ha d bec om e cle ar that it was a falsification.^ In ar-RMi‘i ,3 ^  jg stated: Ibn Surayj ^ was asked about the claim of the Jews of Haybar (11) that ‘All had written them a letter exempting them from the paym ent of (the poll tax). He replied that this was not based upon any Muslim source.  W he n al- H at ib ha d p ro ve d his poi nt, the afo re- me nti one d chi ef government official composed a pamphlet stating that the docu ment was invahd. The religious leaders Abu t-Tayyib at-Tabari,® 402 (Ms. ar. Yale University L-162 [N e m o y   1176]); U. R  i z z i t a n o , in  RS O,   X X X I I , 5 3 6 f *

(1957).

^ ‘A ll b. al-Hasan, d. 450/105 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu ntaza m,   VI II, 200 f.). » The famous story of the FJatib’s exposure of the Haybar fraud is often quoted, cf. the references in F. R  o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, 4 7 b (Rome 1 9 4 7 ,  Anal ecta Orien talia , 2 4 ) . Cf. also aS-Sibli, loc. cit.  (p. 2 7 6 , n. 9). » This may be the author of the  His tory of Qazwtn,   'Abd-al-Karim b. Muhammad, d. 623/1226 (cf. G A L ,  I, 393). The text from here on to the end of the Safi'i story is omitted in Ms. Leiden. * The identity of this person eludes me. 'Ali would seem to be ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, and not the wazir. Still, Ibn Surayj could hardly be the famous Ahmad b. ‘Umar, d. 306/918 {TB,  IV, 287 ff.; GAL Supplement   I, 306 f.), or his son ‘Umar, because it seems doubtful that this paragraph could refer to a date previous to the ^atib episode. ®T^hir b. ‘ Abdaliah , 348-450/959 (96o)-io58 (Ibn al-Jaw zi,  Mun taza m,   VIII, 198).

28o

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 A bu Na sr b. as -S ab ba g/ Mu ham ma d b. Mu ham ma d al- Bay daw i,^ Muhammad b. ‘Ali ad-Damagani, » and others endorsed it. In the sixty-fourth “session" of the  Jal is,   a]-Mu‘afa b. Zakariya’ an-Nahrawani 4 reported through ^ Ma‘mar b. Sabib b. Saybah that the latter had heard al-Ma’mun say: “ I examined as-§Mi‘i ® in every respect and found him perfect. Only one quality remains to be investigated: I shall ply him with wine {nabid)  enough to overpower a man of the highest intelligence.” Al-Ma'mun, accord ingly, invited as-Safi‘i and plied him (with wine). It appeared that his mind remained completely uninfluenced, and he continued his argument. Al-Mu‘afa added that the soundness of the story was doubtful. Ibn H ajar remarked to this story in the  Lis dn :  "Nobody  who has the slig hte st kno wle dge of hi sto ry wil] fai l to rec ogn ize that the story is not true. As-§afi"i came to E gypt at the beginning of the third century. At that time, al-Ma’mun was in Hurasan.  A s- §a fi ‘i the n die d in Eg yp t in the ye ar in wh ich al- Ma ’m un we nt from Hurasan to the ‘Iraq, that is, in the year 204/819-20.  A s- Sa fi‘i an d al- Ma ’m un nev er me t wh ile the la tte r wa s cali ph.  An d how cou ld one be liev e th at as -§ M i‘i wo uld ha ve done such a thing! It was he who said: If it were unbecoming for me to drink cold water, I would drink nothing but warm water.” History may also be helpful to obtain for a deserving man what is due to him. This happened, for instance, to Sayh §ams-ad-din b. ‘Ammar al-Maliki.® He was installed as professor of Mahki juris prudence in the Musallamiya h College ®in the Su yuriyin quarter in Cairo. However, objections were made to his appointment on the ground that the person who had endowed the chair had stip ulated that the incumbent should be in his forties. §ams-ad-dm

^ 'Abd-as -Sayyid b. Muhammad, 400-477/1009 (ioio) -io8 4 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m,  I X , 12 f.). “ 392-468/1001 ( i o o 2) - i o 76 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu ntaza m,   VIII, 300). * 398-478/1007-85 (Ibn al-Jawzi, Mwnte am, IX, 22 ff.). « D . 390/1000 (cf. G A L ,  I, 184; A. D i e t r i c h , in  ZD M G,   CV, 271-86 [1955]). Ms. or. Princeton 1369 = 705 H includes the beginning of the six ty-fourth session but does not have the story cited above. “ The word “ through ” was chosen as the translation of min tartq  “throu gh the specific chain of transmitters which leads through . . . ” . « Muhamm ad b. Idris, 150-204/767-820 (cf. G A L ,  I, 178-80). ’ The whole paragraph is derived from Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   VI, 67. 8 Muhammad b. 'Ammar, 768-844/1367-1441 (Daw\  V I I I , 232-34). In the  Da w\   Ibn Hajar is quoted as referring to the affidavit which placed the birth of Ibn 'Ammar in 758/1357) but apparently as-Sahawi gave no credence to it. ’ Cf. al-Maqrizi,  Hi tat,   II, 401 (Bulaq 1270).

TRANSLATION

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established through an affidavit that he was just then forty-five  ye ars old. Badr-ad-din b. al-Qattan ^deprived Zayn-al-‘Abidin b. as-§arafi (Saraf-ad-din) aJ-Munawi ^ of the piofessoish ip in the Hariibiyah ,  whi le th e fat he r of Za yn -a l-‘ Ab idi n was sti ll ah ve and af ter his separation from the judgeship in the days of al-Asraf In^l.^ The person who had endowed the chair had stipulated th at its incumbent should be over foity years of age, and Zayn-al-‘Abidin was not yet forty. On the other hand, in the first part of the  Notes {fawdHd)  of alHalabi,^ we find the following statement transmitted through  A bu Is m a‘ il at -T irm idi ®w ho sai d: “ I hea rd al -B uw ay ti ®s ay :  A s- §a fi ‘i wa s ask ed ho w old he was or in wh at ye ar he wa s bo m, and he replied: It is unbecoming for (12) a man to tell his age.”  A bu Is m a‘ il is als o the sour ce for the sta tem en t th at he hea rd ‘A bd al-‘Aziz al-Uwaysi say: “ Someone asked Malik: O Abu ‘Abdallah, how old are you?, and Malik replied: Mind your own business.” These stories are directed against (prying into a person’s age)  wh ich is un ne ces sar y unle ss the re is a serio us purp ose beh ind it. This particularly applies to a person who despite his youth has already achieved something, because set ^ old people especially like to pick on (the fact of his) youth.  Y a h y a b. A kt am ®n oti ced such an int en tio n on the pa rt of someone who asked him about his age at the time he became a  jud ge. He wa s (then) on ly ab ou t tw en ty ye ar s old. Th ere for e, he replied: “ I am older than ‘At tab b. Asid^® when Muham mad ap pointed him governor of Mecca— according to al-Waqidi,^^ Attab  wa s at th at tim e (just) ov er tw en ty ye ars old— ; o lder tha n M u‘ ad 1 Muhammad b. Muhammad, 814-879/1412 (Jan. ist)-75 (Daw^,  IX, 248-52). Muhammad b. Yahya b. Muhammad, 829-873/1426-69 {Daw^,  X I, 173 f.). His father  was bor n in 798/1396, and he died in 871/ 1467 {Daw^, X,  254-57)- Cf.  Daw^,  IX, 250. ^ Ruled 857-865/1453-61 {Daw^,  II , 328 f.). *• I was not able to authenticate this statement. * Muhamm ad b. Isma 'il, d. 280/893 (TB,  I I, 42 ff.). * Yusuf b. Yahya, d. 231/845-46, or 232 (TB,  X IV , 299 ff.). ’ 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. ‘Abdallah, d. about 220/835 (cf. L. C a e t a n i , Onomasticon Arahicum 161, Rome 1915). * It was exceptional that a scholar such as ad-Dahabi had a sense of humor, and was free from the “set state of mind ” and dull stubbornness of hadtt   scholars and transmitters, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  III, 337. * D. at the end of 242/847 or in the beginning of 243 {TB,  XIV , 191 ff.). TB ,  XIV, 198 f., has two versions of the above story. Cf. also al-Gazzali,  Ihyd^,  I, 128 (Cairo 1334); al-'Amili,  KaS kM,   I, 388 f. (Cairo 1380/1961), quoti ng TB . D. 13/634 (an-Nawawi,  Biog rap hical Dic tiona ry,  405  W  u s t e n f e l d ). Muhammad b. 'Umar 130-207/747-823 (cf. G A L ,  I, 135 f.).

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 b. Ja ba l ^w he n Mu ha mm ad sent him as a jud ge to the Ye me n, and older than K a ‘b b. Sur ^ when ‘Um ar sent him as a judge to alBasrah.” Something similar happened to our teacher, Kam^l-ad-din  b. Humam-a d-din.® Wh en al- As ra f B a rs b iy ap poi nte d him he ad of his College, people made critical remarks to al-Asraf about Kam alad-din because of his youth. Therefore, when al-Asraf received Kamal-ad-din in order to invest him, he asked him about hi? age. Kamal-ad-din replied: “ I am older than ‘A ttab, and so-and-so,” or something like this. He did not expressly tell him his age, but anyhow, both Yahya b. Aktam and Kamal-ad-din thus indicated the date of their birth. In fact, when al-‘Abbas ^ was asked who was older/greater, he or Muhammad, he replied: “ I am more advanced in years than he,  bu t he is olde r/gre ater tha n I. " Ou r tea ch er, Za yn -ad -d in R i d w a n , ® made a similar reply, when he was asked who was older, he or the Sayh-al-Islam Ibn Hajar. History also affords proof of the accuracy of a transmitter  wh en he sa ys reg ard ing the ma ter ia l tra ns mi tte d b y him : “ A nd this is the first thing I learned from him.’' Or: “ So-and-so was the last person to transmit traditions on the authority of so-and-so.” Or: “I saw him on Thursday doing such-and-such a thing.” Or: “ I studied with him before he introduced his innovations.” Or: “ ...b efo re he became confused.” There is much of this sort in the text of the traditions. For instance: “ The first beginning of Muhammad(’s prophecy) was the true dream. ” ®Or: “ The first {surah)  to be revealed of the Qur’an was such-and-such.” Or: “ The first mosque to be constructed, (Muhammad) replied, was the Masjid al-haram (in Mecca) and the Masjid al-aqsa (in Jerusalem),” and he indicated the time interval between the construction of the ^ D. 18/639 (an-Nawawi, op. cit.,  559-61). ’ D. 36/656 (Ibn SaM, Tabaqdt,  VII, i, 65 f. S a c h a u and others). ®Muham,nxad b. 'Abd-al-Wahid, about 790-861/1388-1457 (Daw^,  VIII, 127-32). He  was app oin ted in Ba rs ba y’ s Col lege in 829/1426 (Daw^,  VIII, 130). * Al-'Abbas b. 'Abd-al-Muttalib, the Prophet’s uncle, d. 32/652-53, or 34 (an-Nawawi, op. cit.,  330-32). Cf. Abii Zur'ah ad-Dim,a§qi,  His tor y, Istanbul ms. Fatih 4210, fol. io8b; al-Hakim, an-N isaburi,  Must adra k,  III, 320 (Hyderabad 1334-42/1915-23); P. A. G r y a z n e  vi CH ,  Ara bsk iy An oni m X I veka,  fol. 238a (Moscow i960); Usamah b. Munqid, al-Badt^ ft  naqd aS-Si'-r,  285 (Cairo 1380/1960). The play on the double meaning of akbar  meaning both “ older” and “ greater” is, of course, lost on us. ®Ridwan b. Muhammad, 769-852/1368-1448 {Daw\  III, 226-29; G A L ,  II, 77). • Cf., e.g., Ibn HiSam,  Stra h,  151  W t) sx EN FE LD ; al-Buhari,  Saht h,  I, 4 f. K r e h l ; a§Sibli,  Ma hds in al-wasdHl,   P h o t . C a i r o T a ^ h 5557, fol. 42a. ’ Cf., e.g., Yaqut,  Mu^ jam,  IV, 592  W O s t e n f e l d ; Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  II, 298, where reference is made to the two  Safiih s.

283

two mosques. O r: “ The first ch ild to be born in Islamic times, that is, in Medina, was ‘Abdallah b. az-Zu bayr.” ^ Or: “ The last (thing) that happened was such-and-such,” as was mentioned above.2 Further statements of historical significance are the remark concerning Monday: “And that is (13) the day on which I was ” Or “ We used to do such-and-such a thing when  bo m, e tc  we we nt to A by ss in ia .” Or: “ Suc h-a nd- suc h a thi ng was forb idd en on the Day of Haybar.” There are similar remarks, such as, for instance, the phrase: “ Before there was revealed to him.” Because of the frequency of this (type of historical information), a number of ancient scholars, and also some more recent ones, wrote special  wo rks on the “ fir st th ing s.” A b u Z ak ar iy a’ b. Ma nda h ^ wro te on the  Last of the men around Muh amm ad to die.   Some recent scholars  wr ote on the “ las t th in gs ” exc lusi vely .^ Be cau se of the fre qu en cy of such rema rks in the text of traditions, al-Bulqini ®wrote a  _ _ 

special monograph on them. History may concern either the chain of transmitters or the text of the traditions. < Instances for the helpfulness of history with regard to the chain of transmitters have been mentioned. There are also cases in which history affects > ®both the chains of trans mitters and the text of the traditions, as happens in the various cases of manipulation of the connection between text and chain of transmitters.'^ Or the text of the traditions (alone) may be affected by historical references such as: “ Time was already revolv ing in its usual manner on the day on which God created heaven and earth, the year consisting of twelve months.” ®— "Wh oever fasts during the month of Ramadan and continues his fast for six days in the month of SawwM .” ® — “Th e best fast after tha t of the 1 Cf., e.g., as-§ibli, op. cit.,  fol. 105 b;  I^ldn,  80, below, p. 382. “ Cf.  IHdn,   8, above, p. 274. » Yah ya b. 'Abd-al-Wahhab, a grandson of Abu 'Abdallah b. Mandah, d. 512/1119 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  IX, 204), or 511/1118 (Ibn Rajab,  Da yl tabaqdt al -Han dbil ah, I, 154-66 a d -D a h h a n and L a o u s t [Damascus 1370/1951); Ibn Hallikan, IV, 57 trans. D e S l a n e ). The date 484 for his birth, which we find in the  Mun tazam ,  is, of course, a mistake, since Yahya’s father 'Abd-al-Wahhab died in 475/^082 {Muntazam,   IX, 5)- Yahya was born in 434/1043* Cf., for instance, Ibn al-Lubudi {Daw^,  I, 293). ®This m ay be <^Abd-ar-Rahman b. '^Umar, d. 824/1421 (cf. G A L ,  II, 112), but neither for him nor for the other two prominent members of his family does the  Daw^  list a work of the kind described. • The suggested reconstruction of the text is not certain. ’ For the terms mudtarib  and maqlub,  cf., for instance, Ibn as-Salah,  Muq addi mah, chs. 19 and 22. * C f. Concordance,  II, 158a. • Cf. Concordance,  I, 261b.

284

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘LAN

TRANSLATION

month of Ramadan is (in) the month of al-Muharram, the fast of tasu‘a" and ‘asura\” and the opinion of Ibn ‘Abbas ^that tasu'a’  was the ten th (of al-M uha rra m). — “ A mo nth con sists of th ir ty an d twenty-nine (days).” ^— ,,Fasting is commanded on the ‘white days’, and forbidden on the ‘Id festival, and on Saturday, except in connection with a day before or after it.” ^There is an unlimited number of similar statements. For instance: “ The pilgrimage is (fulfilled only if it includes the sojourn at) ‘Arafah .” ^— “ God created the earth on Saturday, the mountains on Sunday, the trees on Monday, darkness on Tuesday, light on Wednesd ay, the beasts of burden on Thursday, and Adam on Frid ay.” ® — Muhammad's statement near the end of his life: “ In a hundred years, nobody  wi ll be lef t of tho se wh o wa lk on ea rth to d ay .” ®  Al l thi s sho ws the nee d for a kn ow led ge of hi sto ry or co nst itu te s one of its useful aspects. Thus, as will presently be mentioned, it has been stated on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that God men tioned history in the Qur’an in the verse: “ They will ask you about the new moons. Tell them: They are fixed dates for men and the pilgrimage.” ’ On the authority of Qatadah,® this verse was ex plained as follows: God made the new moons fixed dates for the fasts, the breaking of the fasts, and the pilgrimages of the Muslims, as well as for the  Hddah  periods of their wives.  A gre at gi ft of ob vio us usef ulne ss is t he inf orm ati on wh ich hi sto ry may give about the prophets and their habits {sunnah),  together  w ith th e inf orm ati on ab ou t sch olar s an d the ir schoo ls, sage s an d their sayings, ascetic and devout men and their sermons. This serves to prepare man better for the life after death and for his religion. It helps him to improve his religious convictions and his approach to religious matters as well as his approach to the practical problems of this world (14). Great usefulness and much instructiveness are also to be found in the historical information about kings and their politics, about * 'Abdallah b. Abbas , the Proph et’s cousin, d. 68/787-88, or 69, or ^ C f . Concordance,  I, 272b, 298b. ®Cf. Concordance,  I, 243b, and II, 390a. ‘ Cf. Concordance,  I, 420b. Cf. also al-Buhar!, Ta^rth,  I, 2, iii , etc.;  V II , 2, 104 S a c h a u and others. ^ C f . Concordance,  II, 390. Cf. also al-Kafiy aji, below, p. 563. • Cf. Concordance,  I, 207a. Cf. also, e.g., al-Buhari,  Sah ih,   I, 150 f. ’ Qur’an ii 189 (185 FI.). Cf. Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, Ms. Topkapusaray, fols. 3b-4a. ).

in a verse which w ill be mentione d below. ^  A cer tai n au th or ity ve ry ap tly rem ark ed: “ Th er e are tw o in tellects, the one (given) by nature, and the other (acquired) by studying. The latter is of no use where the former is lacking.” ^ Historical reports about fine, generous, faithful, virtuous, brave, or chivalrous men are also highly instructive and very useful. The enjoyment which high-minded and gifted persons fee] when they stud y those stories molds their natures. Th ey become inclined to follow and imitate the heroes of those stories, because they wish to partake in that fame and glory to which the elite of mankind aspires. God thus stated with regard to the most pious Ibrahim, ‘His friend,’ that he said: “And prepare for me truthful speech among posterity.” ^ God further said graciously regarding several of His prophets: “ We preserved something abou t them among posterity.” ^ And regarding His choicest creature (Muhammad), He said: “W e exalted your memory for you.” ® — “ Behold, it is a memory for you and your people.” The extraordinary desire of noble-minded men for histor(ical fame) finds expression in the following remark of the author of the  Risd lat as-S uk ut   and other works, Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan b. Ahmad  b. ‘A bd all ah b. al -B an na ’ al-Q ura si al- Ha nb ali : “ I wish th at alHatib al-Bagdadi had mentioned me in his  His tory ,  even if it

1

Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,

e h l

.

Ahmet III, 2907,

« QatM ah b. Di'amah, d. 117/735 (Yaqut,  IrSdd,   XV II, 9 f. Cairo = V I, 202 M a l i o u t h

the reasons for the formation of dynasties, their success as well as the reason for their dissolution, about the ad ministration of affairs by military men and wazirs, and a bout related circumstances which in a similar fashion recur continually in the world.^ He who knows this aspect of history is like a man who has lived through all ages, has experienced everything, and has personally tried out all those circumstances. His mind grows. He becomes experienced and free from all ignorance and inexperience. This idea has been expressed

had been as an untruthful  [hadit   scholar).”®

70.

K  r

r g o

285

-

Cf. al-Bayha qi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq, 8 (Teheran 1317): “Th ere is no event which did not

occur similarly b efore.” ^ The reference is to the v erse by al-Ba‘^uni (IHdn,  15 and 95, below, pp. 286 and 409). ^ This extremely common statement is often attributed to 'Ali b. Abi Talib. It is quoted again  I'^ldn,  24, below, p. 299. As-S ahaw i here seems to think of an “^Alid as its author. In the name of 'Ali, the statement is quoted, for instance, by al-(^azzali,  Ihyd^,  I, 76; III, 14 (Cairo 1346). *  Qur^an xxvi 84 (84 FL). ^ Qur^an xxxvii 78, 108, 119, and 129 (76, 108, 119, and 129 FL). ®Qur’an xciv 4 (4 FI.). ’ Qur’an xliii 44 (43 FI.). ®Cf. al-Qifti,  Inbd h ar-ruwdh.   I, 276 (Cairo 1369/1950— ), quoted in a footnote by the

286

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A S - S A h 1 w I ’ s I ‘ LA N

 A pers on wh o th ou gh t th at I wo uld res tri ct m yse lf to bio gra phi es of deceased persons similarly said: Would that I died in the lifetime of as-Sahawi, so that he would write my biography.”  A ll this ind ub ita bl e usef ulne ss an d la te nt ad va nt ag e of hi sto ry  wh ich we ha ve me ntio ned ex pre ssl y an d im pli ci tly ha s com e to the attention of many well-known religious leaders, and the reali zation of it determined them to propagate (the knowledge of) history among men. If there are ignorant persons who dislike history, they might thus be checked, and (on the other hand) all highly qualified men might get the benefit of historical knowledge. Our greatest rehgious leader (15) and chief authority, as-§afi‘i, made the following statement, as reported by the religious leader §ams-ad-din Muhammad b. §ihab-ad-din al-B a‘uni, who endorsed the statement as authentic: The knowledge of history increases man’s intellectual capacity.^ It w ill be quoted again later. The verse of the Qur’an: “We made night and day two signs.  We da rke ned the sign of the nig ht, an d we ma de the sign of the day luminous, so that you might desire excellence from your Lord and know the number of years and (time-)reckoning. We have everything divided systematically,” ^was commented upon by the religious leader Abu Ja'far b. Jarir at-Tabari, along the following general lines: “ Men should acquire through history a knowledge of the various time (-units), such as the hours of night and day, the months and years, at which their religious obligations, such as prayers, charity taxes, the pilgrimage, fasts, and other obligations must be discharged and at which their debts must be paid and col lected. God thus said: ‘The y will ask you ab out the new moons. Tell them: they are fixed dates for men and the pilgrimage,’ ^ and again: ‘It is He who made the sun a luminary, and editors of Yaqut,  Irsd d,  VII, 265 f. (Cairo); Yaqiat,  IrSdd,   VII, 268 (Cairo = III, 25 M a r g o l i o u t h ).  Al -Q ift i’s sour ce app ear s to ha ve been as- Sa in' an i’s  Supp leme nt to the His tory of Bagdad. For Ibu al-Banua’ (369-47i/ioo5(6)-io78), cf. above, pp. 83 and 174. ^ Muhammad b. Ahmad al-B a'uni (d. 871/1465, cf. G A L ,  II, 41;  Daw^,  VII, 114), Tuhfat  az-zurafd^,  Paris ms. ar. 1615, fols. 2b-sa, and Paris ms. ar. 3412, fol. 75b. Three more verses from al-Ba'^uni are quoted  I'^ldn,  95, below, p. 409. The verse also appears in Ibn ad-DaybaS  Bug yat al-mu stafi d,  Ms. Cairo Ta’rih iim , fol. la, and al-Gumri,  Daht rah,   Ms. Cairo TaMh 104, fol. 2a. 2 Qur’an xvii 12 (13 FI.). ^ Qur’ an ii 189 (185 FI.).

28 7

the moon a Ught, and who made fixed stations for the moon, so that you might know the number of years and (time-)reckoning. God created this for a good reason, establishing distinct signs for people who are understanding. Indeed, the change of night and day and the things which God created in heaven and upon earth are signs for people who fear God.’ ^God did all that out of kindness t o H i s c r ea tu re s , a n d a s a f a v or an d b o u n ty g r an t ed t h e m . . ^ and so on, in at-Tabari’s original and instructive manner. Indeed, there is a tradition on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas, saying that God mentioned history in the Qur’an. Mu‘ad b. Jabal asked Muhammad why the moon appeared thin like a line, then  w ax ed and gro wi ng big ger an d big ge r bec am e a sem icir cle and a circle, then waned and becoming thinner and thinner finally returned to its first condition. In reply, there was revealed (the verse of the Qur’an ): “T hey will ask you about the new moons {ahillah,  plural of hildl   ‘new moon’). Tell them: Th ey are fixed dates for men.” ®This means ( that they a re to indicate the dates of) their religious (observances), their fasts and the breaking of them, the duration of the  Hddah  period and pregnancy of their wives, the payment of their debts, and the payment of the wages of their hired men, and similar conditions, until a well-known term, mature  wisd om, and pa te nt bo unt ies are reached .^  Ac co rd ing to Q at M ah , the exp res sio n “ new moo ns” mu st be interpreted in the sense that God appointed them as fixed dates for the fasts, the breaking of the fasts, the pilgrimages, and the devotional exercises of the Muslims as well as the  Hddah  periods of their wives, and so on.® God knows bette r what is best for His creatures. In fact, there is the clear statement of the two  Sah ihs   on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar.® He said: “When the new moon was mentioned in the presence (i6) of Muhammad, he said: Do not fast until you see it, and do not break the fast until you see it. If you

^ Qur’an x 5 f, (5 f. FI.). “ Cf. at-Tabari, Ta^rih,  I, 3 f. D e G o e j e and others. ®Qur’an ii 189 (185 FI.). *  The tradition of Ibn 'Abbas is quoted in a shortened form by Ibn ad-Dawadan,  Ka nz  ad-durar,  Ph ot. Cairo T a’rih 2578, I, 81 f. Already Halifah b. Hay yat, at the beginning of his Ta^rih,  explained the significance of ta^rih  in a similar manner. ®Cf.  Pl an ,  13, above, p. 284. * 'Abdalla h b. 'Umar b. al-Ha ttab, d. 73/692-93, or 74 (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,  IV, i, 105-38 Sa

c h a u

and others).

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cannot see it, count the month of §a‘ban complete with thirtydays, and thereafter begin the fast.” ^ In the introduction of his  Hist ory,   al-Janadi reported the fol lowing tradition which was transmitted by a thorough scholar: “God revealed in the Torah a special book containing (information about) the conditions of past peoples and the respective length of their lifetime.” ^ In fact, God, in the Qur’an, told many stories which contain a good deal of information {ahbdr)  about the peoples of the past, such as the people of Niih and Hud, Madyan, and Tamud. There further are stories about Musa, Harun, Fir'aw n, a nd Qarun, about the Sevensleepers, and about Namrud and Ibrahim. God said, and what H e says is the truth: “ We shall tell you all the sto ries of the messengers (of old) through which we shall steady your heart. You will find in them the truth, and an exhortation, and something to be remembered for the believers.” ®An interp retation  wh ich find s a refe renc e to his tor y in the ve rse : “ An d He ga ve him added excellence of knowledge and body,” ^is ascribed to a certain Qur’an commentator. This is debatable.  Al l thi s is suff ici ent pro of of the gre at exc elle nce of hi sto ry and the eminent position and qualification of the historian.  A bu Ish aq Ah ma d b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ib rah im at-Ta*^labi sai d that God’s wisdom in telling Muhammad the stories of the prophets of the past and of bygone peoples had several aspects:® “ (i— These stories) are a clear indication and proof of Muham mad's prophetica l vocation. Muha mmad was illiterate. He h ad no tutor or teacher. He never left his country long enough to go to a scholar from whom he might have learned these stories. Muham mad’s acquaintance with these stories became known. Those among his compatriots who were intelligent thought about it, and they  Cf. Concordance,  II, 202a; TB ,  VII, 210. The reference apparently is to Muslim,  Saht h, 1  V, 50 ff . (Bu laq 1304. Marg in of al-Q asta llan i,  Irsdd ). The preceding three paragraphs appear in the same sequence in Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi (Ms. Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2907, fol. 4a), probably the immediate source of as-Sahawi, cf. above, p. 272, n. 2. ^ Muhammad b. Ya'qub b. Y usuf al-Janadi (d. 732/1332, cf. G A L ,  II, 184),  Sul uk , Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 996, p. 3. Cf. Vldn,   134,  bel ow, p. 484; iHdn,  29,  bel ow, p. 306,  wh ere the name of the author is Muhammad b. Yusuf b. Ya'^qub. The Cairo photostat and Hajji Halifah,  Ka ^f az-zu nun.   III, 6 13 F l u g e l , have Yusuf b. Ya'qub (without Muhammad b.). Cf., further, Diya^-ad-din b. al-Atir, al-Wasy al-marqum, 66 (Beirut 1298). ^ Qur^an xi 120 (121 FL).

289

reahzed that it was the result of divine revelation. They therefore  be lie ve d in Mu ham ma d an d tru ste d him . It wa s one of the mir acle s  wh ich con firm ed his pro ph eti ca l vo cat ion . Be for e it, he was ignored and rejected out of envy and spitefulness.^ (2— These stories) serve as an incentive (for the reader) to imitate their heroes in all those things for which they found God’s praise, and, on the other hand, they serve as a warning against the actions  wh ich Go d cens ured. (3— These stories) serve to confirm M uhamm ad(’s position) and to make known his glory and that of his people. He and his people  wer e spa red ma ny aff lict ion s wh ich tho se bef ore the m ha d suffere d. (God) gave them less severe religious laws and singled them out for acts of divine grace which they alone experienced. The verse of the Qur’an: ‘And he liberally bestowed upon them open and concealed favors,” ^ has been interpreted in the sense (17) tha t ‘open favors’ refers to the imposing of less severe religious laws and ‘concealed favors’ refers to the doubled (reward) for good deeds. (4— These stories) serve to improve and educate Muh ammad’ s people. This was indicated in the following verse of the Qur’an: ‘Signs for those who ask.’^— ‘An d a lesson for the understa nding.’ ^ — ‘An d an exhortation for those who fear God.’ ®In this sense, as-Sibli ®used to say regarding these verse s: ‘The common people occupy themselves with listening to stories, the elite, on the other hand, with learning from them.’ (5— These stories) serve to keep alive the mem ory and the deeds of their heroes. This constitutes a stimulus for the righteous to increase their activities, since they may hope for a speedy reward and the perpetuation of their memory and good deeds. Such was the desire of the ‘Friend of God,’ Ibrahim, when he said: ‘And prepare for me truthful speech among posterity.’ ’ People are (= liv e on as) tales. It was thus said: ‘No one is dead  who m me mo ry kee ps al iv e, ’ and : ‘Th e kin gs and the rich spe nt money on buildings, fortresses, and castles only for the perpetuation of their memory.’ ^ For the grammar of the passage, cf. the text of at-Ta'labi. ^ Qur’ an xxxi 20 (19 FI.). ’ Qur’an xii 7 (7 FL). *  Q u r ’ a n x i i i i i ( i n F L ). ^ Qur’an ii 62 (66 FL), iii 138 (132), v 46 (50), and xxiv 34 (34). ®Fvidently, the famous Siifi, Abu Bakr, d. 334, or beg. 335/946 (cf. G A L ,  I, 199 f.).

‘ Qur’an ii 247 (248 FL).

®The following passage, down to the verse on p. 290, is an abbreviated version of the introduction of the Qisas al-anbiya^  by at-Ta'labi (d. 427/1035, cf. G A L ,  I, 350).

’ Qur’an xxvi 84 (84 FL). R 

History of Muslim Historiography

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AS-SAHAWI’S I ‘LAN

 A ta le is all a perso n lea ve s beh ind. Strive that your tale be known as good and kind.” ^ I say: Look at the traditions, and you will find in them many instances th at illustra te the afore-m entioned (remarks of at-Ta'^labi). For instance: “ May G od show mercy unto Musa, he suffered greater damage than that.^”— Consolation and the like: “ O God, let those  be for the m ye ar s lik e the yea rs of Y us uf .” ^— "O God , Ibr ah im,  yo ur se rva nt an d frien d, pr ay ed to yo u for Mecc a, an d I sha ll pray to you for Medina.”— Imitation and consolation: “If there  were not the pr ay er of m y b roth er, Su lay m an .” ^Ca stig atio n, whi ch does not leave out men of high positions; in fact, he said: “ God  wil l show me rcy unt o Musa, if he were pa tie nt ,” ®and tol d us the story of the two.— ‘A ’isah also found consolation in these stories. She said: “ The only exam ple I can find for myself and for you is the father of Yusuf who in the Qur'an is stated to have said: ‘Therefore, patience is good, and God must be invoked for help against (the calamity) which you describe.” ®  Ab u 1-Hasan "Ali b. al-Husayn b. ‘Ali al-Mas'udi as-§Mi’i said: “ History is a branch of knowledge enjoyed by both scholars and ignorant persons and relished by both the stupid and the intelli gent. Everything remarkable becomes known through history. Every marvel achieves appreciation through it. Noble and sublime character qualities are derived from it. (Our) knowledge of the political wisdom of kings and others is based on it. History collects for you (information on) the first and the last (of persons and things), insufficiency and abundance, nomadic life and city life, (persons and) things of the present and of the past. Many judgments (regarding the moral and legal character of things) are based upon history. The knowledge of it is considered an asset in any gathering and station.” (Al-Mas'udi continued that) his incentive to write  wo rks on hi sto ry  [ta^rih)  and world events  [ahhdr)  was “the desire ^ The verse is taken from the  Maqs urah  of Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. Durayd (d. 321/ 933, cf. G A L ,  I, III f.), cf. the edition Coustantiuople 1300, 115 (verse 180 in the edition of A g g a e u s H a i t s m a , 1773, and verse 171 in that of E v e r a r d u s S c h e i d i u s , 1786). Cf. Ibn Isfandiyar, Ta^rih Tabaristdn,  I, 13 ‘■A b b a s E g h b a l (Teheran 1320/1942); Mixo vi, Tansar’s Epistle, 2 (Teheran 1311/1932). ^ Cf. al-]?uhari, II, 358 K  r e h l ; Concordance,  I, 49a. ^ Cf. al-Buhari, op. cit.. I,  255; IV, 158. *  Cf. (Concordance,  II, 134. ^ Cf. Concordance,  II, 235 b; al-Buh ari, op. cit.,  II, 358. ®Qur’an xii 18 (18 M.). The statement was made in connection with the story of the necl
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to follow the aim (i8) aspired to and followed after by scholars and sages, and th e wish to leave in the world a praiseworthy^ memory and ready, well-arranged knowledge.” ^ In the introduction of the  Agd ni,   A b u 1-Faraj ‘All b. al-Husayn  b. Mu ham ma d al- Isb ah an i al- KM ib sai d: “ Th e rea der who stud ies the ideas and the like co ntained in this work will constan t ly progress from one instructive passage to the other. He will find a mixture of the serious and the humorous, reports on noteworthy things {dtdr)  and events {ahbdr),  biographies {siyar),  poems on the famous battle days of the Arabs and the memorable events con nected with them, and stories of the pre-Islamic kings and the caliphs of Islam. The knowledge of these things is esteemed by all educated persons. It must be acquired by young people, though their elders are not beyond learning a certain amount of it. The material presented constitutes a selection of the very best historical information and has been gathered from experts.” ^  A rem ark ab le sto ry is th at of a cer tai n me mb er of the trib e of Juhaynah, one of the boon-companions of al-Muhallabi.^ He used to talk much nonsense. Once conversation was about the mint plant. The Juhani said that in such-and-such a country there existed a mint plant which grows to be a tree, and ladders are made from its wood. Abu 1-Faraj grew impatient when he heard this story and said: Indeed, there are many marvelous things in the world. This is not improbable. Everything is possible. However, I know a story  wh ich is eve n more rem ark ab le. I ta ke two eggs of a pige on aw ay from it and put in their place a weight of one hundred and a w^eight of fifty. When the hatching period is over, the weights break open, and a basin and pitcher come out. The people who were present laughed, and the Juhani realized that Abu 1-Faraj intended to make fun of him. In consequence, he refrained a good deal from telling his stories. I say: Something similar happened to a person whom we sus pected of (baselessly) expanding (his stories). While we were together with Ibn Hajar, that person told us that in Aleppo they had a man who had forty male children who participated with him in his business trips. One of our colleagues who was present ^ Al-Mas'ud i (d. 345/936, or 346, cf. G A L ,  I, 143-45),  Mu ruj ,  I, 9 Paris ed. = I, 4 (Cairo 1346). A new edition and translation of the work by C. Pellat is in the course of publication. ^ A b u 1-Faraj (d. 356/967, cf. G A L ,  I, 146),  Agd ni,   I, 2 (Bulaq 1285). ^ Al-Hasan b. M uhammad, d. 352/963 (cf.  E l, s.v.  al-Muhallabi).

2 Q2

AS-SAHAWI’S 1‘l A n

 wa s ju st sta rti ng to sa y: "E ve n mor e rem ark ab le th an thi s is. .  whe n Ibn H aj ar smile d, bro ke up the ga the rin g, an d sta rte d to pray. I was (later on) often together with that other man, and strangely enough, it happened several times that when I asked him  wh at sto ry he ha d inte nde d to tel l he wa s som eho w int err upt ed.  A bu ‘A bd al la h Mu ham ma d b. Sa lam ah b. J a ‘fa r al -Q ud a‘ i as§M i‘i, the Egyptian judge, said that “ he collected a certain amount of material on the stories {anhd^)  of the prophets, the history of the caliphs, and the reigns of princes and amirs,”— down to the year (19) 422/1031— "B rev ity has been observed. Thus, w hoever so desires can easily master the contents of the work. Its contents”— that is, its usefulness, if it is completely mastered, consists in the fact that it— "is am ply sufficient for entertainment and conversation. In his  Supp leme nt   to the  His tory   of Ibn Jarir, Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Malik b. Ibrahim al-Hamadani (Hamdani ?) al-Faradi as-SMi‘i said that "history was eagerly studied by the leaders of peoples and tribes and by men of praiseworthy and excellent quali ties, such as the 'A bbasids” — and others, no doubt— . . . "T he in stances of success recorded in history serve as a memento of (divine) favors, and the instances of trouble observed in it serve as an awak ening and a warning. It has been reported that when someone mentioned to Sa'id b. al-Musayyab ^th at he saw the Prophet in his sleep, Sa ‘id said: 'He y you, God sent H is Prophet to encourage and to warn (mankind). He encourages those who act righteously, and tells them to increase their activities. He cautions those who do evil, and tells them to repent.’ The study of history  [ahbdr an-nds) is a mirror for the observer. It tells the truth and thus arouses in him the desire for good deeds and makes him afraid of evil ones. It serves to improve men of insight and natural qualifications. His tory is the means through which God keeps alive the memory of those of His servants who in His opinion merit that and deserve His fine reward and compensation.” ® ^ Al-Q uda'i (d. 454/1062, cf. G A L ,  I, 343), ^Uyun al-ma^drif,  Bodleian ms. Maresc. 37, introduction. The text is slightly different in the Bodleian rns. Pocock 270, fol. 3b. 2 D. around 100/718-19 (al-Buhari, Ta^rth,  II, i, 467 f.; ad-Dahabi, Ta^rth al-Isldm,  IV, 4-7, Cairo 1367 ff.; Ibn Hallikan, I, 568 f. trans. D e S l a n e ). 3  Al- Ha ma da ni (d. 521 /11 27, cf. G A L ,  I, 142), Tafanilah, i K  a n ' a n (Beirut 1961). Ibn Hallikan, in addition to al-Hamadani’s history of wazirs (cf. below, p. 412, n. 6), also quotes a continuation of Miskawayh’s Tajdrib al-umam  (?, Ibn Halli kan, I, 464 trans. D e S l a n e , in fact, a supplement to Abu Suja^’s supplement to Miskawayh, cf. below,  p. 489 and as-Safad i, Wafi, IV, 38 D e d e r i n g [Damascus-Wiesbaden 1959], and another historical  wo rk, al-Ma'^drif al-muta^ahhirah  (Ibn Hallikan, I, 280, 399).

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In th e year 538/1143-44, Abii 1-Qasim Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Madani al-Hanafi, a resident of Balh and the author of the  Ndfi*^ on Hanafi jurisprudence,^ composed a  His tory of Balh .  He wrote this history as a semi-popular  [mutawassit)  work, because of the little interest and feeble understanding of the public, and kept it down to the level of his readers, using a language which they would understand. At the end, he added his autobiography and a list of his writings. Concerning the usefulness of his  His tory   he made the following remarks (which are quoted here) with the addition of some  wor ds in a num ber of pas sag es: " It kee ps ali ve the me mo ry of the early and recent scholars of Balh and those who came there from abroad— Remem bering is (giving) new life, and restoring this (new life ?) is like reviv ing all mankind.^ It also rev ives the impression they made, the acquaintance with their actions, their asceticism, their austerity {wara^),  their religiosity, their aversion to and con tempt of the world, and their patient trust in God in the face of great trials and tribulations. Their character qualities will be adopted by those who look (at their history). The circumstances of their life  wil l de ep ly impr ess tho se who he ar (ab out them ). Na tur e is doci le, and man a slave to custom. At times, the ear falls in love before the eye.® The reason of salvation is straightforwardness in one’s life (20) and activities. In order to achieve it, a certain stimulus and guide is needed, such as the company of pious men or when it is difficult to enjoy their personal company, the study of their life and accomplishments. The soul can thus picture for itself their essential qua lities a nd gain an idea of the ir teaching s. Of actual vision nothing remains but a memory in the mind. Therefore, hearing and seeing are equivalent, and the report (of a third person) is equivalent to actual vision although in reality there is a great difference between them.* If there is no downpour, there is (at least) dew. The memory of pious men is a source of (divine) mercy, ®an instructive memento for later generations. Without ^ According to G A L ,  I, 381, the author of the  Ndfi^   died in 656/1258 and is different from, his namesake G A L ,  I, 413, who died in 556/1161. Cf. also  IHdn,   124, below, p. 463. ^ C f .  IHdn ,  28, b elow, p. 304 f. = C f .  Agd nt,   III, 67 (Bulaq 1285). ‘ The restrictive afterthought is due to the fact that the Prophetical tradition states that the report of a third person is no( like actual observation, cf. al-Kafiyaji, above, p. 258, n. i. ®Cf. also  IHdn,   28 and 50, below, pp. 305 and 338. In  IHdn,   32, below, p. 311, and ' l y a d ,  Mad drik ,  Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 2293, fol. 4b, this saying is quoted in the name of Sufyan  b. 'U ya yn ah (d. 198/814, cf. TB ,  IX , 174 ff.), whereas Ibn *^Abd-al-Barr,  Jdmi^ baydn al Hlni,  II, 162 (Cairo, n.y.) ascribes it to (Sufyan) at-Tawri. Cf. also fi. Levi-Proven9Al,  Les Hist orie ns des Chorfa ,  46, n. 2 (Paris 1922).

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 boo ks, mos t his tor ica l info rma tion  [al-ahhdr wa-l-ahwdl)  would  be for got ten . A fte r a sho rt whil e, the me mo ry of an y hu ma n  bein g, wh at ev er his con diti on, wo uld be lost . A che rish ed pe arl and treasured jewel is the science of traditions. It is the foundation of Islam, the basis of the laws, the science which decides what is per mitted and what is forbidden, the model to be followed by both the elite and the common people, the explanation of the ambiguous statements of the Qur’an, and the center of truth and correctness.” Th at is, the author goes on to say tha t “ this branch of learning (history) leads to the science of traditions and serves to solve those of its problems which are referred to it for their solution ” . The au thor further explained that one of the reasons why he wrote the  Hist ory of Ba lh   was that he needed a rest from his work on the  Kitd b at-Tah qiq al-jdmi^ usu l masdHl al-fiqh al-jalU min hu wa-ddaqiq and to this end occupied himself with tha t interesting, en  joy ab le, and hi gh ly use ful bra nch of lea rni ng "w it h wh ich I ha d  been fam ilia r in my ea rly ma nho od and upo n wh ich I ba sed m y efforts to achieve accuracy. Another reason for writing the  His tory of Balh   was the wish to recompense, as far as it was in my weak power to do so, the people of Balh for the kindness shown to me  whe n I firs t set tle d ther e. A thi rd reas on was m y gre at zea l for the trusted scholars of the Muslim nation. Much of the historical information  [ahbdr)  about them is disappearing. Their very names and (the knowledge of) their noble accomplishments are being lost.” The author (then stated that) in the work, (he) drew upon books—  wh ich he me nti one d— and upon (inf orm atio n from) con tem po rar y authorities, outstanding and influential men who knew (Balh?) and had information about it. He named a number of them. He also mentioned young and middle-aged men, because if at the time they were young and unimportant, they might in another generation  bec ome im por tan t. He undertook to compose his work because he was afraid that difficulties might come up and because he “ wanted to preserve (religious) scholarship from the disappearance and decay which  wer e cau sed by the de ath of the inf orm an ts who wer e con spic uou s through their comprehensive scholarly activity. ‘Umar b. ‘Abd-al‘Aziz had written to the people of Medina: ‘Look for the extant traditions of the Prophet and write them down, for I am afraid that scholarship may disappear and scholars pass away.’ If such  was the fea r in the da ys whe n Isla m was yo un g and fresh , its

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champions astonishingly zealous, and the time one of noble vigor, must one not have the same fear in our time (21), a time of retrogression in zeal and persistence ^? The auth or also mentioned “ the graves of the religious leaders and the places where they h ad lived and slept, because their bodies and forms serve as a cure for terrible afflictions and diseases, for God endowed that body with a special quality which serves as a cure for afflictions, and through it,  wh eth er it is ali ve or dea d, the re is ble ssin g (tabdraka ?) in the  wor ld. (The fa ct of the mir acu lou s qua liti es of the saints) is Go d’ s greatest kindness and gift. Proof of it is found in the tradition of Buraydah, according to which Muhammad said: 'On the Day of Resurrection, each of the men around me will be the leader and light of the people of the place where he died.’ ^We pray that through Islam and the strength of evident truth, God may keep us and that He m ay preserve for us ‘truthful speech among posterity.’ ^ He has the power to do whatever He wants to do, and He can be expected to grant any request.” In the introduction of the  Munt azam ,  the hadit   expert, Abu 1-Faraj b. al-Jawzi ^ said; “ Biographies (siyar)  and histories are  ve ry usef ul, es pe cia lly in two res pec ts: 1— The story of the life of a prudent man and the description of the result he achieved will lead to the good management and prudent handling of one’s own affairs. On the other hand, the story of the life of an immoderate person and the description of the end he found will generate a fear of immoderation. This, then, is an education for the powerful and a lesson for the thoughtful. It im plies a sharpening of the intellect. It is a garden for pleasure seekers in the realm of traditional knowledge. 2— The student of history becomes acquainted with wondrous affairs, the changes of time, the vicissitudes of destiny, and (the enjoyment of) listening to stories  [ahbdr).  Abii ‘Amr b. al-‘Ala’ asked a man of (the tribe of) Bakr b. W a’il who had become so old that he could no longer enjoy the pleasures of eating, drinking, and sexual intercourse, whether he would not like to die. No, he ' Tabdtind,  as suggested by Ms. Leiden. ^ Burayd ah b. Husayb al-Aslaini, d. between 60-64/680-83, cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  I, 2, 140 f., where the tradition is quoted, on the au tliority of Bu rayda h’s son, 'Abdallah. Cf. also  IB ,  I, 128; al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq,  22 (Teheran 1317). ^ Qur’ an xxvi 84 (84 FL). The beginning of tlie  Munt azam   of 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. ‘Ali b. al-Jawzi (d. 597/1200, c l . G A L , I, 499-506; 'Abd-al-Ham id a l-'A lu ji, Mw’aZ/fl/ai Ibn al-J awzi , Bagdad 1385/1965) has not yet been published. Cf. above, pp. 143 f. and 210.

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replied, and when asked what pleasure was left to him, he said; ‘I am still able to listen to wondrous stories.’ ^ Ibn al-Jawzi further said in the beginning of the  Sud ur al-Hiqud   f i ta^rih al-'-uhud,  his own abridgment of the  Mun tazam :  "Histories and biographies are a relaxation for the mind and a diversion as  wel l as an in tel lec tua l stim ulus . Th e sto ry of the ma rve ls of cre atio n shows the greatness of the Maker. The explanation of the biography of a prudent person leads to the good management of one’s own affairs. Telling the story of an immoderate person generates a fear of the want of prudence. The description of the life of a wit provokes amazement at the acts of destiny and constitutes an entertainment similar to that of entertaining evening causeries.” ^ In the  Fa th al-Qudsi ,  the history of the conquest of Jerusalem  b y Sa lah -ad -di n Ab u 1-Muzaffar Yusuf b. Ayyub, starting with the year 583/1187, 'Imad-ad-din Muh ammad b. Muhammad  b. H am id al- Isb ah an i as- SM i‘i al -K M ib ^ sai d; (22) His tor ies customarily start with the beginning of creation or with some dynasty. There is no nation or dynasty “without a history/era {ta^nh)  to which reference may be had. It is transmitted from generation to generation, from the men of the past (who had con nections with a certain dynasty) to those of the present. It holds fast the fleeting events of the day, and it clearly shows the significance of noteworthy men. If this were not the case, connections would be interrupted. No knowledge of (past) dynasties would exist. The memory of m en of the past would be dead in the days of later gen erations. H uman beings would not realize that they are deeply rooted in the soil,^ that they are drops that come from the dark recesses of the spine in a long process, that their lives begin in the remote past of Adam, and that the Lord took their progeny out of their backs to let them have as much preeminence as He before hand ®wante d them to have. L et it thus be known to man (through 1 Abu 'A mr died between 154/771 and 159/775-76, cf. GA L, I, gg. ^ The passage is found in the Phot. Cairo Ta^rih, 994, p. 3. ®The correct form of the name of the ^Imad (d. 597/1201, cf. G A L ,  I, 314-6) is found in M s . Leiden. Cf. C. L a n d b e r g ’s edition of the Arabic text, pp. 3-5 (Leiden 1888. The edition Cairo 1322 is a mere reprint of Landberg’s text). L a n d b e r g announced his future translation of the work, but this exceedingly difficult enterprise appears not to have been executed. A French translation has been announced by H. M a s s e , and another edition h a s  been pu blis hed in Cai ro 1965. ^ C f.  Lis dn al-^Arab,  X II, 114 (Bulaq 1300-8), with reference to a verse by Imru^ul-qays. ®The text of the  I^ldn  which was followed in the translation is more difficult but may  be be tte r tha n tha t of the edi tion (cf., how eve r, a phr ase such as th at used by al- Ba di ' alHamadani, according to al-Qalqasandi,  Subh al-a'^sd.  I, 459: wa-n-nds li-Adam wa-in kdn al-'-ahd qad taqddam). The  Qur’anic reference is to siira/i vii   172 (171 FI.).

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history) that there is as little room for him before the end of his life and before he descends into this grave, as there is between a fold and its opening, and let him have in one (life) time the experience of ten. He traversed one life after the other and traveled through one age after the other (through history). He was laid to rest and resuscitated in a thousand graves. He was making his appearance at night until he became visible at dawn (??). Without history, the efforts of the representatives of good pohcies would be lost. There  wo uld be no pra ise to dis ting uis h be twe en the m and the repr ese n tative s of bad policies. It would be difficult to learn from the good a nd  ba d o utc om e o f ev ent s. Th e fa ct th at ea sy tim es fol low upo n d iffi cul t ones, and vice versa, would remain unknown.” The author then mentioned the short-lived eras of many (peoples) of the past, such as the (era of the) deluge, the inundation, and astronomical obser  va tio ns. He sta ted th at “ the era  [ta’ ^rih]   of the hijrah abolished every previous era and destroyed all the (sins) which were not re pented in it 1 by those who comm itted them. It, therefore, gives reliable information about and protection against adopting the discrepancies (which occur in the eras) of bygone people. Time  wa s alr ea dy re vo lvi ng in its usu al man ner on the da y God cre ate d heaven and earth. ^ God commanded His servants to spend the possessions He had assigned to them and even their lives in the anticipation of a twofold recompensation for what they would give,” and so on, in the author’s fine, poetic style. In the  Ahbd r ad-duwal al-Is ldm iyah ,  Jamal-ad-din Abu 1-Hasan ^Ali b. Abi 1-Mansur Zafir b. H usayn al-Azd i al-Misri al-Maliki ® said: "If the usefulness of history were to consist only in the lesson it contains that time does not stand still and that change is its only persistent quality, it would be enough to fulfil all expectations. However, the various aspects of its usefulness and unique (in structiveness) are innumerable. The student of history combines instruction (23) extracted from its lessons with enjoyment obtained from its rich contents.” The author then enumerated the different dynasties and referred to them at length.

^T he last half of the sentence is not contained in the edition of the  Fath. ^ Cf. IHdn,  13, above, p. 283, n. 8. ®The Gotha manuscript of al-Azdi’s (d. 613/1216, cf. G A L ,  I, 321)  Duiv al al-munqati^ ah,  whi ch I con sul ted in the ph oto sta t cop y of the Fon dazi one Cae tani in Rom e, does no t contain the beginning of the work.

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In the Tadwin,  Imam-ad-din Abu 1-Qasim ‘Abd-al-Karim b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Karim ar-RM i‘i said: ^ (Blank space in the manuscript left by the author for the later insertion of the quotation). In the  Ka m il, ‘Izz-ad-din Abu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Muham mad b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Karim b. al-Atir^ said: “ The instructiveness of history has many aspects and its usefulness, both in this world and the other world, is very great. Here, we shall mention only as much of that as we see fit. We shall leave it to the natural in telligence of the student of history to make himself acquainted  wi th the rest.  As to the usef ulne ss of his tor y for thi s wor ld, for ins tan ce, it is no secret that human beings like to remain alive and prefer to be among the living. Would that I knew what difference there is  be twe en thi ng s seen or he ard ye st er da y and thi ngs rea d in bo oks  wh ich con tai n hi sto ric al info rma tio n ab ou t the men of the pas t. Reading about them is like being their contemporary, and knowing events is like being present when they took place. Furthermore, kings and persons in authority may find the biog raphies of oppressors and tyrants treated in books which circulate among the people and which are transmitted from generation to generation. Th ey look at the ill fame and disgrace that were the consequence of oppression and tyranny, the resulting destruction of countries and human lives, the financial loss and the general corruption. Thus, they come to disapprove of and avoid practices of oppression and injustice. Likewise, they may see the biographies of just governors. T hey read about the good reputation th at survived them after their death, and the development and financial pros perity of their countries and realms. Thus, they come to approve of their example and to desire to practice permanently wh at they did as well as to omit all that works to the contrary. Kings and persons in authority derive an additional advantage from the study of history. They learn through history about the wise counsels that served (their predecessors) to avert damage at the hands of enemies, to escape disasters, and to protect (?) rich cities and great realms. 1 The Phot. Cairo Ta ’rih 2648 of the work is incom,plete in the begiiiuing as is the Istanbul manuscript Vchbi Kf. 1058 (which is presumablv the original of the Cairo photostat). The incipit   from Ms. Laleli 2010 is cited by H . R  i t t e r  , in Oriens, III , 76 f. (1950)as-Su yuti,  Nazm al-'^iqydn, 8 H i t t i (New York 1927). ^ 555-630/1160-1233 (cf. G A L ,  I, 345 f.). The qu otation from the  Ka mil ,  I, 4-6 (Cairo 1301), extends to p. 300, line 23. The second Muham mad in his genealogy did not exist, according to II. R  i t t e r  , in Oriens,  VI, 73 {1953).

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If such were to be the only useful aspect of histor}^ it would be glorious enough. In addition, history gives man experience and a knowledge of events and their outcome. It also teaches him that nothing can happen to him which did not happen before, or some thing similar to which did not happen before. His intelligence in creases, and he becomes wo rthy of imitation. It was ri ghtly said: (24) I found that there are two intellects. The one (given) by nature, and the other (acquired) by The latter is of no use [studying.  Wh en the form er is lac kin g. ^ The ‘intellect (given) by nature’ refers to the natural intellect  wh ich Go d cre ate d for man , and the 'in tel lec t (acqu ired) b y st ud y ing' refers to the growth of the natural intellect through experience. This increase (of intellectual capacity) is called a second intellect, in order to extend and stress its importance, though it merely is additional to the first intellect.” — All this is referred to in the following tradition, a ccording to  whi ch Mu ha mm ad sai d: " I f yo u are tol d th at a ma n str ay ed from his nature, do no t believe it.” ^— “ (Another aspect of the usefulness of history) is the fact that in parties and gatherings, it is very becoming for a person to mention some historical information and to tell some interesting anecdotes.  A ll ears can be obs erv ed list eni ng to him and all eyes loo kin g at him, and everyone wants to hear all he has to say and is very appreciative of his remarks.  As to the usef ulne ss of hi sto ry for the oth er wor ld, the re is, for instance, (the following aspect): Truly intelligent persons who reflect about (the lessons of history) will notice that the world turns its people up and down and plays havoc with its most promi nent inhabitants. It takes away their lives and treasures and an nihilates the young as well as the old. It spares neither the great nor the humble, and neither the rich nor the poor are safe from its misfortunes. Intelligent persons (who realize all that) will become ascetics and turn away from the world. They will proceed to using this world for preparing their journey to the other world. They will feel a desire for a home which is free from all those (worldly) pe culiarities and whose people are safe from those shortcomings. ^ C f. IHdn   14, above, p. 285, a. 3. ^ The tradition forms no part of the quotation from Ibn al-Atir.

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Someone might object that nobody ever saw a student of history  who bec am e an asc etic and tur ned to the oth er wo rld and felt a desire for its glorious heights. I would like to ask the person (who makes this objection) how many people he has observed reading the Qur’an, the most powerful and eloquent (book of) exhortation, yet, still searching for a little worldly gain. Mankind does have a passionate love for this passing world. Furthermore, the study of history leads to the acquisition of two very good quahties, patience and resignation (lit. consolation). Intelligent persons who notice that no noble prophet or mighty king, in fact, not a single human being, was safe from the evils of the world will realize that they themselves may experience the same misfortunes and adversities which the other experienced. Just one of the tribe of Caziyah I am.  W ith the m led as tra y, led ari gh t wi th them.^ For the same reason, stories were included in the Qur’an; ‘That is a reminder for a person who has feeling, or is able to listen,  bei ng pre sen t as an o b s e r v e r .I f th at pers on who ob jec ts (to m y statements) thinks that God intended the stories to serve as en tertainment, he just shares the essence of (25) the argument of those doubters— who are ‘upon the brink of a weak undermined sand dune’ ^— concerning these stories who said; ‘(These are) the fables of the ancients which he copied.'” ^ In the introduction of the History of Mdlaqah {Malaga),  Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Hamis® said; "Next to the Qur ’an and the sunnah, the most deserving subjects of assiduous study are history and biography. The}/ serve to remind (man) of the fact that time turns its children up and down. They show the remarkable events  [anhd^)  which happened in former times. They call attention to the (religious) scholars whose activities must be foUowed and  wh ose qu ali tie s an d sto ries  [ahbdr)  must be written down. These scholars will thus be (as familiar to you) as if they were standing  befo re yo u tog eth er wit h oth er (living ) men, were in co nta ct wi th 1 This is a verse by Durayd b. as-Sim,m,ah (cf. GAL Supplement,  I, 938), cf.  Agd nt, IX, 4 f. (Bulaq 1285); al-Huwarizmi,  Kasd^il,  168 (Stambul 1297);  Lis dn al-^Arab,  XIX, 361 (Bulaq 1300-8); Ibn Bassam,,  Dahir ah,  I, 2, 141 (Cairo 1361/1942). 2 Q u r ’ a n 1 37 (36 FL). 3 Qur’ an ix 109 (no FI.), not in the Ka mil . ^ Qur’an xx v 5 (6 FI.). Cf. above, p. 28. D. after 636/1239, cf.  IHdn ,  129, below, p. 474.

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 yo u an d spo ke to yo u, an d we re kno wn to be ex ac tl y as th ey are said to be. Those who never saw them personally will read their mes sage. Those whose age did not permit them to see them will witness their good actions. Their rank and position will thus be known. It  wil l b e kn ow n w ho am ong the m wa s co nv ers an t wi th the kno wle dge acquired through tradition and understanding and who excelled in the knowledge acquired through observation and through books. It will become clear who was well educated and equipped for leader ship. Great zeal will be displayed, in order to reach them and share their status.”  Ab u Ish aq Ibr ah im b. ‘A bd all ah b. 'A bd -a l-M u’ min b. A bi d-dam al-Faqih as-§afi‘i, the Judge of Hamah,^ said; “The useful ness of Muslim history, in addition to (the fact tha t it is) closest to accuracy, lies in the fact that it is concerned with the scholars of this Muhammadan nation and reports their good actions and qualities, their knowledge, sermons, wise sayings, and their way of life. The biography (of Muslim scholars) serves active people as a guide in their own affairs and as an object of reflection and meditation. These people will thus benefit from the sayings, as pirations, and the good actions and qualities reported of scholars,  bo th in thi s wo rld an d in the oth er w or ld . . . . Th is bra nch of lea rn ing (history) is like a superstructure on top of the religio-legal sciences which are the basis of our (study), and the different fields of traditional and intellectual learning which we pursue.” §ams-ad-din Abu 1-Muzaffar Yusuf b. Qizoglu al-Hanafi Sibt Ibn al-Jaw zi 2 said: (People of a) sound disposition and straigh t forward mind strive eagerly to obtain a knowledge of the origins and the causes of growth. B y pondering the currents of destiny and the origins of night and day, they come to be like persons  who the ms elv es liv ed in the time s and exp eri enc ed the eve nts (which they have been studying). God, through Muhammad, re ferred to (history) in the Qur’an and said, and what He says is the truth; ‘In fact, we shall tell you . . . for the believers’.^He further ^ The Bodleian manu script of Ibn Abi d-dam (d. 612/1244, cf. G AL   I, 346, see above, p. 148, n. 3) does not contain the quoted passage. The quotation may have been derived from his large biographical Ta?rih al-Muzaffari. ^ The first volume of Sibt Ibn a l-Jawzi (d. 654/1257, cf. G A L ,  I, 347 f.; the “ correct” arabicized pronunciation of his father’s name is said to be Quzugli, cf. Ibn KafiS  Munta ljab al-muhtdr [Ta^rih ^idamd'^ Bagdad]   237, Bagdad 1357/1938) is not included in the Kopriilli manuscript (Ph ot. Cairo Ta ’rih 551) which I used originally, but the passage quoted appears in the Ms. Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2907, fols. ib-2b. ®Qur’an xi 120 (121 FL).

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said: (26) This belongs to the news of the villages. We shall tell it to  you . Some of the m stil l sta nd and (others) are mow n do wn ’. i (He went on) in very many verses. It was a favor of God to give Muhammad (historical) information {ahbdr)  about the nations of past ages. People follow different purposes in their occupation  wit h his tor y, acc ord ing to the va ry in g ha bit s of pre fere nce th ey have. Some prefer to read the biographies of the ancients and the sages. Others are inchned to study the stories {anbd^) of the prophets, caliphs, kings, wazirs, htterateurs, and poets. Others again choose to read the biographies  [siyar)  of virtuous men, ascetics, pious persons, and servants of God.^ The purpose of some is to become acquainted with the biographies of either prudent or incompetent persons, respectively, in order to learn the good management of affairs or to learn thoroughly how to avoid incompetence.^ Herein hes the real significance of biography for those who know and un derstand what it is about.” The author further said; “ Histories as a rule are a hodgepodge of miscellaneous (information) and pre sent a useless repetition of an amount of material of unmanageable proportions. Therefore, with God's permission, I (composed this  wo rk ),” and so on.  A t the beg inn ing of his alp ha be tic all y arr ang ed edi tion of Ibn as-Salah s dra ft of the Tahaqdt al-fitqahd^ Muhyi-ad-din Abu Zaka riya’ Ya hya b. Saraf an-Nawawi said: “The knowledge of the details of the life {ahwdl)  of (rehgious) scholars graces students and scholars, and ignorance of them disgraces them. All those who are (intellectually) awake know that the knowledge of this subject leads to greatly improved standards, while ignorance in this respect is one of the reasons of baleful incompetence. These scholars are the keepers of religion which is the foundation of enduring hap piness. They are the transmitters of the science (of traditions) which leads up to high rank (in the other world). The perfection of one of these scholars gives perfection to his scholarly production, and his 1 Qur^an xi loo (102 FL). ^ a . l^ldn,  51 and 162, below, pp. 339 f. and 515 . ^ C f . I ’-ldn,  21, above, p. 295. ^ The introduction of "Utman b. 'Abd-ar- Rahman b. as-Salah (d. 643/1245, cf. G A L , I, 358-60) breaks off with the statement that he had arranged his work according to classes  when he rea lize d th at an alp ha bet ical arra ngem ent wou ld be bet ter. A t this poi nt, an- Na w awi (d. 676/1277, cf. G A L , I, 394-97) sets in with an explanation of his alphabetical arrange ment. Ihe manuscript of the work, Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 2021, which I consulted, was finished on \\ eduesday, Ram adan 20th, 742/February 27th, 1342, but the first twenty folios have been replaced by a copy in a poor modern hand. The quotation is found on fols. ib-2a of the n;anuscript. Cf. also  I ’^ldn,  98, below, p. 415.

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confusion leaves a heritage of confusion and distortion. An acquaint ance with these scholars is an acquaintance with models most  wo rth y of imi tat ion .  [Hadit)  students who do not know them will  be ask ed ab ou t the lar ge an d sma ll det ails of the ir life in the case of a difference of opinion among them, and they will not be able to distinguish between true and false. In this connection, the following story was transmitted on the authority of Muslim, the author of the  Sah ih.  He said: ‘The first requirement for friends and students of the science (of tradition) is to get acquainted with the different quality and degree of authoritativeness of hadit   schol ars.’ An acquaintance with the elite estabhshes a kind of relation ship between them and those who kn ow them. On the Da y of Resurrection, such a relationship will be helpful in securing their intercession. Now, the relationship of a scholar to (27) his pupil is hke the relationship between father and son, in fact, it is some thing more sacred.^ A pupil who does not know his teacher is hke the son who does not know his father, in fact, he is even more wrong. A  jur ist who is ask ed, for inst anc e, ab out al-M uza ni ^a nd al- Ga zz ali ® and does not know the interval of time between them and the dis tance between the places where they lived certainly reveals a truly disquahfying lack of knowledge. Concerning the transmitters of traditions, the hadit   scholars have long appreciated the truth of this and drawn the consequence: They have written monographs on personality criticism, and they have also dealt with this subject in the works which go under the title of  Histo ry.  The jurists, on the other hand, have ceased to realize (the importance of) this sub  je ct. Th us, the ir pre vio us awa rene ss of the diff ere nt degr ees of accuracy and accomplishment among their leaders, and experts ceased to exist. Since the days of my youth, I have continuously occupied myself with this subject. I have searched for it in promi nent and obscure places. I have hunted for unusual facts and col lected stray notices. I have derived material from the histories by hadit   scholars of the main cities of east and west with their compre hensive information about the prominent native inhabitants of those cities and their settlers from abroad. I have further derived material from numerous mu'-jams  concerning the names of the teachers of hadit   scholars, from catalogues (lists) and some histories ^ On this topic, cf. F. R  o s e n t h a l , in Orientalia, N.S.  XX VI I, 42 (1958). 2 Isma<^il b. Ya hy a, d. 264/878 (cf. G A L ,  I, 180). 3 Muhammad b. Muhammad, d. 505/1111 (cf. G A L ,  I, 419-26). An-Xawawi’s work contains an interesting biography of al-Cazzali.

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 by hadit   scholars. I have also derived some occasional material on jurists from works on jurists. There are few such works, and the y contain little and unimporta nt (information). Only the mis takes and unrehable statements they contain are not few. The hand  boo ks on jur isp rud enc e and ma ny dive rse, not fur the r spec ified , recondite sources from which I have derived material,” and so on. In the A ^mdl al-ihtim dl — which I believe to be the title of a book—  A bu 1-‘Abbas Ahmad b. ‘Ali b. Abi Bakr b. ‘Isa b. Muhammad  b. Z iy M al- Ma yur aq i ^sa id: “ Th e au tho r who in a his tor ica l wo rk  wri tes ab ou t a sai nt of God as an exp res sion of his lov e of God  will shar e t he ran k o f th at sain t w ith him on th e D ay of R esu rre ctio n. The person who reads the name of a saint in a history as an expres sion of love of Him is Hke one who visited ^that saint. God forgives all the sins of a person who visited one of His saints, provided that his visit did not cause harm to him, or indirectly to any Muslim,  bec aus e such ha rm wo uld canc el (the me rit of the vi si t) . Mu ham ma d said; ‘He who loves something mentions it frequently. Man (is kept) together with those whom he loves, and he will be resurrected together with those whom he loves. Record the story of their lives.  Y ou r gai n will then be hand some . Religion, awe, and saintliness  Ar e bu t to und ers tan d them . It’s happiness for any man To find love in his Master,  W hil e wr ath in Him is sure to spell For mankind’s state disaster. (28) Another ^tradition: ‘Writing the history of the life  [warraha) of a Muslim is like reviving him. Reading his history is like visiting ^ D. in or before 678/1279-80, according to a marginal note in Ms. Leiden. He is mentioned in Taqi-ad-din’s  Sifd^  and ' - I q d   (in the introduction and the biography of Ibn Sab'^in). Cf. above, p. 165, and below, p. 481, n. 2; G A L S u p p l e m e n t   I, 635. ^ I.e., made the pilgrimage to his tomb or another place sacred to him. ^ The second of the three sentences is quoted in al-Bnhari,  S a h t h , I V , 5 K  r e h l ; Muslim,  S a h t h , X, 68 (Bulaq 1304. Margin of al-Qastallani,  I r s d d ) ] T B , II, 16 (biography of alBuhari), IV, 250; XI, 227; XIII, 86, 455; Abu Samah,  R a u 'd a t a y n , 7 (Paris 1898,  R e c u e i l  d e s h i s t , d e s C r o i s a d e s , H i s t . O r . , 4). Cf. also below, pp. 305 and 426. ^ The collection of traditions appears to have been derived from the same work.

305

him. Restoring this (new life?) is like reviving all mankind. Through visiting a saint, one assures oneself of God’s kindness in Paradise. The person who receives a visit must needs honor the  vis ito r. An oth er tra dit ion : ‘S pea kin g of piou s m en who are dec eas ed is (like) mercy shown to dear ones who are alive. The person who records the story of the life {arraha)  of a number of men may hope that the blessed among them will intercede for the unfortunate.’  A tra dit ion sa ys : ‘T o eac h of the m (a rew ard is give n) acc ord ing to his intention. Actions (are judged) by in ten tio ns .So m e version reads: The memory of God is a source of (divine) pleasure. The memory of Muhammad is a source of (divine) love. The memory of pious men is a source of (divine) mercy. In the happiness (of the other world) they will keep company with those who spoke of them. He who loves something mentions it frequently. Man (is kept together with) those whom he loves. To him (a reward is given) according to his intention.” ® Taj-ad-din Abu Ta lib ‘All b. Anjab al-Hazin * said: “ The most restful subject for the tired mind to read about and to study, the most useful and instructive means to chase away outside  worr ies, the be st en ter tai nm en t and mo st ple as an t info rm atio n (ought to) be something that is a sermon and a lesson, and that is the knowledge of history. History also shows the shifts of dynasties and how quickly they take place, and how their end comes about. The same author said in the  Ahbd r al-wuzard^ f i duwal al-aHmmah al-hulafd^  that he considered this to be the most instructive, prof itable, impressive, pleasant, entertaining, and fruitful (aspect of)  wo rks on hi sto ry. (Hi sto rica l work s) “ are an inc en tiv e to pra cti ce  vi rtu e and to shun evi l. Th e ca tas tro ph es of pro min ent men, of the favorite children of time and the owners of great property, contain a lesson for the receptive and an experience for the thought ful. Upon becoming aware of them, intelligent persons approve of noble character qualities, despise evil action, see the rewards of virtue, and shun the results of evil. High-minded and spirited

1 C f.  I' ^l dn , 19, above, p. 293. ^ The famous second sentence, according to Abu Daw ud one of the four most important traditions ( T B , IX, 57), is constantly quoted, cf., for instance, Usamah b. Munqid,  L u b d b a l - d d d b , 333 (Cairo 1354/1935); 1 ‘ ^ l d n , 46 f. and 56, below, pp. 332 and 347; I. G o l d z i h e r ,  M u h a m m e d a n i s c h e S t i u l i e n , II, 178 ff. (Halle 1889-90). Cf. above, p. 304, n. 3, and H. as-Sandubi,  R a s . a l - J d h i z , 304 f. (Cairo 1352). « Also known as Ibn as-Sa'i, 593-674/1197-1276 (cf. G A L S u p p l e m e n t   I, 590, and the introduction of M u s t a f a J a w a d to his edition of Ibn as-Sa‘i’s  N is d '^ a l- h u la fd ^ [Cairo, n. y.]). R  o s e n t h a l

History of Muslim Historiography

20

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men have always studied good historical material (ahbdr),  in order to use it for the entertainment of their minds, the sharpening of their understanding, the stimulation of their thinking, and the training of their inteUigence. The contemplation of history leads to the recognition of the oneness and uniqueness of the Creator,  bec aus e ref lec tio n ab ou t the cur ren ts of de stin y, the shi fts of pe riods, the change of night and day, the continuous succession and rotation of nations and dynasties (29) contain an exhortation for the receptive and earnest advice for the negligent. God said: ‘We shall cause those days to take turns among men.’^If the only aspect of the usefulness of history were to be a diminished con fidence in this passing world and an increased desire for the lasting other world, it would suffice for the good deeds which conscience urgently desires (man) to practice.” In the  His tory of al-Qayrawdn,  Abu Zayd ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-Ansari al-Qayrawani ^said that he “ restricted himself to the religious scholars and pious servants of God. This is more (than anything else) fitting, beautiful, distinguished, perfect, and effective in obtaining a great reward and bountiful compen sation (in the other world). Their memory is a source of abundant  bles sing s an d a me ans to at tra ct ma ny (divine ) fav ors . Th e me m ory of pious men is a source of (divine) mercy.” ®  A sta tem en t of B ah a’ -ad- din A bu ‘A bd all ah Mu ham ma d b.  Yu su f b. Y a 'q u b al- Ja na di has bee n m ent ion ed befo re in c onn ect ion  wi th a pas sag e from Ibn Jarir.^ ‘Alam-ad-din Abu Muhammad al-Qasim b. Muhammad alBirzMi ®said: “ Histo ry is one of the best and most desirable  bra nch es of lear ning , one of the mos t use ful and sple ndi d ob jec ts of study, and one of the most perfect and brilliant topics of con  ver sat ion . It is a w ay to ins tru cti on and a pa th lea din g to insi ght. It is a precious gift that makes one actually see the nations of the

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past. It is a relaxation which cheers the heart of the reader and loosens his tongue.” In the introduction of the TdW as-saHd,  KamM-ad-din Ja'far al-Udfuwi ^ said: “ History is a necessary branch of learning, and there is no way of getting around it. History acquaints later gener ations with the details of the life {ahwdl)  of the men of the past. It teaches them ho w to distinguish (the scholars of the past) who deserve honor and praise from those who are most unimportant and in significant, as well as how to distinguish those who are adjudged reliable from those who are adjudged unreliable. History also shows the methods they used, the character qualities they possessed, and the truths they found for mankind. Furthermore, history is most helpful for the smooth preservation of genealogical lines. Expert scholars and (intellectually) awake religious leaders wrote historical works as numerous as the stars of heaven. Some arranged their works chronologically, others alphabetically, so that they might be grander and more exalted.^ Some chose a particular country, others dealt with all regions and groups.” ^ The following statement was made by Muhammad b. Ibrahim  b. Sa 'id b. al- Ak fa ni in the va lu ab le  Ir M d al-qdsid ild asnd   (30) al-maqdsid'^   “ Books on history afford the opportunity to study the history  [ahhdr)  of kings, scholars, prominent men, and the mani fold events of the past. This is a relaxation for the mind and a lesson for the thoughtful. The best history to be found in our time is that compiled by Ibn al-Atir al-Jazari. Some works combine the most im portant historical information with (excerpts from) the best poetry,  wh ich ma kes the m fine lit er ar y pro duc ts. Suc h wo rks are, for in stance, the Tadkirah  of Ibn Hamdun,^ the  Rayh dnat al-adah by 

^ Ja'fa r b. Ta^ab (?) al-Udfuw i (d. 748/1347, cf. G A L ,  II, 31), at-Tdli^ as-saHd, 4 (Cairo

1333/1914). 1 Qur’ an iii 140 (134 FL). 2 T he  Ma^dlim al-im an  (Tunis 1320-25), Ibn an-Naji’s edition of the work of al-Qayra  wan i (d. 696/129 7, cf. GAL Supplement   II, 337) apparently docs not contain the passage quoted. Al-Ansari’s work on mystical love,  MaSdr iq anwdr al-qulu b,  has been edited by  H. R  i t t e r   (Beirut 1379/1959). ^ For the last sentence, cf. above, p. 293, n. 5. *  Cf. above, p. 288. * 665-739/1267-1339 (cf. G A L ,  II, 36, to be corrected and supplemented by  E l,   2nd ed., s . V . al-Birzali). The passage appears at the beginning of al-Birzali’s  Hist ory  in the two vol um e cop y in Ist anb ul, To pk apu sar ay, Ah me t II I, 2951 (wr itte n i n 1321 by Ibn al-H ub ubi [d. 722/1322, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  IV, 198 f.] and collated with the author).

^ The Arabic t ext here has an ingenious and not infrequently used play on words. ® At-TdW - as-saHd   has a more likely “ wadis,” instead of “groups.” ^ Al-A kfani (d. 749/1348, cf. G A L ,  II, 137),  Irsdd ,  15 (Cairo 1318/1900). Cf. also the fatwd  of 'Izz-ad-din al-Kinani, ed. F. S a y y i d  , in  Revue de I’l nst itu t des Man uscr its Ara bes,  II,

1746-9(1375/1956). ®Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. Hamdun, d. 562/1167 (cf. G A L ,  I, 280 f.). The section on history is to be found in the forty-ninth chapter of the Tadkirah   (Vol. XII, fols. ib-i88b, I96a-205a of the Ms. Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2948). The author says that, since history, the best exhortation  [maiv^izah]   for man, is here only part of a larger work, he has been  brie f. Th e tre atm ent of pre -Isl ami c h ist or y i s f ollo wed by th at of Mu ham mad and the calip hs to the end of the Umayyad dynasty. There follows an annalistic history down to the year 553/1158, which is interrupted, anno  132, by a coherent treatment of the 'Abbasid dynasty .

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Ibn Sa‘id/ the '■Iqd   by Ibn ‘Ab dra bbi h,^ the  Fas t al-hitdh by at-Tifasi,® the  Natr ad-durar  by al-Abi/ and others.” I found the following statement in the  Kit dh ad- Dm r an-na zim  f i l-Hlm wa-t-taHim,  (the work) of some ( unknow n author , based) upon b. al-Akfani;^ “Books on history afford the opportunity to study the history {ahhdr)  of scholars and intelligent men, the hap penings that concerned them, the manifold events (of the past), the biographies  [siyar]   of people, and their virtues and vices which time permitted to live on after they themse lves were dead.” ® ‘Afif-ad-din al-Yafi‘i, the famous saint, called his history, which is chronologically arranged according to the years of the hijrah,  Mi r'’ at a l-jand n wa-'-ahardt al-yaqzdn, On the knowledge of instructi ve events, the shifting circumstances of human beings, and the dates of  some very prominent men.  In the beginning of the work, al-Yafi‘i ’ has the following verses:

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The never ceasing change of days by one so wise. So fair to His creation, not unfair. How many lessons history contains for him  Wh o wa nts to learn , is cau tiou s, circ um spe ct.  Wh om con sta nt cha nge of tim e tau gh t pru den t abs tine nce From matters which concern another one,  Wh o is co nte nt wi th wh at He -th at- kno ws -al l decre ed.  Ab id ing b y His jud gm ent , free from grud ge! (31) O Lord, protect us from calamity and sin In a world so full of sinners of all sorts.

 A bo ok wh ich wil l not irk you , frie nds of his tor y. Through too great brevity, or tiresome length.

 A bo ut to dro wn in its ocea n ma ny rea che d the shore W ha t shal l he do to who m no shore is lef t ?

Here you will find it, keeping to the middle path.  Wh ich , as the pro ver b say s, is be st of all.

In the  Nas iha t al-musd wir wa-ta^ziyat al-mujd wir,   Badr-ad-din  Ab u Muh am ma d ‘A bd all ah b. Mu ham mad b. Fa rhu n al-M ada ni al-Mahki refuted those who disapproved of (the custom of ) putting up a stone or the like in the Prophet’s Mosque (in Medina), in order to mark the place where a judge, mufti, or scholar sat (in the exercise of his functions). He spoke in his work of a number of his contemporaries and their divinely inspired deeds. In this manner, their memory would be kept alive, and their learning would be spread. The author further added some good things from the histories of (data about) previous reliable (scholars). “T hey can here  be fou nd ,” he said, “ by the stu de nt who en joy ed the m bu t wa s not sure of the correctness of the transmitted text. A person in the right frame of mind might notice these (stories), and thereby come to adopt the sublime character qualities of those scholars and to reach their high level of education.” ^ He (further) said: “ God increased the reward of the scholars on account of the ignorant persons who dominated them,” ^ especially those who thought

Here you’ll encounter brilliant poems, anecdotes,  An d storie s, fit to men tion or to drop. Of precious, witty saws those which are meaningful. Of fine remarks the choicest to be found. It is a lesson for the student who beholds Time w hich lifts human beings ®up and lets them down, ^ 'A lib . Musa b. Sa'^id, seventh/thirteenth century (cf. GAL, I, 336 f.). Cf. Hajji Halifah,  K as f az-zu nun,   III, 524 F l u g e l . The text of the  I'^ldn,  strangely enough, has Tajdrib al-iimam,  the title of Miskawayh’s famous history. The correct title appears in  IHdn, 162,  belo w, p. 516 , and in al- Ak fan i. Th e las t two item s of al- Ak fan i’s list also are cor rup t in the text of the  I'^ldn.  They are here corrected in accordance with the text of al-Akfani. Since the same corruptions appear  IHdn, 162,  below, p. 516, as-Sahawi either used a faulty copy of the  Irsdd , or his limited knowledge of adab  works misled him. ^ Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 328/940 (cf. G A L ,  I, 154 f.). ’ Ahmad b. Yusuf, d. 651/1253 (cf. GAL Supplement, I,  904). * Mansur b. al-Husayn, d. 421/1030 (cf. G A L ,  I, 351). 5 C t . G A L ,  II, 137. *  For the   last sentence, cf.  I'-ldn,   38 f., below, p. 32of. ’’  'Abdallah b. A s'ad (d. 768/1367, cf. G A L ,  II, 176 f.),  Mir^dt al-ja ndn,  I, 3 f. (Hyderabad 1337-39). GA L  reads wa-'^ibrat,  instead of laa-'^abardt. * A l - Y a f i 'i ; al-halq.

^ Ibn Farhun (cf. GAL Supplement   II, 221),  Nas ihat al-musd wir,  Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 6s, p. 3. According to Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 300, an 'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Farhun died in 769/1368, but according to the manuscript, the work was finished on Ramadan 21st, 777/February 13th, 1376 {GAL Supplement   II, 221: 774/1372). The Cairo manuscript was  wri tte n in 1093/1682, bu t its fir st ha lf is a lat er add itio n. This part of the quotation appears on p. i of the Cairo manuscript.

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that they were qualified for the high position (of scholars) in the repulsion of doubtful (opinions) while in fact they fell far behind it. “ MMik said very co rrectly; ‘It is not a good sign if someone thinks that he (ought to) occupy a position for which people do not consider him qualified. I never sat down in the mosque (in order to teach), unless seventy learned sayhs testified to my qual ification (to occupy a certain place).’” ^ In the Tahaqdt al-Hanafiyah,  Muhyi-ad-din Abii Muhammad ‘Abd-al-Q adir al-Qurasi al-Hana fi ^ said what is quoted here in a shortened form; “ It is very instructive and extremely important for a number of reasons to discuss the biographies of (religious) scholars with the details of their life, their qualities, the times in  wh ich th ey liv ed , an d the ir pos itio n (in scho larsh ip). One of the reasons, for instance, is that it gives one confidence in himself. The verse of the Qur’an; ‘Does not the memory of God give con fidence ?’,3  was interpreted by a number of ancient scholars as re ferring to the memory of the men around Muhammad. This is  we ll possi ble. The se men were dis tin gui sh ed ab ov e all oth ers b y the privilege of having seen the Prophet, by the fact that they were his faithful followers, and by the fact that they (alone) were in the possession of the knowledge (of the Prophetical traditions). Another reason is that (the discussion of the biographies of religious scholars) enables the student to reach the educational level of those (scholars) and to learn from their good actions and qualities. Furthermore, it serves to put every (scholar) in his proper place and to avoid assigning inferior positions to important (authorities) or elevating others beyond their proper positions. ‘He is more learned than any scholar.’^Muhammad referred to this in the tradition; ‘Let the patient and intelligent men among you be close to me.’^A further reason is that (the discussion of the biographies of religious scholars) enables the student to rely in the case of contradictory opinions upon the most learned and austere (authorities). Furthermore, it gives information about (32) their publications and helps to evaluate their usefulness. Lastly, it stops any criticism directed against some 1 This par t of the quotation, appears on, p. 2. 2 'Abd-al-Qa dir b. Muhammad (d. 775/1373, cf. G A L ,  II, 80), al-Jawdhir al-mudiyah  ft tahaqdt al -Ha nafi yah,   I, 3 aud 6 (Hyderabad 1332). 3 Qur’an xiii 28 (28 FI.). ‘ Qur’an xii 76 (76 FI.). Cf. TB ,  IX, 281; XI, 192; XII, 150; Abu 'Awanah,  Mu snad ,  II, 41 f. (Hyde rabad 1362-63); Taskdpriizadeh,  Mif tdh , 1,67 (Hyderabad 1328-56). Ms. Leiden has the co rrect text.

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31 1

one on account of the obscurity of his authorities, as well as any attempt by others to consider them little known.^ Sufyan b. ‘Uyaynah said; ‘The memory of pious men is a source of (divine) mercy.  A bu Ha nif ah sai d; ‘I lik e stor ies ab ou t scho lars and the ir goo d quahties and actions better than a good deal of jurisprudence. Those stories educate the people. Information on the tribulations suffered by some (scholars),  wh ich m ay be fou nd me ntio ned , is a co nso lati on in trib ula tio ns (which one might suffer oneself) and an indication of their firm position within (the ranks of) pious men. Information about the countries in which the (religious) scholars lived and were at home is also very useful. In the introduction  [hutbah)  of the Tahaqdt al-Mdlikiyah, Burhanad-din Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. ‘Ali b. Farhun,^ a nephew of the afore-mentioned Ibn Farhun, said; “ The noble character of the knowledge of this field (history) ^ is well-known, and ignorance of it is subject to blame. It is not a branch of knowledge to which the (proverbial) saying might be applied; To know it is of no use, and not to know it does no harm. It has indeed been applied to genealogy, a field which is different from history.” However, genealogy should not be neglected. It is very useful. Ibn ‘Ab d-al-B arr ®spoke of it, and Sihab-ad-din al-Qa lqasandi ’ has most of it in his work.  W ali -ad -di n Ib n H ald un al- Ma hki ®said in his  H ist or y: (Blank space in the manuscript left by the author for the later insertion of the quotation). 1  Isti jhd l, to majhul,  for which technical term cf. al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  Kif dya h,  88 f. (Hyderabad 1357). The last sentence does not appear in the printed text of the  Jawdh ir. ^ Cf.  Pl an   20, above, p. 293, n. 5 " Abu Hanifah an-Nu'man b. Tabit, d. 150/767-68, or 151 (cf. G A L ,  I, 169-71). The statement is quoted by Abu Bakr ij. al-'Arabi (cf. G A L ,  I, 412 f., and  Supp leme nt   I, 632 f., 663, 732 f.),  Mard qt az-zu lfd,  in Ibn al-Hajj al-'Abdari,  Mu dha l (madhal) as-sar'^ as- sarif . I, 56 f. (Cairo 1320). ‘ D. 799/1397 (cf. G A L ,  II, 175 f.). Cf. his Tahaqdt al-Mdliktyah,  2 (Fes 1316). ®Ibn Farhun: al-fann. « Yusuf b. 'Abdallah (d. 463/1071, cf. G A L ,  I, 367 f.) defines genealogy as a knowledge  wh ich to kno w is of no use and whi ch not to kno w does no har m, cf. his  Jdmi'^ baydn al-Hlm, II, 23 (Cairo, n.y.) and his  Inbd h,  43 (Cairo 1350). He followed a prophetical tradition, cf. also Ibn Hazm,  Jamha rah,   3, 5 (Cairo 1948); as-Sam'aui,  Ans dh,   fols. 3b-4a; al-Gazzali,  Ihyd^,  I, 27 (Cairo 1334); Ibn Haldun,  Muq addim ah,  I, 236 Paris; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   III, 104. ’ Ahmad b. '"Ali, d. 821/1418 (cf. G A L ,  II, 134). The “w ork” referred to may be the  Subh al-a'^sd   which has a chapter on the ansdh al-’-Arah,  unless al-Qalqasandi’s work on the  Ar ab trib es (cf. iHdn,  109, below, p. 434) is meant. * 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad, 732-808/1332-1406 (cf. G A L ,  II, 242-45). As-Sahawi probably intended to quote from the first pages of the  Muqa ddim ah.

312

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TRANSLATION

The following statement was made by Muwaffaq-ad-din Abu

 wro te to Ab u Mu ham ma d the foll ow ing ver ses in wh ich he chi ded

1-Hasan ‘Ali b. al-Hasan b. Abi Bakr al-Hazraji ^in the introduction of the  Hist ory of the Yeme n: “1  was moved to compile this  Hist ory  by m y ob ser vat ion s conc ern ing the pre va ili ng indi ffere nce tow ar d history. (This indifference exists) in spite of the fact that there is much need for historical knowledge. In many matters, one ought to have reference to historical information, and there is a need for the edifying and literary material and the detailed information about complicated genealogical relationships which are contained in historical works. Without a knowledge of history,” the author said, “ no information would exist about former generations in later ones. It would not be possible to tell superior individuals (of the past) from inferior ones and to distinguish well-known men from little known persons.” §ams-ad-din Muhammad b. ‘Ammar al-Misri al-Maliki ^ said: “ If the only instructive aspect of history were the critical examina tion of old stories and uninterrupted traditions, (it would suffice), for distress about the evil that reigns in this sad time is alleviated  by the rea liz ati on (gain ed from such a cr itic al ex am ina tio n of his  tory) that disappointments are an old story. In the Tuhfah,  Professor Abu (33) ‘Abdallah b. al-Abbar, the Spanish litterateur,^ told the following story: ‘On one of the ex peditions of the Amir Tamim b. Yusuf b. Tasfin,^ his entourage in cluded Maymun al-Hawwari, a jurist and dignitary of Cordoba, and the judge Abu 1-Walid,® the real power among them. They stopped outside Murcia where they were met by Abu Muhammad b. Abi Ja'far.® At their gathering, they discussed the question of the respective merit of the formulas: ‘There is no God  bu t Go d’ and ‘P rai sed be Go d.’ Ab u 1-Walid preferred the former formula, and Abii Muhammad the latter. On this occasion, Maymun 1 D. 812/1409 (cf. G A L ,  II, 184 f.). ^ It would seem, that the quotatiou from, Ibn 'Am.mar (cf. above, p. 280) extends to p. 315, line 17. ®Muham mad b. “^Abdallah, d. 658/1260 (cf. G A L ,  I, 340 f.; ' A  b d  - a l - 'A z iz '^A b d  - a l j I d  ,  Ibn al-Ab bdr, haydtuh wa-kutub uh  [Tetuan 1373/1954]; and the introduction by S A l i h a l -A s t a r   to his edition of Ibn al-Abbar’s  IHdb al-kuttdb   [Damascus 1280/1961]). Ibn al-Abbar refers to this story in the brief notice devoted to Maymun al-Hawwari, in the Takmilah, 3 9 5 C o d e r a (Madrid 1 8 8 9 ,  Bib l. Ara bico -His pan a, 6). It appears in his Tuhfat al-qddim,  cf. al-Masriq,  X L I , 3 4 1 f. (1947); al-Muqtadab min Kitdb Tuhfat al-qddim, 34 a l - I  b y a r i (Cairo 1957). ■ * D. 520 /1126 (cf. I bn Ab i Zar*-, 106, tran s. 145 T o r n b e r g , Uppsala 1843-46). ®Muhammad b. Alnnad, the grandfather of the famous philosopher, d. 520/1126 (cf. GAL, I,  384). ®Unidentified. Ma

313

him: Consider again the things you wrote, and you better don’t Begin without proper preparation and arms the fight.  Yo u are no t pre par ed to tea ch a true sch ola r any thi ng. To follow behind him in his steps is for you just right.  Y ou tho ug ht, Ibn Ru sd wa s lik e the oth ers yo u me t befor e!  Y ou ’ll find , he is stro nge r tha n a lion wi th all his mig ht.  Ab ii J a ‘fa r b. W ad da h ^ repUed for Ab u Mu ham mad , in the same metre and rhyme: Go slow, you are certainly not causing a stir round here.  W hy do you no t lear n, if yo u are able to see the ligh t! If learning were given just to those who are fit for it.  Yo u wo uld not re ly upo n the poi nts ma de to win yo ur figh t. If we were together in one room for the argument.  We wo uld giv e yo u de ad ly poiso n qu ic kly to end yo ur pl ig ht .” Ibn ‘Ammar also told this story in a different connection, but  by tel lin g it here , I wa nte d to sho w how pe rfe ctl y well one m ay rely on (history), in order to find consolation. He (further) said: “ No doub t (also) in former times, non-scholars participate d in scholarship. I do not mean by ‘participating’ that they competed  wi th scho lars in the ze al for serio us st ud y as a mea ns to reac h the heights of true scholarship. No, by making unfair use of their rank and wealth, they forced their way into the positions which of right belonged to real scholars, and donned scholarly robes and (wore the) ends of turbans (as scholars did). If the y were exposed to the light of truth, they would be found to have assumed an ap pearance which was not theirs ^ and to have clothed themselves  wi th the gar me nts of fals eho od and frau d. Th ey wo uld bec ome the  bu tt of the scor nful and the lau ghi ng sto ck of obs erve rs. In fac t, 1  Ah ma d b. Mas lama h, died abo ut 530/ 1135- 36, cf. E . L e v i - P r o v e n ^ a l ,  La Pe nins ule  Iberi que, 32, n. 2 (Leiden 1938). The last of Ibn Wadda h’s verses apparently refers to “deadly” arguments. 2 The reading of the Ms. Leiden; tasabba'-u  “ they gorged on things which were not theirs”,

ma y be preferable.

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they w ould become a frequently quoted and very effective histor(ical example, ta'rih).  In ancient and recent times,” he said, “frauds  were pra cti ce d on p eople , and th ey ac tu al ly died alt ho ugh th ey liv ed on (34) in books and stories. Sibawayh, the foremost grammarian  who ev ol ve d A ra bi c g ram ma r f rom or al i nfo rm ati on re ce ive d b y h im from Bedouins and the outstanding expert in the sciences which he chose to master was killed by a fraud and the intrigues of his rival al-Kisa’i. In the presence of the Barmecides, al-Kisa’i asked Si  ba wa yh ab ou t the que stio n of the wasp.^ Si ba wa yh ga ve the cor rec t answer, (citing the phrase) which conformed to the nature and speech of the Bedouins. Al-Kisa^i, however, did not want it (to be true) and used his influential position at ar-Rasid(’s court) as a weapon. Bedouins were brought in, in order to decide who of the two was correct. Out of regard for al-Kisa’i’s position, or possibly because they had been bribed, they just stated that the  w ay al -K is a’ i sai d it wa s cor rec t (but did not pro nou nce the phr ase itself). They would have been unable to pronounce the (incorrect) grammatical form which al-Kisa’i suggested. Sibawayh, (knowing that), said to Yahya b. HMid al-Barmaki;^ ‘Tell them to pronounce it, and their tongues will not be able to.’ This affair left Sibawayh no choice but to leave al-Basrah for Persia (Fars) against his will as the victim of a fraud, and he staid there until he died. In his Gram matical Poem, Ibn H azim al-Andalusi ^ mentioned the affair in connection with the problem of the wasp.” (Ibn ‘Ammar) here quoted Ibn Hazim’s verses. “ Jamal-a d-din b. Malik, the transmitter of all the grammatic al and lexicographical knowledge of Arabia,^ died of late the victim of a fraud. In spite of his great qualities and the fact that he was in great need and reduced circumstances, his position as a preacher in one of the suburbs of Damascus was contested and taken away from him by a local ignoramus. He nearly died, especially when he attended the Friday prayer and asked that ignoramus after the service about the articulation of the (sound) alif.  The man became ^ For the famous gram,marians of the second/eighth century, 'A mr b. ‘^Utman Sibawayh (cf. G A L ,  I, 100-2) and 'All b. Hamzah al-Kisa^i (cf. G A L ,  I, 115), and for the question of the wasp, cf. A. F i s c h e r   ,  Die Mas^ala Zu nbu rij a, in  A Volu me of Orienta l Studi es presente d  to E. G. Browne,  150-56 (Cambridge 1922); idem, in  Isla mic a,   V, 211 ff. (1931); J. B l a u , in  Jou rna l of Sem itic Stu die s,  VII I, 42-51 (1963). 2 D. 189/805. ^ Hazim b. Muham mad, d. 684/1285 (cf. G A L ,  I, 269). The poem is quoted by Ibn Hi.sam,  Mu gni al-la bib .  I, 75 f. (Cairo 1317). *  Ap pa re ntl y, Mu ham mad b. 'Ab dal lah , the aut hor of the  Alf iya h,  d. 672/1274 (cf. G A L , I, 298-300).

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confused and thought that Ibn MMik had talked to him in a foreign language. He enumerated the letters of the alphabet from beginning to end. The audience, all partisans of him, wild ly applaude d him. He had given twenty-nine answers to (but) one question! JamM-addin found nobody to take his side. Humiliated, he died a few days later.” Ibn ‘Ammar told many such stories at great length. He thus said: “ For all his greatness, Ibn a r-Ra f‘ah ^ did not even become a tutor, let alone a professor. Ignorant persons become professors through money or by mixing with contemptible office seekers. The best position which Ibn al-Hajib ^ could find in Cairo and  Al ex an dr ia aft er his ret urn from Da ma scu s wa s th at of an offi cia l  witn ess, alt ho ugh (he wa s a g rea t schol ar) acc ord ing to the foll ow ing statement of Ibn Hallikan® in his  Hi stor y. “ He came to me several times to register depositions, and I asked him about (35) difficult problems of the Arabic langua ge, and he was able to answer them most exhaustively, with great calmness and complete firmness.” Ibn ‘Ammar mentioned much of that. It has altogether nothing to do with our subje ct here, but “ a discussion leads from one thing to the other.” ^ Moreover, there is a detailed treatment of these and similar matters in another publication of mine entitled al-Fur jah.^ Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi said: “ Knowledge in general falls into the two parts of intellectual and traditional knowledge. After the acquisition of a sufficiently thorough understanding of both of them, one should take time out to study history and to ponder its lessons. Through such study, a person whose blindness of heart and vision was removed by God will learn about the destruction ® and final disappearance which fell to the lot of his fellow-men after the handling of wealth and military power.’ He will come to ^ Appar ently, Ahm ad b. Muhamm ad, d. 710/1310 (cf. G A L ,  II, 133 f.). He was, however, a very successful man. ^ ‘^Utman b. 'Um ar, d. 646/1249 (cf. G A L ,  I, 303-6). ^ Ahma d b. Muhammad b. Hallikan (d. 681/1282, cf. G A L ,  I, 326-28), Wafaydt,   II, 194 trans. D e S l a n e . *  For this proverb, cf., for instance. L a n e , 1509b, s. rad. sjn,  or “^Umarah al-Hakam i, an-Niikat al-'-asriyah, 6 D e r e n b o u r g (Paris 1897,  Pu bl. de VEco le des langues or. viv., IVe Serie, Vol. 10). ®With its full title: al-Furjah bi-kd^inat al-Kdmiliyah allatt laysa fihd li-l-mu’-drid  hujjah {Daw^,  V III, 17, line 24 f.). ® Al-fand^ ,  according to the text of the  Hit at. ’’   Ahmad b. 'Ali al-Maqrizi, 766-845/1364-1442 (cf. G A L ,  II, 38-41). Up to this point, the quotation agrees with  Hit at,  I, 4 (Bulaq 1270).

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abstain from this world and to wish for the other world.” Then, al-Maqrizi said; “ How ba d does it look if a person, who is considered a scholar and who thinks of himself as an educated and learned man, is able to answer a question about God’s prophets, in whom he is to believe, by merely giving their names, but does not know  wh at tho se nam es imp ly. Ho w ba d does it loo k if a ma n who und er takes to teach and give  fatwds   or to function as a judge does not know the details of Muhammad’s life, his genealogy, his beautiful  w ay of life, his ex al te d posi tion , and his ess enti al an d ac cid en tal  vir tue s, thi ngs wh ich ev er y be liev er mu st kn ow and ev ery on e who is considered a scholar must have studied. Such a person would surely have to reply to the question of the two examiners after death ^concerning his opinion about that man (Muhammad): ‘I do not know. I he ard people say, and I repeated^ ’ . . . . May God preserve us from that!” The outstanding grammarian and lexicographer, Abu 1-Husayn  b. Faris,^ sai d; “ E ve ry Musli m ou gh t to ha ve a kno wle dge of this. Shame upon the person who thinks of himself as a scholar and does not know who the earliest emigrants were; who cannot distinguish  be tw ee n tho se wh o co ntr ib ute d an d fo ug ht be fore th e Con que st (of Mecca), and those who contributed after it; who does not know  wh o tho se fig hte rs at Ba dr were , con cer ning who m it wa s sai d: ‘Do whatever you want. I have forgiven you’ who does not know  wh o tho se pa rti cip an ts in th e oa th of alle gia nce an d agr eem ent (at Hudaybiyah) were whom the Fire will not touch;® and who does not know who those men of Medina were, of whom we are to reward those who do good and leave unpunished those who do evil, and whom to love is (true) believing.” ®  Al -M aq riz i sai d in a sta tem en t in his ha nd wr itin g tra ns mi tte d  by Na jm -a d-d in b. F ah d ;’ “ Th e his tor ian (of the past ) ma ke s the days (of the past) part of his own life, and the historian of his own period (36) makes those future (generations) who are not of his ^ I.e., the two angels Munkar and Nakir, cf.  Lis dn al-'^Arab,  XV II, 197 (Bulaq 1300-8). 2 T h i s is t h e r e p l y gi v e n b y si n ne r s a t t h e ^addb al-qabr,  cf. al-Gazzali,  Ihya?,   IV, 427 (Cairo 1352/1933); Concordance,  II, 537ag;  I ’-ldn,  47, below, p. 333. ®Ahmad b. Faris, d. after 390/999-1000 (cf. G A L ,  I, 130). Cf.  IHan,   47, below, p. 333. The quotation may have come to as-Sahawi through al-Maqrizi. *  C f . I b n Hisam,  Stra h, 8 1 0 W u s t e n f e l d  . * F o r t h e hay'-at ar-ridu'dn,  cf. Ibn Hisam,  Strah,   746 W i j s t e n f e l d   . ®Cf. Concordance,  I, 401a; al-Buhari,  Sahi h,  III, 9, 6 K  r e h l ; TB ,  I, 295; Ibn Hazm,  Jamh arah ,  3 (Cairo 1948); Ibn Haldun,  Muqa ddim ah,  I, 350 Paris. ’ ‘ Umar b. Muha mmad , 812-885/1409-80 (cf. G A L ,  II, 175;  Daw^,  VI, 126-31).

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own time witness it. He presents the virtuous men (of the future)  wit h (other) liv es and prep are s for the ir ears an d eye s plac es to live in which had not been their places.^ I failed to see those houses with my eye. May-be, Fll see them with my ears (through tales).^ Praise is due to Him who is always in power.” In the preface of the '■JJqud al- fand ah ,  (al-Maqrizi) said; “ God organized mankind so that one generation would come after the other and each group follow in the footsteps of the former. The first ones would thus leave their stories to those after them as an exhortation and example, and the later ones would keep ahve the memory and spread the fame of their predecessors. As a result, intelligent persons will be deterred from doing things which evoke criticism and which are recognized as evil. The educated will go after the best and finest character qualities,” and so on. Taqi-ad-din b. Qadi Suhbah ^ said that he spoke of (the history of the past) for the benefit of future (generations). They  wo uld thu s be abl e to st ud y the his tor ica l i nfo rm ati on  [ahhdr)  about (the men of the past). (Otherwise), their biographies are difficult to find. This, then, would be one aspect of the usefulness of (history). In the beginning of the Tuhfat az-zaman ft ta^nh sdddt al-Yaman, Badr-ad-din Husayn al-Ahdal ^ said; “ History is a useful branch of learning. Through it, later generations acquire information about former ones. It becomes possible to distinguish between worthy and useless people. The student acquires insight and a knowledge of the minds of the ancients. Many proofs (of the truth of Islam)  bec ome clea r. W ith ou t his tor y, (past) con diti ons  [ahwdl],  dynasties, genealogies, and causes would not be known. No distinction could  be mad e be twe en ign ora nt an d thi nk ing peop le. It was sai d th at God revealed in the Torah a special book containing (information ^ Lah um,   added by an-Nahrawali (see n. 2). ^ This is a verse by as-Sarif ar-R adi Muhamm ad b. al-Husayn (d. 406/1015, cf.G A L ,  1,82). Cf. his  Dtwd n,  II, 82 (Cairo 1306) = 500 (Beirut 1310); Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu dhi s,  170 (Bagdad 1348); al-Kutubi,  Fawdt ,  II, 161 (Bulaq 1299); as-Safadi, Wdfi,  I, 190 R  i t t e r  ; Muhammad  b. Ah ma d an-N ahr awtd i (d. arou nd 990/1582),  Hist ory of Mecca ,  in F. W i j s t e n f e l d   ,  Di e Chro nike n der Stadt Me kka ,  III, 4 (Leipzig 1857); Ibn Bassam,  Daht rah,   IV, i, 194 (Cairo 1945); Ibn al-Jawzi,  Adki yd^,   2 (Cairo 1306). ^ Abu Ba kr b. Ahmad, d. 851/1448 (cf. G A L ,  II, 51). The quotation may be from his  IHdm bi-ta^rih ahl al-Is ldm. ‘ Al-Husayn b. 'Abd-ar-Rahman, d. 855/1451 (cf. G A L , I I ,  185).

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 A S- SA H A w i’ s I'LAN

about) the conditions  [ahwdl]   of past peoples and the respective length of their lifetime, as well as an exposition of their genealogical relationships.” ^ Muhyi-ad-din al-Kafiya ji al-Hanafi ^— the same who was kind enough to say that I was the most learned man of the time in both intellectual and traditional knowledge— sent me a work of his on the subject (of history), which he had finished in the month of Rajab of the year (8)67/March 1463. He started out by saying that history is a useful branch of learning which comprises the whole range of human affairs including the other life. "It is,” he said, “instructive and remarkable in innumerable respects. It is an ocean of pearls and corals. Its many useful aspects cannot be fully defined or explained. It includes the marvels of the natural {mulk) and supernatural world  [malakut).  It leads near to (37) the Truth, the Mighty and Powerful One. However, history has been like pearls which are dispersed in the deep waters of the rolling (?) sea (of ‘Uman ? ?) and not strung up on the string of fundamental facts and clear exposition. Therefore, my friendly interest in smart and cultured people caused me to collect (the facts about) history according to the rules of scientific accuracy, as much as this was in my power, although I am far from qualified to confront such a  we igh ty prob lem . I com pose d this  Short Work on Histo riogr aphy as a gift from me to my friends, comparable to the gift of the ant to Sulaym^n.” ^ The author then explained that h istory "fully deserved codification”— that is, because works on history have a  ve ry wid e circ ula tio n. The refo re, he said, he "co di fie d hi sto ry in a fine and easily understandable manner. It might thus reach all classes of people; endure in the passing of days and years; be spoken of and be preserved in the heart; become a memento and incentive to undertake something similar (to the things mentioned in historical works) in every place and at every time; and stress the truth of the widely known adage: ‘Every line which is not  wr itte n dow n on pap er is lost , and ev er y sec ret whi ch pas ses the two (hps) is no longer a secret.’ ” ^"History is an important subject. It is welcomed by all. In a well-organized manner it contains ideas 1 Cf. also above, p. 288, and below, p. 320. 2 See above, p. 245 ff. ®Al-Kaf iyaji, below, p. 547. The remark about Sulaymau and the ant refers to Q ur’an xxv ii 18 f. (18 f. FI.).  A l-K af iy aj i belo w, p. 556. For the ada ge of kee pin g secr ets, cf. the ver se of Qa ys b. al-Hatim,  Diw dn,  No. 12, line i K  o w a l s k i (Leipzig 1914).

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and lessons and includes interesting material on good actions and qualities. Without history, no information about or trace of the past would reach us. History is a nourishment for the spirit and the imagination. It is a treasury of information about peoples and men. It is a mine of wonderful and remarkable things, traditions, and proverbs. It adorns smart men and sustains the thoughtful. It aids hadit   scholars and enriches the educated. Kings, wazirs, discerning military leaders, and other persons in important positions need (a knowledge of) history. It teaches kings the lesson of dynasties and nations of the past. It teaches wazirs the lesson of the actions of previous masters of the sword and the pen. It shows military leaders  wa r ruses and ta cti cs (used in the war s of the past ). To all othe rs, history comes in the form of entertainment. As a result, the way is open to them for all kinds of good actions and closed for all the things that should not be done. It was, therefore, said: Kings ought to follow the example of their predecessors. They ought to do what their predecessors did as far as good actions are concerned, but not as far as those actions are concerned which constituted a matter of regret for former kings. They also ought to read the written exhortations and testaments of their predecessors. They ought to look at their judgments and legal decisions. The kings of the past possessed greater experience and insight. Secretly and openly, they were as a rule more discerning than those who came after them. They (38) knew how to distinguish between good and bad, and they could tell manifest phenomena from obscure ones. Anusarwan, in spite of his exemplary conduct, used to read the books of the ancients and tried to learn their stories and to follow their example. Thus, one cannot do without history. The occupation with it and the literar y fixation and transmission of histor(ical material) are neces sary, One must, however, beware of expansions (of the transmitted material) and of ’stabs in the dark’ Histo ry should be treated in accordance with the afore-mentioned (principles, enumerated in a previous passage of al-Kafiyaji’s work). Consider the following statement from the writings of one of the prophe ts: ‘An intelligent person should apply himself to his affairs, know the people of his time, and watch his tongue.’^ In this respect, Muhammad said: ‘Gua rd this (the tongue) well!’ "Verse s of the Qur’ an: ‘The '■Cf. Qur’an xviii 22 (21 FI.). ^ The prophet from, whose “wr itings” the quotation was derived was Ibrahim, according to al-Kafiyaji. Cf. Concordance,  VI, 26a, 11. 2 and 24. Al-Kafiyaji, below, p. 578 f.

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thoughtful have found instruction in their stories; it was not an invented story but a verification of the facts before him, a specifica tion of everything, a guidance, and mercy for faithful people.’— ‘We shall tel] you the most beautiful story in that we revealed to  yo u thi s ch ap te r.’ ” ^— “ ‘Am on g them , the re are thos e ab ou t who m  we tol d yo u, and thos e ab out who m we did not tel l yo u. ’— ‘W e shall tell you all the stories of the messengers (of old) through which  we sha ll ste ad y yo ur he ar t.’ ” ^ Th e qu ota tio n (from al- KM iya ji) has been slightly rearranged. Our colleague, from whom we have also learned much, the expert and authority (in the religious sciences), Najm-ad-din ‘Umar  b. Fa hd al- Ha sim i al- Ma kki , ma de the foll owi ng sta tem en t in the introduction of the  Dur r al-ka min hi-da yl al-"Iqd at-tamin f i ta' rih al-halad al-amin,  a supplement to the work of his teacher, the hadit   expert Taqi-ad -din al-Fasi:^ “H istory is a good and useful  bra nch of lear ning . It is earn est ad vic e th at is firm an d co nst an t. History teaches later generations the conditions  [ahwdl)  of those of the past. Without history, they would not be known. No distinc tion could be made between scholars and ignorant men. At all times, people have been in agreem ent concerning (the value of) history and have written all kinds of historical works. It was said that God revealed in the Torah a special book containing (informa tion about) the conditions  [ahwdl)  of past peoples and the respective length of their lifetime, as well as an exposition of their genealogical relationships.” ^The author then quoted the remarks of Ibn al-Akfani in the  Dur r an-nazim,^  and those of ‘Izz-ad-din alHanbali in his  Fatwd.^ Najm-ad-din further said in the introduction {huthah)  of his book on the history  [hawddit)  of Mecca entitled  It hd f al-ward bi-ahhdr Umm al-Qurd\  “ There can be no doubt about the great value and importance of history. It is useful to study the events of (past) times, the biographies  [siyar)  of people, and the historical information about them which time peimitted to live on (39)

^ Qur’an xii ii i (m FI.) and xii 3 (3 TL), from al-Kafiyaji, below, p. 553. ^ Qur’ an xl 78 (78 FI.) and xi 120 (121 FI.), from, al-Ka fiyaji, below, p. 561 f. 3 Muhammadb. Ahmad, 775-832/1373-1429 (cf. G A L ,  II, 172 f.). For Ibn Fahd, cf. above, p. 316, n. 7‘ Cf.  I^lan,  16, above, p. 288. ®Cf. above, p. 307. * Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Kinani, d. 876/1471 (cf. G A L ,  II, 57). The reference is to the  fatu'd   quoted below, pp. 345-47.

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after the y themselves were dead.^ In addition, history imparts instruction to the receptive, serious advice to the thoughtful, an acquaintance with the men of the past, and the realization that the inhabitants of this world are engaged in a journey. The great importance and instructiveness of the annalistic fixation of history  wer e in the min d of ‘U ma r and the men aro und Mu ham ma d whe n they invented the era (te'n/i).” The author then quoted the short statement of his teacher, al-Maqrizi, which we have mentioned above following the long one.^ There ^ were other historians, among them Abu ‘A li Ahmad  b. Mu ham ma d b. Y a' q u b ar -R az i Mi ska wa yh who said th at his critical investigation of the historical information  [ahhdr)  about nations and the biographies of kings and his study of the historical information about countries and of the works on history  [tawdrih]  gave him a useful “ experience” in matters that will always repeat themselves and in a similar form can always be expe cted to recur. He, therefore, composed the four-volume Tajdrib [Experiences]  al-uniam wa- "-awdqih al-kimam.^  A supplement to it was written by the wazh al-hadratayn,  Abu Suja‘ Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. ‘Abdallah al-BagdMi.^  An oth er (histo rian) was Ab ii 1-Fath Ahmad b. Mutarrif alKinani.® He said that he extracted (?) from his works a monograph on specific clearly established historical dates  [tawdrih],  things  wh ich (religious ) sch ola rs sho uld kno w we ll and shou ld not be ignorant of and which are needed by scholars who occupy them selves with the (history of) religions and biography and by all those who know the vicissitudes of time.  An oth er (histo rian) was A bi i 1-Husayn ‘Ali b. Ahmad as-Sallami.’ 1 C f.  IHdn,   30, above, p. 308, and iHdn,  44, below, p. 330. ’ Cf. above, p. 316 f. 3 The following quotations, down to p. 325, may be indirect ones. ‘ Cf. the introduction of Miskawayh’s (d. 421/1030, cf. G A L ,  I, 342 f.) work. ^ D. 488/1095 (cf. GAL Supplement,  I, 583; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  IX , 90-94). “ He m ay be identical with the writer who died in 413/1022-23, cf. Yaq ut,  Irsd d,  V, 63 f. (Cairo = II, 115 !. M a r g o l i o u t h ). ’’   He lived around 950, cf. GAL Supplement,  I, 571, to be supplemented through W. B a r t h o l d , Turkestan doivn to the Mongol Invasion,  11 and 21 (London 1928,  E. J. W. Gibb  Me m. Seri es, N .S.   5). B a r t h o l d recognized as-Sallami as the source of the relevant sections of al-Gardizi,  Za yn al-aJjbdr  (cf. M. N a z i m ’ s edition of the sections on the Bunds, Samanids, and Caznawids, Berhn 1928,  E. G. Browne Mem. Ser ies,  i), and Ibn al-Atir,  Kd mil . The correct form of his nam,e is Abu 'Ali al-Husayn b. Ahmad as-Sallami. Al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq,  154 (Teheran 1317), quotes the historian himself for the form of his nisbah as-Sallami with two /’s. At-Ta'^^libi, Yatiniat ad-dahr,  IV, 29 (Damascus 1304), has merely  Ab u 'A li as-S alla mi, bu t the ful l form also appe ars in Ya qu t,  Irsdd ,  III, 16 (Cairo = I,

32 2

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a h

A w I’ s

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Excerpts from his  Histo ry {ahhdr {ahhdr)) of the Governors of Hur dsdn   were made by the hadit   expert Jamal-ad-din Abu 1-Mahasin al-Yagmuri.i From wh at he wrote, wrote, I am quoting as follows: follows: “ There are many different sorts and kinds and methods of learning. Everybody  who is cons ider ed edu cat ed sho uld choo se one field , in wh ich he should compete with others and (try to) gain distinction. One of the principal branches of learning is history. History leads to the acquaintance with the great men of all times. It explains the events, the news, and influential occurrences that happened at all times. History gives the student a knowledge of the dates of ori gins and of the details of the hves of great men of all times and periods. periods. Historical knowledge is a safeguard against mistakes— and against the accusation of having made mistakes— in statements about great men. People can be observed telhng things whose dates they do not know. Events are dated either too early or (40) too late. This applies especially to the people of Hurasan. Yet, Hurasanians, more than others, had a hand in many im portant events. ^ It is, (therefore,) (therefore,) the d uty of H urasanian scholars to know an d to preserve the history {anb {anbd^ d^— — ay yam)  yam)  of their country and its amirs. Nothing could be more disgraceful for them than to ignore the history {ahhdr)  {ahhdr)  of their own country, while, perhaps, they may be engaged in the study of the history of other countries. That would be like fulfilling supererogatory duties instead of the obligatory ones. 118 M a r g o l i o u t h ). Of. also W. B a r t h o l d , in Orientalistische Studien T h. Ndldeke, I, 174 f. (Giessen 1906); G. B e r g s t r a s s e r , in  ZD M G,   LXV, 803 (ign); at-Tawhidi,  Ahl dq al-waztrayn,  al-waztrayn,  403 I  b n T a w i t a t - T a n j i (Damascus 1385/1965). Of as-Sallami’s other works, only his  Nu ta f at-tur af   (al-Bayhaqi: an-nutaf wa-t-turaf) is sometimes quoted, of. at-Ta'alibi, Timdr al-qulub,  al-qulub,  487 (Cairo 1326/1908); idetn, an Nih dya h f i t-ta'-rtd, t-ta'-rtd,  47 (Mecca 1301); Yaqut,  Irsd d   (see G. B e r g s t r a s s e r ,  Die Quelle n von  Jdq ut's Irsdd , in  Zei tschr ift f ur Sem itist ik,  ik,  II, 205, 1924); idem, Mu'^jam,  Mu'^jam,  IV, 203,  W  u s t e n f e l d ; al-(juzuli,  Matdli'-,   I, 12 (Cairo 1299-1300). The passage from the  M u’-jam  u’-jam  was adduced by E . S a c h a u in connection with a Salami  who is quo ted by al-B irii ni, al-Atdr al-bdqiyah,  al-bdqiyah,  332 (Leipzig 1878, 1923). The Ms. Istanbul ‘^Um ‘^Umum um.i .i 4667, pp. 370 and 372, shows tha t as-Sa lami’ s work was entitled  Kit db at-Ta^rth and dealt with dates concerning Muhammad and the birthday of al-Hasan (al-Husayn)  b. “^Ali. ^Ali. It wou ld be tem pti ng to ascri be this  Hist ory (Chronology)  (Chronology)  to the author of the  Hist ory of the Governors of H urds dn,  dn,  but as long as there is no more positive evidence for an identification than the identity of a not uncom,mon nisbah,  nisbah,  this is very uncertain. TB, X, 148 f., has a hadit   scholar, historian, and poet as-Salami, Abu 1-Hasan 'Abdallah b. Musa (d. 374/984). He could be the Salami of al-Biruni, who, however, might have been an astronomer. The quotation, which is is omitted in Ms. Leiden, may have stopped with the facetious  vers es, belo w, p. 323, bu t it cou ld also hav e incl ude d the vers es of the thre e anci ent poet s. 1 \ usuf b. Ahmad, d. 673/12 673/127474-75 75 (cf. (cf. ad-Dahabi, ad-Dahabi,  Hist ory of Islam ,  Bodleian ms. or. Laud. 279, fol. 80a, and R . S e l l h e i m , in the introduction to his edition of the  Ku r al-qabas [below, p. 422, n. 7]). See also  IHdn,   126, below, p. 467. The first al-wdpb  al-wdpb  of the text must be replaced by some word meaning “event.”

323

In this connection, some verses may be quoted. They were addressed to a postmaster general (an office which at the same time was that of chief of the intelligence service) whose girl had gone out, osten sibly in order to take a bath, in fact, however, in order to visit a friend of hers about whom he knew nothing; Nu ‘m said: said: I ’ll take a bath,— and cheated cheated you. Her way led her into her lover’s arms.^  W ha t hap pen s in yo ur own hom e is con cea led to you . How, then, can you control postal affairs?” The same idea is expressed in the verses of Ibn Harmah:^ How could I refrain from being generous as the noblest are! How could I strike with my own hand fhnts from which no fire comes! ’twould mean being like an ostrich  who, des erti ng her own eggs, Hatches underneath her wings the eggs another ostrich laid. This is said to be a sign of the enormous stupidity of the ostrich. There even is a proverb: ‘More ‘More stupid than an ostrich.’ ostrich.’ ^ An ostrich often leaves her eggs while she looks for food. Coming upon the eggs of another ostrich, she hatches them and neglects her own eggs, so that they perish. (This habit of) the ostrich gave rise rise to the expression: expression: ‘Country— that is, desert— desert— egg.’ Ar-R a‘i ^ said: Quda‘ah disclaims any relationship with you.  A nd so do the tw ain sons of Niz ar. Yo u are a co un try egg. 1 For the situation, situation, cf. also F. R  o s e n t h a l ,  Ahm ad b. at-T ayy ib as-Sa rahsi ,  96 (New Haven 1943,  Am erica n Orient al Seri es,  es,  26). 2 Ibrahim b. Harmah, eighth century (cf. O. O. R  e s c h e r ,  Abr iss der arabischen Litie ratur geschichte,   I, 296 f., Konstantinopel-Pera 1925). For the verses, cf., for instance,  A b u  Ah ma d al-‘'Askari,  Ma sun ,   110 ^A  b d - a s - S a l a m M. H a r u n (Kuwait i960); Abu Hilal al-‘'Askari,  Sind^ata vn,  vn,   109 (Cairo 1320); Ibn Qutaybah,  Ma^dnt as-si^r,  as-si^r,  I, 213, 359 (Hyderabad 1368/1949);  Li sdn al-^Arab,  al-^Arab,   III, 326 (Bulaq 1300-8). = >An illustration of the proverb may be seen in O. L o f g r e n ,  Amb rosian fragmen ts of  an illuminated manuscript containing the Zoology of al-Gdhiz,  al-Gdhiz,  pi. X \ I (Uppsala-Leipzig 1946, Uppsala Univ. Arsskrift,  Arsskrift,  1945, 5). *  “'Abid (‘Ub ayd?) b. H usayn, a seventh-century poet (cf. O. R  e s c h e r , op. cit..  cit..  I, 166 f.), For the verses, cf. at-Ta"alibi, Timdr al-qulub,  al-qulub,  392 (Cairo 1326/1908);  Lis dn al-^Arab,  V II I, 394 (Bu laq 1300-8).

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The expression: ‘You are a country egg,’ signifies that neither the y themselves nor their father were (of) (of) k nown (origin), (origin), just as it is not known (which ostrich laid) the eggs found neglected in the desert. Such an egg is called tankah,  tankah,  in the sense of the passive participle (‘deserted’), pi. tardHk.  tardHk.   Al-A‘sa ^said:  Y a h m a’ — a des ert whe re wil d asses st ra y  A nd whe re fine (ostrich) eggs des ert ed lie.  An oth er (histo rian) was al-M isri, the aut ho r of the  Book of the Two Dynasties,  Dynasties,   entitles  Zuhr at al-'-uyun wa- jaW al-qul uh.‘^ He said in this book: “ Historica l and related information is a sure guide to to the most important matters and the noblest character quahties (41) and actions. It is a deterrent to meanness and ughness, a challenge to (exercise a) correct administration, good judgment, and smooth policies, and an enlightenment for the educated, a memento for smart people, for all others an education, and a recreation for kings. History enlivens gatherings in serious and humorous matters. Historical examples clarify arguments. History helps one to achieve  ve ry ea sil y wh at he wan ts. It giv es the stu de nt a m as ter y of the affairs (of the past) past) as if he had seen them with his own eyes. ‘Ali said: ‘Hearts are fatigued just as bodies are. Therefore, procure for them choice bits of wisdom.’ ^A good book can tak e the place of friend, storyteller, and companion. It is a help for the thoughtful and a memento for the educated. It is stated on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas that he used to say when his companions entered into a conversation after (the occupation with) the Qur’an and its interpretation:  Ah mi du,   that is, talk about poetry and other things things.^ .^ A tradition of some some (au thority): ‘Hearts get rusty, just as iron does. Therefore, polish them with the memory (of God).’ ®  A tra dit ion of A bu d- Da rd a’ :®‘I refr esh m y he art wi th some lig ht ' Maymun  b. Qays (cf. G A L , I, 37),  Dtwd n, 65, No. 11,  ver se 5 G e y e r (London 1928,  E. J. W. Gibb Me m. Serie s, N. S.  S.  6). In the  Dtwd n,  n,   as well as in  Lis dn al-'^Arab,  X I I , 286 (Bulaq 1300-8), the text of the first hemistich differs considerably from the text of the  IHdn. “ Cf. GAL Supplement  Supplement   I, 587;  IHdn,   IHdn,   159, below, p. 5 1 1 , from al-Mas'udi. “ Cf.  Ka hj al-baldgah,   II, 181 181 (Cairo, (Cairo, n.y .); al-Kulini,  Kd ft   ft   (ch. on fadilat al-Hlm) al-Hlm) ; al-JMiiz al-JMiiz,,  Muf dhar at a l-jau ’dri iva-l-gil mdn, 9 mdn, 9 P e l l a t (Beir ut 1957), in the nam e of as-Sa'^bi; ^bi; Ibn “^Abd^Abdal-Barr,  Jdmi'- baydn al-Hlm,   I, 105 (Cairo, n.y.); Ibn al-Jawzi,  Ahbd r al-hamqd,   10 f. (Cairo 1347); Ahmad b. Muhammad al-As‘^ari,  Luhh al-lubdb ,  beg. (Ms. (Ms. or. Princ eton 242 = 366B); F. R o s e n t h a l ,  Hum or in Ear ly Islam , 5 (Leiden 1956). ^ C f. f.  Lis dn al-^Arab,  al-^Arab,   VIII, 410 (Bulaq 1300-8). ^ C f . TB ,   XI, 85; Ibn 'Arabi, al-Futuhdt al-Makkiyah,  al-Makkiyah,  I, 91 (Cairo 1329/1911). « Abu d-Dard a’ (‘^Uwaymir (‘^Uwaymir b. Zayd), d. about 34/6 34/654-5 54-55 5 (al-Buhari, T a M h ,  ,   IV, i, 76 f.). f.). Cf. al-Husri,  Zahr al-dddb,  al-dddb,   I, 157 (Cairo T305, in the margin of the '^Iqd). A   slightly different  ver sion app ears in al-J ahi z,  Buhald^,   170 (Cairo 1948); idem, Mufdkarah, loc. cit.

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entertainment, in order to be strengthened for the truth.’ ” This is the end of the quotation from al-Misri. (His remarks are) em phasized by the further aspects of the usefulness of history reported  by us.  An oth er (histo rian) wa s a sch ola r wh om Ab u 1-‘Abbas al-Mayuraqi credits with with rehgiosity and learning. learning. He said: “ The occupation  wi th the diss em ina tion of his tor ica l info rm ati on {ahbdr)  {ahbdr)  about the outstanding men of the age, even if it is concerned (only)  wi th the dat es of the ir liv es {tawdrih),  {tawdrih),  indicates a state of happiness in this world and in the other world. These men are God’s witnesses on earth. If they are hated, it is because of a hatred of God. Loving God is loving them. The hatred of evildoers indicates that God hates them. May God show mercy and kindness to these men, whether they lived in the past or in recent years, and may He bless them and forgive them.” ^ Other (historians) were our teachers al-QayM,^ Ibn Hajar, al-‘Ayni ,3  Ibn ad-Dayri,^ and Tzz-ad-din al-Hanbali, whose state ments I shall report later on in a separate paragraph. ^ In fact, all the authors of historical works or representatives of personality criticism, many of whom I shall discuss, would not have  bo the red wi th (his tory) if th ey ha d no t kno wn its usef ulne ss in thi s  wo rld and in the oth er worl d. It is cle ar th at hi sto ry lea ds to the acquaintance with most matters of relevance. Professor Abu 1-Qasim al-Jun ayd ®said tha t stories are one of God’s armies through  wh ich He ste adi es th e he ar ts of His sain ts. Ab ked ab ou t the basi s for this statement, he quoted the verse of the Qur’an: “We shall tell you all the stories of the messengers (of old) through which we shall steady your heart.” The annalistic fixation of history is useful (42) in many respects. It shows the period of the validity of privileges, the changes in

1 It is not clear clear whether whether the last paragraph paragraph belongs belongs to the the quotation, quotation, or is is an additio addition n  by as-S aha wi. ^ Muhammad b. 'A li, 785-850/13 785-850/1383 83 (i384)-i446 (cf.  Daw^,   Daw^,  VIII, 212-14). ^ MahmM b. Ahmad, 762-855/13 762-855/1361-1 61-1451 451 (cf. G A L ,  ,  II, 52 f.). * Sa'^d '^d b. Muhammad, 766 766 (767, (767, 768)-867/i367-i463 768)-867/i367-i463 (Jan. ist) (GAL Supplement,  Supplement,  II, 144;  Daw^,   Daw^,  III, 253). ® IHdn,   54 ff., b elow, pp . 343-47. ®The famous mystic, al-Junayd b. Muhammad, d. 298/910-T1 (cf. G A L ,  ,   I, 199; A. H.  A  b  b d e l - K a d e r , The Life, Personality and Writings Writings of al-Junayd   [London 1962,  E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Series, Series, N .S.,  .S.,  22]). ’ Qur’an xi 120 (121 FI.).

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coinage, and the terms of waqf   donations.^ Furthermore, it makes the student acquainted with the best generations {qarn),  {qarn),  as indi cated in the following statement of Muhammad: “The best people are my ge nera tion; then, those who imm ediately follow follow (my gen eration) ; then, those who im med iately follow (that second ge n eration).” 2 Using this (him = Muhammad?) as guidance dis tinguishes a person from all others, even if in practical details he does not live up to all requirements,^ and the merit, therefore, results from the consideration of the whole picture. (Annalistic historiography is also useful in that) it shows the end of the period of the first four caliphs whose example we are to follow. It clarifies the dates of (religious) innovations and news {hawddit).  {hawddit).   There are many more aspects to the usefulness of history than can be enu merated. In the words of al-'Ayni, which will be quoted below: “The instructive aspects of history would fill volumes.” ^ History, then, creates a desire (for good actions) and a fear (of evil deeds). deeds). It engenders energy (to do good deeds) deeds) and stimu lates imitation. It imparts earnest advice and instruction. It gives com fort and consolation, counsel and success. It makes one feel ill and (at another time) healthy.® These effects (of the study of history) cannot be nulhfied by the limited numbeis of those who care to learn its lessons. This situation reminds one of the following verses  by an anc ien t po et: Had you called one of the living. He would hear your call. But the man whom you are calling Has no hfe at all.

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There must always be someone who wishes to learn, to investigate, and to be enlightened. May God give us an understanding heart and a truthful, inquisitive tongue. May He help us to speak and act righteously, and may He, at the end, grant us the desired (reward in the other world) Hereafter, Hereafter, we say : We have mentioned mentioned that the the merits merits of history are innumerable. But, in addition, they do not only concern (re ligious) scholars. (All) learned and intelligent men share with the speciahsts in the exploitation of the precious jewels of history’s mine. Not only scholars but also others such as kings and courtiers are desirous to know history. The company of historians is sought by mystics (?) and debaters. All of them go to read his torical works or to attend (the lectures of) historians. They show their respect for historians by referring to them, even regarding the most obvious and simplest matters. Whenever the great and original scholar Taqi-ad-din b. Daqiq-al-‘id ^was tired after his lectures, he said to his pupil, the hadit   expert Ibn Sayyid-an-nas;^ Sayyid-an-nas;^ “O Sayh Fath-ad-din, entertain us with the biographies of those masters.”  Ac cor din g to a sto ry of unp rov en au th en tic ity , Jud ge (43) (43) Ab u  Yusuf,® no tw ith sta nd in g his gre at kno wle dge (in relig ious ma tte rs) ,  was an ex pe rt in the stor ies of the raid s and ba ttl e da ys of the  Ar ab s, and sim ilar his tor ica l fac ts. He once we nt to att en d, or give , lectures on the battle days, and for some days his regular sessions  we re diso rga nize d. Wh en he (fina lly) cam e, some one ask ed him : “ Who was the standard-bear standard-bearer er of Goh ath?” Abu Y usuf realized realized that he was being teased. He got angry and replied: “You better refrain from such remarks, or I shall ask you in front of everybody about the first rencontre at Badr or Uhud. You would not know that, although it is one of the easiest historical questions.”

Blow into the fire and watch how Bright its glow will be.  Yo u blo w into ashes . Su rely , No fire you will see.® ^ C f .  IHdn ,  44, below, p. 329. 2 C f. f. Concordance,  Concordance,  II, 96b. Cf. al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  Ki fdy ah,   47 (Hyderabad 1357); al-Humaydi,  Jadw'at al-M uqta bis,   Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 464, 464, fol. 2b. 3 Or: “even if some some individual individuals, s, in practice, practice, do not ,. . (?)” . ^  IHdn,   55, below, p. 345. ^ Cf. al-Kafiyaji, above, p. 251. ®Cf. at-Tabari, II, 930; Ibu Bassam,  Dahi rah,   I, i, 115 (Cairo 1939); Ibn ^Abd-al-Barr,  Jdmi'^ b aydn al-Hlm,   II, 173 (Cairo, n.y.); W. P o p p e r ,  Hist ory of Egyp t, trans. Ibn Taghrt   Bi rd i,  i,   VI, i i i (Berkeley and and Los Angeles i960); i960); '^A  b b d - a s - S a t t a r  A. F a r r a j ,  Ahb dr Juh d,

71 (Cairo, n. y. [1954]); Miskawayh,  Jdw iddn Hir ad,   ed. B a d a w i , intro, p. 6i (Cairo 1952). In connection with the quotation of the verses in the Ara the Ara bski y An oni m X I veka,  veka,  186, n. 479 (Moscow i960), P. A. G r y a z n e v i c i i refers, among other sources, to the  Dtwdn   of Kutayyir.  Ag dni ,  XIII, 153 (Bulaq 1285), and as-Safadi, al-6ayt al-musajjam, al-musajjam,   II, 70 (Cairo 1305), ascribe the verses to 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. al-Hakam {GAL Supplement   I, 84), whereas arRagib al-Isfahani,  Muhd dardt ,  I, 345 (Cairo 1287), speaks of Bassar b. Burd. 1 Muhammad b. 'All, 625-702/1228-1 625-702/1228-1302 302 (cf. G A L ,  ,   II, 63). * Fath-ad-din Fath-ad-din Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Muhammad, 671-7 671-734/12 34/1273-1 73-1334 334 (cf. (cf. G A L , II, 71 f.). According to Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  r,   IV, 210, Ibn Daqiq-al-'-id, in class, relied upon the biographical knowledge of Ibn Sayyid-an-nas, whenever the need arose. For historical t,   II, 345 (Cairo 1951).  wor ks in the lib rar y of Ibn Say yid -an -na s, cf. al- Ku tu bi,  Fawd t,  ®The famous Hanafite Ya'qub b. Ibrahim, d. 182/798 (cf. G A L ,  ,  I, 171). For his historical knowledge, cf. TB , XI V, 246 f. This is indeed a strange story to tell about a person of the second/eighth century.

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The Amir Sanjar ad-Dawadari ^happened to ask the hadit  expert   expert §araf-ad-din ad-Dimyati,^ who certainly was a great scholar, about the date of the death of al-Buhari, and ad-Dimyati just was not able to produce the answer. Then, Ibn Sayyid-an-nas came, and Sanjar asked him the same question. Ibn Sayyid-an-nas answered it right away, whereby he greatly gained in the esteem esteem of Sanjar and  was giv en a pos itio n of gre ate r hon or at the cou rt. Judge Jalal-ad-din al-Bulqini once went out and told one of his company in public to go to Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi and ask him about some historical question. This was a great honor for alMaqrizi coming from a scholar of such standing. An even greater honor was Ibn Ha ja r’s repeated visits to Taqi-ad-din. He went to his home, in order to converse with him, although al-Maqrizi owed much in schola rly matters to^ Ibn Haja r. Both ha d good reasons for what they did. Ibn H ajar told us that az-Zahir Tatar had told him that the night al-Mu’ayyad died, he (az-Zahir) was financially in a very tight spot. He did not even have five dinars to pay a man for the food he brought him, and he had nobody to lend him that much. Yet, az-Zahir succeeded faster than any one else in becoming ruler of the realm and its treasures. Az-Zahir then ordered Ibn Hajar to insert this remarkable story in his history.^ Our teacher Badr-ad-din al-‘Ayni used to lecture on history and related subjects before al-Asraf Barsbay and others. (His lectures impressed) al-Asraf so much that he made something like the following following statement; “Islam is known on ly through him.” ®  A l- ‘A yn i and othe rs, such as Ibn Na hi d ®an d oth ers, com pil ed  bio grap hie s for (of) the king s (the Ma mh ik rule rs of Eg yp t), since they knew that they liked to have it done. The elder Dawadar, the jurist Yasbak al-Mu"ayyadi,’ who was ^ D. 699/1299-130 699/1299-1300 0 (ad-Dahabi,  Duw al,  al,   II, 156, second edition, Hyderabad 1364). The Mam,luk title dawdddr  dawdddr  corresponds approximate ly to Minister of the Interior. ^ 'Abd-al-M uW n b. Halaf, 613-705/121 613-705/1217-13 7-1306 06 (cf. G A L ,  ,  II, 73 f.; G . V  a j d a , in  E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  s.v.  al-Dirnyati). Muhamrnad b. Isma'il al-Buhan, d. 256/870 (cf. G A L ,  ,  I, 157 ff.). ff.). ^ Or; “had frequently attended the classes classes of . . .?” . ‘ Al-Mu’ ayya d died at the beginning, and Tata r near the end of 824/1421. 824/1421. The story is also also quoted in  Datej^,  IV, 8. ®Cf. Ibn Tagribirdi,  Nu jii m,   VI, 774 f. P o p p e r (Berkeley 1915 ff., trans. by the sanae,  Hist ory of Egyp t,  t,  IV, 1 5 7 f., Berkeley and Los Angeles 1958): “ Without Judge al-'Ayni, we  wou ld not be a good Muslim, a nd wou ld not kno w h ow to han dle the rea lm ” . Th is sho ws th at the pronoun in the text of the  IHdn   IHdn   refers refers to “him,” “him,” (al-'Ayni), and not to “histor y” . ®Muhammad b. Nahid, who died in 841/1438 (Daw^,  (Daw^,   X, 67), wrote a biography of alMu^ayyad. ’ Y a s b a k min   Salman Sah, d. 878/1473

(Daw^, X, 270-72).

TRANSLATION

32 9

an excellent and great amir and a student of mme, kindly asked me to do for az-Zahir Husqadam ^ what a l-‘Ayni had done for others. However, I did not comply with his wish. The Daw'Mar after him, Yasbak min   Mahdi ‘Azim-ad-dawlah,^ who had consider able taste especially in this respect, (later on) asked me (44) to  wr ite for him a sup plem ent to al- Ma qri zi’ s  Su luk .  After much dehberation and consultation, I complied with his request and compiled the Tihr al-masbuk. Y al-masbuk. Y asba k was very happy with the work. work. He took (the parts) that had reached him along with him on his travels. He made his company read the book and showed how proud he was of it to courtiers, chiefs, and even more highly placed persons, who were interested in being praised and gaining for themselves a good memory and who would draw to themselves those who, they suspected, would report on them in detail (in histories ?). All this is a thing of the past. Nothing now remains but stupidity, boorishness, and an interest in worldly trifles. In the introduction of the Tibr,  Tibr,  I made the following remarks: "History forms part of the science of Prophetical traditions. The occupation with it, according to correct and sober methods, is an honor and a pleasure. History occupies an important position in religio(us scholarship). It definite ly is is useful for the religious religious law.  As this is we ll kno wn, no fur th er ex pla na tio n is need ed. H ist or y enables great scholars to tell abrogated (traditions) from those that took their place. It exposes fraudulent claims of personal acquainta nce as w ell as irregularities in the chains of transmitters  b y sho wing , for inst anc e, th at a tra ns mi tte r’s alle ged au th or ity died before the transmitter himself was born, that his authority  bec am e der ang ed or conf use d, or nev er le ft his pla ce whi ch, in turn , the transmitter never visited. History, correctly applied and under stood, also serves to preserve (the knowledge of) genealogical lines  wh ich det erm ine the degr ees of rela tion ship , the shar es of inh er it ance, and all matrimonial equality.^ History also serves to indicate the period of the validity of privileges, the changes in coinage, and the stipulated terms of waqf   documents.* Furthermore, it is useful for the study of the information {ahhdr)  {ahhdr)  about (rehgious) scholars, ^ D. 872/1467 872/1467 Il l, 175 f.). * D . 885/ 14 1480 {Datv^, {Datv^, X ,  272-74; M.  W  e i s w e i l e r ,  Der islam ische Buch einb and des Mit telalters,  alters,  83 [Wiesbaden 1962]). Another manuscript from his library is a philosophical work  by Ibn Sab'^in, in the Ist anb ul ma nus cri pt Ba gd ath Veh bi Ef. 833. ®For a brief study of kafd^ah,  kafd^ah,  see F. J. Z i a d e h , in The American Journal of Comparative Comparative  Law, Ml,  Ml,   503-17 (1957). ‘ Cf. above, p. 325 f.

330

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AS-SAHAWi’s I ‘l A n

ascetics, outstanding men, caliphs, kings, amirs, and nobles, as well as for the study of their biographies, their achievements in  wa r and pea ce, the ir vir tue s and vic es whi ch tim e pe rm itte d to liv e on after their novelty had worn off and the men themselves were dead.i Their good activities activities will be imitated. Facts about them tha t are repulsive to critical minds will not be hstened to. (Historical  wor ks with) the ir use ful ex ho rta tio ns an d ins tru cti ve ane cdo tes, their scholarly research problems, and their poems, which constitute the main material for literary disciplines such as lexicography, semantics,^ and the Arabic language, offer constructive recreation for curious souls. Therefore, quite a few (45) qualified legal authori ties have stated that (the (the study of) of) history is a community duty ”—  whi ch, ho wev er, come s close to the hig he r sta tus of an ind ivi du al duty, since its fulfilment defends others against (possible) accusa tions leveled against them. Indeed, history has often been the jurist’s only and specific means to show him who was in the clear. In ad dition, it is part of his field and belongs to his required subjects of study.^— study.^— “ I know of excellent poems in praise praise of history. I like many of the verses which show the desirability of an unrelenting oc cupation with history. The clearest are those of Judge al-Arrajani.^ They are original both in form and in contents:  A ma n who kno ws the reco rd of the pas t Seems to have always Jived, since time began. His hfe will last as long as time will last, For he preserved the noble deeds of man.

331

 SaJiih,   SaJiih,  whose chapters he wrote alternately at Muhammad’s grave and the pulpit (of the Mosque of Medina) and for each of which he prayed two rak'-ahs.^  rak'-ahs.^  (Even disregarding this fact,) I would say that the equal importance of history and the science of traditions is obvious. History alone decides (the accuracy and significance of) traditions. Moreover, history imparts information which rather belongs to other fields of learning, such as political science which is concerned  wi th the dif fere nt typ es of go ver nm en t, po liti ca l lea ders hip , and social organizations, the ideal ones and the corrupt ones, and related (matters); or ethics which deals with the various virtues and vices and the possibilities of their acquisition and avoidance;or econom ics which de als with the proper relationship between the husband and his wife, children, and servants.  We ha ve he ard th at one of the boo n-co mpa nio ns of al- As raf Barsbay praised the latter because, with the construction of a college in Cairo, in the desert, and in the Hanqah, etc.,^ he had done more for the jurists than many of his predecessors. Al-Asraf Barsbay replied: “ Since the jurists of our predecessors predecessors did not ^agree with them, they did little for them. Our jurists, on the other hand, do not contradict us. Therefore, the least we can do for them is to provide them with such worldly trifles.” Those times are gone. Nowadays, there still are agreement (46) and subservience but no more “ worldly trifles.” trifles.” ^T he rulers of today even try to infringe infringe upon the income that was prepared for the jurists by their predeces sors. Two additional notes:

The good and kind and men of knowledge vast For ever live. Gain thus  thus  life’s longest span.” ^ It is an indication of the importance of history that al-Buhari composed his  His tory   in Medina at Muhammad’s grave. He wrote it in moonlit nights. He put the  Hist ory   on the same level as the ^ Cf. above, p. 320 320 f. ^ For al-ma'^dm,   cf. Ibn Haldun,  Muqa ddim ah,  ah,   trails. F. (New York 1958).

R 

o s e n t h a l

,

III, 399

^ The parenthetic passage is not found hi the Tibr  Tibr   and is almost certain to be an addition in the  I'-ldn,   and not one of the many omissions in the edition of the Tibr. ‘ Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 5 4 4 / 1 1 4 9 - 5 0 (ef. G A L ,  ,  I, 253 f.). f.). The verses are quoted by as-Safadi, Wdfi, I, 4 R  i t t e r  . The first verse also appears in Ibn a d - D a y b a S  Bugy at almustafid,  mustafid,   Ms. Cairo Cairo Ta’rih iim , fol. la. ^ As-Sahawi, Tibr,  Tibr,  2 f. (BCilaq 1315) .

I— ‘^Izz-ad-din ‘^Izz-ad-din b. Jama'^a ma'^ah® said: “ One must know, thou gh it is is difficult, the difference between (annalistic) histor(iography) and tabaqdt   (historiography), and the difference in the object and purpose of the two kinds (of historiography). I am convinced” , he said, said, “ that essentially both are the same, but in the manner of presen tation® the difference between them becomes noticeable.” I say: They are identical, and superficially different. Both agree on the use of transmitters. The difference is that (annalistic) histor(iography) is concerned with events, while tabaqdt   (historiography  1 TB , II, 9 shows that in the relative clause, the reference reference cannot be to the the biographies of the Ta'^rth,  Ta'^rth,   as one might expect, but to the chapters of the  Salu h. 2 The reference is to the College of Barsbay, his mausoleum in the desert, and his mosque in the Hanqah Siryaqus, well-known monuments of antiquity in the Cairo of today. Cf.  Daw^,   Daw^,  III, 9. The anonymous “boon-companion” was, according to the  Daw^,   Daw^,  the historian al-'Ayiii. ’ The negation is oniitted in the edition of the T)ait<^. * The Arabic text here has a play on words. words. ‘ He would be “^Abd-al-'Azi z b. Muhammad (d. 767/1366, cf. G A L ,  ,  II, 72) rather than Muhammad b. Abi Bakr (d. 819/1416, cf. G A L ,  ,  II, 94). ®Somewhat more literally: “ with regard to what is considered.”

332

AS-SAHAWl’S I‘LAN

TRANSLATION

does not observe the chronological sequence of events, but) if, for instance, a person  who par tic ipa ted in the ba ttl e of Ba dr died lat er tha n sonie one who did not pa rti cip ate in it, he would, in a tabaqdt   work, still have to be mentioned before. This is the under lying principle. However, most later authors of, for instance, Tabaqdt   of Safi'ites deviated from it. Within each tahaqah,  tahaqah,  they paid attention to the proximity of the dates of death (of the scholars mentioned). It happens often that someone in a tahaqah is lumped together^ with those mentioned in it because he died early, eve n if his scholar ly career was less significant than theirs (as he had a later start and more recent teachers). A recent author distinguished between (annalistic) and tabaqdt   histor(iography) by saying, that the former is concerned essentially with the dates of the birth and the death (of scholars and great men), and only incidentally with conditions  [ahwdl),   [ahwdl),  while with the latter it was just the opposite. However, the first opinion is the more likely one. 2— For “ he who died,” one has the choice choice between the passive participle mutaivaffd  and the active participle mutawafft. Mutawafft   is “he who completes the duration of his life.” This explanation is based upon the verse of the Qur^an: Qur^an: “A nd those of you  who die (yutawaffaivna.)^   according to the reading of 'Alt, which is yatawaffawna “ complete their terms.” On the other hand, there is the story of Abu 1-Aswad adDu^a Du^ali^ li^ who was asked by someone at a funeral: “ Who is the dec eased?” (That man used the active participle mutawafft.  mutawafft.   Thus,) ad-Du^ali (understanding the expression to mean: “He who takes to himself” ) replied: “ God” . This is said to have been one of the reasons why 'Ali ordered ad-Du^ali (to set down the rules of) grammar. In order to be able to assume that this story (which contrasts with the aforementioned remark that 'All considered the use of the active in the intransitive sense as correct) is correct, one must think of the statement that (ad-Du^ali) had to restrict himself to what he (apparently the “someone” at the funeral, or ad-Du^ali?) was able to grasp and under stand. It was he (apparently 'Ali) who said: “Tell the people what they can under st an d. ” ■ *

acquainted with the abrogation and substitution of traditions; and to learn about genealogical relationships which determine hereditary succession and all matrimonial equality. This is the reason why some scholar has declared that it is history which determines (under which of) the five degrees of classification (something falls). Quite a few scholars have declared th at histor y is a community duty. Another scholar has stated stated that history is a “m ust.” However, not all of them ^ belong exclusively to the necessary category. Depending on rank and transmission, part of them belong to the desirable category. History is (also) often applied to the per

( V — T H E G O A L O F T H E O C C U P A T IO IO N W I T H H I S T O R Y )

The goal of (the occupation with) history is hope for God’s kindness. God will not fail to reward those who did something w^ell.  Ac tio ns (are judg ed) (47) by intentio ns.^ ( v i — T H E L E G A L O F C L A S S I F IC IC A T I O N O F H IS IS T O R Y )

The classification of history varies.  Some of its aspects are classif ied as necessary,   namely, inasmuch as history turns out to be a means to ascertain the continuity and so on ®(of the chain of transmitters) of a tradition; to become 1  Leg. yalt. ^ Qur^an ii 234 (234 FI.) and 240 (241). ^ The nam e of ad-Du\'ili, who su ppose dly died in 69/688 69/688-89 -89 (cf. (cf. G A L ,  ,  I, 42), is uncertain. The most comruon form seems to be Zahm b. *^Amr, cf. Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   VIII, 312.  W ith ou t refe ren ce to ad-Du ^ali, the sto ry occu rs in Ibn al-J awz i,  Ahbd r al-hamqd,   106 (Cairo 1347/1928); as-Safadi, Wdfi,  Wdfi,   I, 44 R  i t t e r . For ad-Du^ali, cf. also J. F u c k  , in  E l, 2nd ed., s.v.  s.v.   Abu 1-Aswad al-Du^ali, and the edition of his alleged  Diwd n  by M. H. A l  Y  a s i n ,  Nau'd dir al-mahtiUdt,  al-mahtiUdt,  II, 5-51 (Bagdad 1373/1954), which appeared simultaneously  wit h ano the r edi tion of the wor k by ' A   b d - a l - K  a r i m a d - D u j a v l i . ‘ This statement is attributed to Muhammad in  Pl an ,   64, below, p. 360. Cf. Concordance, I, 434a. * Cf. above, p. 305, 305, n. 2. * Hardly: “ and the doubts doubts concernin concerning g the continuity.”

333

missible category.  A l-H at ib de vo ted a spe cia l ch apt er to the su bje ct th at it is necessary to expose the details of the life {ahwdl)  {ahwdl)  of fraudulent (transmitters) and to disavow them and denounce them to the authorities. ^He (?) told the story of the religious leader, Ahmad (b. Hanbal), and his preoccupation with history. When he said good-bye to Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan b. ar-Rabi',^ he sat down with him, took out his notebooks, and asked him to tell him the date of the death of Ibn al-Mubarak,^ al-Mubarak,^ which he did.— Ibn al-Mub arak’s death took place in the year (1)81/ (1)81/797. 797.— — Asked w hy he wanted to know this, Ahmad said something like: 'T want to know about fraudulent (transmitters).”  As wa s men tion ed ab ove , A bu 1-Husayn b. Faris said; “Ev ery Muslim ought to have a very thorough knowledge of the biography of Muhammad in all its details.” ^This statement is confirmed by the following remark: “ It is to be feared feared that a person who does not know the biography of Muhammad would have to reply to the question concerning his opinion about that man (Muhammad): T do not know. I heard people say something, and I repeated it.’ May God preserve us from that.” ^A corresponding idea is expressed in the statement that the faith of a person who depends on what he is told is not the right kind of faith. The following statement of Abu Muhammad b. Hazm, in the  Mardti h al-'-ulum,^ al-'-ulum,^   is fully acce ptable: “ Seven different branches ' As-Sahawi appears to think of the degrees of classification of history. ^ The reference reference may be to the H atib’s Jdmi'-. atib’s  Jdmi'-. ’ D. about 220/835 { T B ,  VTI, 307).   I, 256). His  Kitd b ar-RaqdHq ‘ ‘^Abdalkih b. al-Mubarak { T B , X, 152 ff.; GAL Supplement  exists in Alexandria 7314, a manuscript from the year 466. The story appears T B ,  VTI, 308. ^ C f .  IHdn,   35, above, p. 316. ‘ ‘^Ali b. Ahmad, d. 456/1064 (cf. G A L ,  ,  I, 399 f.). As-SaM wi did not quote Ibn Hazm

334

AS-SAHAWI’S I'LAN

of learning are cultivated today by each nation and in every place and at every time: The religious law, the relevant historical infor mation {ahbdr)— this includes history— , and the relevant linguistic science. . . . ” Ibn H azm then mentioned the remaining branches of learning, as was necessary. In the QawdHd,  ‘Izz-ad-din b. ‘Abd-as-Salam ^mentioned person ality criticism as an example of a necessary innovation, because it serves to distinguish sound (traditions) from unsound (traditions). “The fundamental principles of the religious law imply that a specialized knowledge of the religious law beyond a certain minimum (which all Muslims must know) is a community duty. Such special ized knowledge can come only from matters which we have men tioned.” Tzz-ad-din thus included personality criticism among the innovations. This, however, is not right. (It was practiced by) Muhammad (who) said; “ What a good man is ‘Abdallah ,” ^ and: “Bad is the brother of the group.” ^There are similar expressions of the extremes of positive and ne gative personality criticism. (48) In the ‘//a/, ad-Daraqu tni ^ reported the following tradition of Ibn al-Musayyab, on the authority of Abu Hurayrah,® according to  whi ch Mu ham ma d sai d: “ Wh en some one amo ng you kno ws something good about his friend, he shall tell it to him. This will increase his desire to (do) good .” ®Ad-D araq utni said tha t (the chain of transmitters of) this tradition was not sound on the author ity of az-Zuhri.^ It was (also) transmitted on the authority of Ibn directly but through the fatwd   of '^Izz-ad-diu al-Kiiiaiu, cf. F. S a y y i d , iu  Revue de V lns titu t  des Manuscrits Arabes,  II, 174 (1375/1956). Cf. M.  A s i n P a l a c i o s , in  Al -A nda lus ,  II, 51 f. (1934), and the edition of the  Mardt ib  (above, p. 36, n. 6), 78. The quotation is telescoped and distorted. Ibn Hazm, speaks of the religious law, history, and language of each nation as three branches of learning that differ among the various nations. The Arabic suffix, translated above through “relevant,” should refer to “nation,” but in both the  fatwd  and the  I H d n , its only possible antecedent is “religious law.” 1 ‘^Abd-al-'^Aziz b. “^Abd-as-S alarn, d. 660/1262 (cf. G A L ,  I, 430 f. ; R. “^A. N a d w i ,  Al- ^lz z  b. ^Abd-as-Saldm  [Damascus i960] [not seen]). It remains to be seen whether the qu otation is from the large or the small Qan'dHd. ^ Cf. an-Nawawi,  Biog raph ical Dicti onar y,  560  W  u s t e n f e l d ; Ibn Katir,  Bidd yah ,  V II , 113 , amto 21. ®Cf. Concordance,  I, 141a; al-Buhari,  Sahth,   IV, 121, 126, 142 K  r e h l ; al-Hatib alBagdadi,  Kif dya h,  39 f. (Hyderabad 1357);  I'-ldn,  52, below, p. 341. Th is is co nsidered one of the basic texts justifying the practice of personality criticism, cf. the  fatwd s  published by  F, S a y v i d (above, p. 333, n. 6), 166, 172, 176. *  “^Ali b. 'U ma r, d. 385/995 (cf. G A L ,  I, 165). ^ D. 57/676-77, or 58.

®Cf. Concordance,  II, 98b, for a similar tradition. ’ Muhammad b. Muslim b. Sihab, d. between 123-25/740-43 (al-Buhari, Ta^rih, I, i, 220 f.; Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  I X , 340-48; ‘•Aiio-AL-^\ziz a d - D u r i , in BSOAS,  X I X , 1-12 [1957], and idem, B ah tfi naPat '■ihn at-ta^rih, 76-102, 143-151 [Beirut i960]; S . a l - M u n a j j i d [ed.],  Rasd^il -wa-nusus.  III, 17 ff. [Beirut 1963], cf. above, p. 130 f.).

TRANSLATION

335

al-Musayyab, with a chain of transmitters stopping with a man of the second generation after Muhammad. A t-Tabarani ^transmitted a similar tradition, with a weak chain of transmitters on the author ity of Usamah b. Zayd, according to which Muhammad said: “ When a believer is praised, the faith in his heart grows.” Other aspects of history are classified as forbidden.   This is the case with the well-known material of many ignorant historians relying mainly on (authors) who quote from the (alleged) books of the ancients. One such book is the  Mubtada^  of W’^ahb b. Munab bih,^ who se au tho r sa id: “ I rea d th ir ty boo ks wh ich were rev eal ed to thirty prophets.” (He also said) that ‘Abdallah b. Salam and, after him, Ka'^b al-ahbar ^ were the most learned m en of their times, and that he collected what they knew. (The classification as forbidden also applies to other such) information which is not  be tte r tha n idle ta lk bu t wh ich is pre sen ted wit h gre at assu ranc e and without any reference to the fact that it is worthless and that it is (such) material quoted from the books of the ancients. This applies, especially, to stories told in connection with the biographies {siyar)  of the prophets. Then, there is the information about dis putes among the men around Muhammad (which is also forbidden),  be cau se the hi sto ric al info rma nts  [ahhdri)  who report it as a rule exaggerate and mix things up.^ The classification of forbidden also applies to the reporting of meaningless and uninstructive events, which is something odious to intelligent people. It further applies to reports about kings and great men who are described as winebibbers and debauchers. Those things if true are a grave matter.^ The historian (who reports 1 Sulayman b. Ahniad, d. 360/971 (cf. G A L ,  I, 167). ^ Wahb supp osedly died in 114/732 (cf. GAL Supplement I, l o i ; a d - D u r i ,  Bah t,  103-17, 152-58, who considers Wah b’s role insignificant for the development of Muslim historiog raphy). His pseudepigraphical  Mubtada^  is also quoted by an-Nuwayri,  Nih dyat al-arab, Paris ms. ar. 1573, fol. 96b ('Abdallah b. al-Mubarak, in the  Ki tdb al-Mubtada^  on Wahb’s authority). Wahb’s lf,rd^iliyat   probably are only another name for the  Mubtada^  (cf. J. H o r o v i t z , in  Islam ic Cultu re,  I, 556); they are directly attested through a manuscript of the year 229/843-44, cf. C. H. B e c k e r ,  Pa py ri Schott-R einhard t,  I, 8 f. (Heidelberg 1906, Veroffentlichungen cuts der Heidelbergcr Papyrus-Sammlung,  3). Cf. also M. L i d z b a r s k i ,  De prop hetic is, quae dicu ntur, legendis arabic is  (Leipzig 1893). In the beginning of the  Kitd b at- Tij dn  (Hyderabad 1347), which is ascribed to Ibn Hisam,  Wa hb is said to ha ve read a much larg er num ber of the boo ks rev eal ed to the pro phe ts, namely ninety-three. A tradition which is repeated several times in ar-Razi’s  Hist ory of   San^d^  (Bodleian ms. or. 736, fol. 126b. The manuscript was written in 980/1572) has ninety-two, if my notes are correct. ^ Early Jewish conve rts to Islam and transmitters of traditions of doubtful historicity. Ka'-b is said to have died in 32/652-53, or 34. *  Cf.  I'-ldn,   64, below, p. 359. ^ Or: “These reports are difficult to verify” ?

336

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AS-SAHAWi’s I ‘LAN

337

such stories) is wrong in either case. I f the report is true, he has giv en pubhcity to debauchery. If it is not true, he has (committed the sin of) slander.^ Especially, it also implies making it easy for other (kings and great men) who commit the same errors. Howe ver, historical information {ahbdr)  is never free from (at least) some such (bad things).

perpetuated in writing. This applies to remarks such as‘ ‘Suchand-such’— a Jew or a Christian— ‘was given a robe of honor.’ ‘The daily price increased.’ ‘So-and-so’— speaking of some criminal— ‘was honored, and so-and-so’— speaking of a Mushm leader of exem plary character— ‘was hum iliated.’” ^ (Mentioning) such (evil prac tices) may cause their application to other cases, as will be men

Rulers and amirs commit one of their greatest mistakes if they look at the policies of their predecessors, act accordingly but without considering the requirements of the rehgious law, and then call their actions, which are not in agreement with the rehgious law, policy. The religious law is (the only) policy, and not the arbitrary actions and opinions of the ruler. Their obvious error lies in the fact tha t according to their claim, the religious law does not in dicate the ways toward a satisfactory policy and therefore, it is thought that we need something supplementary. They kill those who ought not to be killed. They do that which ought not to be done.  An d th at th ey cal l pol icy ! Thi s is a hig h-h and ed use of the relig ious law, which is similar to spiteful abuse. It reminds one of the verse of the Qur’an; “ We found our fathers in a certain condition, and  we foll ow in the ir ste ps. ” ^

tioned later. ^ Other aspects of history are classified as permissible,   as they are of no use for this world or for the other world. Thus, the great re ligious authority, al-Gazzali, declared in the  Ihyd^:^  "The per missible sciences are poetry, unless it be frivolous, and history  [tawdrih al-ahbdr),  and related matters.” In another passage, al(jazzMi said, and he was followed by an-Nawawi in the section on charity  [sadaqdt)  of the  Rawdah:^  “ Books are needed for three purposes: Teaching, relaxation through reading, and instruction. Relaxation is not considered a need. This applies to the possession of books on poetry and history and similar subjects which are of no use either in this world or in the other world. Th ey (must be) sold, (in order to pay) for expiation money or for the payment of the special tax due after the end of the fast of Ramadan {zakdt  al-fitr),  and their possession excludes (the apphcation of) the label of poverty (to their owner).” Similarly, al-Gazzali said in the first chapter of the  FaddH h al-B dtin iya h  ®that he “ studied the books on the subject (of the Batiniyah) and found them full of two kinds of material; i. History and conditions {ahwdl)  of the Batiniyah from their first beginnings to the time when their erro(neous doc trine) made its appearance, the names of all their missionaries in all regions of the world, and an exposition of what happened to them in the past. I consider the occupation with this material equivalent to an occupation with entertaining evening causeries. It should rather be left to the historians/’ and so on. He then men tioned the second kind of material and declared that he (also) did not think much of the occupation with it. (50) In spite of the

The classification of forbidden applies further to reporting bad things (49) of this kind concerning important men in the guise of praise and as if those things were signs of nobility and greatness,  wi th no rega rd to the ir unla wfu l cha rac ter . Something else which puts historical information into the for  bid den ca te go ry is unn ecc ess ary ne ga tiv e cri tici sm and the fai lure to bestow all the praise upon (a person which he deserves). Other aspects of history are classified as desirable.   This applies to history as leading to the imitation of good qualities and actions and to the omission of unqualifiable evil deeds, to reflection about the consequences (of actions and events), and to little assurance about the life of a relative or friend. There are other such things to which we h ave referred in (the chap ter on) the usefulness of history. Other aspects of history are classified as undesirable. As   Ibn al-Atir said, “m any (historians) blackened the paper with unimportan t things which should better be disregarded and should not be 1 C f . H. R  i c h t e r ,  En^li sche Geschichtschre iber,  88 (Berlin 1938), with reference  Wi llia m of Ma lme sbu ry,  Memo rials of St. Dun stan ,  252 Stubbs. ^ Qur’ an xliii 23 (22 FI.).

to

^ Ibn al-Atir,  Ka mi l,  I, 2 f. (Cairo 1301) , with some varia tions. ^ Cf. below, p. 369. ^ I, 15 (Cairo 1334, 1346,  K i t d h a l- ^ il m , b d b 2). x\l-Gazzali seems to be at the basis of al‘^Almawi,  f i a d a b a l - m u f t d t c a - l - n i u s l a fi d , 25 (Damascus 1349). ^ C f.  Ihyd^,  I, 199 (Cairo 1334,  Kitd h asrdir a z-zakdh, fast  3). ^ 1. G o l d z i h e r ,  D i e S t r e i t s c h r if t d e s G a z d l i ^’  c g e n d i e I k i t i n i j j a - S e k t e ,  Ar ab ic tex t, 3 (Leiden 1916).

AS-SAH AW!’S I ‘LAN

TRANSLATION

objections against it, the first (kind of material) is thus definitely considered permissible.

century the usefulness of the science of personality criticism ended.” He and others who did not know what they were saying mumbled something about hadit   scholars deserving blame in this respect. One of them declared that the statements of many recent historians and scholars in related fields, such as ad-Dahabi and, after him, Ibn Hajar, constituted fault-finding and consequently, in connec tion with hadit   scholars, would be pure calumny. Because of a disparaging reference to a certain poet, Ibn as-Sam‘ani was crit icized by Taqi-ad-din b. Daqiq -al-‘id who said: “ Unless that dis paraging reference was transmitted to Ibn as-Sam‘ani (together  wi th the rest of his ma ter ial ), so th at he wa s for ced to rep ort it, he was not permitted (to mention it).” (5) Others think that certain historians fell short of their task and were biased when they did not give complete information about persons whose opinions were divergent from theirs, but omitted many laudatory references to them, while they had complete and unabridged reports about all others. (6) Others are carried a way b y sheer stupidity to criticize (the

338

(vil—

T H E E V I D E N C E I N F A V O R O F H I S TO R Y )

The evidence (from the basic religious sources) in favor of history may be gathered from the preceding chapter on the usefulness of history and from the material soon to be mentioned. (VIII— THE

BLAMEWOR THINESS

OF

THE

CRITICS

OF

H I ST O R Y )

The critics of history either restrict their criticism to some special points, or they generalize. (1) The former restrict themselves to criticizing the historians  who fille d the ir boo ks wit h the inf orm ati on whi ch ou ght not to  be me ntio ned and wh ich we ha ve cla ssif ied as forb idde n. (2) Others generalize. They think that they possess solid knowl edge and are able to undertake thorough research. They bitterly malign the works on history and turn away from and repress them in the belief that the best that those works have to offer is stories and entertaining anecdotes. (3) O thers think th at certain historians fell short of their task  wh en th ey did not de vo te the mse lve s to pe rso na lity cri tici sm whi ch is the most useful historical subject, or to the (biographical) in formation  [ahhdr)  about religious leaders, ascetics, and (religious) scholars, ‘whose memory is a source of (divine) m ercy ,’ ^ or to the explanation of the legal schools in current use, which is a sub  je ct of g ene ral inte res t, bu t res tric ted the mse lve s to war s, conq ues ts, and similar subjects, although all right-thinking persons know that the knowledge of the year in which a certain country was conquered, or the knowledge of the strength of a particular army, constitutes no part of (religious) scholarship. (4) Others think that historians who in recent times practiced negative personality criticism did something which must be con sidered forbidden, on account of its leading to calumny. They think that all information that might legitimately be used for personality criticism is found in (existing) books and that all further efforts are useless. Ab u ‘Am r b. al-Murabit ^declared himself in favor of this opinion. He said: "With the beginning of the fifth/eleventh 1 Cf. above, p. 293, n. 5. ^ Muh amm adb.'Utman, 680-752/1281-1351 (Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,  IV, 45).

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historians).  A d   ( i) : (51) Re striction (to such information with the exclusion of other things) is no doubt forbidden. We have demonstrated that.^  Ad  (2): In refuting ^this opinion, Ibn al-Atir expressed himself to the effect that “ those who restrict themselves to the shell and neglect the core do not notice the jewels which (historical in formation) contains, because of their bias. (On the other hand), all those to whom God gave a sound constitution and whom He guided on a straight path know that the instructiveness of history has many aspects, and its usefulness both in this world and the other world”— we quoted this before ^— “is very great.”  A d   (3): Such restriction of the contents  per se  is no shortcoming. Historians pursue different purposes. Some restrict themselves to accounts of the beginning (of creation) or of kings and caliphs. Those interested in traditions prefer accounts of (rehgious) scholars.  As ce tic s lov e stor ies of piou s men. Li tte ra te ur s inch ne tow ard antiquarians/philologists and poets.^ It is well-known that every1 Cf. above, p. 335 f. ^ Ms. Leiden; raddahu. ® IHdn,   23, above p. 29? The additional sentences were derived from the same context of the  Ka mil . *  Cf. above, p. 302.

340

AS-SAHAWl’S I‘LAN

thing is worth collecting and all subjects deserve to be appreciated and pursued. Every one who is interested in a certain subject is most hkely to stick to it, even though he may not be able to master all of it. He is lucky who succeeds in putting his subject in book form without too man y mistakes and shortcomings. God alone is perfect.  A d   (4): Our reply to the critics is that the justification of (con tinued personahty criticism) lies in the fact that it is advice, some thing not limited to the transmission (of traditions). There are cases in which it is permitted to state discreditable facts about a person, and this is not considered calumny but necessary advice. For instance, an office holder who does not discharge the duties of his office in the way he should, either because he is not fit for the office or because he is wicked or negligent or the like, should be exposed so that he may be removed and his place be taken by a per son fit for it. A person who is observed frequenting an innovator of Sufi or other leanings, or some wicked man, for study and guidance, and who is in danger to suffer harm on account of that, should be told the truth about the condition (of his mentor). Further cases (which must be exposed) are those of men who are so accommo dating as muftis, authors, judges, witnesses, transmitters, or preach ers that they publicly make false and untenable statements. There also are men who are accommodating in making statements about (religious) scholars, or in giving and accepting bribes in that they either practice bribery or permit its practice although they  wo uld be ab le to pre ve nt it, or in ap pro pri ati ng oth er pe op le’ s possessions through legal tricks and fraud. There are those who take scholarly books away from their owners, or they take them away from mosques, even inalienable waqjs,  and make them (their) personal property. There are other cases of illegal activity. (52)  A ll of th at sho uld be exp osed , in orde r to pre ven t an y ha rm from arising. Such exposure is either permissible or necessary. It is thus obvious that (the practice of) negative personality criticism did not stop (at a certain moment) and that under the prevailing conditions, it is necessary advice. Those who dispense it will be rewarded (in the other world).  Ab u Tu ra b an -X ah sa bi ^ cens ured a man who se au ste rit y (fair1 D. 245/859-fio. His name is doubtfu l, perhaps, ‘^Askar (b. Muhaiuniad) b. Husayii, cf. ' I B , XII, 315-17; as-Saia'aiii,  An sd b, fol. 556b. The story is reported by al-Hatib alBagdadi,  Ki fd ya h, 45 (Hyderabad 1357), and TU , XI I, 316. Cf. also 1. ( S o l d z i i i e k ,  M uh .  St ud ien , II, 354 f. (H alle 1888-90).

TRANSLATION

34 1

ness) is beyond doubt, the religious leader Ahmad (b. Hanbal),  bec aus e of his ne ga tiv e pe rso na lity crit icis m. He sai d to him : “ Do not find fault with the people (the religious scholars).” The reply was: “ For heaven’s sake, this is advice, and not calumny.” In fact, he said that negative personahty criticism is better than fasting and prayer. God said: “ And say: The truth comes from  yo ur Lo rd .” 1 In (anot her) ver se of the Qu r’ an, Go d stre ssed the necessity of full exposure of the affairs of a wicked man: “ If a  wic ke d man brin gs yo u some new s, str ive to ge t cla rif ica tio n.” ^ By w ay of negative personality criticism, Muhammad said: “ Bad is the brother of the group,” and by way of positive personality criticism, he said: “ ‘Abdallah is a pious man.” ^ There are other sound traditions which contain extreme expressions of positive and negative personahty criticism. Negative personahty criticism, therefore, is excepted from being classified as forbidden calumny.  Al l Mush ms agre e th at it is perm issib le. In fac t, it is cou nte d amo ng the necessary (duties), because it is needed. This point of view was taken by an-Nawawi and ‘Izz-ad-din  b. ‘A bd- as- Sa lam , who se rem ark s wih be, and in fa ct ha ve alr ea dy  bee n quoted.^ Pe rso na ht y cri tic ism was pra cti ce d b y ve ry aus tere (fair) modern scholars, such as the hadit   expert ‘Abd-al-Gani al-Maqdisi. Among ancient scholars, it w’as Ahmad (b. Hanbal), as w^as just m entioned, and Ibn al-Mubarak, who said: “ If I had  bee n g ive n t he cho ice be twe en ent erin g Pa rad ise and me etin g ‘A b d allah b. al-Muharrir,^ I would have chosen to meet him and then entered Paradise. But, when I (actuahy) saw him, I would have preferred a piece of dung to him.” (Among the ancient scholars  who pra cti ce d pe rso na lit y crit ici sm, the re also was) Ibn M a‘in,®  who , ho wev er, use d to sa y: “ We are now to ta lk ab ou t peo ple who rest in Para dise,” a nd al-Buhari, who said: “ I did not calumniate anyone, since I learned that calumn y is forbidd en.” In his  Histo ry, 1 Qur’an xviii 29 (28 FL). ^ Q u r ’ a n x l i x 6 (6   FL). ®Cf. above, p. 334, nn. 3 and 2. ‘ i H d n , 47, above, p. 334, a n d i H d n 55,  be lo w , p. 346. * D . be tw ee n 150/767 and 160/776-77, cf. Ibn Hajar, Tahdib, V , 389,  wh ere th e st or y is quoted. «  Y a h ya b. Ma'^in, d. 233/848 (cf. G A L S u p p le m e n t   I, 259; TB ,  X I V , i 77   ff-)- A r i j d l    w or k lis te d G A L S u p p le m e n t   I I , 934, u n d e r t h e n a m e o f I b n M a ' i n ’ s t ra n s m i t t e r I b n M u h r i z is classified as a work by Ibn Ma'^in in Y . al-'Iss,  Fi hr is maM utdt Dd r al- kut ub az -Z dh irt ya h, 231 ( D a m a s c u s 1366/1947). T h e s t a t e m e n t i s q u o t e d i n t h e  fat ivd   o f ' I z z - a d - d i n a l - K i n a n i (below, p. 343, n. 5), I75a. ’ C f . I b n H a j a r ’ s fat wd   (below, p. 343, n. 5), 169.

342

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘LAN

TRANSLATION

343

al-Hatib transmitted the following story from Bakr b. Munayyiri^ “ I heard al-Buh ari say: I hope that when I meet God, He will not take me to account for possible calumny.” Al-Buhari’s copyist, Muhammad b. Abi Hatim, heard him say: “ I shall have no enemy in the next world.” Ibn Abi Hatim remarked that some people might hold his  His tory  against him and say th at it contained calum ny. Al-Buhari replied: “We (just) transmitted those (allegedly calumniatory statements) and did not invent them.” (Negative personality criticism was practiced by) Muhammad (who) said: “ Bad is the brother of the group.” ^

appeared (to someone) in a dream and was asked: “What did God do to you ?” He replied: “ He pardoned me, gave me gifts, and showed me His favors, married me to three hundred Huris, and granted me two audiences. With reference to Ibn Ma'in, it was said:

It will be mentioned (below) ^ that al-Buhari was very careful and discerning in this respect. He m ostly said: “ The y were silent about him.”— “H e is disputed.” (53)— “He was left out,” and similar phrases.^ He rarely said: “ He is a liar,” or “ a forger.” Instead, he said: “ So-and-so considered him a liar.” — “ So-and-so accused him,” that is, of lying.

It is all the more necessary to expose the person who is known for some of the things mentioned or the like, since, as we have explained in more than one place, there are two well-documented traditions to this effect: “ Are yo u refraining from exposing an evil doer ? Expose him and his evil deeds, so that mankind may be on guard against him,” ^and : “There is no calumny as far as the wicked are concerned.” ^ Exposure is a preventive measure to avoid con tact with them or someone or something similar to them. Some religious leaders among our colleagues asked for the legal opinion of a number of our teachers about those w^ho find fault  wi th hadit   scholars who practice personality criticism.^ Our teacher and guide (Ibn Hajar) said: “ Hadit   scholars are roots that branch out through personality criticism. Those who find fault with hadit  scholars who expose a known evildoer or person of the mentioned qualities are either ignorant or try to co ver up something, or the y share the qualities of that person and are, therefore, afraid that they will also be exposed.” ®I say: This (54) is obvious. Most opponents of the exposure of evildoers have either enough dirt of their own to conceal, or they are afflicted by jealousy, envy, and similar vices.

I say: That is why he could say: “We (just) transmitted those (allegedly calumniatory statements) and did not invent them.” The argument presented in defense of negative personality criticism is that it is a means for protecting the religious law and that God’s truth and (that of) His messenger come first. Yahya b. Sa'id al-Qattan,® among others, expressed this point of view. Some one asked him: “ Are you not afraid that on the Da y of Resur rection those men (whom you criticized) will be your enemies  bef ore G o d? ” An d he rep lied : “ I pre fer to ha ve the m as m y ene  mies, and not to have the Prophet as my enemy for not having protected his traditions.”  A t the de ath of Ibn Ma 'in, some one saw (in a dream) the Pr op he t and the men around him hold a meeting. He asked for the reason of their meeting. The Prophet replied: “ I have come to pra y for this man who used to protect my traditions against lies.” At the bier of Ibn Ma ‘in, it was publicly announced tha t “ He is the man who used to free the Prophet from lies.” Later on, Ibn Ma'in 1 Cf. TB , II, 13. The form Muiiayyir (Munir) is found repeatedly in T B in the biography of al-Buhari, instead of the Munabbih of the text of the  IHdn. 2 Cf. above, p. 334. ^  IH dn, 69, below, p. 367. Cf., for example, al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  I, i, 64, 232, etc.— I, i, 86, 162, etc.— I, 2, 191, 343, etc.— “a liar” I, 2, 297.— “Accused him of lying” II, i, 158. D. 198/813-14 ( T B , XIV, 135 ff.). The story appears in al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  K if dy ah , 44 (Hyderabad 1357). Cf. also the  fat ivd s (below, p. 343, 11. 5), 166, where the identical remark is cited in the name of Yahya b. Ma'^in.

Gone is he who knew what was wrong with ev’ry traditionist,  An d who kne w eac h diffe ren ce in the cha ins of tra nsm itte rs,  A nd all do ub tfu l po ints in tra dit ion (te xts) , and the pro ble ms all  W hic h the sch ola rs h av e trie d in va in to sol ve in the who le world.^

1 C f. T B , XIV, 187. ^ C f . TB , XIV , 186; Ibn Hallikan, IV, 27 trans. D e s l a n e . ^ This statement is attributed to al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 110/728), in  IH dn, 56, below, p. 347. As a Prophetical tradition, it is quoted in al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  K if dy ah , 42 (Hyder abad 1357); T B , I, 382, III, 188, VI I 262 f., 268. Cf. also al-Gazz ali,  Ihy d^, III, 132 (Cairo 1334); al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq, 149 (Teheran 1317). *  Cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih II, 2, 304; al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  K if dy ah , 42 f. (Hyderabad 1357). ®The question addressed to five eminent authorities w'as whether “ in the biographies of  people (religious scholars), the historian may mention all the good and bad information he has about them.” The original text of both the question and the five answers has been published by F u ^ a d S a y y i d from a maimscript in Hyderabad, in  Re vu e de V In st itu t des  M an us cr its Ar ab es, II, 162-77 (1375/1956). As-Sahawi reproduces the statements of alQayati and Ibn ad -Dayri almost verbatim. He quotes only a ve ry small part of those of Ibn Hajar and al-'Ayni. In the case of 'Izz-ad-din al-Kinani, he partly quotes and partly summa rizes his  fa tw d. The quotation ends on p. 347, line 25. Cf. also above, pp. 307, 320, and 325. * Op. cit.,  1691-3.

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AS-SAHAWI’S I'LAN

Often, they are also unaware of the statements of the (rehgious) scholars regarding personahty criticism or of the fact that it falls under general advice. Ibn H ajar was accused of cahminy in connection with a statement about one of his close colleagues, Sadr-ad-din b. al-Adami.^ He had said: “ Ibn al-A dami was m orally unbala nced and know^n for a behavior not becoming a jurist. He experienced several misfor tunes and reverses. When God was generous to him and showered him with His bounty, he did not accept it gratefully,” Ibn Hajar’s reply to the accusation of calumny was: “ Personality criticism is not calum ny.” He once even said: “ If the person who considers this calumny is (just) ignorant, he should be taught to know better. If he perseveres, he should be properly admonished, until he desists from attacking the innocent and protecting the arrogant. He who practices (personality criticism)— May God help him— will be rewarded for it.” This is an authoritative statement. Al-Qayati followed Ibn Hajar in his  Fatwd.  Personality criticism “is advice. He who dispenses it  wil l be rew ard ed. He fulf ils a co mm un ity du ty. He has done a necessary thing, through which he has freed someone else from the sin of non-fulfilment.” He continued: “A nd on this basis it has been said that the fulfilment of a community duty is more meritorious than the fulfilment of an individual duty.^ Ibn ad-Dayri al-Ha nafi said: “ No disapproval should be expressed  wi th reg ard to the (critics) who foll ow the me tho d of tho rou gh scholars, avoid the (baseless) expansion (of the transm itted material), and are careful. (Personality criticism), in principle, is a necessary thing not to be tampered with and a basic requirement to be guarded and observed. Religious affairs are more important than worldly ones. With regard to property rights, the law prescribes the observ ance of justice and the maintenance of accepted standards. This is required to an even greater degree \vith regard to questions of the religious law, in order to preserve it from alteration and dis tortion, which it suffers especially at the hands of men dominated  by the ir pre jud ice s  [hawd]  and led astray by them from the right path, such as religious innovators and false propagandists. This necessitates the precaution of revealing the conditions of the trans1 'A ll b. :\Iuhammad, d. 816/1413 (Daiv^,  VI , 8 f.) . Accord iria; to the  Daw^,  Ibn Hajar made the statement in his  Mu'^jam.  The nisbah  Adam? refers to the preparation and sale of leather goods. 2 C f . op. cit.,  1703.5.

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mitters of information. One must distinguish between those whose  wo rd can be tru ste d and who se tra nsm itte d ma ter ial can be relie d upon, and those whose condition (as unreliable transmitters) must  be know n. No dis ap pro va l sho uld be exp res sed wi th reg ard to those who in their own statements rely upon the statements of scholars knowm as careful and free from prejudices {hawd).  On the contrary, such action deserves praise and will be rew^arded, if it is undertaken with honest intentions (55) and straightforward methods.” ^ The outstanding historian, al-‘Ayni, said that it was necessary to punish 2 (not the scholars who use personality criticism but rather) those who disapprove. ^ He said: As to the rema rks in the more modern historians, such as al-Hatib, Ibn al-Jawzi, his grandson (Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi), Ibn ‘Asakir,^ and others, it should be stated that these men merely wanted to draw the attention of (religious) scholars to (the facts of personality criticism), in order to enable them to distinguish between cases in which the results of personality criticism are positive, and those in which they are negative. Con temporary historians report things which they themselves have  witn ess ed and seen wi th th eir own eye s or whi ch th ey ha ve lea rne d from reliable authorities. There is nothing wrong with that. It has mau}^ instructive aspects which are obvious to the thoughtful observer and which would fill volumes.” ^ Tzz-ad-din al-Kinani al-Hanbali, the greatest scholar of his time, said: “ There can be no doubt as to the importance of history. It occupies a significant place in religion. It is greatly needed by the religious law. The religions dogmas and juridical problems stem from the statements of (Muhammad), the leader from error to the right path and the giver of vision in blindness and ignorance. The transmitters of these statements are the intermediaries between him and us. They must, therefore, be investigated. Their condition must be scrutinized. This is generally agreed upon. The branch of learning charged with this task is history. Therefore, history has  bee n said to be a co mm un ity du ty. Th ere is a diffe renc e of opini on as to whether duties of this kind are more meritorious than individ1

op. c i t . , 

1709-19-

“  Lec^. at-ta'-zir. ^ Op. cit., 17213-19. In the question, mention was made of someone who objected to the impartial use of personality criticism, and called it slander deserving the ta'-ztr punishment. ^ ^A.li b. al-Hasan, the h istorian of Damascus, 499-571/1106-76 (cf. ( i A L ,  I, 331). “ Op. cit.,  17213-19.

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TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAWI’S I'LAN

ual duties, because in contrast to the latter, one is under no obli gation to fulfil community duties.” ^ (Al-Kinani) then mentioned a number of the instructive aspects of history. He also enumerated those absolutely blameless lumi naries who wrote historical works. At the end of his enumeration, he referred to ad-Dahabi, our teacher Ibn Hajar, and al-'Ayni.^ He then refuted those who say ^ that (the use of persona lity criti cism by historians) is calumny. And supposing that one would admit it to be calumny, he said, not every calumny is forbidden. ^ He quoted (the passages) where calumny is declared permissible:  A n- N aw aw i’s  Riydd,^   Ibn Muflih,® and others, whose remarks go  ba ck to the gre at relig ious au th or ity , al-Gazzali,' ^ as wel l as the following statement of ‘Izz-ad-din b. ‘Abd -as-Salam in the QawdHd: “ Criticism of the transmitters is necessary. It serves to put the religious law upon a firmer basis. Its omission can be harmful to the people in connection with problems of what is forbidden and  wh at is pe rm itte d, and othe r que stio ns of clas sifi cat ion . Als o, everything beneficial that the religious law considers permissible to rely upon and refer to is necessary. Judges and good administration consider the examination of witnesses necessary. It is of even more general importance for the protection of rights in cases of bloodshed and attacks upon property, commodities, sexual matters, descent, and so on. (56) Proof of the fact that (personality criticism) is advice is contained in the verse of the Qur’an: ‘And say: Truth is from your Lord .’ ®It has been reported that Fatimah, the daughter of Qays,^ sai d: ‘I came to the Proph et an d told him that A bu Jahm^® as well as Mu'awiyah had asked for my hand. Whereupon he said: Mu'aw iyah is a beggar who has nothing, and Ab ii Jahm never takes the stick from his shoulder.’ This recension is the generally accepted 1 op. cit.,   1733-10' Op. cit., i 74 u -i 7-

^ Referring to the objection mentioned in the question.

347

one, but a recension going back to Muslim has (instead of: ‘never.... shoulder’) :'. . . is a wife bea ter.’ A certain (religious) scholar con sidered this (tradition) a justification for the statement of al-Hasan al-Basri:^ ‘Are you refraining from exposing the evildoer? Expose him and his evil deeds, so that mankind may be on guard against them.’ Advice in religious affairs is more important than advice in worldly affairs. If the Prophet advised a woman as to her worldly affairs, advice in religious affairs is more importa nt.” ^ (Ibn ‘Abd-as-Salam) then mentioned many passages according to which calumny is permissible. Following the quotation from an-Nawawi,^ he (al-Kinam) stated: “ Such a historian ^is considered to be in good shape, since no other (procedure) has been specified, and thus it is something necessary. One is to have a good opinion of him. He is best informed concerning his intention.^ Knowledge of it can come to us only from his di rection. Thus, there can be no objection, since his procedure is at least permissible, if not desirable oi necessary. He deserves reward and remuneration, if his purpose is to give advice. A ctions (are  jud ged ) b y intentions.® T ho se who con side r this br anc h of lear ning as something to be avoided and those who find fau lt w ith i t deserve  b la m e .H o w cou ld it be pro per to find fau lt wi th a bra nch of re ligious learning which, as reported by Ibn Hazm, ®has generally  bee n ac ce pte d at all tim es an d in all plac es, and ho w cou ld one fin d fault with the orthodox religious leaders whose fairness and model character are generally recognized?” ®  A d  (5): Ad-D ahabi was accused of such bias by his pupil, Taj-addin as-Subki.^® Now, supposing that one were to admit the (fact of ad-Dahabi’s bias), his bias would be much less pronounced than 1 Cf. above , p. 343, n. 3. 2 Op. cit.,  1759-22^ A n - N a w aw i ,  Ri yd d a^ -sd lih in, 538 ff. (Cairo 1357/1939): 27 4   (Cairo 1325), a s i n d i c a t e d

^ Op. cit.,  I75,.g.

op. cit.,  176, u. 3. ^ I n t h i s p a r a g r a p h , t h e d i s t i n c t io n b e t w e e n t h e h i s t o r ia n a n d h i s a c t i v i t y , w h i c h i s

^ Cf. below, p. 347, n. 3.

personality criticism, is not always brought out clearly in the Arabic text.

® Muharnniad  b, Muflih, d. 763/1362 (cf. G A L , II, 107). ’’   In this particular context, neither an-Nawawi nor al-Gazzali is mentioned in the original  fat wd . ®Qur’an xviii 29 (28 FI.). * She was married to Abu ‘■Amr b. Hafs and then to Usamah b. Zayd. For the story, cf., for instance. Concordance, II, 45b; al-Hatib al-Bagdadi,  K if dy ah , 39 f. (Hyderabad 1357); Jbn Hajar,  Isd ba h, IV, 62 f. (C alcutta 1856-73,  Bib lio the ca In di ca ). The meaning of the statement concerning Abu Jahm is a matter of discussion. The name of Abu Jahm b. Hudayfah is not known with certainty, cf. Ibn Hajar, loc. cit.

^ M s . L e id e n h a s ahbaru bi-niyatiht,  as in the text of the  fat ivd . * Cf. above , p. 305, n. 2. ’ Y u l d m u ,  as in Ms. Leiden and the  fat wd . ®Cf.  IH dn,   47, ab ove, p. 333 f. In the eighth/fourteenth centu ry, the relations between a n - N a w a w i a n d I b n H a z m w e r e s o i m p o r t a n t f o r s c h o la r s t h a t a n a u t h o r c o u l d d re a m a b o u t them, cf. Ibn Katir,  Bi dd ya h,   X I V , 291. ® Op. cit.,  17623-177,. 'Abd -al-W ahha b b. ‘^ Ali, 727(728 )-7i/i327(i328)-7 o (cf. G A L ,  II, 891.). T h e s t o r y o f a s - S u b k i ’ s a n d a d - D a h a b i ’ s “ b i a s ” i s l e n g t h i l y d i s c u ss e d l a t e r o n , c f .  IH dn ,

76,  be lo w , p. 375 f.

348

AS-SAHA WI’S I ‘LAN

that Ugly bias of which Taj-ad-din showed himself guilty. I read the following remark by him added in his own handwriting to the  bi og ra ph y of the asc etic , Sa lam ah as -S ay ya d al-M anb iji; “ O Mus  lim, be ashamed in the sight of God! How much (baseless) expansion (of the material) you have practiced! How greatly you have dis paraged those orthodox Muslims, the As'arites! When did the Hanbalites ever exist, and did they ever have any importance!” This is the most astonishing expression of bias. Indeed, it is a very  wro ng sort of sta tem en t. Som e tim e afte rw ard s, the lea din g con  temporary judge and head of the (Hanbalite) school, ‘Izz-ad-din al-Kinani, wrote the following remark underneath the statement of as-Subki: “ Sic\ By God, those who deny the existence of positive attributes in God (i.e., the As'arites, here designated by a word  wh ich has ab ou t the con not atio n of athe ists ) nev er ha d (57) an y importance.'’ Then, he described Taj-ad-din in the following terms: “ He is uneducated, unfair, and ignorant of the position of orthodox Muslims. His statement is proof of that.”  A d   (6); Man is hostile to the things he does not know.^ Ignorant persons are the enemies of scholars.^ We have thus seen that many of those who find fault with history are very unimportant.  A cer tai n co nte mp or ary lev ele d a goo d dea l of futi le cri tici sm against a number of biographies in Ibn Hajar’s  Mu^jani.  This did not prevent the  Mu^jam   from being very much in demand and from  be ing used by ev er yb od y, and it sti ll is. Th an k God, on the con  trary, that criticism brought down the man who published and open ly spread it. It served to extinguish his memory and obscure his fame. When he died, he had become a warning example and was full of bitter regret.  Ad -D ah ab i’s  Histo ry  and related writings caused Abii 'Amr b. al-Murabit to revile him. He rejected him altogether and left nothing  ba d uns aid ab ou t him. (A d- pa ha bi) did not care, bu t (Ibn alMurabit’s) attitude (toward ad-Dahabi) w^as the reason that he  was con side red a liar, att ac ke d, and acc use d of ex ce ssi ve pre jud ice , 1 Cf., for instance, Abu Hayyan at-Tawhkli,  Im ta ’-, II, 17 (Cairo 1939-44), and  Ba xd 'ir , 1, 307 K ei la n i (Datnascus 1964); Ibn '■Abd-al-Barr,  Jd ini '- bay dn al-^ ilm,   II, 160 (Cairo, n . y . ) ; a l - Q i f t i ,  Inhah,   I, 336 (Cairo 1369-74/1950-55); Ibn al-Fiiwati, IV, I, 399 Jaw.^u (D amascu s 1962). There are slight variation s in the mann er in which this idea is expressed.

^ This is a verse which occurs in a poem by M uhammad b. ar-Rabi"- al-Mawsili (ca. 900)  who , how eve r, was ce rta iid y not its orig inat or. It has also been ascr ibed to 'Ah . Cf. 'Ab d- alQahir al-Jurjani,  As rd r al-bald '^ah,   243 R i t t e r (Istanbul 1954), tratis. R i t t e r ,  D ie Ge hei mnisse der Wortkimst,  285 (Wiesbaden 1954); al-Gazzali,  Ih yd ', I, 7 (Cairo 1352/1933); Ibn 'Arabi, al-Futuhdt al-Makkiyah, ehs. 386 and 580.

TRANSLATION

349

through which he provoked the wrath of the Lord. Rightly so! The reason for Ibn al-Murabit’s attitude toward ad-Dahabi is said to have been his annoyance at (ad-Dahabi’s) stand in favor of something which he ha d d eclared nonsense. ^  A sim ilar sto ry is th at of §am s-a d-d in Mu ham ma d b. Ah ma d b. Bashan ad-Dimasqi, the Qur’an reader. He was angry at adDahabi because of some of the things the latter had said about him in his biography. Upon the page in question which was in the hand  wr itin g of ad -D ah abi , Ib n Ba sha n wro te in th ick let ter s some v i tuperative remarks directed against him. This made ad-Dahabi’s handwriting for the most part illegible. When ad-Dahabi saw that, he revenged himself by incorporating a biography of Ibn Bashan in the  Mu'-ja m  of his teachers. He described what had happened and concluded: “And he himself wiped out his name from the list of Qur’an readers.” ^ In the b iograph y of Ibn al-Murabit in the  Durar,   Ibn Hajar said that he came across a publication (of traditions) by Ibn alMurabit from which one could learn nothing. There was so much confusion in it, which was caused by a lack of understanding and of accuracy.^ How can a man of this caliber stand up against a man (such as ad-Dahabi) who represents the greatest (possible) exact ness and correctness. Ibn Hajar even expressed the wish, while drinking the water of the Zamzam (fountain in Mecca), that he might reach ad-Dahabi’s station and become as intelligent as he

‘ Cf.  IHdn ,  58, below, p. 351. ’ Ibn, Basha n (668-743/1269 [i27o] -i343 ) has biogra phic al notices in the Tabaqdt al-qurrd^, Phot. Cairo TaM h 1537, p. 223, a n d the  Mu^jam ,  Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 65, fol. I 2 i a - b .  As -Sa fad i,  Na kt al -hi my dn , 239-41 (Cairo 1329/1911), quotes most of the information given in the The form Bashan is assured by its occurrence in the Dahabi manuscripts (although that of the fol. 38b, has h ) ; as-Safadi,  N ak t, 239; Ibn Hajar,  Du ra r, III, 309. Cf. below, pp. 580-82. The story quoted above, w'hich is repeated again in  IH dn , 76, below, p. 376, and hi Ibn Hajar,  D ur ar ,I II , 310 f., is not contained in the Cairo manuscript of the  Mu ^ja m.  A clue to the explanation of this fact may be sought in the statement, which we find on fol. i9ia, that ad-Dahabi told 'Abdallah b. Ahmad az-Zarandi (d. 749/1348, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Du ra r, II, 247), when he studied the  Mu'^j am  with him, to omi t cer tain mar gin al note s conc ern ing pupils (ashdb) of Ibn al-Buhari. In the sam,e manner, ad-Dahabi may have occasionally suggested to liis students to omit the biting ren^ark about Ibn Bashan from the text. The o b j e c t i o n a b l e p a s s a g e i n t h e Tabaqdt a.l-qurrd^  was probably a reference to the trouble Ibn Bashful had in Damascus in connection with his reading of Qur’an x\'i 8 (8 h'l.), unless it is the statemen t that he w as for a time a merch ant in l-^gypt.

Cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dura r, l \ ,  45, where a ]iamphl('t against ad-Dahabi and a very vituper ative biograi-thy of that scholar is mentioned as well as Bnrhan-ad-din b. Jaina'ah ’s marginal note of censure dirc'cted against Ibn al-Murabit’s attacks against ad-Dahabi. Cf. also asSahawi, al-Jaii'dhir li’a-d-durar,  Paris ms. ar. 2105, fol. 297a, below, p. 605.

350

TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAWI’S I'LAN

 wa s.i (Ibn al-M urab it) was tak en to ta sk by ‘I zz- ad- din al -K in an i for his division of ad-Dahabi’s  Hist ory   into four parts, of which one (he said) was pure calumny. Al-Kin ani said: “ Almo st every historical work has those four parts. Ibn al-Murabit’s statement that ‘one part is pure (58) calumny’ is no correct description of that part. It has numerous useful aspects. It enables (the reader) to learn from the conditions of the personalities mentioned, to be assured of their virtues, and to be warned of their vices, and so on.”  A cer tai n hadit   expert wrote a monograph against the greatest of them all, Abu Bakr al-Hatib, with reference to certain passages in the latter’s  Histo ry.  That monograph achieved no circulation. Nobody appeared to express agreement with his views, and nobody took his side. It was a wasted and unrewarded effort. Professor Abii Hayy an ^made the following entirely unproven remarks about the stalwart critic, Yahya b. Ma'in: Let Yahya as transmitter exist or not exist (?); That Yahya has no knowledge for which he will be missed, Except mahgning people whoVe long since passed away. He will account for all that when there has come the Day. There are more such remarks which it would be boring and of little use to mention here. At no time did anyone in the least rely upon them. (Muhammad), the fountain of truth, said: “ Lies laid on thick are ineffective ." ^ Truth deserves most to be followed.* The head of an untruthful person should be kicked, if it is not cut off. There is general agreement that one should occupy oneself  wi th hi sto ry an d shun those who at ta ck the hist oria ns. ^ The custom of drinking Zamzam water and expressing a wish is traditional. Al-Hatib al-Bagdadi is said to have been one of those who followed it, cf. Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  IV, i6; Ibn Jama'-ah, Tadkirat as-sdmi'-,  139 (Hyderabad 1353). Cf. also I'. R  o s e n t h a l ,  Di e arabische  Autobi ograp hie,  36, n. 2 (Rome 1937,  Anal ecta Orien talia,   14);  I^ldn,  76, below, p. 376; Ibn Hajar,  Dur at,   I, 92. 2 Muhammad b. Yusuf, d. 745/1344 (cf. G A L ,  II, log f.), if the text is correct and he is indeed the person meant here. Ibn Ma'in’s sharp remarks were mentioned by Ibn '^Abd-al-Barr,  Jdmi'- baydn II, 149 (Cairo, n.y.). Ibn 'Abd-al-Barr’s source was the  Kit db ad-Du^afd^  of Abu 1-Fath al-Azdi (below, p. 406, n. 5).

35 1

*Izz-ad-din’s rebuff of Ibn al-Murabit h as been mentioned ab ove. ^ Ibn al-Murabit had criticized ad-Dahabi for his vilification of the people (the religious scholars) and the recording of their negative traits. H e had said: “ This is calumny which is not permissible. Negative personality criticism lost its usefulness with the beginning of the fifth/eleventh century.” Following the passage quoted, ‘Izz-ad-din said: “Why does he commit the same great sin for which he criticizes someone else ? If his attitude is excusable, that of ad-Dahabi would likewise be excusable.” 'Izz-ad-din also told us the following story in which he used a similar argument: “ An enem y of mine happened to be mentioned in a conversation I had with a certain person. I complained to that person about that enemy of mine and mentioned some of his (bad) qualities. He countered me by saying that my remarks  we re cal um ny. I cou ld not do an yth ing (at the mome nt) bu t be silent. Our conversation continued. Eventually, it turned to one of his enemies, and he began to disparage him. Now, I could counter him with the same remark which he had (before) used against me.” There are, indeed, remarks such as the statement of a certain religious leader: “ People with no faults came to M edina (59) and talked about the faults of other people. In consequence, people ascribed invented faults to them. Other people came who had faults but were silent. In consequence, people were silent regarding their faults.” In this sense, a certain poet said: Keep away from the people if you want To be safe from the talk of stupid fools. He who charges the people with faults they have Is charged by the people with faults he has not. Strangely enough, ad-Daylami, in his  Musnad,^   with his own chain of transmitters which leads back to Ibn 'Umar, quoted the story as a tradition of Muhammad: “ There were people in Medina  who ha d fau lts bu t were sile nt reg ard ing the fa ult s of othe r peop le, etc.”

®This approximately seems to be the meaning in which the wel l-known tradition is applied iu this context. Cf. Concordance,   II, 6b; L a n e   647b, s. rad. hml-, TB ,  X I I I , 405,

^ The phra se is reminis cent of Qur^an x 35 (36 F I . ) . Cf. also above, pp. 231 and 250 (below, p. 548), as well as  I'^ldn  76, below, p. 375;  Agd ni, XV ,  1002 (Bulaq 1285); Abu Hayyan at-Tawhidi, al-Isdrdt al-ildhtyah, 42 B a d a w i Cairo (1950).

1  I^ldn,  57, above, p. 348 f. Sirawayh b. Sahridar ad-Daylami (d. 509/1115, cf. G A L ,  I, 344; cf.  IHdn,  82, below, p. 385),  Firda ivs,   Ms. Cairo Hadit 355, s.v. kana.  Cf.  DawP,  I, 106.

352

AS-SAHAWI’S

353

TRANSLATION

I‘LAN

Someone else said; “ Keep aw ay from evil. Then, evil will keep away from you.”^  Al l such rem ark s sho uld eith er be und ers too d as som eth ing sai d as a joke with no sound and legitimate purpose behind it, or as an exaggeration that would not be necessary to achieve the purpose. Likewise, no literal interpretation should be given to the remark that “ the flesh of scholars is poisonous,^ as it is well known tha t God is in the habit to put to shame those who are unfair to scholars,” and there exists the danger of spiritual death for those who oppose and slander them.

 b y tw o gro ups of peo ple , hadit   scholars and judges.” ^and the other  b y som eone else ; “ W ho ev er wa nts (to do) me ev il is ma de b y Go d (60) a hadit   scholar or a judge.” Both statements require some definite interpretation. In general, in as far as he who makes critical remarks starts with a well-considered and discerning effort, he can not be accused of a crime in (making his criticisms) but can expect a reward for it.^ This was previously mentioned by us on the author

Ibn 'As akir ^ put it very well indeed: “ It is a grave ma tter to attack scholars for faults they do not have. It is an unhealthy pas time to defame them fraudulently and deceitfully. It is a nasty habit to make unw^arranted statements against those whom God has chosen to be depositories of knowledge. On the other hand, it is a fine quality to imitate the attitude— which was lauded by God— of the latecomers who asked forgiveness for those who preceded them. God praised them in His book— He certainly knows about good and bad character qualities:— ‘Those who came after them say: Our Lord, forgive us and our brethren who preceded us in the faith. Do not put into our hearts resentment against those who have become believers. Our Lord, you are kind and merciful.’ ” ^

ity of the Muslim religious leaders.® There are some (scholars) who had trouble because they used their loose tongues without any basis or grounds for suspicion. One of them was the religious leader and teacher of an-Nawawi,  Abiji Samah .^ He wa s a soli d sch ola r in the reli gio us disc iplin es, a Qur^an reader, hadit   scholar, and grammarian. He wrote a nice, accurate hand. He also was modest and unassuming and the author of many works. Nevertheless, he often assailed and reviled scholars, pious persons, and great men and mentioned their negative traits. He himself thought highly of this activity of his, but as a result, he lost prestige in the eyes of many people who knew about it, and they talked (critically) about him. This, finally, caused the calamity which befell Abu §&.mah. Two big men entered his house in the guise of persons having come to ask for a legal opinion and gave him a painful beating. His patience gave out,  bu t no bo dy cam e to hel p him . He rec ite d some ver ses in wh ich he

 Ah ma d b. Na sr ar- Ru ya ni, an im ag ina ry tra nsm itte r, ha nde d down the following tradition ascribed to Muhammad on the author ity of al-Asajj Abu d-dunya,^ on the authority of ‘A li: “ If a man’s heart gets accustomed to turning away from God, God afflicts him (and the affliction expresses itself) in attacks by him against pious persons.” This tradition is not sound. If it were, the above-mentioned explanation ®would apply to it.’

asked God for help.® It is mentioned in the biography of §ams-ad-din Abu 1-*^A bbas Muham mad b. Musa b. Sin d ®tha t at the end of his life his mind  be cam e con fus ed an d he for go t mo st of the th in gs he kn ew b y heart, even the Qur’an. This was said to be a divine punishment for his many attacks against the people (the religious scholars). The same thing, however, happened to Burhan-ad-din al-Halabi,’

There are two statements, one by Ibn Da qiq-al-‘id: “ The honor of the Muslims is one of the pits of (Hell) fire, and its rim is occupied 1 Cf.

“

al-Mubassir,

In al-'Alra awi,

is ascribed n a m e ^

o f

to

^ Qu r’an ^ and

‘ I ' t m a n \’I,

® Th at ’

The

B a d a w i

204

(Madrid

a l - M u H d f i a d a h a l - n m f id i v a - l -m i i s ta f t d  , 1 4

Ahm ad

I b n

Tah ym

 M uh ta r al- hi k am , b.

H anbal,

while

the

e n t i re

passage

iu

1958)

(Aristotle).

(Dam ascus quotation

t h is

remark

is cited

ia

the

kadib lix b .

10

a l - m u f t a r i ,  2 9 (10

(D a m a s c u s

1347).

FI . ).

a l - H a t t a b ,

d .

3 2 7 / 9 3 8 -3 9

 [ T B ,   X I ,

literal

whole

interpretation

par agraph

is

297

ff . ;

Ibn

Hajar,

is admissible.

derived

from

Ibn

I H d n ,   72,

below, p. 370. According to as-Subki,

Tabaqdt aS-SdfiHy ah,   I,

190 (Cairo

®Cf. I H d n , 5 2 ,   54, 56, abov e, pp. 342 ff. *   ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Isma'il, d. 665/1267 (cf. G A L , I ,   316 f.). ‘ Abu Samah did not die the first time, but he did not want to complain about the men who had given him the beating, and recited some verses. He was killed when the assassins returned another time, cf. Ibn Katir, B i d d y a h , XII I, 250 f. * 729-792/1329-90, cf. Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,   IV, 270 f., which is the source of the statement

' A s a k i r.

376). no

1349),

m arks

^ C f.

1324), the statement goes back to Ibn Daqiq-al-'id’s I q t i r d h . * For the Arabic idiom, cf. Lisdn al-^Arab,   VII, 145 (Bulaq 1300-8).

I . la j a r,

 L i s d n ,   I ,

318.

 L i s d n ,   I V ,

13 4

ff . ,

of the I H d n .   The vocalization of the last name is uncertain. ’ Ibrahim, b. Muhammad, Sibt Ibn aI-‘Ajami, 753-841/1352-1438 (cf,

G A L ,   II, 67; D a w ^ ,  I, 138-45; numerous autograph ijdzahs, by him in Muhammad b. Abi Bakr b. Zurayq   [D aw ^,   VII, 169-71], Tabat,   Brit. Mus. ms. or. 9792). Nothing is said in the Daw'^   about the scholar’s loss of memory. R o

senthal

History of Muslim Historiography

23

354

355

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘LAN

TRANSLATION

although he never opposed anyone but was austere (fair) and ascetic. However, he recovered from his loss of memory before his death. The situation is similar with regard to the statement: “ Liars lose their minds.” Others who are not accused of being liars also lose their minds occasionally.

had a fine voice for the chanting of the Qur’an. But when he came to the passage: ‘Behold, G od and His angels pray for the Prophet,’ ^ he recited: ‘ . . .pray for ‘Ali, the prophet. He turned mute, got elephantiasis and leprosy, lost his sight and his ability to walk.

I was told on the authority of JamM-ad-din Muhammad b.  A bi Ba kr al-M isri ^ th at he wa s pre sen t wh en Ju dg e Jam ^l- ad- din  A bu ‘A bd al lah Muh am mad b. ‘A bd al lah b. A bi B ak r ar -R ay m i al-Yam^ni as-§afi‘i ^ died. His tongue was black and hanging out of his mouth. It was thought that this was the consequence of his opposition to and many attacks against an-Nawawi.  A sto ry on the au th or ity of Sa yh A bu Ish aq as-§irazi,® wh ich Ibn an-Najjar tells in the continuation of his (al-Hatib al-Bagdadi's)  Hist ory,   is of a higher order.^ As-§irazi heard Judge Abu t-Tayyib at-Tabari say: “We were attending a class in the Mosque of alMansur, when a Hanafite from Hurasan came and asked for the proof of the question of (the sale of) animals not milked for some time.^ The lecturer quoted the proof (as provided by a tradition) on the authority of Abu Hurayrah. The Hurasanian, however, said that Abu Hurayrah’s traditions were not acceptable.” The Judge said: “ He had not yet finished (6i) that remark when a big snake  jum ped dow n on him from the roo f of the mosq ue. He fled , bu t the snake followed him paying no regard to anyone else. One shouted to him: ‘Repent/ and he said: T repent.’ Whereupon the snake dis appeared, and no trace of it was seen afterwards.” ® Ibn B askuwa l ’ reported the following story with a chain of transmitters going back to Ahmad b. Muhammad b. ‘Umar al Ya m am i ®who sai d: “ Wh en I w as in Sa n‘ a ’, I s aw a m an and peo ple gathered around him. I asked them what it was, and they said: This man used to lead our prayer in the month of Ramadan. He

“ Ibrahim b. 'Alt, d. 476/1083 (cf.

G A L , 

S u p p l em e n t,   II, 971, nisbah   ar-Raymi is

no. 21a). correctly 

I , 387 f.).

expression used here can hardly have its technical meaning of “being connected  with the source of the s tory by a sma ll numb er of trans mitte rs,” being closer to the Prophe t. “ The reference is to the traditions mentioned in Concordance,   I, 244a. Cf. also J. S c h a c h t , T h e O r i g i n s o f M u h a m m a d a n J u r i s p r u d e n c e ,   123, 299, 327 (Oxford 1950).

 M un ta za m,   IX ,

154 f., in the obituary notice for Yusuf b. 'A li

’ ya la f b. <^Abd-al-Malik, d. 578/1183 (cf. * Third/ninth century

( T B ,   V,

G A L , 

65 f.; Ibn H ajar,

I, 340).

L i s d n ,   I,

to us and give us the benefit of their blessings. In general, historians are like other authors. Their statements are in part leavened, and in part rotten. Happy is the man whose mistakes can be counted and whose errors are unimportant.^ G A L , 

^ Cf. al-Kafi yaji, above, p. 259, n. 2. *   Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, 321-405/933-1014 (cf.

II, 100-5).

G A L ,   I,

166),  M us tad r ak    (Hyderabad

1334-42). Cf. T B ,   V, 474; Ibn Hajar, L i s d n ,   V, 233. ‘ This extremely common proverb (cf. also I H d n ,   76, below, p. 376) is quoted, with

*   The

* Cf. also Ibn al-Jawzi, az-Zanjani.

are only partly acceptable, and partly not.^ There are a number of other authors, the value of whose publica tions has been nullified for the uninformed, not by the circumstance  ju st men tion ed, bu t b y the ir ove rze alo usn ess in the ir wo rks to dri ve home their point. Such an author is al-Hakim.^ In his  Musta drak , in which he proposed to use the criteria of al-Buhari and Muslim, or of one of them (for judging the acceptability of traditions not con tained in the two  Sahi hs),   he was so lax that he included not only  we ak bu t s upp osi titio us tra dit ion s. An ot he r ex am ple i s I bn al- Jaw zi. In his  Mawdu^dt   (on supposititious traditions), he widened the scope of his investigations so far as to include not only weak tra ditions but even sound ones. Those two authors represent the two opposite extremes. May God show mercy to all of them and

^ Qur’ dn xxxiii 56 (56 FI.). * Ahmad b. 'Abd-al-Halim, d. 728/1328 (cf.

1 D. 820/December 1417  [D aw ^,   VII, 181 f.). * D. 792/1389-90, or 791 (Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,   III, 486; G A L Ibn liajar is the source for as-Sahawi’s information. The  writte n in Ms. Leiden.

There he is now.” There are many similar stories. There are also those scholars of great learning, austerity, and asceticism whom people avoided and whose knowledge they were careful not to utilize, because of their loose tongue and lack of tact,  wh ich cau sed the m to ta lk an d to cri tic ize ex ce ssi ve ly. Suc h men  we re Ib n Ha zm an d Ib n Ta ym iya h.^ Th ey were am ong tho se who suffered calamities and injuries. With the exception of Muhammad’s statements (which are fully acceptable), the remarks of any Muslim

282 f.).

slight variations, for instance, in al-Jahiz, K i t m d n a s- s i r r , in  M aj mu ^ R as dH l al -J dh i z, 38 K r a u s and a l -H a j i r i (Cairo 1943); Ibn Qutaybah, ^ U y u n ,   273 B r o c k e l m a n n ; al-‘Askari, T a s h i f , 6 'A   b d - a l - 'A  z iz a h m a d (Cairo 1383/1963); at-T a'alib i, Yaim a/j, I, 79 (Damascus 1304), i b i d . . I, 105,   in a verse of al-Mutanabbi; idem, I^jaz,   67 (Cairo 1897); idem, Abu t - T a y y i b a l -M u t a n a b b i ,   7, 46 (Cairo 1343/1925); al-Iiusri,  Za hr al- ddd b.   I, 59 (Cairo 1316, in the margin of the ^Iqd)',  Ibn Isfandiyar, H i s t o r y o f T a b a r i s t dn , 67 B r o w n e ;  Yeh udah hal-Lewi, H a z a r i ,   42 f. H i r s c h f e l d (Leipzig 1887); as-Suhrawardi, H ikm at al-iSrdq, 10 (Teheran 1313-15); Ibn Katir, B i d d y a h , IX , 193, anno l o i ; Lisan-ad-dm b. al-yatib ,  M i^ y dr 

356

AS-SAHAW I’S I‘LAN

TRANSLATION

The remarks of any man, except for special cases, are partly ac ceptable, and partly not.^ Here in this world, nothing is perfect. No work (author?) is free from the need for correction. According to a sound tradition, M uhammad said: “ God must not lift up some thing of this world unless He put it down (before).” ^ “ Putting down” (in this tradition) does not refer to annihilation and destruc tion but to imperfection. Indeed, a great many defects have become apparent, and reprovable attitudes of the ugliest sort have spread. (62) This noble  bra nch of lea rni ng (tha t is, his tory ) has bee n cu lti va te d by thos e  wh o ac ce pt miss pell ings and mis rea ding s, bec aus e th ey do no t ha ve an exact knowledge of the rules of transmission and trust transmitters who are not recognized as trustworthy and sensible. They have come to write down both substantial and inconsequen tial things as well as both proven and shaky, unsound traditions. If I were here to set down what happened to the leading historian, Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi, you would be amazed, and you would avoid looking for his works. The same applies to other religious leaders, our teachers, the cream of humanity. Ibn Hajar hinted at some instance of this sort of thing in the preface of the He restricted himself to merely intimating it. The y make me feel sad. But they hav e successors who, even if they tried, would not reach them. This applies especially to one self-styled historian in this age who has dared to plunge into the maze of (historical) methods. One sees people who (merely) on ac count of that amply support him with money, clothing, and many other desirable things, although he does not reach (his predecessors), a l - i h t i y d r ,   in A. M. a l - ^ A b b a d i ,  M uS dh ad dt L i sd n -a d- di n ,   70 (Alexandria 1958);  M us ta tr af ,   I, 80 (Bulaq 1268). Cf. also al-Mubarrad, K a m i l ,   477  W  r i g h t , and  K a§ f az-zunun,   I, 42 F l u g e l .

al-Ib§ihi, yalifah,

^ Above , p. 355, n. 3. The reference is to Muhamm ad’s “correct remarks.” * Cf. Concordance,   II, 281a. * As-S ahawi refers to Ibn Ilajar ’s criticism of al-'A yni and Ibn Duqmaq. In enumerating the sources of the Inbd^,  Ibn Hajar said (Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 123): “ . . . and the  }} ,adit   expert Mahmud al-'Ayni who mentioned the

H i s t o r y   

of 'Im 4 d-ad-

din b. Katir as his source. This is so. After Ibn Katir breaks off, his source is the H i s t o r y   of Ibn Duqmaq. He literally copied whole pages of Ibn Duqmaq and often blindly followed him in doubtful information. He even went so far as to copy obvious grammatical mistakes, such as ahla^a ^ald   (instead of hala'^a ^ald   ‘to g ive a robe of honor to’). It is even stranger that Badr-ad-din al-'Ayni literally copied an event which Ibn Duqmaq had mentioned as  witnes sed by himse lf perso nally and which took place in Eg yp t at a time when al- 'Ay ni  was still in 'An tab . How ever, I did not bother to follow up his mistak es, but copie d from him all the information which I did not have and which I think he observed (personally),  whether we were absent or present when the even ts in question p. 582 f.

took pla ce.” Cf. below,

357

not by a long shot. They support him, because he follows the same line (of research) and the same methods (as his predecessors), especially in that he uses the same notions and expressions as are not liked by any sensible person and accepted only by stupid fools. This goes so far that those people esteem his writing more highly than that of Ibn Hajar and our other authorities. Never theless, since the author whom I have in mind was very famihar  wi th ou tsta nd ing rule rs, ami rs, gre at po liti cal figu res, and waz irs, I suspected that he would have well-considered information on them, although I knew about his shortcomings in dealing with other types of persons and knew the absolutely incredible nonsense he spoke. I restricted myself to taking down the dates of death  wh ich I nee ded in ev er y case , and br ief ly qu ote d ev en ts and (daily) occurrences. After his death, I noticed strange things also in this respect, and I heard those asked about him characterize him as unusually blameworthy. Then, I regretted (to have used him as a source). But what is the use of regret, when I should have investi gated the information while he was alive, and so much time has elapsed. Perhaps, the good thing in it was that (I) thus had more time for what is more important, namely, the far-flung science of traditions, which is an ocean without shores, a subject which nobody can completely master in its general principles, let alone its details. (In spite of all my bad experiences, however), would that that man had lasted. He was no honest scholar, but he was succeeded  b y one of tho se com mon peo ple who are kno wn for the ir stu pi di ty and intrep idity. His de scriptions of the people (the religious scholars) are lies which deserve to be exploded. He tells ridiculous stories (63) which must be eradicated. An austere scholar put it very  we ll, as h e said whe n th at ma n wa s des crib ed to him as a hi sto ria n; “ B y God, he himself is clear histo ry.” T his was an allusion to his experiences with wicked scoundrels.^ It is absolutely certain that person? of his type will not reach the scholarly heights of exact and pious scholars. His activity  wil l sco n com e to an end, an d it will no t be long th at he wil l be held to account for his statements, even if he were to have many  vir tue s an d no t onl y such a ht tle bit . ^ Elsewhere, as-Sahawi spoke in this vein about the historian *^AKb. Dawud al-Jaw hari, cf.

Daw^,  V, 218; above, p. 247. In rhymed prose, the idea was well expressed by Ibn Habib, D urr at al-asldk.

in the introduction of his

358

a s

-s

a h a w  !’ s

 An oth er per son of the sam e ty pe who m we kno w we ll is one of our contemporaries. He made -unconsidered and immoderate at tacks against the people (the religious scholars). He had to leave the place, and he suffered increasingly painful and unpleasant ex periences. In spite of it, he did not stop. Eventually, he made a nuisance of himself for everybody. He soon died, uncured of his troubles. There are other (destructive) historians, such as, for instance, some Jerusalemians who are known as fellow students and col leagues of the devil (?), if we may say so. (iX— THE

Q U A L I F I C A T IO N S

REQUIRED

OF

H I S T O R IA N S )

The necessary qualifications ^ required of those who occupy themselves with history are fairness, together with complete correctness which generates extraordinary accuracy, and discretion, especially with regard to many of the statements made by the ^  bio gra phe rs of the pro phe ts. In his  Jdm i\^   al-Hatib said; “They" — that is, the hadU   scholars— “ (should?) also collect traditions of the ancient Muslims which contain information about the nations of the past and the stories and biographies of the prophets. We  wo uld cons ider it des irab le if no bo dy were to de vo te him self to such matters who did not finish his study of the traditions of Muham mad.” Al-Hatib then reported the following statement on the authority of Ibn ‘A yyas al-Qattan:* “When I said to Ahmad (b. Hanbal) that I wanted to collect the stories of the prophets, he replied: ‘Not before you hav e finished your study of the traditions of our Prophet.’ ” Thus, he and others stated it clearly that care fulness is required in connection with the literary use of information about the ancients and derived from ancient books, as well as information about the events and battles (of the Last Day). It is here a question of declaring rejection (of such material) permissible or mandatory. This apphes, for instance, to the book ascribed to Daniel. In the case of the expected battles and outlined( ?) troubles (to come), only that little material may safely be mentioned for ^ In this connection, it is not uninteresting to compare what Lucian had to say about the qualifications of the historian, in Ilw(; De Oratore,   II, 1 5 , 6 2 f.

8 e i 

lox opta v

C T u y Y p a 9 S i. v ,

54 f. Cf.

also

Cicero,

^

Ms. Leiden has  ju m lah ,   instead of the

 ja ha lah   of

the edition.

The Alexandria manuscript of the probably very important work was not available 3 during my visit to that city. * Probably, Yahya b. 'AyyaS, d.

269/882-83

 [ T B ,  

359

TRANSLATION

i ' l  A n

XIV, 2 1 9 ! . ) ?

 wh ich we ha ve tra dit ion s wi th un int err up ted cha ins of tra nsm itte rs going back to Muhammad.^ Someone asked (64) the religious leader, Malik, about the Psalter of David.^ Malik rephed: “ How stupid and careless you are! Do  we no t ha ve in the tra dit ion s of NMi',^ on the au th or ity of Ibn ‘Umar, on the authority of our Prophet, enough material to keep us busy with its correctness,^ so that we do not have time to bother  wi th our rela tion shi p to D av id .” Inf orm ati on on th at (story) can be found in my book, al~Asl al-osU.^ Most of that, in general, is rather silly. In the  Ki tdb at-Tawwdbin of the §ayh-al-Islam Muwaffaq-ad-din b. Qudamah,® there are indeed things I wish he would not have mentioned, especially since the respective chains of transmitters are confused. The same applies to the opinions he expresses regarding certain cases of trouble among some of the most distinguished and oldest men around Muhammad. We have been commanded to exercise restraint  wi th reg ard to i nci de nts am on g th em and to i nte rpr et tho se in cide nts in a manner not discreditable to them. Muhyi-ad-din an-Nawawi, the reorganizer of the (§afi‘ite) school, deserves the divine mercy for the following statement which he made while praising the manifold useful aspects of the  Isti^db of the leading hadit   expert, Abu ‘Umar b. ‘A bd-al-Barr: “ . . .if he only had not reported the quarrels among the men around Muhammad and told stories on the authority of historical informants {ahbdri)  who as a rule ex ag ge ra te and mi x thi ngs up .” In the presence of unintelligent people, (a discussion of) this (type of material) should definitely be avoided, unless the proper interpretation is added. This was stated with regard to the traditions on the (divine) attributes and similar traditions. I say: It also applies to the story of ‘A ’isah’s necklace. ‘A ll’s statement in this connection   requires a special interpretation, as I have shown in one of the  Respo nsa [al-a jwi hah l).   Also, in view of (‘A ll’s) exa lted po1 Cf. also as-Sahawi’s disapproval of the Israelite stories,

1‘ldn,   150, below, p. 495 f. The

predictions {maldhim)   of Daniel have a long history in Muslim literature, cf. above, p. 112. * Apparently, the very common Arabic pseudepigraph, cf., for instance, G. L e v i d e l l a  V  i d a , Elenco dei manoscritti arabi islamici della Biblioteca Vaticana,   No. 889 (Citta del  Vati cano 1935,  St u di e Te st i ,   67). * D. 117/735, cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih,   IV, 2, 84!.; Ibn Hajar,

T a h d i b ,  X,

412-15.

* Ms. Leiden: tasMhuhH. ‘ C f. also I'^ldn,  150, below, p. 496. A copy of the work is said to exist in private possession, cf. P. S  b a t h ,  A l- F i h r i s, S up pl em en t,   55 (Cairo 1940). * 'Abdalla h b. Ahmad, d. 620/1223 (cf. G A L ,   I, 398). ’ Cf.

I H d n , 

48, above, p. 335.

36 o

sition, a certain remark which refers to the fact that he was one of the blessed ^ Badr fighters and which is mentioned shortly before the (book on)  Ikr dh   in the  Sah ih   of al-Buhari,^ requires special interpretation and must not be understood literally. (It reads): “ I know what emboldened your companion— that is, ‘A li— to shed blood.” The same applies to al-‘Abbas’ statement to ‘Ali when the two came to ‘Umar in connection with the (disposition of the) property of the Banu Nadir, and to some of the things in the story which require interpretation unless they are accompanied by proofs.®  A ll this is go ve rne d by (the tra di tio ns ); “ Te ll the peo ple wh at they can understand. Would you want God and His Messenger to be considered liars? ” ^— “ Anyone telling people a story which is above their heads becomes a temptation for some.” ^ The re ligious leader, al-Layt b. Sa‘d, put it very well when he said that a person who hears the tradition: “ If Muhammad’s daughter, Fatimah, committed a theft, her hand would be cut off,” ®should exclaim: “ Heaven forbid, what an idea!”  A bu Da wi id re act ed ve ry cle ve rly at the me ntio n o f th e tra dit ion in which the Prophet (65) said to his daughter, Fa timah: “ If you did that, you would not enter Paradise until your father’s forbear sees it.” ®He made the meaningful remark; “A nd Muhammad  bol ste red his sta tem en t by an aw ful co nd iti on .”  As -S uh ay li ®sai d: “ It is n ot up to us to sa y such thi ngs ab ou t the parents of Muhammad,” and he gave reasons for this statement. It is my opinion that it is the correct attitude to make neither positive nor negative statements with regard to the parents of Muhammad, unless this should be necessary (and then only) in the com pany of persons who are firm in their faith. ‘AMsah’s 1 C f.

i H d n ,   35,

statement: “ I renounce but your name,” ^ gives the right idea of  wh at is me an t b y ren unc iati ons (rupt ures) am ong (the men aro und Muhammad). (References to) discussions among religious leaders in debates and research belong into the same category (of subjects which should be passed over in silence). There are some statements re garding the merits of certain authoritative religious leaders in the  Kitd h as-S imn ah  of the hadit   expert Abii s-§ayh b. Hibban ^which I wish he had not made. There are similar statements in the  Ka m il  of the hadit   expert Abu Ahmad b. ‘Adi,^ the  His tory of Bagdad  of the hadit   expert Abu Bakr al-Hatib, and in the works of their predecessors, such as Ibn Abi Saybah’s  Musan naf,^   al-Buhari, and an-Nasa’i.®Yet, all of them were scholars of independent judg ment, and their intentions were good. In this respect, one must not follow in their steps. Therefore, one of our teachers, a distin guished judge, reprimanded (a certain scholar) who was supposed to have discussed such material. When we studied al-Harawi’s  Kit db Da mm al- kaldm  ®with Ibn Haj ar, he even forba de us to transmit traditions on its authority, because it contained such material.  W he n a cer tai n res pec tab le sch ola r he ard the sto ry of H ati b  b. A bi B al ta ‘ah,^ he was car rie d aw ay b y his zea l an d disr ega rde d Ibn Abi Balta‘ah’s dignity as one of the men around Muhammad. Because of the unconsidered remarks he made on that occasion, he was scolded by one of the audience, and he had to hide one month. It was a divine punishment. He had previously taken offence at the biography of one of his friends by a student of Ibn Hajar and had attacked that (student) so violently that he was almost ruined. He had no other choice but to hide in the Mosque of ‘Amr a whole month until the affair had quieted down. His

above, p. 316, n. 4. 1 C f. a l - B u h M ,  S aM h,   IV, 131 K  r e h l ; Ibn Hanbal,  M u sn ad ,   VI, 61 (Cairo 1313). ^ ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Ja'far, d. 369/979 (cf. G A L S u p p l em e n t    I, 347; Ibn Hajar,

’ Al-Buhari,  Sa M h ,   IV, 3 3 2 f . K r e h l , c f . a l s o Concordance,   II, 1 4 8  b. * Cf. I. G o l d z i h e r ,  M u h . St ud i en ,   II, 102 (Halle 1888-90). * Cf. al-GazzMi, I h y d ^   I, 32 f. (Cairo 1334). For the first half of the tradition, cf. 46, above, p. 330, n. 4. ®Cf. al-GazzMi,

3 61

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH lw t’ s I*l  A n

op. cit.,  

I^ldn,

I, 32.

G A L ,   I,

’ 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Abdallah, d. 581/1185 (Cairo 1332/1914).

161).

(cf.

G A L , 

I, 413),

Raw'd al-unuf.  

395; Abu Nu'aym,

H i s t o r y o f I s f a h dn ,   II,

instead of Hibban). 2 'Abda llah b. 'Adi, d. 365/976 (cf. as-Sahmi,

* Cf. Muslim,  Sa M h,   II, 2 1 5 (Calcutta 1 2 6 5 / 1 8 4 9 ) ; Ibn Hanbal,  M us n ad ,   VI, 41 (Cairo 1 3 1 3 ) ;  Ab u Bakr b. al-'A rabi , '■Aridai al-ahwadt, X, 1 4 9 (Cairo 1350-52/1931-34). Cf. also al-Bayhaqi, al-Mahdsi n -wa-l-masdwi, 3 95 f . S c h w a l l y (Giessen 1 9 0 2 ) ;  Abu 1-Hasan al Amir i (?), as-Sa^ddah u'a-l-is^dd,   244 f. M i n o v i (Wiesbaden 1957-58); Ibn Ka tir, B i d d y a h , II, 144. ^ Sulayman b. al-A§‘ at, d. 275/889 (cf. » C f. Concordance,   I, 324a, line 27.

L i s d n ,   VI,

I, 113

1950; G A L ,   I, 167). *   'Abdallah b. Muhammad, d. 235/849 (cf.

90 D e

d e r i n g

,  where we find Ha yya n

T a ^r i h J u r j d n ,   225-27,

G A L S u p p l em e n t    I,

Hyderabad 1369/

215).

®Ahmad b. 'Ali, d. 303/915 (cf. G A L ,   I, 162 f.). • ‘ Abdallah b. Muham mad, d. 481/1089 (cf. G A L ,   I, 433; ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz, 14th tab.,   No. 27  W  u s t e n f e l d ; S. d e B e a u r e c e u i l , in  M el. de I 'l n st i tu t D om i n i ca i n

d ' £ t . O r . d u C a i r e   I,

9-38, II, 5-70, IV, 95-140, V, 47 - n 4 >VI, 55-122, VII, 1-20, 219-35

[1954 fT.]). ’ D. 30/650-51 (Ibn

Ka.^\v, Biddyah,  VII, 156). On his treasonable activities, cf. Ibn HiSam,

 St r ah ,  

809  W u s t e n f e l d .

36 2

 AS-SA HAW t’s I ‘ l  A n

TRANSLATION

attacker (who had caused that affair) now had an even more unpleas ant experience.

(One should be careful with remarks about persons) with whom one is connected by close ties, such as father or son. When Ibn al-Madini ^ was asked abou t his father, he replied: “ Ask someone else.” And when he was asked again, he looked down and reflected for a while. Then, he looked up and said: “ It is the religion (that

In addition to all this, a person is inclined to prefer those whom he likes, because they are his models, or he is their friend in God, or (they do him) a favor or the like, as a natural liking is felt for those who do one a favor,^ which goes so far that it has been said: " 0  God, do not let the evildoer bestow a favor upon me which might give him control over my feelings.” Ibn Ma‘in was extremely careful. When he came to Harran,  A bu S a ‘id Y ah ya b. ‘A bd all ah b. (66) ad -D ah h^ k al -B ab lu tti ^  wa nte d him to vi si t him, an d he sen t him a purs e wi th gol d and fine food. Ibn Ma^in accepted the food but returned the purse.  Wh en Ibn M a‘i n was lea vin g, he was ask ed ab out (al -B 4 blu tti) , and he said: “ Indeed, his gift is good, and his food fine, but he did not leam any (tradition) from al-AwzS,*!.” ^  Al-A ^mas re po rte dly said whe n he he ard ab ou t the ap poi ntm en t of al-Hasan b. ‘U marah ^ to the (court of) mazdlim  (injustices) ® of al-Kufah: “ He who treats us unjustly and who is the son of him  who tre at s us un ju stl y ha s bee n ap poi nte d to our (cou rt of) in ju s tices.” When, after a while, al-Hasan b. ‘Umarah provided some thing for him,® al- A‘m as reportedly said: “ He who has our in terest in mind and who is the son of him who has our interest in mind has been appointed to (the administration of) our interests  [masdli h).”   Asked about this (change of opinion), al-A‘mas report edly mentioned the tradition: “ A natur al liking is felt for one’s  be ne fac tor .” Th e who le sto ry, I thi nk, is no t cor rec t, es pec ial ly since it has been said that in no salon did rulers, kings and rich men appear to be more humble than in that of al-A‘mas, in spite of his great need and poverty.® We may assume that (al-A‘mas’s characterization of (al-Hasan b. ‘Umarah) underwent a change  wh en (the l att er) tur ne d to hon orin g th e (religio us) scho lars. B u t ho w could the chara cterization of his father change ? ........ ®

363

is involved). Well, he is a weak transmitter.” The father of W aki' b. al-Jarrah ^ was a director of finance. Therefore, Waki*, in his traditions, used to quote a second authority together with his father (and never his father alone).  A bu Da wu d, the aut ho r of the  Sun an,   said: “My son, ‘Abdallah, is a liar.” ®We (as-Sahawi) interpreted this in the  B a il al-ma jhud  {fi hatm as-Sunan li-Ahi Ddwud). Similarly, ad-Dahabi said with regard to his son, Abu Hurayrah,^ that he knew the Qur’an by heart but diverted his interest to other things and eventually forgot it.  Ac co rdi ng to the int rod uct ion of the  Sah ih  of Muslim, Zayd b.  A bi U na ys ah said : “ Do no t ta ke an y ma ter ial fro m my bro the r,  Yah yS., who is kno wn for ly in g. ” ® There are other such remarks. They are incompatible with the tradition (which, therefore, should not be relied upon) of Ishaq  b. Is m a‘ il al- Jii za ja ni— wh ich ad -D ar aq utn i rep ort ed in the GardHh  M dli k— , on the authority of Sa'id b. ‘Isa b. Ma‘n (Ma'in ?) al-Asja‘i, on the authority of Malik, on the authority of NM i‘, on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar, leading back to Muhammad: “ The purity of love for  yo ur Musl im br ot he r show s its elf in the fa ct th at yo u are be tte r to him in his absence than in his presence.” Moreover, ad-Dara qutni said the tradition was worthless, and after Malik, the transmit ters were weak ones.®  Ac co rd ing to ad -D ah ab i, the re wer e am ong the cali phs , the ir 1 ‘Ali b. ‘Abd allah b. Ja'far, d. at the end of 234/849, or 235

 [ T B ,   XI,

458 ff.). For the

remark on his father, cf. the biography of the latter in Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,   V, 176. The last sentence is not found in Ibn Hajar. For a list of Ibn al-Madini’s works, cf. al-Hak im an-

* Cf. below.

Nisaburi,  M a^ r i fa t ^u lum al -h ad tt,   71 M. H u s a y n (Beirut, n. y. [1965 ?]). * Waki' died in 197/812-13 ( T B ,   X III , 496 ff.). On his father, al-Jarrah b. Malik (d.

®D. 2 1 8 / 8 3 3 (al-Bu^iari, T a ^ r i h , IV, 2 , 2 8 8 ; as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  fol. 56a). Cf. T B ,  V II , ®'Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Amr, d. 157/774 (cf. G A L  Su pp lem en t  I, 308 f,). « D. 153/770  [ T B ,  V II, 345 fl.).

175/791-92, or 176), cf. T B ,   VI I, 252 f.; Ibn H ajar, Tahdtb, II, 66 ff. * 'AbdallElh b. Sulayman, d. 316/929  [ T B ,   I X, 464 ff.; G A L S u p p le m en t    I, 329). The strange remark of the father who appears to have been very fond of his prodigy son was

391.

®On the mazdlim, that is, cases that do not fall under the jurisdiction of  Sar t^ah courts, cf. E. T y a n , Histoire de I'organization judiciaire en pays d'Islam, II, 1 4 1 ff. (Paris 1 9 3 8 - 4 3 ) . * “For him” is found in the text of Ms. Leiden. The text of the edition of the i H d n  wou ld sug ges t tha t the gif ts wer e pro vid ed for the reli gio us sch olar s in gene ral. ’ A shorter version of the story which is even less creditable to al-A'mas is in T B ,  VI I, « Cf. T B * There seems to be an omission in the text here.

346 f.

,

I X , 8; Ibn Hajar,

Tahdtb,

IV, 2 2 3 f.

discussed by Ibn Hajar,

L i s d n ,   III,

294.

* D. 799/1396  [D ur ar ,   II, 341). ®Zayd died in 1 2 4 / 7 4 1 - 4 2 (al-Buhari, Ta^rih,   II, i, 3 5 5 ; ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz, 4 t h tab.,   no. 3 0 W x ) S T E N F E L D , has 1 2 5 ) .  Al-B uhari , Ta^rih,   IV, 2, 262, has no date for  Ya hya . Cf. Muslim,  Sa hi h, I, 1 5 7 (Bulaq 1 3 0 4 , margin of al-Qastallani, I r S d d ) . * This paragraph is derived from Ibn Hajar, L i s d n ,   I, 352 f. For al-JuzajSn i and al A§ ja% cf. Ibn Haja r,

L i s d n ,   I,

352 f., and III, 40.

364

365

 A S- SA H Aw t’ s I* l  A n

TRANSLATION

forbears, and families some whose condition the exponents of personahty criticism refrained from revealing. They were afraid that the y would suffer bodily harm. Said ad-D ahabi: “ This has always been true with regard to every dynasty in power (67). Historians used to describe their good sides and close their eyes to the bad ones.”

Similarly, divergences of opinion exist among Sufis and (ortho dox) jurists {ashdh al-furu^). There have been disputes among them which caused remarks on both sides. I say: There are, for instance, the remarks of Ibn Hiras ^ about Ahm ad b. ‘Abdah adD a b b i .2  Nobody, however, paid any attention to them, because

So it was when the historian was a religious and good man. However, when he was a sycophantic flatterer, he did not bother about morality. He often mentioned the bad sides and shortcomings of a great man in the guise of praise and as if those things were an indication of nobility and greatness. I s ay : In fact, in the biography of such a man, he often passes over something (negative) and says the contrary, and he does not write the same things about him after his death which he had written during his life. It is better to exercise discretion regarding the expressions (one uses) and to steer clear of outspokenness beyond secret allusions. Discretion is also indicated (in the case of the historian) who harbors enmity and hatred against (the person on whom he writes)  wh ich are th e re sul t of the ex ist en ce of je alo us y (amo ng the m) concerning their respective ranks. This is a frequent cause of differences and dissensions among contemporaries. In the  Jdmi'^ al-Hlm,  Ibn ‘Abd-al-Barr inserted a special chapter on "statements made about each other by— contemporary rival— scholars,” The y are not a cceptable, even if each of the scholars co ncerned is thor oughly trustworthy by himself.^ Often two contemporaries have something to do with each other, without any enmity existing among them, which some consider a different case (?). In this case, the same rule applies. (Even) if the two agree, non-acceptance is better. Such enmity is based upon the wrong assumption that one’s opposition is directed against the opponent’s religious beliefs which he supposes to be wrong. Here is something which may vitiate the cause of negative personality criticism. It may lead to mutual charges of heresy and innovation and create a bias which is believed to be religiosity, a means to appear religious and come near to God. This results in the accusation of heresy and innovation. Taqi-ad-din  b. Da qi q- al -‘i d ca lled att en tio n to thi s (situ atio n). In an cie nt and modern times, many instances of it are found. 1 C f . I b n 'A b d - a l - B ar r ,  J dm i^

 M u H d an -n i' -am ,

106 M  y h r m a n

bay dn al -H lm ,

II, 150 ff. (Cairo, n.y.). Of. also as-Subki, (London 1908).

Ibn Hiras was a Rafidi or a Hurrami. If this is so, (the historian) should not exalt those whom he likes  be yo nd the ir sta tio n bu t foll ow the afo re- me ntio ned exa mp les.  As a rule, ho we ver , hum an bei ngs can not kee p aw ay from (pa rtia li ty). “ Loving something makes one blind and deaf.” ® The eye of love is blind to every fault. The eye of hatred every vice uncovers.* (It would suffice,®) if exagge ration were harmfu l only in th e sense indicated by our religious leader as-§Mi‘i (68) when he said: “When ever I exalted someone more than he deserved, I lost as much, or more, esteem in his eyes.” Or similarly: “Three scorn you when  yo u hon or th em : Wo me n, pea san ts, an d sla ve s.” ®T his , too , is a remark by as-§Mi"i. (The second remark) limits the first remark in its application to the humble and lowly and excludes from it the noble (respectable classes). Consider, furthermore, (the tradit ion) : “ Love your friend with restraint. Perhaps, one day, he will be  yo ur ene my. A nd ha te yo ur ene my wi th res tra int. Pe rha ps, one day, he will be your friend.” Hatred should (at least) not cause the historian to adopt unfair methods, even if he is as a rule untrustworthy (because of the existence of hatred). This is why one hesitates to accept (traditions) of people of such habits. ^ 'Abd-ar-Rahnaan b. Yus uf, d. 283/896 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  l o t h tab.,  no. 51; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn , III , 444). If there was any concrete meaning connected w ith the expression ^iurrami in the mind of as-Sahawi, it was the same as that of Rafidi, Isma'ili. “ D. 245/859-60 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  I, 59). ®Cf. Concordance,  I, 409a. Cf. also al-BuMri, T a M h ,  I, 2, 107; al-Wassa^  MuwaSSd, 61 n o w   (Leiden 1886); al-'Askari,  Sind^at ayn,  133 (Cairo 1320); idem, Dtwdn al-ma^dnt, I, 228 (Cairo 1352); cil-Mawardi,  Ada b al-waztr,  24 (Cairo 1349/1929, ar-RasdHl an-nddirah, 5); Usamah b. Munqid,  Lubd b al-dddb,   231 (Cairo 1354/1935), with n. 2; Ahmad b. alHusayn al-Bayhaqi,  Ki tdb al-A ddb ,  ch. on ^asabtyah,  Ms. Cairo Hadit 43; Ibn al-Atir,

B r On

 Kd mi l, anno   182. * C f . F . R  o s e n t

h a l

, The Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship,

32 (Rome

1947,  Ana lecta Orie ntalia , 24). ®The text must be corrected in this sense. • Cf. T a § k  6 p r u z a d e h ,  Mi fid h as-sa^ddah.  III, 169 (Hyderabad 1328-56), with some  var iat ion s; Jam al-a d-d in al- Qa zwi ni (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 914),  M uf id al-^uliXm,  138 (Cairo 1310). ’ Cf. Usamah b. Munqid,  Lubd b al-dddb,  25 (Cairo 1354/1935), and the references given there in n. 5; aI-Wa§ga’,  MuwaSSd,   26 f. B r O n n o w   (Leiden 1886).

366

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘LAN

Taqi-ad-din b. Daqiq-al-‘id deserves the divine mercy because of his firm refusal to sign the affidavit against Taqi-ad-din b. Bint al-A ‘az z/ in spite of the bitter enmity between them. He went even further and scolded the men (who had come to him with the affi davit). He said: “ It is not permissible for me to sign it, ” and he returned the document. This added to his greatness and was an other indication of his abundant religiosity and faith. It was to  be ex pe cte d (th at Ib n Da qi q- al- ‘id wo uld ac t in thi s man ner), considering that it was he who had made the following statement: “ I never said or did anythin g unless I had prepared a justification for it (for the day when I would stand) before God.” Ibn Hajar wrote a biography of al-QayMi after his death, in  wh ich he said, in spi te of hi s p re vio us ly exp res sed low opi nion of h im and disregard of the fact that he was his teacher: “ (As a §Mi‘ite  judg e) he pra cti se d res tra int an d mo des ty. He ad mi tte d on ly a small number of substitutes (in court). He was very strict in legal questions and in all his af fa ir s. M a y God guide us in matters of anger and love. The fear that most of the afore-mentioned restrictions will not  be obs erv ed cau sed Ibn ‘A bd -a l-B ar r to exp res s the opin ion th at in the case of (religious) scholars, negative personality criticism  was ac ce pta ble on ly if it was acc om pan ied b y a cle ar pro of an d was clear itself.^  A s- §a fi‘ i sho we d ve ry cle ve r dis cre tio n wh en he sai d: “ W e were told by Isma‘il who is called Ibn ‘U layyah.” ^ He knew that (Isma‘il) disliked to be called by that name. However, as-Safi‘i  was allo wed to use it, since (Is ma ‘il) was no t ge ne ral ly kno wn by any other name. (The historian) should not use invented nicknames such as Ibn at-T arraq or Ibn Gafir as-sam a\ He should heed the statem ent of Muhamm ad: “ An unconsidered word causes the man who uses it to smart in the fire of Hell seventy autumns (years).” ® If the historian is able to express (his) negative criticism (69)  by mea ns of an inf orm ati ve hin t or a min imu m of outs pok enn ess , he is not permitted (to say) more. Things which are allowed because 1 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. ‘Abd-al-Wahhab, d. 695/1296 (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  X III, 346). > C f .  Da w\   VIII, 213. ®Cf. Ibn 'Abd-al-Barr,  Jdnii'- baydn al-'-ilm,  II, 152 (Cairo, n.y.). ‘ Isma'il b. Ibrahim, iio-93/728(729)-8o9 {TB,  VI, 229 ff.;  Fih ris t, 317, C airo 1348). His dislike for being called Ibn 'Ulayyah is mentioned in TB ,  VI, 230 f.;  Daw^,  VIII, 2, n. 5. ®Cf., sinularly, aI-Bu{jari,  SaM h,  IV , 225 f. K  r e h l .

TRANSLATION

3 67

there exists a need for them should be restricted to the requirements of the purpose.  Al- Mu za ni tol d the fol low ing sto ry whi ch has bee n tra ns mi tte d to us: “ When a s-§afi‘i once heard me say: ‘So-and-so is a liar,’ he said to me: ‘O < Ab u > Ibrahim, use only your nicest words. Do not say: 'L iar', but rather: 'H is tradition is nothing.” ’ In his exceedin g austerity (fairness), al-Buhari, likewise, rarely used the expressions liar or forger. Instead, he often said: “ The y  were sile nt ab ou t hi m .” — “ He is dis pu te d.” — “ He was le ft ou t,” and similar phrases. He also often said: “ So-and-so considered him a liar.”— “ So-and-so accused him of lying.” ^ In the introduction of the  SaM h,  Muslim reports that Ayyub asSahtiyani 2 disapproved of someone by saying: “ He is super numerary.” ®This expression was meant to be another name for lying. If (the person about whom information is received) is susceptible of (being considered as) being between the two extremes, the historian should not pronounce himself for one extreme. He should  wa it an d be car efu l. In such case s, soun d int erp ret ati on m ay sav e him from pitfalls. It happened that a certain judge was hesitant to accept some one’s testimony. That person came to him in secret and asked him for the reason of his hesitation. The judge explained that he had seen him in the vice-ridden Tabbalah district.^ The man replied: “ Yo ur honor, I had to be there on honest business. But w hat did  yo u ha ve to do th er e? ” Th e jud ge acc ep ted him and ent ere d his testimony. The historian must be acquainted with the process of trans mission. He must pronounce himself only with regard to what he has found to be true. Without a reliable authority, he is not permitted to transmit a tradition. This is required by the statement of Muhamm ad: “ A ma n is enough of a liar if he reports all he hears.” ®The historian should thus protect himself against the unconscious commission of (baseless) expansions, vilifications,  vit up er ati on s, an d (act s of) ho sti lit y. Oth erw ise , int ell ige nt peop le, ‘ iHdn,  52 f., above , p. 342. * Ayyub b. Abi Tamimah, d. 131/748-49 (al-Buhari, Ta^rth,  I, i, 409 f.). ®Muslim,  SaM h,  I, 136 (Bulaq 1304, margin of al-Qastallani,  IrSdd). *  Cf. al-Maqrizi,  Hi tat,   II, 125 f. and 165 f. (B ulaq 1270). ‘ Cf. Muslim,  SaM h,  I, 97 ff. (Bulaq 1304, margin of al-Qastallani,  IrSdd)',  al-Mizzi, Tahdtb al-Kamdl,  introduction (Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 25).

36 8

AS-SAHAWt’s I‘LAN

scholars, persons of noble birth, and sages will avoid his history, and only people of a similar or worse (character) will like (to see) it. (Baseless) expansions may also often cause him to be rejected and to lose esteem. 1 The historian should not be satisfied with the dissemination (of material), especially if the material entails a detestable attack against the merits of a pious scholar. In fact, if an incident contains something detrimental to the merits of a respectable person, the historian should make no effort to publicize it. A hint should suffice him. Otherwise, an indiscretion committed by the person involved might be definitely traced (70) to that person, and he would be disgraced for all time. This is indicated in the statement of (Mu hammad), the lawgiver; “Forgive the mistakes of respectable persons." ^ The historian should avoid devoting his attention to discredit able incidents which took place in the youth of a person who,  wi th Go d’s hel p, lat er on bec am e a mo del for othe rs. W ho is wi th  out fault (in this respect)! The Lord m arveled at a youth who was not lusty.® Youth is a kind of folly,^ and one (should rather) con sider his present condition. Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab put it very well: “ There is no noble, learned, or distinguished person"— with the exception of the prophets, that is— “ who is entirely free from faults. There are, howeve r, people whose faults must not be mentioned. In the case of the man whose virtues are greater than his short comings, the latter should be thrown in with the former.” ® This leads to another qualification required of the historian. He should know the different merits, conditions, and stations of people. He should not exalt men of lowly rank (more than they deserve), and he should not give men of high rank less honor (than they deserve). He should follow the statement of Muhammad: “ Assign people to their proper statio ns," ®tha t is, the respective good or bad (stations they deserve in view of their qualifications).

369

The historian should report only what he is forced to tell in the case of beatings, prison terms, humiliations, and the like which persons of dignity and authority may have suffered at the hands of the ruler (of their tim e). If possible, he should indica te wherev er disapproval is required. (His report) would then not serve as an encouragement or excuse for those who might like to do similar things. Thus, it happened to the accursed H ajji j in connection  wi th th e st or y of the ‘U ran is. Ac co rd ing to the (ch apte r on) Tibb of al-BuMri’s  Sa hi h}   Sallam b. Miskin ^ said; “ I have heard that al-Hajjaj— that is, Ibn Yusu f at-Taqafi— said to Anas b. M^lik;® ‘Tell me, what was the most severe punishment ever meted out by the P rophet ?' and Anas told him. When al-Hasan— that is, al-Basri— heard that, he said: T wish he had not told him.’ " In general, the qualifications which a historian must possess are (as we have said); Fairness; exactness, (the power to) distin guish, whenever necessary, between (reports which are) acceptable and (reports which must) be rejected, and between personalities of high and low rank; and a lack — which was described by someone as avoidance of (preconceived) purposes and tendencies— of worldly enm ity or of predilection which would lead to bias (in favor of someone). In addition, the historian should have an adequate understanding of the different kinds of learning, in particular the special cases and basic principles. He should understand the (tech nical) phrases and how they are used. (Otherwise), there is danger that he may use phrases not befitting the particular person with  wh om he is dea ling , an d he m ay bec ome the ta rg et of acc usa tio ns of detraction and vicious censoriousness. In spite of their qualities, this happened (71) to the great M ugultay ^ and the very w orthy Ibn Duq maq ®who held the right religious convictions and made no evil use of tongue and pen. It also happened to Ibn Abi Hajalah, even if he, in particular, was (not) free from blame ( ?).®A ll of them felt the bias of the enemy and (were threatened) by the snares of envy he set up for them.

* L e g. al-Jtsn,  instead of al-hS. * C f. Concordance, I V , i s o j i f . ®Cf. al-Muhasibi,  Ri^dyah, ig S m i t h (London Ibn Furak,  Bay dn muSki l a l-ahdd it,  para. 61 R  o al-Cazzali,  Ihyd^,  IV, 44 (Cairo 1334).

TRANSLATION

1 9 4 0 ,  E. b e r t

J. W. Gibb Mem . Serie s, N .S .,  15); (Rome 1 9 4 1 ,  Anal ecta Orient alia, 2 2 ) ;

* C f.  Lis dn al-^Arab,  I, 481 (Bulaq 1300-8); Abu Hayyan at-Tawhidi,  Imtd^,  II, 96 (Cairo 1939 -44 )‘ Cf. al-yatib al-Bagdadi,  Ki fdy ah ,  79 (Hyderabad 1357). * For this im,portant precept, which also appears in the furs tensp iege l   literature, of., for instance, Muslim,,  Saht h,  in the beginning; as-Saljawi, al-Jawahir wa-d-durar,  Paris ms. ar. 2105, fol. 2a.

1 The reference is to al-Buhari,  Saht h,  IV, 58 f. K  r

e h l

,  bu t the Ha jja j sto ry is, of cour se,

not derived from al-Buhari. “ D. 164/780-81, or 167/783-84 (al-Buhari, Ta^rth,  II, 2, 135; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,  VII, 2, 40 c h a u and others). * D. around 91-93/109-11 { E l , s . v . ) . *• Mugultay b. Qilij, d. 762/1361 (cf. G A L ,  II, 48). ‘ Ibrah im b. Muhammad, d. 809/1407 (cf. G A L ,  II, 50). • The correct reading may be ma'-zuran,  if the person referred to is the well-known  Ah ma d b. Y ah ya (d. 776/1 375, cf. G A L ,  II, 12 f.), who got into trouble because of his imita

Sa

tion of Ibn al-Fari(J.

370

 AS -S AH AW f’ s I ‘L AN

TRANSLATION

The hadit   expert and ascetic, Nur-ad-din al-Haytami/ could not enough d isparage W ali-ad-din b. Haldun, the Mahkite judge ,  bec aus e he ha d he ard th at Ibn Ha ldu n ha d me nti one d al- Hu sa yn  b. ‘A ll in his  His tory   and had used the following words: “ He was

fair. He must be acqua inted with the con dition of the persons  who se bio gra phi es he wri tes. Th ere sho uld be no frien dsh ip be twe en him and the subject of his biography, which would make him  bia sed in his fav or , and no en mi ty, wh ich wo uld caus e him to disparage him. A frequent m otive causing him to disparage the state ments of others is the difference of religious convictions and the  bel ief th at th ey are in error. He the refo re at ta ck s the m or does not give them enough praise.” Later on, as-Subki said: “ Some (his torians), in legal cases, are seized by a zeal for a certain juridical school and go through all possible stages of bias. This is one of the  wo rst tra its of (his toria ns). I ha ve seen adh ere nts of a pa rti cu lar  jur idi ca l sch ool who were so bia sed th at th ey refu sed, for inst anc e, to pray behind members of the other schools. There are more such things too repulsive to be mentioned. Woe unto them! How do they stand with God! If as-§afi‘i and Abu Hanifah were alive, they  wo uld str on gly dis ap pro ve of suc h p e o p le .. . , ” and so on. In the biogra phy of Ahmad b. Salih al-Misri^ in the Tabaqdt alkubrd,  as-Sub ki said:^ “H istorians often either give the people less honor (than they deserve) or exalt them (more than they de serve). The reason is either bias, or ignorance, or blind reliance upon the material of an untrustworthy transmitter, or some other such reason.” As-Subki continued: “ Ignorance is greater among historians than among the exponents of personality criticism. The same applies to bias. I have rarely seen a historical work free from it. The  Hist ory   of our teacher, ad-Dahab i— may G od pardon and not punish him— is a fine work full of material. However, it is overloaded with bias. Ad-Dahabi often attacks the men of re ligion— that is, the Sufis {al-fuqard " )— who are the cream of hu manity. He makes slanderous remarks against many §Mi‘ite and

killed by the sword of his grandfather (Muhammad).” Ibn Hajar said: “When our teacher’'— that is, al-Haytami— “m entioned this remark, he wept and cursed and abused Ibn Haldun.” Ibn Hajar added: “ This remark is not to be found in the  Hist ory   as it exists today. Ibn Haldun would seem to have mentioned it in the man uscript which he later revised.” ^— Howe ver, in connection with (the history of the) cahphs below, I shall quote a statem ent from Ibn Haldun which almost appears to confirm the fact that he made such a remark. We ask God to keep us safe (=this is an unpleasant subject).  An oth er qu ali fic ati on req uir ed of t he his tor ian is (moral) au ste rit y (fairness, wara^)  and the fear of God. He will thus refrain from resorting to guesswork and disputed combinations. (Otherwise), there is danger that he may fall under the statement of Muham mad: “ Bewa re of conjectures, for conjectures are the greatest lie.” 3 If the historian is known as learned but is not austere, it is a greater misfortune than vice versa. Austerity and the fear of God will restrain him and require him to investigate, (72) to do independent research, and to desist from (baseless) expansions. I have made this plain in several passages of my works. Taj-ad-din as-Subki referred to some of these qualifications (of the historian).  In ih e Kitd h M uHd an-ni''am,'^\iQmd.^Qt)\e  follow ing statement which in itself (in certain respects) is open to crit icism: “ They— that is, the historians— are ‘upon the brink of a  we ak und erm ine d san d du ne .’ Th ey ha ve pow er ov er the hon or of the people.® Often (73) they transmit either false or true reports  jus t as th ey he ard the m. Th e h isto ria n m ust be a sc hola r. He mu st be ^ ' A H  b. Ab i Ba kr , d. 807/1405 (cf. G A L ,  II, 76;  Supp lem ent  I I , 81, no. 6a, and 82, no. 10). 2 T h i s p a ss a ge , as w el l a s  IHdn,   94, below, p. 407, is derived from Ibn Hajar,  Raf^ a l-isr, 34 7   f- H a m i d ' A b d - a l - M a j i d and I b r a h i m a l - I b y A r i (Cairo 1 9 5 7 - 6 1 ) . Cf. also  Daw^, IV , 147.

 As is also ind icat ed in a foo tno te in the edi tion of the  IHdn,   the statement occurs in the published recensions of the  Muq addim ah ( 1 0 6 , Bulaq 1 2 7 4 ; 3 9 2 Paris; trans. F. R  o s e n  t h a l , I, 4 4 6 , n. 353 [New York 1958]) as a quotation from al-^Awdsim wa-l-qawdsim  of Abu Bakr b. al-‘Arabi and is branded as erroneous by Ibn Haldun. The text of the  Muq addi mah does not have “ sword” but  Sar'^\  “in accordance with the religious law.” ®Cf. Concordance,  I, 436a. *  105 f. M  y h r m a n (London 1908), trans. O. R  e s c h e r , 66 f. (C onstant inople ' Cf.  IHdn,   59, abov e, p. 352 f. Qu r’an ix 109 (n o FI.).

1925).

37 1

Hanafite religious leaders.”  As -S ub ki con tin ue d: “ He was too muc h aga ins t the A s'a rit es and gave too much praise to the anthropomorphists. Such is the case with ad-Dahabi, the model hadit   expert and respected religious leader. What, then, can be expected from common historians? In our opinion, their praise and censure should only be accepted if they possess the qualifications stipulated by him— that is, as1 D. 248/863 {TB,  IV, 195-202; as-Subki, Tabaqdt aS-SdfiHyah,  I, 186 ff., Cairo 1324; Ibn Hajar, Tahdib,  I, 39-42). *  IHdn, 73 io-75 ii (to, below, p. 374, line 13), is derived from Tabaqdt ai-SdfiHyah, I, 197-99 (Cairo 1324). ^  IHdn,   75i3-76, (below, p. 374, line 14, to p. 375, line 28), is derived f rom Tabaqat, 1, 190 f.

372

Subki’s father. 1 He said: ‘A historian mu st possess truthfulness.  Wh en he tra nsm its a trad itio n, he mu st sti ck to the wor din g, and not (merely) to the meaning. His material must not contain things  wh ich he pic ke d up in con ve rsa tion an d wro te down afte rwa rds . He must name the person on whose authority he reports (a story). These are four qualifications required (of the historian) regarding the transmission (of historical material) from others. Statements of his own and possible additions or omissions of his own in the transmitted biographical material require the following qualifica tions: (The historian) must know the position of the subject of the  bi og ra ph y in sch ola rshi p, (74) rel igi os ity , an d oth er thin gs. Th is is very difficult. He also must possess a good style, a knowledge of the ex act m eaning of (technical) phrases, and a good imagination,^ so as to be able to grasp in his mind the whole picture of the indi  vi du al who se bi og ra ph y he wri tes an d to pre sent it (to the reade r)  wi th no more an d no fewe r wor ds (tha n n ece ssa ry) . H e mu st not  be ove rco me by pre jud ice {hawd), or he will be misled by it to giving too insistent praise to his friends and to treating others with too great brevity. To this end, he must possess enough fairness, in order to overcome his prejudices {hawd)  and to be impartial. Otherwise, it is difficult to avoid prejudice {hawd).  These are four more quali fications (required of the historian). One might make them five, inasmuch as the possession of a good imagination and knowledge does not necessarily imply the presence of imagination at the time of writing. Therefore, a ready imagination should be added (as another qualification) to good imagination and knowledge. There are thus altogether nine qualifications required of the historian. The most difficult one is the insight into an individual’s position in scholarship. It requires that the historian himself be an active scholar in the same field (as his subject) and be close to his subject, so that he is able to ascertain his rank as a scholar.’”— Here ends as-Subki’s quotation from his father.  As -S ub ki co nti nue d: “ He pu t it ve ry wel l and ve ry ably.® He referred to an important point neglected by man y and respected by successful (scholars), namely, the (arbitrary) lengthening and short ening of biographies. Many a cautious (historian) mentions only the material he finds transmitted, but, coming to a person whom he 1 'All b. 'Abd-al-K Mi, d. 756/1355, or 755 (cf. G A L ,  II, 86-88). Cf. as-Safadi, Wdfi,  1,46 R  i

t t e r

TRANSLATION

A S - S A H A W f ' s I ‘l A n

.

®Tasawwur,  cf. above, p. 256, n. 2. ®Cf. the text of as-Subki, Tabaqdt,  I, 198,.

373

hates, he reports all his blameworthy traits and omits many of the praiseworthy ones. In the case of his friends, he does just the oppo site. The unfortunate man thinks that he does not commit a sin, since he is not required to write a long biography and to give a complete list of the praiseworthy traits of his subject. Misguided as he is, he does not realize that shortening a biography in such an intention is an expression of contempt for the subject of the biograph y and a fraud perpetrated against God, His messenger, and all Mus lims, as there exists the obHgation to report all praise and blame  whi ch an ind ivi du al is sai d to de ser ve .” I sa y: Such a (historian) is comparable to a student of philosophy and similar matters who tells (others) only the bad things he has learned. (Muhammad,) the lawgiver compared him to a person  wh o cam e to a she phe rd an d sai d to him : “ Le t us ha ve one of yo ur animals for slaughterin g.” Wh en the shepherd repHed: “T ake  wh ich ev er yo u wa nt ,” he he ade d for the shee p dog and too k it.^ Taj-ad-d in (as-Subki) continued : “ (The historian) who does the afore-mentioned thing is like someone who says, when a certain individual is mentioned in his presence: ‘Let us not mention him,’ or: ‘He is strange,’ or: ‘God improve him,’ and still thinks that he does not calumniate that person through the use of these expres sions. In fact, ho wever, it is one of the worst kind s of calumny. (As-Subki) continued: “ Also, he was ver y right to say: (75) He must not be overcome be prejudice. Pre judice overcome s everybody, except those whom God protects. However, the histo rian does not avoid prejudice by just thinking, in his stupidity or under the influence of a spirit of innovation, that it is not prejudice  bu t the tru th. In thi s case, he will not loo k for s om eth ing wi th wh ich he might subdue his prejudice, being convinced that he is right. This happens to many who quarrel because of differences in religious convictions. The word of nobody who is in such a situation should be accepted at its face value, unless it be a reliable person who reports something of proven accuracy which he had either seen with his own eyes or which he had verified. The expression: ‘of proven ac curacy,’ was chosen, in order to guard ourselves against the ad mission of trifles of unestablished accuracy which in no detail  wo uld sta nd up to inv es tig ati on and ver ific ati on . Th e exp res sio n: ‘which he had either seen with his own eyes or which he had veri fied,’ is (to stress the need for) eliminating material transmitted 1 Cf. Concordance, I, 343b.

374

 AS -S AH AW t’ s I ‘ l  A n

on the authority of those who either exaggerate or make under statements, in order to promote their own religious convictions. He also was right in considering as one of the required qualifi cations ‘learning and knowledge of the exact meaning of the (tech nical phrases).’ Ignorance caused many to express unnecessary negative criticism. In fact, the books of the ancient authors con tain such criticism of Ahmad b. Salih al-Misri, Abu Hatim ar-Razi,^ and others for (their occupation with) philosophy, because it was thought that theology  [Him al-kaldm)  was philosophy. The critics  were ref ute d by a refe renc e to the ir la ck of kno wle dge of bo th disciplines. Something similar applies to ad-Dahabi’s statement that al-Mizzi knew the intricacies of the speculative sciences. None of them knew anything about it.”  As -S ub ki the n sai d th at it is not per miss ible to re ly upon his teacher, ad-Dahabi, whenever he blames an As'arite or praises a Hanbalite.2  As-Subki reported that al-‘Ala’i^ described ad-Dahabi as a man whose religiosity, austerity (fairness), and discretion in his remarks about the people (the religious scholars) nobody would doubt. After that, al-‘Ala’i said that (ad-Dahabi) firmly held to the doctrine of the existence of positive qualities in God and rejected (allegoric) interpretation and the doctrine of the remoteness of God. He was filled with a strong aversion for the representatives of the doctrine of the remoteness of God and a strong inclination toward the representatives of the doctrine of the existence of positive attributes in God. Whenever he wrote the biography of one of the latter, he persistently described all his good sides and exerted all his efforts to describe him in terms of high praise. He overlooked his mistakes and whenever possible interpreted the facts in his favor. On the other hand, whenever he mentioned someone of the other group, such as the Imam al-Haramayn,* al-CrazzMi, and others, he did not try to describe them in praising terms. He men tioned attacks against them at great length. He repeated that, made (the attacks) appear prominent, and, in complete ignorance, con sidered this (procedure) religiosity. He disregarded, on the other 1 Muhammad b. Idris, d. 277/890  [TB ,  II, 7y77',   Ibn Hajar, Tahdih,  IX, 31-34). ^ Cf.  I ’-ldn,  56, above, p. 348. * Halil b. Kaykald i, d. 761/1359 (cf. G A L ,  II, 64!.). As an illustration of as-Subki’s relationship to al-'Ala’i, it may be noted that a manuscript belonging to the latter (al Am id i’s  Abk dr al-afk dr,  Ms. Aya Sofya 2165-66, cf. top left of the title-page of 2166) passed after his death into the possession of as-Subki (bottom right of the title-pages of both  vol um es, wit h the dat e 763/13 61-62) . * <^Abd-al-Malik b. 'A bda llah , d. 478/1085 (cf. G A L ,  I , 388 f.).

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hand, their outstanding good sides and did not report all of them.  W he ne ver he enc oun tere d som eth ing wro ng in them , he me ntio ned it. He did the same with our contemporaries. If he was not able to say (something derogatory) against (76) someone openly, he said in his biogra phy: ‘And may God improve him,’i or something similar— expressions prompted by differences in religious convictions. Taj-ad-din as-Subki remarked to that: “ The situation with ad-Dahabi is much more pronounced than he— that is, al-‘Ala ’i— describes it. Ad-Dahabi was our teacher and guide. However, truth deserves most to be followed.^ His bias was excessive to a ridiculous degree. I fear for him for the Day of Resurrection. Most Muslim scholars will be against him.” Late r on, Taj-ad -din (as-Subki) said; “Th e scholarly authorities have made us aware of the fact that it is forbidden to look at his remarks and to use his statements. He did not dare to show his historical works to anyone, except those of whom he could be rea sonably certain that they would not transmit any objectionable passages.” (As-Subki) then contested al-'Ala’i’s description of ad-Dahabi as a man of austerity and discretion. He himself used to believe that. He often considered (his statements) an expression of religios ity. He then had doubts about him when he saw him telling some thing which proved convincingly that he knew that it was a lie. He did not invent it but just loved to tell it (in spite of the fact that he knew th at it was a lie and should not have been told). In addition, ad-Dahabi had little knowledge of the exact meaning of (technical) phrases and lacked practice in the religio-juridical disciplines,” and so on.  As -S ub ki ’s rem ark s are ve ry ext rem e. He him self reli ed upo n ad-Dahabi in most of his biographies, and, as I have stated before  wi th the (ap prop riat e) exp ress ion of disapproval ,® was ex tre me ly  bia sed ag ain st the Ha nb ali tes . He was as bia sed and as sus pec t of calumny as he claimed ad-Dahabi was. I do not absolve ad-Dahabi of some of the accusations which (as-Subki) made against him. He accused Ibn al-Jawzi of having mentioned, in his book on Weak Transmitters,  those who attacked a transmitter, while omitting those who declared him trustworthy. Ibn Hajar said this in the * As-Subki has the correct text. “  IHdn,   58, above , p. 350 n. 4. *  IHdn,   56, above, p. 347  f-

376

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘LAN

 bi og ra ph y of Ab an b. Y az id a 1-‘Attar ^ in the Tahdib.^  I assume in his favor that he did not come across assertions of trustworthiness. Only God is perfect. For us, it is sufficient proof of ad-Dahabi's greatness that Ibn Hajar expressed the wish, while drinking the  wa te r of th e Za mz am (fou nta in in Mec ca), th at he mi gh t rea ch ad-Dah abi’s station. This has been mentioned above.^ Have people used any other books on the subject (of history) than those of ad-Dahabi from his time on and until the present day ? Hap py is the one whose mistakes can be counted.^  A t an y rat e, the dis sat isfie d ofte n did not ha ve the rec ogn itio n from ad-Dahabi which they thought was due to them. The reason  was th at in t he ir bio grap hie s, he eit he r g av e the m a lo wer ran k tha n the y thoug ht the y deserved, or something similar. An ex ample is (the story of) §ams-ad-din Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Bashan, the Qur’an reader, whom ad-Dahabi mentioned in the Tahaqdt al-qurrd \  Wh en Ibn Ba sh an saw wh at ad -D ah ab i ha d said, he wro te in thick letters some vituperative remarks directed against adDahabi upon the page in question which was in the handwriting of ad-Dahabi. This made his handwriting for the most part illegible.  W he n ad -D ah ab i saw (77) th at , he inc orp ora ted a bio gra ph y of Ibn Bashan in the  Mu'^jam  of his teachers. He described what had happened, and concluded: “And he himself wiped out his name from the list of Qur’an readers." ® I have seen an excellent creed by (ad-Dahabi) and an epistle  wr itt en b y him to Ib n Ta ym iy ah wh ich is a u sef ul arg um en t a gai nst the accusation of excessive bias (which has been leveled against him). On one occasion, ad-Dahabi swore that his “eyes had never seen anyone more learned and quick witted than (Ibn Tajrmiyah.). He also was austere in matters of eating, dress, and women, and he always tried to be fair.” (Ad-Dahabi) then said that he “spent long years in weighing and investigating him. He found that the only things that caused the setback to his (reputation) among the Egyptians and Syrians who hated and vilified him and called him a liar were haughtiness, vanity, pretentiousness, an excessive desire for occupying the first place among scholars, an inclination to  vi li fy th e g rea t, and a lo ve of p rom inen ce. Th is led to at ta ck s aga ins t

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him by people who were no more austere, learned, or ascetic than he. They closed their eyes to the sins and transgressions of their colleagues and friends. But God did not give them power o ver him  bec aus e of the ir fe ar of Go d and the ir own imp orta nce , bu t bec aus e of his sins. God’s support of him and his followers was greater (than His support of his enemies). They suffered only part of what they deserved.” ^ (Ad-Dahabi) said with regard to the Hanbalites: “ They possess useful knowledge, and, in general, they h ave religion. Th ey hav e little luck in this world. Some scholars speak (badly) of their creed and accuse them of anthropomorphism which (they say) belongs to them. They are, however, free from it. May God forgive them.” In the (chapter on) basic principles of religion, ad-Dahabi said that “ religion revolves around the knowledge of the Qur’an and the sunnah.  These two are the indispensable basic principles of the religion of Islam. But custom differs in what is called (the science of the basic principles of religion) a ccording to the different religious groups. In the opinion of the early generations, these basic principles  we re the be lief in God , His boo ks, mess enge rs, an d ang els, in His attributes, in predestination, and in the Qur’an as the uncreated  wo rd of God , as we ll as the acc ep tan ce of (the ex em pla ry ch ara cte r of) all the men around Muhamma d, and other basic principles of the sunnah.  In the opinion of the later generations, religion is their own bookish constructions built upon intellect and logic— just the things which in the eyes of the early generations degraded the persons devoted to them and stamped them as innovators. Among the later generations, there are great differences with regard to questions which ought to be disregarded b y good Muslims.^ Such differences generate spiritual disease. Whoever doubts that can leam it from experience. War reigns among fundamentalists {usuliyah).  They declare each other unbelievers or misguided. The fundamentalist who sticks to the plain meaning of the words and traditions is declared by his adversaries to be an anthropomorphist, a haswi,^  and an innovator. In turn, the fundamentalist  who (78) pro mo tes (alleg oric) int er pre tat ion wi ll be dec lare d ^ A d - D a h a bi ,  Bay dn zagal al-Hlm,   17 f. (Damascus 1347). The editor of the work, M

1 D. 160/776-77, according to L. C a e t a n i , Onomasticon Arabicum, 12  (Rome 1915). Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,   I, l oi f. ’  IHdn, 57, above, p. 349 f. *  IHdn, 61, above, p. 355, n. 5. *  IHdn, 57, above, p. 349.

Z a h id a l - K a w t a r i , says that the  Nas iha h ad-Da habtya h li-I bn Tay miy ah  whi ch he pu b

lished together with the  Bay dn zagal al-Hlm is the epistle to which as-Sahawi refers. * Ad-Dahabi alludes here to the well-known tradition; “An indication that a man is a good Muslim is that he disregards what does not concern him.” ’ A discussion of the term was undertaken by A. S. H a l k i n , in  J AO S, L I V , 1 - 2 8 (1934).

378

TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAw i ’s   I ‘LAN

 b y oth ers to be a Ja hm i and a M u't az ili an d to be in error. (The fundamentalist) who admits (the existence of) some (positive) attributes in God and rejects others and also permits (allegoric) interpretation in certain cases (and not in others) is called a person who contradicts himself. It would be better to go slow. You may excel in the basic (religious) principles and the logic, philosophy, and opinions of the ancients, and the speculative ideas connected with (those principles). You may, further, hold on to the Qur’an, the sunnah,  and the basic principles of the early generations. You may, moreover, combine the speculative and traditional sciences. Yet, I do not think that in these respects,  yo u wil l rea ch the sta tio n of Ibn Ta ym iy ah . Inde ed, yo u wil l not even come near it. And you have seen how he was degraded, aban doned, and considered to be in error, to be an unbeliever, and to  be a liar , rig ht ly or wro ngl y. Be for e he ent ere d upon thi s busin ess, he was brilliant and shining, with the mark of those early Muslims on his face. Then, he was wronged and exposed (to disgrace). His face was blackened (?) in the opinion of some people; he was an impostor, fraud, and unbeliever in the opinion of his enemies; an excellent, correct, and outstanding innovator in the opinion of many intelligent and excellent men; and the bearer of the banner of Islam, the guardian of the realm of religion, and the reviver of the sunnah  in the opinion of the great ma jority of his followers.” ^ (X— THE

INTRODUCTION

OF

THE

MUSLIM

ERA) ^

Opinions differ as to who was the first to institute the (Muslim) era {ta^rih). In the  His tory of Dam ascus,  Ibn ‘Asakir reported on the au thority  1

 Ba ydn zagal al-Hlm, i8 and 21-24 (Damascus 1347).

T h i s v e r y i m p o r t a n t s u b j e c t a l w a y s i n t e r e s te d M u s l i m s c h o l a r s, a n d t h e t r a d i t i o n s m e n t i o n e d b y a s - S a h a w i a r e f o u n d i n m a n y w o r k s . O n l y a f e w r e f e re n c e s m a y b e g i v e n h e r e :  A l-B uh ar i, Ta^rth, I, i, gi.; idem, Sahth, III, 59 K r e h l ; H a l i f a h b . H a y y a t , Ta^rih,  be g. [Ms. Rabat 1999]; at-Tabari, Ta^rth, I, 1250-56 D e G o e j e a n d o t h e r s ; a l -J a h s i y a r i , Wuzard^, fol. 9b M z i k ; as-Suli,  Ada b al-kuttdb, 1 7 8 - 8 6 ( C a i r o 1 3 4 1 ) ; I b n D u r u s t a w a y h ,  Kut tdb, 79 f. ( B e i r u t 1 9 2 7 ) ; a l - ' A s k a r i ,  AwdH l, Paris ms. ar. 5986, fol. 76a-b, and other awdHl   w or ks , such as as-Sibli,  Ma hds in al-wasd^il, Phot. Cairo TaM h 5557, fols. 93a-95a; al-Mas'udi, Tanbth, 196 ff. (on pre-Islam ic eras), 290 D e G o e j e ; H a m z a h a l - Is f a h am ,  His tory , I, 7 G o t t w a l d t ; a l- B ir u ni , al-Atdr al-bdqiyah, 2 9 f f . S a c h a u ; Ibn ^Asakir, Ta^rth Dima.^q, I, 1 8 f f . ; a d - D a b b i,  Bug yat al-mul tamis, 8 - 10 C o d e r a a n d R i b e r a ( M a d r i d 18 8 5 ,  Bib lioth eca  Ara bico -His pan a, 3); Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mir^d h, M s . T o p k a p u s a r a y , A h m e t III, 2907, fols. 3a-6b (a source of as-Sahaw i); al-Marzu qi,  Azm ina h, II, 271 (Hyderabad 1332); al-Maqrizi,  Hi tat, I, 284 (Bulaq 1270); as-Sahawi, Tibr, 3 (Bulaq 1315); as-Suyuti,  Samd rih, e d. S e y b o l d ( L e i d e n 1 8 9 4 ) ; a n d d o w n t o a t - T a h a n a w i ,  KaSSd f istil dhdt al-f unu n, 56 ff. (Calc utta 1862,  Bibl iothe ca Indic a) =   83 f. (Cairo 1382-/1963-), and 'Abd -ar-R ahm an al-Ja barti, ^Ajd^ib al-dtdr, I, 3 f. (Cairo 1301, i n t h e m a r g i n o f I b n a l - A t i r ’ s  Ka mil ).

379

of Anas that the (Muslim) era originated with the arrival of the Prophet in Medina.^  A l-A sm a‘ i like wis e sai d: “ Th e era sta rte d wi th R a bi ‘ I, the month of the hijrah.” In the  Ik lil ,  al-Hakim reported through Ibn Jurayj,^ on the authority of Abu Salimah,^ on the authority of Ibn Sihab az-Zuhri that upon arrival in Medina, Muhammad ordered the introduction of the (Muslim) era. It began in Rabi‘ I. This, however, is problematic. In accordance with Ibn ‘Asakir, it is believed that the (Muslim) era was introduced in the time of ‘Umar. This is generally assumed to be correct. Indeed, it is correct and well-known that (the event) took place during the caliphate of ‘Umar and that he chose, as the epoch (of the era), the hijrah of the Prophet and the month of al-Muharram of the year of the hijrah. Al-Buhari,^ on the a uthority of al-Qa‘nabi ,5 the authority of ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz b. Abi Hazim,® on the authority of Salimah b. Dinar,’ on the authority of Sahmah’s father, reported the following stateme nt of Sahl b. Sa ‘d as-Sa ‘idi:® “ Th ey did not count from the time when the call first came to the Prophet, or from the time of his death. They counted from the time of his arrival in Medina.”  Ac cor din g to (79) the rep ort of al- Ha kim , thr ou gh Mu s‘a b azZubayri,® ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz said: “The people missed the count. They did not count from the time when the call first came to the Prophet, or from the time of his arrival in Medina, but they counted from the time of his death.” Al-Hakim remarked (to this) that it was fantastic and then reported the tradition correctly, exactly Uke al-Buhari: “ .. . and not from the time of his death, but they counted from the time of his arrival in Medina.”— The expression: “ The people missed the count,” means: They neglected and omitted it, then corrected themselves in this respect. It was not meant to * I did not succeed in tracing this quotation in the  His tory of Dam ascus in precisely the same form in which it appears above. As-Sahawi appears to have derived it from Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, fol. 5b of the manuscript cited. * 'Abd-al-M alik b. '^Abd-al-'Aziz, d. 149/766-67, or 150 (TB, X, 400-7). 3  Abu Salima h b. 'Abd -ar- Ra hm an, d. around 100/718-19 (Ibn Hajar,

Tahdib, X I I ,

115-18).

‘  Saht h, III, 49 K  r

e h l

.

5 ‘Abdallah b. Maslamah, d. 221/836 (as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b, fol. 459 b)' D. 182/798-99, or 184 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  VI , 333). ’ D. around 140/757-58 (al-Buhari, T a M h , II, 2, 79 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb, IV, 143). ®D. 88/706-7 (al-Buhari, T a M h , II, 2, 98 f.). » Mus'ab b. 'Abdalla h, d. 235/851, or 233/848 (cf. GAL Supplement  I, 212; TB , X I I I , 112). The following 'Abd-al-'Aziz may, or may not, be identical with the one just mentioned (n. 6).

38 o

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘l A n

imply that the correct procedure should be different from what they did. It is, however, possible that this actually was meant and that (the author of the statement) was of the opinion that it would have been more appropriate to begin (the Muslim era) with the time  whe n the cal l firs t cam e to the Pr oph et, or wi th his dea th. Tn is is a possibility, but the other assumption is preferable. It is correct that the (Muslim) era started with the first of the  yea r.  A cer tai n sch ola r sho wed the pro pri ety of sta rti ng wi th the hijrah. There are four events in the life of Muhammad which might be used as epoch years of the era: His birth, (the year)  whe n the ca ll firs t cam e to him, the hijr ah, and his dea th. Th e selection of the hijrah was considered preferable. There are differ ences of opinion with regard to the exact year of his birth as we)l as the year when the call first came to him. The year of his death  wa s con sid ere d uns uit ab le be cau se of its sad asso cia tion s. Th e choice, thus, was restricted to the hijrah. (The beginning of yea r one)  wa s d ate d b ac k fro m R a bi ‘ I to al-M uha rra m, bec aus e the res olut ion to emigrate  [hijrah)  came (to Muhammad) in al-Muharram. The oath of allegiance took place in Du l-Hijjah,^ and this was the prel ude of the hijrah. The new moon of al-Muharram was the first after the oath of allegiance. The resolution to emigrate thus coin cides with the new moon of al-Muharram. I t was therefore quite proper to ma ke al-Muha rram (the month) in which (year one of) the era began. Ibn Ha jar said that this was the most convincing de fense of the propriety of beginning with al-Muharram he had come across. The reason for the introduction of the (Muslim) era is differently given. In his  His tory ,  Abu Nu'aym al-Fadl b. Dukayn— and, through Ibn D ukayn, al-Hakim— published this version, through as-Sa'bi:^ “A bu Musa al-As‘ari ®wrote to ‘Umar that they were receiving letters from him which were not dated  [ta^rih).  When ‘Umar, thereupon, called the people together, one man suggested the year when the call first came to Muhammad as the epoch of the era (to be introduced), while another one suggested the hijrah. ‘Umar said: ‘The hijrah has separated truth from falsehood. There fore, let it become the epoch of the era.’ This happened in the ^ The event is known as the Second 'Aqabah.

®'Amir b. Sarahil, or b. 'Abdallah b. Sarahil, d. between 227 ff.). * 'Abdalia h b. Qays, d. between 42/662-63 and 52/672.

381

TRANSLATION

103

and

106/721-25 (TB, XI ,

 ye ar 17/638. A fte r th ey ha d a gree d u pon th at , one of the m sug ges ted to start with Ramadan. ‘Umar, however, said: ‘No, rather with al-Muharram. It is the month in which people return from the pilgrimage.’ And they agreed to (‘Umar’s proposal).” The first to institute the (Muslim) era is said to have been Y a ‘la  b. U m ay ya h ^w hen he was in the Ye me n. Fr om the re, he wro te to ‘Umar (80) a letter that was dated  [mu^arrah).  ‘Umar liked it, and the (Muslim) era was instituted. This report was published  b y A hm ad b. Ha nb al. Th e cha in of tra nsm itte rs is sound . Th ere is, however, a break in the chain between ‘Am r b. Dinar ^and Ya ‘la.  Ac co rdi ng to al -H ay ta m b. ‘Adi,® too, the fir st to in sti tu te the (Muslim) era was Y a ‘la. It was reported by Ahm ad (b. Hanbal), by A bu ‘Arubah* in the  AwdHl,   by al-Buhariinthe. 4
Ta^rth,   IV,

2, 414; Ibn Sa'^d,

Tabaqdt, V , ^37 S a c h a u

and others; Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,   X I, 399 f. “ D. 126/743-44 (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,  V, 353 f. S a c h a u and others). “ D. 206/821-22, or 207 (cf. GAL Supplement I, 213; al-Qifti,  Inbd h, Phot. Cairo Ta’rili 2579, II, 303-7; a d - D u r i ,  Ba ht f t naP at Him at-t aM h, 319-25 [Beirut i960]). As-Saljawi’s information is derived from Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mir^dh, Ms. Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2907, fol. 6a. * AI-Hus ayn b. Muhammad b. Mawdud al-Harrani, d. 318/930-31 ( G A L , new ed., II, 663;  Fi hr ist  322, Cairo 1348 = 230 F l u g e l ;  Y. al-‘ Iss,  Fi hr is maht utdt Dd r al-kut ub az-^d hiri -

yah, 169, Damascus 1366/1947). His  Kitd b al-Awd^ il  was studie d by as-Sibli,  Mah,ds in alwasdHl, Phot. Cairo T a’rih 5557, fol. 5a, and quoted by Taqi-ad-d in al-F asi, ^ifd^ al-gardm, I, 206 (Mecca-Cairo 1956). Cf. also F u a t S e z g i n , in  Isld m Tet kik ler i Ens titu su Der gisi, II, 255 f. (i960). ‘ Apparently, neither in the  Saiit h nor in the  A dab al-M ufr ad  (Cairo 1375)* Born 40/660-61, died 118/736, or 117 (al-B uMri, Ta^rih, IV, i, 338 f.). ’ The fact that the document  [sakk)  was an I.O .U. is expre ssly state d by Ibn Katir ,

 Bidd yah ,  V II , 73. Ibn Ka tir’ s source is al-Wa qidi. Cf. above, p. 251. For another story about a check or draft involving 'Umar, cf. G. J a c o b ,  Di e dltesten  Spure n des Wechse ls, in  Mit teilu ngen des Sem inars fi ir or. Spr achen , Westa s. S tudi en, X X V I I I , 280 f. (1928). * His name is supposed to have been Suhaym, or 'Amir  b. Hafs, d. 190/805-6 (Fihrist, 138, Cairo 1348 = 94 F l u g e l ). His  Kit db an-N asab is quoted by Ibn Hallikan, IV, 244 trans. D e S l a n e .  As-S aljaw i derive d his informat ion from Sibt Ibn al-Ja wzi, fols. 5b-6a of the manuscript cited.

382

a s

TRANSLATION

- s a h A w 1’s i ‘l a n

asked them which day should be chosen as the beginning of the (MusHm) era. ‘Ali suggested the day of Muhammad’s departure from Mecca, the territory of polytheism — that is, his departure for Medina. ‘Um ar followed ‘A ll’s suggestion.” ^ Ibn Abi Ha ytam ah ^ reported, through Muha mmad b. Sirin,® that the latter said: "Someone arrived from the Yemen and said that he had seen there something which was called by the Yemen ites ta^rih  and used by them (to date) documents from a certain year and month. Whereupon ‘Umar said; T hi s is fine. Le t us institute an era {anihu).’   When this was agreed upon, some people suggested the year of Muhammad’s birth as the epoch of the era. Others suggested the year when the call first came to him, or the year  whe n he em igr ate d (from Mec ca to Med ina), or the ye ar of his death. ‘Umar decided to use the year when Muhammad left Mecca for Medina as the epoch year of the era.” Then, (‘Umar) asked: ‘With which month shall we begin?’ Some people suggested Rajab, and someone Ramadan. ‘Uma r said: ‘Let us use al-Muharram as the beginning of the era. Al-Muharram is a sacred month. It is the first month of the year, and the month in which people return from the pilgrimag e.’ This happened in Rabi‘ I of the year 17/638.  W e lea rn from the se com bin ed rep orts th at al- Mu har ram (as the first month of the Muslim era) was indicated by ‘Umar, ‘Utman, and ‘All.  We also ha ve the foll ow ing rep ort on the au th or ity of ‘A m r b. Dinar, on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas: “ The era originated in the  ye ar in wh ich the Pro phe t ar riv ed in Medi na. In the sam e yea r, ‘Abdallah b. az-Zu bayr was born. Before that, the Ye ar of the Elephant was used by the Arabs as the epoch of their era. This is the year in which Muhammad was born.” Sa‘d b. Abi Waqqas ^suggested to ‘Umar the year of the death ‘ Cf. Halifah b. H ayya t, p. 6 of the Raba t manuscript 199?.

^  Ahm ad

b. Zuha yr, d. 279/893 (cf.

G A L S u p p l em e n t    I,

272). He is also quoted as the

authority for this story by Ibn al-Furat, Paris m. ar. 1595, fol. 127a. Ibn al-F urat’s source  was the T a ^r i h a l - M u z a f f a r t    by Ibn Abi d-dam. The manuscript of Ibn Abi ^laytamah’s Ta'^rih in Fez, Qarawiyin (now numbered 244/40  I), containing the third book, is dated in 610/1213 and was supposedly collated with the original manuscript of the first transmitter of the work, Qasim b. Asbag (d. 340/951). Part of the work, beginning with Murrah b. Sarahil and ending with ar-Rabi' b. H utaym , also exists in Rabat,  2 67 1k   (Kattani). The Rabat manuscript is written on parchment with a study note dated 322/933-34 of Qasim  b. Asb ag. It may , howev er, be a late r c opy, as the d ate of p archme nt manusc ripts is a lway s particularly difficult to judge. 3 D. 110/728-29 (cf. G A L ,   I, 66). ‘ D. around 5 2 - 5 5 / 6 7 2 - 7 5 (al-Buhari,

T a M h ,   II,

2, 44; Ibn Katir,

B i d d y a h ,   VIII,

72-78).

383

of the Prophet as the epoch of the era. ‘Ali, however, suggested the hijrah, because (8i) the hijrah has separate d truth from false hood and given victory to Islam. The Muslims, (consequently), generally agreed to use the year of the hijrah as the beginning of the era, since it was the year in which Islam and the Muslims (first) showed their strength. Then, there was some disagreement with regard to the month. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. ‘Awf ^ suggested Rajab, because it was the first of the sacred months. ‘Ali, how ever, suggested al-Muharram,  bec aus e it wa s the firs t mo nth of the ye ar and one of the sac red months. ‘Umar followed ‘All’s suggestion, and this usage spread to all Muslim territories.  A rep ort on the au th or ity of Ib n ‘A bb as sta tes th at the re ex ist ed no era in Medina when the Prophet arrived there. People came to use an era a month or two after his arrival. This continued until Muhammad’s death. Then, the use of an era was discontinued, and there was none during the caliphate of Abu Bak r and the first four years of the caliphate of ‘Umar. Then, the (Muslim) era was established. ^ ‘Umar is reported to have said to the assembled dignitaries among the men around Muhammad: “ The income is considerable.  W ha t we ha ve dis tri bu ted has bee n wi th ou t fix ed date s. Ho w can  we rem ed y th at ?” ®One ans wer cam e from al- Hu rm uza n. He ha d  bee n kin g of al- Ah wa z. A fte r his cap tur e dur ing the con que st of Persia, he had been brought to ‘Umar and had become a Muslim. He said that the Persians had a (method of) calculation which they called mdhroz   and which they ascribed to their Sasanian rulers. The  wo rd mdhroz   was arabicized as mu'^arrah,  and the infinitive ta^rih  wa s form ed from it. It wa s also used in all the oth er forms . AlHurmu zan then explained to them how to use it. ‘ Umar, (how ever,) said: “ Give the people an era which they can use in busi ness and which permits them an exact indication of the date in their mutual deahngs.” A Jewish convert to Islam who w as present said: “ We (Jews) have a similar calculation which we ascribe to Alex  ander.” The others, however, did not like that era, because it was too remote. Some were for the adoption of the Persian era. It was. 1 D. 32/652-53, cf., for instance, Ibn S a‘d,

Tabaqdt,  

III, i, 87-89 S a

c h a u

and others.

* Cf. Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, fol. 5b of the manuscript cited. ^ A similar famous story attach es to the introduction of government bureaus, cf., for instance, al-Baladuri,

F u t u h , 

449 D

e

Go

e j e

; as-Suli,

 A da b al- k ut tdb ,  

190 (Cairo 1341).

3^4

TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAWt’S I‘LAN

however, objected that the Persian era had no fixed epoch year and always s tarted entirely anew with th e ascension (to the throne) of each new king. An agreement was reached to institute the era of the rule of Islam, beginning with the hijrah of the Prophet from Mecca to Medina. There are no such differences of opinion  wi th reg ard to the da te of the hij rah as the re are wi th reg ard to the time when the call first came to Muhammad and with regard to the day and year of his birth. And although the date of his death is fixed, it is no pleasant thought to use (such a sad event) as the  beg inn ing (82) of the era. Th e hijr ah, mo reo ver , coi ncid ed in tim e  wi th the succ ess of the reli gion {millah)  of Islam, the frequent arrival of embassies, and the Muslim ascent to power. It is a time of blessings and a very impressive (historical) event. The hijrah took place on Tuesday, R abi‘ I, 8th. The first of that year— that is, al-Muharram— fell on a Thursday according to the average (cal culation?). A fter this had become generally ^ known, it was con sidered (the correct date). However, according to observation (of the new moon) and astronomical (?) calculation, the day fell on a Friday. The author of the  Nih dya t al-idrdk ^ said that (the hijrah) ®was used, and for all future times the era was counted from it. Agreement on this matter was reached in the year 17 of the hijrah, the fourth year of the cahphate of ‘Umar. Until then, each year (after the hijrah) was called after its main event, and this was used for dating purposes. The first year of the Prophet’s residence in Medina was thus called: ‘The permission to trav el’— that is, from Mecca to Medina. The second year was called; ‘The  ye ar of the com ma nd to fig h t.’ Th e thi rd ye ar ; ‘Th e ye ar of the test,’ and so on. Afterwards, the custom of naming the years after the main events was abandoned. ‘Ub ayd b. ‘Umayr^ said: “ Al-Muharram is the month of God. It is the beginning of the year. It is used as the beginning of the era. In al-Muharram, the K a‘bah is clothed, and m oney is coined. ‘ Probably referriug to the religious scholars, according to the text of the (n. 2).

Nihayah

* Mahmud b. Mas'ud a§-§irazi (d. 710/1311, cf. G A L ,   II , 2 11 f.), N i h d y a t a l - i d r d k , third maqalah,   tenth hah.  I consulted the Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 133. This whole paragraph  was deriv ed by as-Sa hawi from as-Sirazi, not direc tly, howeve r, but through al-K afiy aji, see above, p. 251. As-Sirazi’s source, in turn, may have been the  M un ta hd   of al-IIaraqi (cf. G A L ,   I, 473), or any other of the astronomical works which customarily included a section on ta^rih.

“  Al-B iriini , al-Atdr al-hdqiyah, 30^ f. S a

c h a u

, suggests that the pronoun here refers to

the era of the hijrah (and should probably be feminine also at the first occurrence). * Cf. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt,   V, 341 f. S a c h a u and others.

385

There is one day in al-Muharram on which repenting sinners are forgiven.”  A tra di tio n reg ard ing “ the firs t mo nth of the ye ar be ing alMuharram,” ascribed to Muhammad, appears in ad-Daylam i’s  Firda ws.  Ad-Daylami’s son reported the same tradition on the authority of ‘All without the indication of a chain of transmitters.^ This much has been said about the Muslim era. As to preIslamic eras, Ibn al-Jawzi reported through ‘Amir as-Sa‘bi that the latter said: “ When the children of Adam multiplied and spread upon earth, they used an era which started with the fall of Adam and covered the period from Adam to the Deluge; from there to the Fire of Ibrah im (into which he was thrown and from  wh ich he was sa ve d b y God);^ from the re to the per iod of Yu su f; from there to the exodus of Musa and the children of Israel from E gy pt ; from there to the period of Da wu d; from there to the period of Sulayman; and from there to the period of ‘Isa.” ® This story was reported by Muhammad b. Ishaq,^ on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbas. There are different versions. One of them runs: “ The era after  A da m co ve red the per iod from Ad am to the De lug e; from the re to the period of the Fire of Ibrahim; from there (83) to the building of the K a ‘bah— an epoch introduced by the children of Isma ‘il— ; from there to Ma‘add b. ‘Adnan; from there to Ka ‘b b. Lu 'ayy ; and from there to the Year of the Elephant.” This story was re ported by al-Waqidi.®  Ac co rd ing to a cer tai n au th or ity , the chi ldre n of Ibr ah im used an era covering the period from the Fire of Ibrahim to the con struction of the Ka ‘bah by Ibrahim and Isma'il. Then, the children of Isma‘il introduced an era which covered the period from the construction of the K a ‘bah to their dispersal. Whenev er a group of people left the Tihamah (in which Mecca was situated), they introduced a (new) era which began with the year of their respective exodus. Those of the children of Isma‘il who remained in the Tihamah used an era which covered the period from the exodus of the Banu Zayd, Sa‘d, Fahd, and Juhaynah from the Tihamah ‘ F i r d a w s ,   Ms. Cairo Hadit 355,  s. v. aw w al. * Cf. Qur’an xxi 68-69 (68-69 FI.). ®Ibn al-Jawzi, Talqih fuhum ahl al-atar,   Paris ms. ar. 734, fol. 49. For this and the following paragraph, as-Sahawi’s immediate source was Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, fol. 4b. * The author of the  S i r ah ,   d. 150/767, or 151 (cf. G A L , I, 134 f.; H. R. I d r i s , in  St ud i a

I s l a m i c a , 

XV II, 23-35 [1962-63]). ‘ Muhammad b. 'Umar, d. 207/823 (cf.

Rosenthal,

G A L ,   I,

History of Muslim Historiography

135 f.).

25

386

as

- s a h  A  w  ! ’ s

i *l  A n

to the death of K a ‘b b. Lu’a yy, Then, the y introduced an era which covered the period from the death of Ka ‘b b. Lu ’ayy to (the Year of) the Elephant. Then, there was an era which covered the period from (the Year of) the Elephant to ‘Umar’s introduction of the era of the hijrah. This took place in the year i6, 17, or 18/637-39.  An oth er ^ (sto ry ab ou t pre -Is lam ic eras) sta tes th at th e H im ya rites used (the reigns of) the Tubba‘s as the epoch years of their era; the Cassanids (the break of) the Dam (of Ma’ rib) and the in habitants of San‘a’ (first) the victory over the Yemen by the  Ab yss ini an s, an d lat er on the Pe rsi an con qu est (of th e Ye me n). The Arabs then used the famous battle days, such as the war of al-Basus, Dahis, and al-6abra*, the day of Du Qar, al-Fijar, and so on. Between the war of al-Basus and the year when the call first came to the Prophet, there was an interval of sixty years. This story was told by Muhammad b. Sa ‘d,®on the au thority of Ibn alKalbi.^  An ot he r (such sto ry) sta tes th at the Pe rsia ns ha d (four) eras (which started with the first rulers of the) four classes of their kings: Kayumart, or Tayumart, with t   instead of k,  also called Gil §§,h, “ King of Clay,” who is believed to be identical with Adam,  Ya zd ja rd , Ar da sir b. B^b ak, an d An us ar wa n th e Ju st. Th is (sto ry)  was tol d by Hi sam b. al -K alb i, on the au th or ity of his father.® (Ibn al-Kalbi) said: “The Byzantines (Rum) used an era which covered the period from the death of Dara b. Dara to the victory of the Persians over them. The Copts used an era which covered the period from Buhtnassar to Cleopatra, mistress of Egypt. The Jews used an era which began with the destruction of the Temple. The Christians used an era which began with the ascension of ‘Isa the Messiah.”  A bu M a‘ sar ®sai d: “ Most his tor (ic al date s) are fa ul ty and co rru pt. ‘ The following information, down to p. 387, line 13 (“are lying” ), is again derived from Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, fols. 4a-5b. * Cf. al-Mas'udi, Tanbth,   202 D e 5 L a n d b e r g (Leiden 1888).

Path,

G

o e j e

, and

especially, 'Imad-ad-din al-Isfah^ni,

^ The author of the Tabaqdt,   d. 230/845 (cf. G A L ,   I, 136 f.). b. Muhamm ad, d. 204/819-20, or 206 (cf. G A L ,   I, 138-40).

*   HiSam,

‘ Muhammad b. as-S a% , d. 146/763 1348 = 95 F l u g e l ).

( G A L S u p p l e m e n t    I,

387

TRANSLATION

331 f.;

F i h r i s t ,   139

f., Cairo

* Ja^far b. Muhamm ad, d. 272/886 (cf. G A L ,   I, 221 f.). The same quotation is found in Hamzah al-Isfah 4ni, H i s t o r y , I, 9 If. G o t t w a l d t ,  who presu mably was the source of Ibn al-Barizi, op. cit.   (above, p. 88, n. 2), fol. 50b.

 A per iod of gro win g len gth affe cts the ch ron olo gy of a nat ion . Through the transcription from one book to the other and the translation from one language into the other, errors creep in.i The (time intervals) are figured either too long or too short. Such error (84) can be found in the ind ication of the num ber of years which elapsed between Adam , Nuh, and the prophets. The Jews in this case differ considerably (in their figures). There is much similar confusion in the histories of the Persians, in spite of the continuity of their rule right down to its end.” ^ The proof of the correctness of Abu Ma'sar's remark is found in the statement of Muhammad: “ Do not go beyond ‘Adnan. The genealogers (who went beyond ‘Adnan in the genealogy of Muham mad) are lying.” ® Ibn al-A tir said:^ “E ach Ar ab (Bedouin) group used their most famous event as the epoch of an era. They had no common era. This is shown by the verse of a certain (ancient Arab poet) I hope to live forever. My mind  A nd the ye ar of m y bir th da te ba ck to Hujr.®  Als o b y the ver se of al -J a‘ di :’  W ho ev er ask s ab ou t me — I was  A yo un g ma n in th e da ys of the cam el disease.® ‘ The same idea was expressed more concisely by al-Hamawi,

at-Ta^rih al-Man s 4 r i ,

fol. 3a-b G r y a z n e v i c h (Moscow i960). * According to at-Tabari, I, 353 f. d e G o e j e and others, no nation except the Persians (and the Israelites) can be known historica lly (chronologically), because such knowledge requires a period of consecutive rule as existed only among the Persians and the Israelites. ®Cf. Ibn Katir, B i d d y a h ,   II, 194; E. B r a u n l i c h , Beitrage zur Gesellschaftsordnung der 

arabischen Beduinenstdmme, in I s l a m i c a ,   VI, 72 (1933). * K d m i l ,   I, 6 f. (Cairo 1301), whose source is at-Tabari, Ta^rth,  

I, 1254 D

e

Go

e j e

and

others. ®The poet is said to be ar-Rabi‘ b. Dabu*^ al-Fazari, a contemporary of Imju’u-l-qays. Cf. al-Marzuqi,

 A zm i n ah ,  

II,

276

(Hyderabad

1332).

* Hujr b. ‘Amr, the father of Imru’u-l-qays. ’ An-N 4 biga h al-J a'di , d. 65/684 (cf. G A L

S u p p l em e n t    I, 92 f.), one of the “ macro  bioti cs.” His verse is quote d b y Ibn Salla m al-Jum ahi, Tabaqdt aS-Su^ard^, 26 H e l l (Leiden 1916); Ibn Habib,  M uh ab bar , 8 L i c h t e n s t a e d t e r (Hyderabad 1361/1942); as-Suli,  A da b al-kuttdb, ly g   (Cairo 1341); al-Mas'udi, Tanbth,   204 D e G o e j e ;  A g dn t,   IV, 129 (Bulaq  1285); al-'Askari,  A w dH l,   Paris ms. ar. 5986, fol. 76a; al-Marzuqi, loc. cit. ;   Ibn al-Barizi, op. cit.   (above, p. 88, n. 2), fol. 4oa-b, with a long discussion of the meaning of h u n d n ; asSafadi, W d f i ,   I, 10 R  i t t e r ; al-Marzubani, Nu r al-qabas,   127 S e l l h e i m . Cf. also M. N a l l j n o , in R S O ,   X IV , 429-31 (1934). The first half-verse is also used in other connections, cf. G. L e v i d e l l a V  i d a , Les “Livres des chevaux”,   75 (Leiden 1928, Publications de la Fondation “D e Goeje”, 8). * “The time of al-hundn   (glanders)” of which many camels died is placed by Arabic tradition in the period of al-Mundir b. M^’-as-sam^’ .

388

a s

- s a h A w 1’s i ‘l A n

TRANSLATION

389

 A nd by the ver se of anoth er:^

(85) of Huwarizm and Syria, the kings of the Tatars, and all those

She was but in skirt and blouse quite young when it happened

(others) who were called kings. 6— The history of the wazirs. The first of them was Harun (the Biblical Aaron), then, Abu Bakr, and ‘Umar, and many others. Some of them fall under (the history of) the prophets, caliphs, etc.,

that The son of Hammam went on a raid ’gainst the H at‘am tribe. Each of the poets used a famous event as the epoch of his partic ular era. If there had been a common era, they would not have used different ones." (xi—

T H E W O R KS O N H I ST O R Y)

The works on history are very many and cannot be completely enumerated. In the  Kit dh Isl dh Ihn as-Saldh ,  as I read in the author’s handwriting, the hadit   expert ‘A la’-ad-din Mugultay alHanafi said: “ I have seen someone who owned about a thousand  wo rks on hi st or y. ” (A.

Historical

works according classification)

to

ad-Dahabi’s

I have seen the following statement in the handwriting of the hadit   expert and authoritative historian, Abu ‘Abdall&.h ad-Daha bi:^ “ (Th ese are) the diff ere nt kin ds of his tor ica l wo rks wh ich ent er into my great comprehensive History— and I did not especially exert myself, but if I had done it, they would have come to six hundred volumes: 1— The biography of our Prophet. 2— The stories of the prophets. 3— The history of the men around Muhammad. 4— The history of the caliphs from among the men around Muhammad, the Umayyads and ‘Abbasids, as well as the history of the Marwanids in Spain and the ‘Ubaydids in Northwest Africa and Egypt. 5— The h istory of kings and dynasties and of the Persian and Byzantine rulers as well as the history of the kings of Islam, such as the Tulunids, Ihsidids, Buyids, Saljuqs, and others, the kings 1 According to at-Tabari, loc. cit., the poet was a contemporary of the other poets, but he has been identified with the early Islanaic poet Humayd b. Tawr (cf. also al-Mubarrad,  W  r i g h t , Leipzig 1864). The second half of the verse is quoted in  A g dn t,   V I I , 119 (Bulaq 1285 = V III , 175, Cairo 1935); L i s d n a l - A r a b ,   XII, 141.

K a m i l ,   115

* According to the end of the quotation ( I H d n ,   86, below, p. 391), as-Sahawi seems to have gotten it indirectly through Ibn Hajar. It is also not from the H i s t o r y o f I s l a m of  ad-Dahabi.

and kings. 7— The histor y of amirs, high officials, governors of the realm, and great secretaries. A number of them were executives, and others were litterateurs and poets. 8— The h istory of jurists and members of the (juridical) schools, the religious leaders of the different periods, and the legal experts in inheritance matters.— I say: Independent scholars who became authorities and others fall under this (category). 9— The history of the Qur’an readers who were versed in the seven different readings. 10— The history of the hadit   experts {huffdz). 11— The history of the leading hadit   scholars. 12— The history of historians. 13— The history of grammarians, litterateurs, lexicographers, poets, stylists, metricians, and computers. 14— The history of God's servants, ascetics, saints, Sufis, and devout men. 15— The history of judges and governors, as well as the history of official witnesses and law officials. 16— The history of teachers, bookdealers (or copyists), story  tellers, itinerant (charlatans),^ and mountebanks. 17— The history of predicants and preachers, chanters, booncompanions, and musical entertainers. 18— The history of the noble, generous, intelligent, quickw itted, and wise. 19— The h istory of physicians, philosophers, heretics, geometri cians, and so on. 20— ^The his tor y of theologia ns  [mut akalli mun ),  Jahmis, Mu‘tazilah, A s‘arites, Karramites, and anthropomorphists. 21— The history of the different sects of the Si'ah, the extremists {guldh, rdfidah)  and others. 22— The history of the different kinds of Harijites, An ti-‘Alids, and the various groups of innovators and sectarians. 1 Cf. Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h, V, 252.

390

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW f’ s I ‘ l  A n

23— The histo ry of the orthodox religious scholars, Sufis, jurists, and hadit   scholars. 24— The his tory of misers, spongers, bores, gluttons, fools, coxcombs, and dunces.— I sa y: He did not bother with the opposite type of persons, the magnanimous and generous. He apparently felt that the above-mentioned (reference to) generous men (18)  was enou gh. I ha ve a col lect ion of inst anc es o f case s ( of the ma gna n imous and generous). 25— The history of the blind, invalid, deaf, mute, and hunch  bac ke d. 26— The histo ry of astrologers, sorcerers, alchemists, treasure hunters, and prestidigitateurs.

39 1

fake invalids,^ homosexuals, dissolute and facetious persons, rich men, persons of inherited wealth,^ and untruthful people. 37— The histo ry of the intelligent insane, bedeviled, lunatics ( ?),®  bra ins ick , and be wit che d. 38— The history of alms men, mendicants, supplicants, and  vu lga r {hardfisah) * and troublesome elements. 39— The h istory of those who were killed thro ugh the Qur^an, through love, music, and fear {al-faza^),  and those who died in stantly. And 40— The histo ry of (pre-Islamic) soothsayers and wicked workers of miracles and revelations which look like acts of the divine

29— ^The history of merchants, rema rkable trav els on land and on the sea, mounteb ank (foreign ?) sailors ( ?),^ and gymn osophists( ?). 30— The h istory of remarkable artisans and workers, skilful inventors, and producers of various kinds of objects.

grace, and others.” (Ad-Dahabi) said: “These are forty kinds of histor(ical works).  A wo rk con tai nin g all of the m wo uld be ex tre me ly le ng th y an d make up a camel load (in weight). To a large part, they have been treated in monographs by excellent scholars. A man m ay be versed in two (fields of) history, or three, or more. Any outstanding scholar in a particular field of history, if approached, will be found to know remarkable stories and anecdotes connected with his field, which can scarcely be found in any history.” This is the end of the quota

31— The histo ry of monks, recluses, hermits, (86) and exponents of perverted mysticism.

tion of the passage in ad-Dahabi’s handwriting. Ibn Hajar, as I have read in his handwriting, remarked that

32— The h istory of those who led the prayers, called to them, and fixed their hours, dream interpreters (?), and the common people. 33— The h istory of highway robbers, assassins  [fid dwi yah ),  and chess, checkers, and dice players.— I sa y; He omitted the shooting of arrows.—

(ad-Dahabi’s) words: “A camel load,” contradict his first statement concerning “six   hundred volumes.” The latter figure constitutes

27— The history of genealogists, antiquarians  [ahbdri),  and Bed ouins. 28— The histo ry of courageous men, knights, footmen, and messengers. 1

34— The history of pretty ones, lovers, passionate inamorati, dancers, winebibbers, bad women (?),^ debauchers, pimps, liars, and effeminate men.

35 —-The history of clever, resolute, economic, resourceful, cun ning, and crafty people. 36— The history of beggars (?),^ swindlers, confidence men,®

more than two camel loads. 1 also read at the beginning of an autograph copy of ad-Dahab i’s  His tory of Isla m ®that he “compiled the work w ith great effort from a number of sources which impart (to the student) a knowl edge of past history from the beginning of Islam to the time of  wri ting . Th is inc lude s the da tes of de ath of the gre at cali phs , Qur’an readers, ascetics, jurists, hadit   scholars, (religious) scholars, rulers, wazirs, grammarians, and poets. It also includes the knowl edge of their classes, their times, their teachers, and some historical ‘ Cf. al-Jahiz, B u h a W ,   39 and 44 (Cairo 1948), cf. trans. C. P e l l a t , 65 and 73 (BeirutParisi95i); al-Bayhaqi, al-Mafidsi n wa-l-masdwt,   626 S c h w a l l y   (Giessen 1902), where the

1 Taken b y themselves, the last two words could also mean other things.

®6 urabd^ al-bahrtyah.  Acco rding to al-Jaw bari, al-Muhtdr  f i k aS f al-asrdr, i6, 39 (Cairo 1316), bahriyah are master thieves, and gurabd^ are a kind of diviners. ®Abu Dulaf’s Qastdah as-Sdsdniy ah  has a du l-gzr  which is not clear to me (of. at-Ta'alib!, Y a t t m a h ,   III, 185, Damascus 1304), but may have some connection with al-'-rr   of the I H d n . * Leg. al-mukaddtn  ? ‘ Ms. Leiden; wa-l-musdniHn “who try to get mon ey through cajolery or bribery.”

 word is read qrsy. 2 Ms. Leiden: at-tildd,   but the translation of the last two words seems very doubtful. ®Ms. Leiden: al-mqmryn,   but the dictionaries s. rad. qmr   “moon” know of no derivation from this root in the meaning of “lunatic.” * Cf.  W . M. B r i n n e r , The Sig nificance of the hardftsh and their “Sultan,” in  J ou r n al the Economic and Social Hi story of the Orient,   VI, 190-215 (1963); E l ,   2nd ed.,  s. v.   harfush. ‘

H i s t or y o f I s l a m ,   I,

13-17 (Cairo 1367). Cf. also

I H d n ,  160,

below, p. 512.

of 

392

a s

-s

a h a w  ! ’ s

i *l a n

TRANSLATION

information about them, all of which is presented in the briefest and most concise manner. It further includes the famous conquests, memorable battles, and notable affairs. No unnecessary lengthiness (was tolerated) nor completeness (intended). I mention (only) famous and near-famous men, and I omit those who are unknown (87) or as good as unknown. I refer only to the great events. If I  we re to de al fu lly wi th all bio gra ph ies an d eve nts, the wo rk wo uld require a hundred volumes, in fact, more than that. It contains a hundred souls with whom (alone) I would be able to fill fifty  vo lum es. ” He said; “ I consulted many books for this work. Its material is derived from al-Bayhaqi’s  DaldH l an-n uhuw ah}   Ibn Ishaq’s  Biogr aphy of the Proph et,  Ibn ‘A"id al-KMib’s  Magd zi,^   the Tahaqdt al-kuhrdoi   Ibn Sa'd, a l-Waqidi’s secretary, and al-Buhari’s  Histo ry.  Use was also made of the histories of Abu Bakr Ahmad b.  A bi H ay ta ma h, Y a' q u b al-Fasawi,® Mu ha mm ad b. Mu tan na al‘Anazi ^— which is a small work— , Abu H afs al-Fall 4 s,®Abu Bakr  b. A b i S ay ba h, al- Wa qid i, al -H ay ta m b. ‘A di, H ali fah b. Hayyat® —  who se Tahaqdt   were also used— , and Abu Z ur'a h ad-Dimasqi.'^ (Use was further made of) the  Fu tu h  of Sa yf b. ‘Umar,® the  Nasab {of the Qurays)  by az-Zubayr b. Bakkar,^ the  Mu sna d   of Ahmad * Ahm ad b. al-Husayn, d. 458/1066 (cf. G A L ,  I, 363). * Muhamm ad b. 'A^id ad-Dimasqi, cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  I, i, 207, apparently identical  with the aut ho r men tion ed in  Fih rist ,  158 (Cairo 1348 = 109 F l u g e l ). His “ Raids” were still used by Ibn Sayyid-an-nas, '■Uyun al-atar,  II, 344 (Cairo 1356). ^ Ya 'qub b. Sufy an, d. 277/891 (cf. above, p. 72; as-Sam'ani,  An sd b, iol .  428b; G AL  Supp leme nt   III, 1195, ad   I, 174; GA L  new edition II, 662; Hajji Halifah,  Ka Sf a z-zun iin, II, 139, no. 2269 F l u g e l ).  Ac cor din g to the iHdn,  both Ibn Abi Haytamah’s and al-Fasawi’s Histories were used in part only. According to ad-Dahabi, only the former work was used only in part. ‘ D. 252/December 866-January 867 {TB,  II I, 283 ff.). He was known as Abu MusA az-Zamin. ‘ 'A mr b. 'Al i, d. 249/864 {TB,  X II, 207 ff.). * D . 2 0 4 / 8 1 9 - 2 0 , cf.  Fih ris t, 324 (Cairo 1 3 4 8 ) ; ad-Dahabi, Tabagdt al-huffdz,  8th tab., no. 22, and idem, ^Ibar,  has 2 4 0 ;  IHdn,   below, 4 4 8 , n. 2. The last entry in his Ta^rih  (see above, p. 7 1 ) concerns the year 232. Therefore, 2 4 0 / 8 5 4 - 5 5 must be preferred as the date of his death. He was known as Sabbab (not Sabib, as in the Fih rist )  al-'Usfuri. Under this name, his Ta^rih  is quoted by Abu Bakr al-Maliki,  Riy dd an-n ufus , I, 11 (Cairo 1 9 5 1 ) . In addition to the manuscript of the Ta^rih  preserved in Rabat, part of his Tahaqdt   are preserved in Damascus, cf. Y .  Fih ris mahtutdt Ddr al-kut ub az-Z dhir iyah , 1 9 9 (Damascus 1 3 6 6 / 1 9 4 7 ) . His grandfather, by the same name, who died in 1 6 0 / 7 7 6 - 7 7 (as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  fol. 3 9 2 b ) , is mentioned by al-Buhari, Ta^rth,  II, i, 1 7 5 . [Twice ed. in 1967J. ’ 'Abd-ar-R ahm an b. 'Amx, d. 282/895 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 208 f.). For a description of the Istanbul manuscript Fatih 4 2 1 0 of his Ta^rih, c f . S . a l -M u n a j j i d , in  Revue de I’l nst itu t  des Manuscrits Arabes,  II, 65-67 (1956). * D. 180/796-97 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 2131.; a d - D u r i ,  Baht ft naP at Him at-ta^rih, 248-55 [Beirut i960]). ’ D. 256/870 (cf. G A L ,  I, 141, and his biography in M a h m u d  Jamh arat nasab Qu rays  [Cairo 1381/1962]).

M.

Sa

k i r ’s

edition of

393

(b. Hanbal), the  His tory   of al-Mufaddal b. Gassan al-Gallabi,^ and and the works on personality criticism by Ibn Ma‘in and ‘Abd-arRahman b. Abi Hatim.^ I also consulted the Tahdib al-Kamdl  of our teacher al-Mizzi. In excerpts, I used the histories of Abu ‘Abdallah al-Hakim, Ibn Yunus,^ al-Hatib, Ibn ‘Asakir— on Damascus— , Abu Sa'd b. as-Sam‘am— also his  Ans dh— , Judge §ams-ad-din b. Hallikan, the great scholar Sihab-ad-din Abu §amah, and § ayh Qutb-ad-din b. al-Yunini *— the latter’s  Hist ory is a continuation of the  Mir^'dt az-zamdn   by the preacher §ams-addin Yusuf Sibt b. al-Jawzi; I also used a good deal of the  Mir'^dh itself; both works are arranged according to events and years. I widely used the histories of at-Tabari, Ibn al-Atir, Ibn al-Faradi,® the continuation of Ibn al-Faradi’s history by Ibn Baskuwal, the supplement to the latter by Ibn al-Abbar, the  Ka m il   of Ibn ‘Adi, and many other books and numerous pamphlets.” I sa y: Ad-Da habi has given a summary description (of the various fields of history and the works w ritten in them). I hav e tried to make a detailed list of the works on many (of these subjects). No all-inclusiveness has been attempted, because this would have  bee n imp ossib le. Fo r m an y su bje cts the re ex ist s no his tor y. It can, however, be derived from the works on those (particular) scientific fields, or from (their) description, or the hke, although it has (so far) found no specialist treatment (?). (i. The history of Muhammad) The biography and raids of the Prophet as well as the rest of his history, that true guide (88) to his (model) ways, were compiled  by num erou s scho lars , such as Musa b. ‘Uqb ah al-Asadi,® of the second generation. Muhamm ad b. Ish aq al-M uttalibi— as a client of (Qays b. Mah' Lived in the third/ninth century, cf. TB ,  X III, 124. He is quoted by Abu Nu'aym,  Hist ory of Isfa hdn,   I, 69 D e d e r i n g (Leiden 1931-34). * D. 327/939 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 278 f.). ®The Egyptian historian, 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ahmad, Abu Sa'id, d. 347/958 (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   XI, 233). * Musa b. Muhammad, 640-726/1242-1326 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 589). His continuation of the  Mir^dh  has been published in Hyderabad 1374-80/1954-61. ®‘Ab dallah b. Muhammad, d. 403/1013 (cf. G A L ,  I, 338). ' D. 141/758-59 (cf. GAL Supplement,  I, 205; J. S c h a c h t , in  Act a Orie ntalia ,  X X I , 288-300 [1953]; A. G u i l l a u m e , in the introduction to his translation of the  Strah,   pp. XL III-X LV II [Oxford University Press 1955]; Ao-DuRi,  Baht ft naP at Him at-ta^rth, 159-65 [Beirut i960]). As-Sahawi might have also mentioned Abu Ma'sar Najih (d. 170/ 787), cf. Ibn Sa'd, III, I, intro, p. XX V, and  E l,   2nd ed.

394

TRANSLATION

 A S -S A H lw f’ s I ‘L AN

ramah b. al-Muttalib)— al-Madani, who also belonged to second generation, because he had seen Anas.

the

Judge Abu ‘Ab dallah Muhammad b. ‘Umar al-Aslami— as a client of the Aslam— al-Madani al-Waqidi— after his grandfather,  Wa qid . Hi s se cre tar y Ab u ‘A bd all ah Muh am ma d b. S a‘ d al- Ba gdM i also has a long biography of Muhammad at the beginning of the Tahaqdt al-kuhrd.  A bu Ba kr ‘A bd -a r- Ra zz aq b. Ha mm am al- Hi my ari — as a cli ent of the Himyar— as-San‘ani.i  A bu Ah ma d Muh amm ad b. ‘A ’id al- Qur asi ad -Di ma sqi al -K atib.  A bu ‘U tm an Sa ‘id b. Ya hy ^ al- Um aw i  A bu 1-Qasim at-Taymi al-Isbahani.®

al-B agda di.^

An d

The first work (that of Musa b. ‘ Uqbah) is the most correct one, according to Musa’s pupil, the Imam MMik,^ and others.  As to the seco nd wo rk (tha t of Ibn Isha q), as -S afi ‘i sai d th at ever y thorough student of the Raids depended on it.® On (Ibn Ishaq’s) authority, Salamah b. al-Fadl ar-Razi ®transmitted the Beginnings and the Raids, Jarir b. Hazim ’ and Yahya b. Muham mad b. ‘A bba d b. H^ni’ ®the Raids (alone). (Ibn Isha q’s) famous  bo ok wa s tra ns mi tte d b y sev era l peop le, am ong the m the two Kufians, Ab u Muhammad, or Abu Zayd, Ziy^d b. ‘Abda llah b. at-Tufayl al-Bakka"i al-‘Amiri,® who is the more reliable of the two, and Yunus b. Bukayr as-Saybani.^® The religious leader Abii Muhammad ‘Abd-al-Malik b. His^m^^ studied Ibn Ishaq’s work  wi th Zi ya d al -B ak ka ’i, on th e au th or ity of Ib n Is h iq , an d to ok it and corrected and revised it. Ibn Hisam’s {Sirah)  became the standard reference work. Abu 1-Qasim as-Suhayli wrote the  Rawd  al-unufon Ibn H isam’s work. Ad-Da habi and others composed abridg^ D. 211/827 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 333). * D. 249/864 (TB,  I X, 90 f.). ’ Isma'il b. Muhammad, d. 535/1141 (cf. G A L ,  I, 324; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu ntaza m,   X, 90). ‘ Cf. J. H o r o v i t z , The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet, in  Isla mic Cultu re,  II, 165 (1928). ‘ For this often quoted remark, cf. TB ,  I, 219, and X III, 24611 fi., and the other biog raphers of Ibn Ishiq, in F.  W C s t e n f e l d ’ s edition of Ibn Hisam,  Sira h,  II, p. Ill ff. * C f . N .  A  b b o t t ,  Stud ies in Ara bic Liter ary Pa py ri I,  94 f. (Chicago 1957)- It is tempting to assume here an omission and to read: Salamah b. aI-Fadl ('Ali b. Mujahid) arRazi, For the latter, cf. below, p. 410, n. 3. ’ D. 170/786-87 (ad-Dahabi, Tahaqdt al-huffdz,  5th tab.,  no. 34  W  u s t e n f e l d ). * Cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  IV, 2, 304; Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  XI, 273. » D. 183/799-800 (TB,”v iI I, 476 ff.). D. 199/814-15 (Ibn Katir,  Bidd yah ,  X, 245). “ D. 218/833 (cf. G A L ,  f, 135).

395

ments of the  Rawd.  Both the  Sir ah   and the  Rawd   served as the  bas is of M ug ul ta y’s  Zah r al-bdsim.   Ibn Hajar published separately the traditions of the  Sir ah   which have breaks in the chains of transmitters. A large section of the  Sir ah   was commented upon by our teacher Badr-ad-din al-‘Ayni. On his authority, the {Sirah)  was tra nsm itt ed b y sev er al men. A ll this wa s cle ar ly des crib ed  by m ei n a pa mp hle t I w rot e up on c om ple tion of ih.t Sirah in my class. The raids were transmitted by Ibn Lahi‘ah,i on the authority of Abu 1-Aswad, on the au thority of ‘Urwah b. az-Zubayr;^ further,  by az- Zuh ri, on the au th or ity of ‘U rw ah b. az -Z ub ay r, on the authority of the latter’s father; and by Hajjaj b. Abi Mani‘,*on the authority of az-Zuhri. The (pre-Islamic battle days and other events) witnessed by the Prophet were transmitted by Yunus b. Yazid,^ on the authority of az-Zuhri, The biography was transmitted by Abu 1-‘Abbas al-Wa lid b. Muslim al-Qurasi ad-D imasqi ® — who, a ccording to  Ab u Zu r'a h ar-Razi,® k new mor e ab ou t the raid s ’ — , on the au tho r ity of al-A wza ‘i, by Muhammad b. ‘Abd-a l-A‘la ® (89), on the authority of Mu‘tamir b. Sulayman,® on the authority of the latter’s father; by ‘Abd-al-Malik b. Habib < .. . > al-Musayyab b. Wadih;^® and by Ab u ‘A mr M u‘aw iyah b. ‘Amr,^^ on the auth ority of   A bu Ish aq al-Fazari.^^ The raids were transmitted by al-Hasan b. Sufyan,i^ on the authority of Abu Bakr b. Abi Saybah. ^ Either 'Ab dallah, d. 174/790-91 (cf. GA L Supplement   I, 256; R. G u e s t ’ s introduction to his edition of al-Kindi, The Governors and Judges of Egypt,  31 f., London 1912,  E. J. W. Gibb Mem. Series,  19), or his brother, ‘Isa (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  IV, 403 f.). Cf. also below, p. 518, n. I. “ Cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  IV, i, 31 f.; ad-Dahabl, TaMh al-Isldm,  IV, 31-34; J. H o r o v i t z , in  Isla mic Cul tur e,  I, 535 ff. (1927); a d -D u r i ,  Ba ht f i naP at Him at-ta^rih,  61-76, 137-42 (Beirut i960). Cf. also above, p. 130 f. ®Hajja j b. Yusu f, d. after 216/831-32 (Ibn Sa'd, Tahaqdt,  VII, 2, 175 S a c h a u and others; al-Buhari, T a M h ,  I, 2, 376 f.; Ibn Hajar, Tahdib,  II, 208). *  D. (1)59/775-76 (al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  IV, 2, 406). Cf. a d -D u r !, op. cit., 83. ®D. 195/810-11 (al-Buhari, T a M h ,  IV , 2, 152 f.). » 'Ubay dallah b. ‘Abd-'al-Karim, d. 264/878 (TB, X,  326-37)’ The translation is based upon Ms. Leiden which omits wa-  before as-siyar. “ D. 245/859-60 (al-Buhari, T a M h ,  I, i, 174). • D. 187/December 802-January 803 (al-Buhari, T a M h ,  IV, 2, 49). There appears to be some disorder in the text which I did not succeed in clearing up. I do not know whether 'Abd-al-Malik b. Habib could be the Spanish historian who we know wrote on the biography of the Prophet. Al-Musayyab died in 246/860-61 (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  V I, 40 f.). “ D. 214/829 {TB, XII I, 197 f.). ** Ibrahim b. Muhammad, d. 186/802 (al-Bu hM , T a M h ,  I, i, 321; Ibn Katir,  Bid dyah ,  X ,  200, anno  188). D. 303/916 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  VI, 132-36).

396

397

Biographies of Muhammad are found in the  Histo ries of   A bu Ba kr b. A bi Ha yta ma h.

‘Ala*-ad-din ‘All b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Bagdadi al-H 4 zin, the author of the  Maq bul al-m anq ul}   has a lengthy biography

 Ab u 1-Qasim b. ‘Asakir. Further in Ibn Abi d-dam.

of Muhammad. Others were written by  Zahir-ad-din ‘A li b. Muhammad b. Mahmud al-Ka zarun i— Plater

 Ab u Za ka riy a* an- Na wa wi, Tahdib al-asmd* wa-l-lugdt.  Ab u 1-Hajjaj al-Mizzi, Tahdih al-Kamdl.  A bu ‘A bd al lah ad -D ah abi ,  Hist ory {of Islam) . ‘Imad-ad-din b. Katir,i in the introduction of the  Bid dyah .  A bu 1-Hasan al-Hazraji, in the introduction of the  His tory of  the Yemen. A nd Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi,  His tory of Mecc a,  and others. Some authors, such as Ibn ‘Asakir, have a long biography, others a brief one. Monograph biographies of Muhammad were composed by   A bu S ' S a y h  b. Hib ba n.  Ab u 1-Husayn b. Faris al-Lugawi.  Ab u ‘U ma r b. ‘Ab d- al- Ba rr, ad-Durar f i ihtisdr al-magdzi was-siyar.  A bu Mu ha mm ad b. Haz m. §araf-ad-din Abu Ahmad ad-Dimyati. ‘Abd-al-Crani al-Maqdisi— Qutb-ad-din al-Halabi ^ wrote on it the very useful  Maw rid al-hani.  A bu ‘A bd all ah ad- Da hab i.  A bu 1-Fath b. Sayyid-an-nas, '■Uyun al-atar— a very fine work to which Burhan-ad-din al-Halabi wrote two volumes of notes entitled  Nu r an-nihr ds “ Light of the La m p” — a nd  Ni lr al-'-uyun, Ibn Sayyid-an-nas’ own abridgment of the '■Uyun.— Ibn al-Qawba‘ ^ said that (Ibn Sayyid-an-nas) gave him the '^Uyun  to study with the result that he marked about more than a hundred passages in it as doubtful.— And  A bu r- R ab i‘ a l- K al a‘ i,^ who ad ded to the bi og rap hy of Mu ham  mad the biographies of the (first) three caliphs and called his work al-Iktifd\ *

TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAwi’s I‘LAN

[1955]).

b. 'U mar, d. 774/1373 (cf. G A L ,  II, 49; H. L a o u s t , in  Arah ica,   II, 42-88

“ ‘Abd -al-Karim b. ‘Abd-an-N ur, 664-735/1266-1334 (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r, II, 398 f.). Cf. also fi.  A  m a r , in  JA , X,   19, 255, n. 5 (1912). ®Or Ibn al-Quba', Muhammad b. Muhammad, d. 738/1338 (as-Safadi, Wd/i,  I, 238-47 t t e r ; Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   IV, 181-84; R . B r u n s c h v i g ,  LaB erb Srie Orientale,  I , p . X X X V I f., Paris 1940). The reported remark is foimd in both the Waft  and the  Dura r,  but as-Sahawi’s source is the  Dura r. R  i

* Sulayman b. Musa, d. 634/1237 (cf. G A L ,  I, 371; K. A. F a r i q , in  Isla mic Cultu re, X XX III, 160-68 [1959]; ar-Ru'ayni,  Bar ndm aj, 66 ff. S a b b u h [Damascus 1381/1962]).

on al-Bagdadi—

who is earlier than (‘Ala’-ad-din).

Muhibb-ad-din at-Tabari.® Judge ‘Izz-ad-din b. Jama‘ah. And §ams-ad-din al-Birmawi.* (Each of the two last-mentioned schol ars) wrote two works on the subject. Al-Birm awi himself wrote glosses to one of them. These glosses were separately published in connection with the original work by Taqi-ad-din b. Fahd,® who himself is the author of a two-volume  Sira h. ‘Ali*-ad -din ‘Ali b. ‘Utm an at-T urkma ni al-Hanafi.®  Ab u Um am ah b. an -N aq q& ,l’ Sams-ad-din b. Nasir-ad-din,® in a substantial, accurate volume. Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi,  Kit dh al-Imtd' ,^  in which there is much to be criticized. ‘Utman b. ‘Isa b. Darbas al-Marani^® wrote al-FawdHd al-mutirah^^ f i jawdmi'- a ssira h. §ihab-ad-din Ahmad b. Isma‘il (90) al-Ibsiti as-Safi‘i al-Wa‘iz,i2  wh o die d in th e ye ar 835/1432, als o wr ote a com pre hen sive bo ok of which he wrote about thirty fascicles. His book includes the  Sir ah  of Ibn Ishaq and the remarks on it by as-Suhayli and others, the material contained in Ibn Katir’s  Bid dy ah   and al-Waqidi’s  Magd zi,   and other sources. He was concerned with establishing (the correct m eaning of) technical phrases occurring in the (biog raphy of Muhammad). He was very fond of that. * D. 741/beginning 1341 (cf. G A L ,  II, 109). * D. 697/1297, or after 700 (Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   III, 119). Cf. C. C a h e n , in  R £ I,   X, 342 (1936), M u s t a f a J a w a d , in his edition of Ibn al-Fuwati, Talhis Majma^ al-dddb,  IV, I, 299, n. I (Damascus 1962), and  IHdn ,  96, below, p. 410. ®Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah, d. 694/1295 (cf. G A L ,  II , 95 f.). * Muhammad b. 'Abd-ad- Da’ im, d. 831/1428 (cf. G A L ,  I, 361 f.). * Muhammad b. Muhammad, 787-871/1385-1466 (cf. GA L Supplement   II, 225). * D. 750/1349 (cf. G A L ,  II, 64). ’ M uhammad b. 'A li, d. 763/1362 (cf. GAL Supplement   II, 95 f.). ®Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, d. 842/1438 (cf. G A L ,  II, 76 f.), Cf. also Ibn Tulun,  Luma^dt, 43, 48 (Damascus 1348); H. L. G o t t s c h a l k ,   Islam ic Ara bic Ma nusc ript s  (Mingana Collec tion, Birmingham), IV, I, no. 166 (Birmingham 1948). * An edition prepared by M a h m u d M. S a k i r  beg an to app ear in Cai ro 1941 . D. 602/1206 (Ibn yal lika n II, 187 f. trans. De S l a n e ). “  Sic   Ms. Leiden, and as-Sahawi, al-Jawdhir wa-d-durar,  below, p. 587. 76o-835/i358(i359)-i432, cf.  Daw'^,  I, 244, where the above-mentioned passage, except for the last sentence, is also found.

398

The biography of Muhammad was versified by  A l-F at h b. Mism ar> §ihab-ad-din b. ‘ImM-ad-din al-Aqfahsi.^  A l- Bi qa ‘i.^ Ea ch (of thes e three) wro te a com me nta ry on his own versification. ‘Izz-ad-din ad-Dirini> Fath-ad-din b. as-§ahid,^ in some ten thousand verses with additions which show his great scholarly qualifications. Zayn-ad'din al-‘Iraqi,® in his  Al fiy ah ,  in which he followed a  Short Sir ah  by ‘Ala^-ad-din Mugult^y. Al-‘Iraqi used Mugultay’s  Short {Sirah),  on which §ams-ad-din al-Birm^wi and Saraf-ad-din  Ab u 1-Fath al-Maragi ’ had written notes.® Taqi-ad-d in b. Fah d presented this (material) by itself in monograph form.  A com me nta ry on the ver sifi cat ion (of al -‘ Ir^qi) wa s wr itt en by §ihab-ad-din b. Raslan,^ and before him, by Muhibb-ad-din b. al-H a’im,^® that singularly ingenious scholar. This is a ve ry le ngthy  work . I saw a vol um e of it wh ich the au tho r of the ve rsi fic ati on (al-Traqi) and others had used, noting upon it the favorable im pression they ha d formed (of the work) Ibn Haj ar commented upon some of the verses from the beginning. I have completed his work. I hope to make it ready and publish it. The  Sir ah of M ugultiy was further versified in more than a thou sand verses by §ams-ad-din al-Ba‘uni ad-Dimasqi, the brother of Professor Burhan-ad-din.^^ I studied part of it with him. H e enti tled it  Mi nh at al-lahih f i sirat al-hahih. ‘ Apparently al-Fath b. Musft, d. 663/1264-65 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 206; F.  W O s t e n introduction to his edition of Ibn Hisam,,  Sira h,  II, p. XL VII f.). ^ Ah n;a d b. 'Im.ad , d. 808/1405 (cf. G A L ,  II , 93 f.). ®Ibr&him. b. 'Uiuar, d. 885/1480 (cf. G A L ,  II, 142 f.). His signature appears in the Yale manuscript S-53-54 (N e m o y   389) with a date coinciding with the date of the writing of the manuscript. * 'Abd -al-'Aziz b. Ahmad , d. around 697/1297 (cf. G A L ,  I, 451 f.). ®Muhammad b. Ibrahim, d. 793/1391 (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  III, 296 f.). For a manuscript of part of the work, cf.  A . J.  A  r b e r r y ,  in  Ara bic and Isla mic Studi es in Hono r of H. A . R. Gihh,  64-72 (Leiden-Cambridge, Mass., 1965). • 'Abd-ar-Rahim b. al-Husayn, d. 806/1404 (cf. G A L ,  II, 65 f.). ’ Muhammad b. Abi Bakr, 775-859/1374-1455 {Daw^,  XVII, 162-65). *  Leg. fawdHd   (instead of wa-fawdHd),  cf. as-Sahawi, al-Jawdhir wa-d-du*ar,  Paris ms. ar. 2105, fol. 293a, below, p. 587. • Ahmad b. al-Husayn, d. 844/1441 (cf. G A L ,  II, 96). Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. ‘Imad, died at the end of the eighth/four teenth century (Daw^,  II, 157; GAL Supplement   II, 70). The phrase used here often occurs in as-Sahawi’s time in order to denote the favorable reception, in scholarly circles, of a new publication; yet, I am not quite svure about its exact significance. f e l d ’s

 Ac cor din g to the  Jawd hir wa-d-durar,  as-SaMwi had not seen the work at all. Ibrahim b. Ahmad, d. 870/1465 {Daw^,  I, 26-29).

399

TRANSLATION

 AS -S A H AW i’ S I* l  A n

There are many monographs on the birth of Muhammad, for instance, by   Ab u 1-Qasim as-Sabti,^ in the two-volume ad-Durr al-munazzam  f i al-mawlid al-mu'-azzam,  in which he made many digressions from the subject.  Al -T ra qi . Ibn al-Jazari. ^ And Ibn Nasir-ad-din.  A mon ogra ph on Mu ha mm ad’ s forb ear s wa s wr itte n b y

Mu

hammad b. Ishaq al-Musayyabi.® Monographs on Muhammad’s names, in verse and prose, were  wri tte n by  A bu l-HattS- b b. Dihy ah.^  Al -Q urt ub i and other s. The se nam es num ber ab ou t fiv e hund red. They admit of further additions. Most of them are epithets,  A mon ogra ph on Mu ha mm ad ’s circ umc ision and the fac t th at he  was born circ umc ise d was wr itte n b y Ka ma l-a d-d in b. Talhah.®  Ag ain st him , an oth er wo rk wa s wr itt en b y Ka ma l-a d-d in Ab u

1-Q&,sim b. Abi JarMah.® (Monographs on predictions of Arabic soothsayers, etc., concern ing the appearance of Muhammad are)  Ab u Ba kr al -H ar a’ iti,'^  Ha wd tif al-jd nn wa-'-ajih md yuhk d '■an al-kuhhdn mim-man bassara bi-n-nabi bi-wddih al-burhdn. Ibn Abi d-dunya,® al-Hawdtif. * (Al-'A bbas?) b., Muhammad b. Ahmad, seventh/thirteenth century (cf. G A L ,  I, 366; n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   280 f.). ^ S i c  Ms. Leiden and as-Sahawi, al-Jawdhir wa-d-durar, loc. cit.,  not Ibn al-Jawzi. For Ibn al-Jazari, see above, p. 276, n. 9, and below, p. 421, n. 2. ®D. 236/850 {TB,  I, 236 f.). * ‘U mar b. al-Husayn, d. 633/1235 (cf. G A L , I, 310-12). In his Qawl al-badt^, 54-57 (Allaha  bad 132 1), cis-Sah awi has some more info rma tion on Ibn Di hy ah ’s wor k whi ch he had not seen himself but knew, it seems, through Mugultay. Later on, he came across an abridgment of Ibn Dihyah’s work by Judge Nasir-ad-din (Muhammad b. ‘Abd-ad-Da’im) b. (bint) alMaylaq {GAL,  II, 1 19 f.). A t the time, he also had no direct knowledge of Abu 'Abdall&h al-Qurtubi’s (identity?) work, which was a rajaz   poem with commentary. The names enumerated by as-Sahawi amount, he says, to about 430.  A few inco mpl ete page s on the name s of the Pro phe t ascr ibed to Ah ma d b. F 4 ris are Po

preserved in Ms. Aya Sofya 496, fols. 76b-79b. ®Apparently, Muhammad b. Talhah, d. 652/1254 (Ibn Katir,  Bidd yah ,  XIII , 186). * The historian of Aleppo, 'Umar b. Ahm ad b. al-'Adim, d. 660/1262 (cf. G A L ,  I, 332). The work appears to be identical with the one quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   V, 309, under the title of al-Mulha h ft r-radd ^ald Ab i (leg. Ibn) Talhah,  although the quotation concerns the famous mystic al-Hakim at-Tirmidi. ’ Muhammad b. Ja'far, d. 327/938 (cf. G A L ,  I, 154; J-C.

 V  a

d e t

140-66 [i960]). ®Abil Bakr 'AbdallSh b. Muhammad, d. 281/894 (cf. G A L ,  I, 153 f.).

,

in  Ara bica ,  VII,

400

Ibn Durustawayh/ on the story of Quss b. Sa^idah. (91) Hisam  b. ‘Am m^r ^w rote on how the cal l cam e to Muh amm ad.  Ab u 1-Hattab b. Dihyah and others wrote on Muhammad’s ascension  [miWdj). Many (scholars) wrote on the proofs of prophecy, among them  Ab u Z u r‘a h ar- Ra zi. Tabit as-Saraqusti.®  A bu 1-Qasim at-Tabarani.  At -T ay m i,  A bu ‘A bd al la h b. Mand ah.*  Ab u s-S ayh b. Hib ban .  A bu N u' ay m al-Isbahani.®  Ab u Ba kr b. A bi d-d unya .  A bu Ah m ad [b.] a l- ‘AssM.®  A bu  A bu  Ab u  A bu

401

TRANSLATION

AS-SA h A w 1’s   I‘LAN

Ba kr an- Na qq as, the Qur^an co mm en tat or. ’

1-‘Abbas al-Mustagfiri.® 1-As wad ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. al-Fayd.

(about the subject?), were collected by Ibrahim b. al-Haytam al-Baladi.^ On the signs of prophecy, there are works by  A bu Mu ham ma d b. Qut ayb ah.^  Ab u Da wu d, the au th or of the  Sun an.  Ab u 1-Husayn b. Faris.  A bu 1-Hasan al-Mawardi, the jurist.^ Chief Judge Abu 1-Mutarrif al-Magribi.^ And ‘Ala-ad-din Mugultay. On the prophetical characteristics, there are works by  Ab u ‘I sa at-T irmid i.^  Ab u 1-‘Abbas al-Mustagfiri. And  A bu Ba kr b. Ta rha n al-Balhi.® I wrote a fragment of a commentary on the first work, and I have seen a draft fragment in the handwriting of Jamal-ad-din  b. az-Zahiri,"^ whi ch app ear ed to h av e be en de riv ed f rom (at- Tir mid i’s  wo rk ). On the (physical) appearance of the Prophet, there are works by 

Da rr al-Maliki.® A nd

 A bu Ba kr al -B ay ha qi . Al -B ay ha qi 's wo rk is t he mo st com pre he n sive one, as I have stated in a pamphlet upon completion of the study of the work.

 Ab u 1-Bahtari.s And  Ab u ‘A li Mu ham ma d b. Harun.® On the character qualities of the Prophet, there is a work by

The proofs of prophecy, together with exceptional traditions

Judge Isma‘il.^° On the description of his noble shoe, there is a work by Abu

* 'Abdalla h b. Ja'far, d. 347/958 (cf. B i d d y a h , II, 231.

GAL,

1-Yumn b. ‘Asakir.^i I, 112 f.). The work is quoted by Ibn Katir,

Ka^^v, B iddyah, X, 346; F l O g e l ’ s notes a d F i h r i s t , 29 and 37). ®Tabi t b. H azn;, d. 313/925 (Ibn al-Fa radi , 88, no. 306 C o d e r a ),  who con iple ted the D a l d H l of his son Qasim after the latter’s death in 302/914-15 (cf. G A L S u p p l e m en t   III, 1196; Ibn al-Faradi, 293 f., no. ro6o). Qasina had a son Tabit, d. 352/963, who transnutted the D a l d ? i l (Ibn al-Faradi, 89, no. 308). This Tabit had a grandson also named Tabit, and he again had a grandson T^bit, who died in 514/1120-21 (Ibn BaSkuwal,  S i la k , 126 , no. 283 C o d e r a ) . * D. 244/858-59, or 245 (Ibn

‘ Muhammad b. Ishaq, d. 395/1005 (cf. G A L , I, 167,  Su pp lem en t, I, 281), or 396/1005 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  M un ta za m ,  V II , 232). 310/922 as the ye ar of his bir th { G A L ) can hardly be correct, since his son 'Abd-ar-Rahman was born in 381 or 383 (ad-Dahabi, Ta^rth al-Isldm , anno 470, Ms. ar. Yale University L-612 [ N e m o y 1176], fols. 206b-207b;  M un ta za m,  V II I, 315, has 388) and died on Sawwal i6th,470/May 2nd, 1078. Another son, 'Abd-al-Wahhab,  was born in 386 (Ibn IJal lika n, IV , 57 tran s. D e S l a n e , cf. above, p. 283, n. 3). 316/928-29 (Ibn liajar, L i s d n ,  VI , 71) ma y still be too ear ly a dat e. Ab u 'A bd all ah ’s chi ldr en wer e, however, those of his old age, as he is said to have married late in life. ‘ Ahmad b. 'Abdallah, d. 430/1038 (cf. G A L , I, 362). “ Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Ibrahim, d. 349/960 (Ibn al-JawzJ,  M u nt az am ,  V, 398; T B , I, 270; ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz, 12th tab., no. 4  W' u s t e n f e l d ). ’ Muhammad b. al-Hasan, d. 351/962 (cf. G A L S u p p l em e n t   I, 334). ®Ja'far b. Muhammad, d. 432/1040 (cf. G A L S u p p l em e n t   I, 617). The following Ibn alFayd seems to be unidentified. * Mus'ab b. Muhammad b. M as'ud, d. 604/1207 (cf.

G A L S u p p le m en t   I,  20 6)

?

^ D.

2 7 7 / 8 9 0 - 91 ,

^ 'Abd allah b.

b.

^

' A l l

*

A p p a r e n t l y ,

 E n s a y o ,   ^

or

2 78

{ T B ,  VI,

M uslim,

M u h a m m a d ,

d.

206-9).

276/889,

d .

or

4 5 0 /1 0 5 8

' A b d - a r - R a h m a u

b .

2 70 / 8 8 4

(c f . G A L ,   I ,

( cf . G A L ,   I , M u h a m m a d

120-23).

386).

b .

F u t a y s ,

4 0 2 / 1 0 12 ( cf . P o n s B o i g u e s ,

d.

101-3).

M uha m ma d

b. 'Isa,

d . 2 7 9 / 89 2

( cf . G A L ,   I ,

161

Robson,

f .; J.

i n S S O

^ S ,

X V I ,

2 58 - 7 0

t h i s

m i g h t

r a th e r

[ i 95 4 i). ®  I H d n ,   1 4 2 ,  b e

M u h a m m a d

S u b k t , the  b .

m e n t i o n s b.

a t - T ab a q c it

Ms.

Cairo

M u h a m m a d

T a rh a n

at-T u rk i,

a s - S d f i H y a h ,  I V ,

Must,

b . d.

70, Ibn

' A l i

b.

T a r h a n

5 13 /1 11 9 Cairo

al-hadit

54

of

M u h a m m a d ,

d .

6 9 6 /b e g . o f

(Ib n

1 3 24 ) .

f r o m

B a l h ,

b u t

a l - J a w z i ,  M u n t a z a m ,   I X ,

He

app ears

' A d i ’ s  K a m i l   t h a t

w a s

as

the

w r i t t e n

last

f o r

2 15;

as-

t ra n s m i t t e r

I b r a h im

b .

of

Y u s u f

T asfin . ’

A h m a d

no. 8 *

W ahb

Flugel). ® D.

b. Cf.

W ahb , al s o

3 5 3/ 9 6 4

Ism a'il  B a ^ d d d t ,   1 0 6 “

b .

1297

(ad-Dahabi,

Tabaq dt

a l -h u f f d z ,  2 0 t h

tab.,

W ustenfeld ).

b.

(Ibn

' ^u l am d ^

R  o s e n t h a l

1 9 9 /8 1 4 - 1 5 , o r

Hajar,

Ishaq,

b .

2 00

( T B ,  X I I I ,

H a b i b ,  M u n a m m a q ,   i n t r o . ,

d.

(Damas cus

' A b d - a s - S a m a d

Ta^rih

d.

Ibn

 L i s d n ,   V ,

282/896

( c f.

10

4 8 1 ;  F i h r i s t ,   1 4 6 H.

A.

F a r i q

f. , C a i r o

( H y d e r a b a d

1348

=

100

1 3 8 4/ 1 9 64 ) .

411).

G A L

S u p p l e m e n t    I ,

273).

Cf.

Y .

al-'Ils,

al-Hatih

al-

1364/1945).

' A b d - a l - W a h h a b ,

B a g d a d ,   9 6 - 9 8,

Bag dad

6 1 4 - 68 6 / 1 2 17 - 8 7

(I b n

R a f i ' ,  M u n t a h a b

a l-M u h td r,

1 3 5 7 / 1 9 38 ) .

History of Muslim Historiography

26

40 2

 A S- SA H AW I’ S I' LA N

TRAxNSLATION

On the Prophetical guidance, there are works by Ibn al-Qay yim ^ and others.

There are monographs on the huthat al-wadd'^  (the Farewell Sermon), accorchng to Ibn (92) Baskuwal Muhammad’s last sermon. There are even works on individual statements of Muhammad. On the genealogy of the Prophet, there are works by 

On the medicine of the Prophet, there are works by   Ab u Nu 'a ym .  Al -M ust agf iri. An d Diya’-ad-din al-Maqdisi.^ Judge ‘lyad^ wrote as-SifcV hi-ta'^nf huquq al-Mustafd.   I com mented upon its substance and indicated those who wrote remarks on it, in a work of mine upon completion of the study of the work.  Ab u r- R ab i' Su lay ma n < . . . > b. Sa b‘ as- Sa bti ^ wr ote the  Sifd '' as-sudur,  in several volumes. His work was abridged by a certain religious leader. It contains many objectionable passages.  A bu 1-Faraj b. al-Jawzi, al-Wafd^ bi-t-ta"nf bi-l-Mustafd. Ibn al-Munayyir,^ al-Iqiifd\  A bu S a' d an-Xi sabur i,*’  Sa ra f al-Mu stafd,   in several volumes. Ja'f ar al-Farya bi,’ wrote on the miracles and Takrir at-ta'-dm wa-s-sardb.  Others also wrote on the miracles. On the special qualities, there are works by several scholars, such as  Al- Ma wa rdi . I bn S a b ‘ . A n d JalM-ad-din al-Bulqini. On the sermons of Muhammad, there are works by   Ab u Ah ma d al -‘ AssaI. And  Ab u s-S ayh b. Hib ba n. 1

M uha m ma d

T h e

w o r d

 P r o p h e t

b.

{a t-T ib b

377 / t ( ) 57 ;)follow ing

126

f .,

nos.

20

]\luham niad

“

Islamic Myful

persons

^

h'Lt

a

b.

M usa to

inxoh'ed

certain

A h m a d

(and b.

is to

?)

of

the

111,

al-\ ’ahsubi,

liere:

Ab u

Sa b'

in

to

expect

al-hady

to

r< ‘f e r

d.

of

d .

751/1350

tl i e

excerpt

Ibir

same

Oa yyim (cf.

(c f . G A L ,

from

h i s  Z d d

105

be

f.).

1,

Cf. ( z A L

3 9 8 f .;

(cf. ( , A f . ,  I,

Cf.

1\ ’ ,

a z - z i t n ih i,

different

fr o m

S u p p l e m e n t  

11,

A .

J . A r b e r k y ,

i n

below,

6 S 3 / 1 2 8 4 - 85

p.

b.

369).

52,

Musa

no.

7594

al-Ka la'i

F L r - G E i, , ( cf .

there

abo\e,

p.

are

396,

The stories of the prophets are contained in the  Mubtada''  of Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Yasar al-Muttalibi, the author of the  Bio;^raphy of the Prophe t,  and of Abu Hiidayfah Ishaq b. Bi.sr al-Buhari.'^ Monographs on the subject were written by 

two n.

4),

5 8 8.

( H a j j i

(2. The stories of the prophets)

ha d y

al-Jawziyah.

G A L ,

l-habib as-sajV.^  As wil l be me nti one d belo w, ma ny peo ple wr ote on the men around Muhammad. There are, moreover, as will be indicated, authors o f monographs on his comrades;® on his wives— there is ad-Dim yati’s compilation— ; [on his secretaries;] on his clients; and on his secretaries— there is the compilation of ‘Abda llah b. ‘All b. Ahm ad b. H adidah ^ wiiose work is entitled al-Misbdh

tr-z  [ M e c c a - C a i r o

something

s ubjec t.

 by men such as Judge Isma'il.  A bu Ba kr b. A bi ‘Asim,^ as w ell as thos e w hom I h av e enu mer ate d in the final chapter of my book al-Qawl al-badi^ f t s-sal dh ""aid 

o f th e

a l -n i a ^ d d f t

a n - n a b a u ' i ,  p p .

a work by ‘Umarah b. Zayd.^ Others wrote on the death of the Prophet.  A l-B ay ha qi WTote on the life of the pro phe ts in the ir grave s.^ On the merit of the prayer for the Prophet, there are works

more.

11,

a l - J a \ v z i y a l i ’ s  M c d i c i n e

a i i - n a b a r c i    t o

to

r - R a b i' ^ S u l a y m a n

M u h a n u n a d ,

an

of at-Tibb

643/1245

544/1149  K a s f

as-Sabti.

b i>

ed ition

d.

Jlni Oa yyim

 At -T ab ar an i. A nd  A bu ‘A bd al lah b. Man dah. On Muhammad’s correspondence with chiefs and kings, there is

al-jmtdi^ f i kuttdb an-nabi. There are many other such things. If it were proposed to collect them all in one work, tha t work would fill twenty volumes, and

[k)56|.

d.

H a lifa h ,

staled

works

r6-4 i

al-Ja\vziyah,

used

the

seenis

^

C ) m , i t te d

^ Cf.

1,

H a l i f a h ,  K a s f a z - z u n u n ,

377,

no.

( ).

in

JaMa r

man uscrij)t c i r i ib c grants

de

Mu ham ma d,

of

the

Datiia s,

for

T a b a q d t , 

b.

X X

subsistence

\'II

1,

32

d.

Chester

1\ ' ,

3 01 / 1) 1 3 { ' I ' U ,

Ijeatty

234

wh ich

Saciia u

d . . jo 6 / i o i 5 - i ( ) , o r 4 0 7 ( c f. G A L ,   I , 2 0 0 ,  S u p p l e m e J i t 

f f. the

and

\ II,

c o l l e ct i o n ,

(1049).

A l A \ ’ A ( | id i

I ’r o p h e t others.

!()() ff.). c f . . A. j .  A

mad('

to

 A  w o r k

wrot e his

b y

rherrv, a

 K i t d b

family

and

in

h im

is

p re se r \- < 'd

 R e v u e tu '^ um

1,

de

361 ).

^  A r d d f ,   t h os (>

b.

cf .

in

a

Ibn

the Sa'd,

Le iden,

‘A nn',

d.

1321,

p.

who

® laglith/fourteenfh Dim x'ati ’

1) .

is mis sing

\Vorterbuch,

(V  ), J.

ro

in

7

206/82 1

 M u '- j i i n i ,c \ .

l -' or

i t i  Z D M i r ,   X C ,

■ ' A hm ad

I 'A c a d e m i e

a n - n a b i ,  o n

followers,

Ms.

SrrEs,

10 54

 A l l a h a b a d

® ' ^ A b d - a l- M a U k b . M u h a m m a d , ’

Qay yini

\vould it

33

l .l a j j i

ib n

b .

b.

frequently

‘^ A b d - a l - W ' a h i d ,

Quarterly,

 A c c o r d i n g

and

one

“ m,edicine,”

12,

is

tlie intro duc tion

Althou gh

the

The

Bakr ,

a u - n a b i r a i ) ,  w h i c h

 I ja y r a l -' - ib d d   ( c f. I

Abi

hady   “K midauce”

403

2 87 / Q o o

197

centu ry Ms. \'I,

(Ibu

ff.

shared

H . 'n u ' i ra h ,

113

A a

(1036),

S( 'e where

below, one

p.

nuist

50 4(? ). r c a< l b a ' ^ d ,  i n s t e a d

i . l a j a r ,  L i s d n ,   \ ’ l , 3 4 9 f . ;

new

e d i ti i .m

camel

with

( cf . G A L ,

has

him

11, 72).

app eared on

The

Ibn iu

of

wa-ba'^d.

K a t i r ,  B i d d y a h ,   X I ,

8 4 ).

1963.

expe ditious. reference

to his

work

and

tha t

of

ad-

Leidc'n. 326-28).

l -' or

l l f ' ;i ' ; K ,  D i e h i s t o r i s c h e n (Strassburg

1 8 9 8 ).

the

qu otatio ns

fro m

h i s  K i t d b

u T T -' nt ii k  i u

'I'i'uiut,

u n d f!, eoi :,r a p h i s c h e u Q i t e l le n i n J d q u t s ( u 'o g r a p h i s e h e m

40 4

a s

-s

a h a w  ! ’ s i ‘ l  A n

TRANSLATION

 W ati m ah b. Musa b. al-F ura t,^ in two volu mes .  A bu Ish aq a t- T a ‘Mibi (a t-T a‘labi) .^ An d othe rs, suc h as  A bu 1-Hasan Muhammad b. ‘Abdallah al-Kisa’i.^ The subject is also found treated in the  Histo ries  of Ibn Jarir (at-Tabari), and Ibn ‘Asakir, the  Bid dy ah  of Ibn Katir, and by Jamal-ad-din Abu 1-Hasan ‘All b. (Abi l-)Mansur al-MMiki, the author of the  BaddH'^ al-badd^ih. (3. The histo ry of the men around Muhammad) On the men around Muhammad, there are many works, for instance, ‘All b. al-Madini,  Kit db Ma'^rifat man nazala min as-sahdhah sdHr al-bulddn.  According to al-Hatib, the work consists of five parts— that is, small ones.  Al -B uh ar i who , acc ord ing to Ibn H aja r, wa s the firs t (scholar) known to have written on the subject.  At -T irm idi . Mutayyan.^  A bu Ba kr b. A bi Da wud . ‘Abdan.^  A bu  A bi i  A bu  A bi i

 A bu ‘U ma r b. ‘A bd -al -Ba rr,

2 3 7 / 8 5 1 ( Y a q u t ,  IrSdd, X I X , 2 4 7 f . C a i r o =  V I I , 2 2 5 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ; W . H o e n e r Watfma’s Kitdb ar-Ridda, i n  Abh . d. Aha d. d. Wis s. und d. Liter atur, Geistes- und  sozialu'iss. KL , 1 9 5 1 ) . D .

 Inbd h,

Phot.

Cairo

TaM

h

2579,

I,

112, indicates

the

autho r’s

nisbah

a s

b o t h

at-Ta'alibi.

^

Lived

*

M u h a m m a d

arou nd b .

400/1009-10 ' A b d a l l a h ,

( cf .

GAL,

I,

d . 2 9 8 / 91 0 - 11

350).

 [Fih rist ,

323

f.,

Cairo

1348

=

232

F l u g e l ).

(TB, X I , 1 3 5 f . ). ® S a ' i d b . ' U t m a n b . S a “^i d, d . 3 5 3 / 9 6 4 ( a d - D a h a b i , Tabaqdt al-huffdz, 12th tab., n o . 3 8  W u s t e n f e l d ) , o n e o f t h e s o u r c e s o f I b n ‘ ■ A b d - a l - B a r r ’ s  Isti'^db. ’’   ' U m a r b . A h m a d , d . 3 8 5 / 9 9 6 (c f. G A L , 1 , 1 6 5 ) . ® M u h a m m a d b . A h m a d , d . 3 54 / 9 6 5 ( cf . G A L , I , 1 6 4 ) . ® M u h a m m a d b . ' A b d - a r - K a h n i a n , d . 3 2 5 / 9 3 6 - 37 , c f . F .  W u s t e n f e l d ,  Der Ima m el Schdfi^t, 1 3 3 ( G o t t i n g e n 1 8 9 0 ) . M uh am m ad b. ' L 'm a r , d. 581/1185 ( c f. GAL Supplement  I , 6 0 4 ) . ^

P r o b a b l y

N e w

“^ A b d a n

e d i t i on

b y

b.

' A i J

M u h a m m a d

M .

a l - M a r w a z i ,

a l - B a j a w i

 A bu 1-Qasim al-Bagawi.^  A bi i 1-Qasim al-‘Utmani.^  A bu 1-H usa yn b. Q an i‘ ,^ in the ir  Mu'-jam s.  A bu 1-Qasim at-Tabarani, especially in the  Mu'- jam al-kahir. ‘Izz-ad-din Abii 1-Hasan b. al-Atir, the brother of the author of the  Nihdyah ,^  in the  Kit db Usd al-gdbah  which he compiled from a number of earlier books, such as Ibn Mandah, Ab u Nu ‘aym, Ibn ‘Abd-al-Barr, and the Supplement to (Ibn Mandah) by Abu Miisa. The Usd   became the standard reference work for later scholars.  An -N aw aw i an d al- Ka sg ar i ab ridg ed it. Ad -D ah ab i res tric ted himself to making a short version of it. A l-‘Iraqi added a number

1

(Cairo

d .

2 9 3 /9 0 6

1380/1960).

Mu ham m ad

 Supp lem ent  “

Se ve ra l (schola rs) wr ote

BACH,

^ A l - Q i f ti ,

Halili,^ under the title of  I Ham al-isd bah bi-aHdm as-sahdbah. There are other authors who wrote on the subject. It would be difficult to give a complete list. There are, for instance,  A bu 1-Hasan Muhammad b. Salih a t - T a b a r i .

hammad arranged according to tribes.  Ab u 1-Qasim ‘Abd-as-Samad b. S a‘id al-Himsi ^wrote on the men around Muhammad who resided in Hims (Emesa on the Orontes).

 Ab u ‘A bd al lah b. Man dah, to who se wo rk Ab u Musa al-Madini^®  wr ote a supp lem ent .

a t - T a '^ l a b i a n d

supplements to it, for instance, Abir Ishaq b. al-Amin and Abu Bakr b. Fathun,^ who were (93) contemporaries. (The work of) the latter is the better one. An abridgment of the  Istl^dh  was  wr itt en b y Mu ha mm ad b. Y a ‘q ub b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ah ma d al-

of names to it.  A bu l- ‘A bb as J a ‘fa r b. Mu ha mm ad b. al- Mu ‘ta zz al- Mus tagf iri.  A bu Ah ma d al -‘A sk ar i ®wrot e a wo rk on the men aro und Mu

‘A ll b. as- Sa kan , in the  Huruf.^ H afs b. Sa hin .’ Man sur al- Bar udi . H ati m b. Hibban.®

 A bu 1-‘Abbas ad-Duguli.®  A bu N u ‘a ym.

^

40 5

I,

b.

Halaf,

2 7 9 ).

Cf.

Eighth/fou rteenth Cf.

Ibn

Hajar,

d.

519/1125-26,

Ibn

H ajar,

ce ntury

 Li sdn ,

 V ,

( c f.

or

520

(c f . P o n s

 Dur ar, I I I , 4 4 5 . GAL Supplement 

I,

Boigues,

 Ensa yo,

178

f.;

G AL

628).

200 f. ?

Y . a l - ' I s s ,  Fi hri s mahtutdt   Ddr al-K utu b az-Z dhir tyah , Ta hi h, 2 1 9 , 2 7 5 [ D a m a s c u s 1 3 6 9 / 1 9 4 7 ] ;  A . J .  A r b e r r y , i n The  Isla mi c Quarte rly, I I I , 2 0 [ 1 9 5 6 ] ; GAL Supplement  I , 2 78 ) . T h e m a n u s c r i p t o f t h e  Mu'-j am as-sahdbah l i s t e d i n GA L i s n o w i n C h i c a g o , c f . M . K r e k ,  A Catalogu e o f A rabi c Man uscr ipts in the Oriental Institute o f Chicago, 1 9 ( N e w H a v e n 1 9 6 1 ) . ‘ T h e kunyah i s o m i t t e d in Ms. Leiden. ^ 'Ab d-al-B aqi b. Qan i', d. 3 5 1 /9 6 2 ( cf . GAL Supplement  I , 279). * T h e a u t h o r o f t h e  Nih dya h i s M a j d - a d - d i n a l -M u b a r a k b . M u h a m m a d , 5 4 4 -6 0 6 / Oriens,  V I , 7 1 ff . [ 1 9 5 3 ] ) . 1149 -1210 ( c f . GAL, I , 3 5 7 f . ; H . R i t t e r in ’’  I b r a h i m b . ' U t m a n , d . 6 4 5 / 1 2 4 7 ( c f . I b n a l - 'I m a d ,  Sadardt , V, 2 3 0 f . ) ? ® A l - H a s a n b . ' A b d a l l a h , d . 3 8 2 /9 9 3 ( cf . GAL Supplement  I , 1 9 3 ) . ® D . 3 2 4 / 9 3 5 - 3 6 , c f . I b n a l - ' I m a d ,  Sadardt , I I , 3 0 2 ( C a i r o 1 3 5 0 - 5 1 ) ; L . C a e t a n i , Onomasticon Arabicum, 6 0 6 ( R o m e 1 9 1 5 ) . I d o n o t k n o w o n w h a t g r o u n d s E .  A m a r , i n  J A ,  X , 1 9 , 2 5 4 , ^

n.

I

' A b d a l l a h

b .

( 1 9 1 2 ) ,

b a s e d

 b . S a ' i d i n

( S a 'd ) ,

Y a q u t ,

M u h a m m a d ,

w h o

 Mu'- jam,

h i s

3 1 7 / 9 29

i d e n t i f ic a t i o n

d ie d in cf.

d .

F.

o f

J.

H e e r , 31

t h e

TB, X,

a u t h o r

1 1 1 - 1 7 ;

w i t h

' A b d - a s - S a m a d

b .

' A b d - a l - W a r i t

 His tory of Kmes a  Di e historisc hen und geographisch en Quellen in Jdq ut’ s

20 7/82 2-23

Geographischem Worterbuch,

( cf .

or 206.

(Strassb urg

F o r th e

1898).

q u o tatio n s

fro m

h is

4o6

40 7

 A S -S A H A W l’ S I ‘L AN

TRANSLATION

Muhamm ad b. ar-R abi‘ al-J izi ^ wrote on those who resided in Egypt.

grandson of Umayyah), (94) there were fourteen Urnayyad caliphs until Marwan. Down to our time, there have been some fifty ‘Abbasid caliphs. There were a number of Marwanid caliphs in

Muhibb-ad-din at-Tabari wrote ar-Riydd an-nadirali f i mandqih al- '-ascirah.  Ab u Muh am ma d b. al- Ja rud ^ wro te on thos e who tra ns mi tte d only one tradition.  Ab ii Za ka ri ya ' b. Man dah wro te on the com rade s  [arddf) of Muhammad and on those who hved one hundred and twenty years. On Muhammad's wives, there are works by   Ab u ‘U ba yd ah Ma 'm ar b. al-Mu tanna .^ An d Zuhayr b. al-'Ala’ al-'Absi,"^ and others, such as Muhibb-ad-din at-Tabari, as-Simt at-tamm Ji mandqib imimahdt  al-mu"minin. Others wrote on Muhammad’s chents or his secretaries.  A l-H at ib wro te on those of the men aro und Mu ha mm ad who transmitted traditions on the authority of men of the second gen eration.  Ab u I 'F at h al- Az di ®wro te on thos e wh o h ad on ly one tra nsm itte r. The hadit   expert 'Abd-al-Gani b. 'Abd-al-Wahid al-Maqdisi  wr ote a goo d-si zed vol um e en titl ed  Recti ficati on of Doubts in Ah u  Nu'^ay nis Ma'-f ifat as-sahdbah.  W ork s wh ich '.vere n ot re str ict ed to the men aro und Muh am ma d  bu t also inc lud ed la ter pers ona litie s wer e wr itt en by  Halifah b. Hayyat. Muhammad b. Sa'd.  Y a 'q ii b b. Su fya n.

Spain. There were eleven ‘Ubaydid-Fatimid caliphs in Egypt, not counting the three in the Magrib. The first of them was Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Mahdi. He cam e forth from al-Qayrawan and appeared during the caliphate of the ‘Abbasid al-Muqtadir bi-llah in Bagdad. Allegiance was sworn to him in the  ye ar 298/91 0-11. He est abl ish ed his dy na st y in the Mag rib. His successors w'ere al-Qa"im bi-llah and the latter’s son al-Mansur. The rest of the dynasty resided in Egypt. The first of them there  was al- Mu ‘iz z li-d in- Ah ah Ab u Ta mi m al- Ma ‘a dd b. al-M ansu r Isma'il b. Muhammad al-Mahdawi. Allegiance to him as successor of his father al-Mansur was sworn to him in al-Mahdiyah in the  ye ar 341/952-53. He the n we nt to E gy pt in the ye ar 358/969 and took possession of it. He built Cairo which was called after him al-Qahirah al-Mu‘izziyah. He was born in the year 319/931. He lived forty -five years and nine months, and he died in his bed in the month of Rabi'' II of the year 365/975. He was buried in QarMat Misr.i The last of the Eatimids was al -‘Adid li-din-Allah. He died in his bed in the year 567/1171 and was buried in the Castle, at the place known as Bar ad-darb in Cairo. (Since) I have dealt  wi th thi s (sub ject) in a (special) pap er, we do not ha ve to go into it here. Note ;

 A bu Ba kr b. A bi H ay tam ah , and othe rs.

 w e r e

respect,

In the  Isdbah ,  Ibn Hajar collected and verified the dispersed (information) on the subject, but the work was not completed.

u pi ot L

1 of

Th e th e

work

Palestine

^ 'Abd allah  K i t a h ^

1) . Cf.

^

b.

a l-A sn icP b e t \ v e (' i i, Ibii

quote d Orien tal ‘A li,

A bu

a l - M a r |r i z ,

around

208/82 3-24

T\hiliaTnruad h .

® Na m ely,

d.

w a - h k i t t i a  i s

I.Iajar,

5

by

S o c i e t y ,  X I X ,

a s - s d r i , 

in

( cf .

( i A L

T ] } ,  X I V ' ,

21 3/828 -29

(cf.

 J J x ch i,   I I ,

492.

al-l.lusavu,

d .  3 C iy lq y 7 -y 8 ,   o r

Ba kr,

' ^ U i n a r,

cd.

C.

1).

M a t t h e w s ,

in

H'tm au,

' ■A ll ,

S u p p l e m e n t    I I ,

93;

77 >,

an d

H a j a r

to

to

g ( > u e aI o "y .

Som e

he

of

divine.

the m

and

assend)lies,

th.c- m e n

are

me n

caliber

of

ninrdering

this

and a

W ’c   a s k

to

sa f e

us

said

were,

if

to

is

(this

the is

an

f a n x i ly

ardent

were t hey

fain ily

of

unpleasa nt

o f

th is

scholars

caliph the

who

In

causcd

Fatiinids).

t h e

I 'a t i m i d s

religious

corru pt

heretics

and

e x t r e m i s t s  [ r d f i d a h ) ,   w h i c h

their

time.

abused.

b elong

to

and

of

considered

op enly

‘^ A li

r < -l ig i ou s

d e s c e nt

Fatim id

were

S i ' -a h

of

‘■ U b a y d i d s

F a tiu u d s .

'Abb asid

‘ A l i d

in

the

the

descent

‘■ A H.

al-Hakim ,

M uslims

that

tlie

" ^A li d

of

of of

attack^

for

the

c o n s id e r e d

as

mo st

true

o n

n a m e

reported

reg ard

the

orthod ox

de scent

the

(against

M uha m ma d

it

stain

the

that

such

th e

‘Alid

u n d e r

H a l d u n

av('rse

Fatimids,

m any

co nstitu tes kci-p

so

the

rejected

deposition

aroun d

relation ship Go d

He

of

k n o w n

t h i s ) : “ I b n w as

t lu -

Others

led

favor

He

their

( t o

becau se

to

others.

m ake

r e m a r k e d

be

in

b e c a m e

th(‘

(95)

subject).”

a

In

their

m,osques

Xow ,

if the

Fatinvids

fam ily

of

reason, to

‘^ A li , s u c h shuii

a

thenx.

^

 J o u r n a l 

i f i 6 ( 1 9 3 9 -4 0 ) .

3 2 0 /9 3 2

quoted

an d

 Dt rd '^

I’atiu ud

is know n.

claimed

decided

h 'g > p t

con tradicted

established ,

ness

Not counting Ibn az-Znba\T, there were six caliphs who belonged to the men around Muhammad.^ Not counting ‘Utman (who was a

H aklfin in

scholars)

I b n

(4) The history of the caliphs

he

t he

(those

as

Ibn

ca lip h s

Biographies of the caliphs were written, among others, by  II,

47).

H is

298.

G A L ,  I,

103

374/984-85 a l - I j a s a ii ,

b.

f . ).

(cf.

G A L

‘■ Al i,

and

S u p p l e m e n t    I , Mu '^awiyah.

280).

^

I'or

^

O f

Origins

’ Cf.

the t h e of

c( ' U i e t e r y y e a r

L sn u i '^ i l is n i ,

 I' - ld n ,

of

4 0 2 / 1 0 1 1,

al-Q arafah , c f.

60 f.

I b n

cf.

(Candirid ge

71, abo^i'e, p. 370.

a l - M a q r i / , i,

H a l d u n ,

 H i t a t ,   I I ,

 M i i q a d d i i n a h ,   I ,

rg4o).

443-43

33 f.

(Bnlaq

Paris;

15.

1270).

Lewis,

T h e

4o 8

 A S- SA H A W I’ S I ‘ LA N

 A bu Bis r Mu ham ma d b. Ah ma d b. Ha mm ad ad-D awl abi. ^  A bu Ba kr b. Ab i d-d uny a.  A bu Ba kr Muh am ma d b. Za ka riy a" ar-R azi,^ the au tho r of the  Man suri .  And others, supposedly.  Am on g the mor e mod ern scho lars, the re are Nasir-ad-din b. Duqmaq. Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi,  Itti'-dz al-hunafd^ hi-ahbdr al-h ulaf d \^— These two men were followed by some amateur historians.— (Further,)  Ab u 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Muhammad b. Abi s-Surur ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz as-Saruji,  Bulg at az-mrafd? ft ta^nh al-hulafd\^ Baybars ad-Dawadar,^ al-LatdHf ft ahhdr al-haWif,   in several  volu mes .  Ab u 1-Fadl Ahmad b. Abi Tahir al-Marwazi al-Katib,®  Ahh dr al-hulafd\  As- Sul i, al-Awrdq f i ahbdr hulafd" Bani WAhhds wa-as^drihim. There are monographs on several ‘Abbasids. I referred to them  wh en I wro te on the qu alit ies of the ‘A bb as id s al -‘A bb as an d alMa’mun (?). There are two monographs on Abu l-‘Abbas al-Mu‘tadid. The (h istory of the) ‘Abb asids was versified by   A bu Muh am ma d J a ‘fa r b. Ah ma d b. al- Hu sa yn as -S ar ra j,’ in an ufjuzah.

TRANSLATION

409

§ams-ad-din M uhammad b. Ahm ad a l-Ba ‘i^mi ad-Dimasqi, Tuhfat az-ziirafd^ f i tawdnh al-muluk w a-l-hulafd\   He stopped with al-Asraf Barsbay. At the beginning, he saidi^ Now: History’s nobility  Ranks high among humanity. Its usefulness so evident Led Safi‘i to this statement Of doubtless authenticity; “ It adds to man’s sagacity.” This is a true, not devious Remark whose sense is obvious.  A l- B a ‘u ni’ s neph ew, B ah a’ -ad- din Mu ham mad , a son of Ju dge Jamal-ad-din Yusuf,^ wrote a supplement to the Tuhfah,  in which he dealt lengthily with the deeds of our present Sultan (al-Asraf Qa’itbay). He started with the following verses; Now then; History is a science On which all Muslims may place reliance. Sufficient proof of this found In the stories which in the Qur’an abound.

 Ad -D ah ab i, in a few verses . ^ D. 320/932 also stated that 310 as the year i n 224/838-39;

(as-Sam 'aui,  An sd b, fol. 233b, whose source is Abu Sa'id b. Yuuus, who ad-Dawlabi came to Egypt i n 260/873-74; Ibn Hajar,  Li sd n,  V, 41 f., who has of his death, which would agree better with the statement that he was born ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz, l o t h tab., n o . l o i  W u s t e n f e l d , has 301; G A L S u p p l e m e n t   I, 278). ^ The famou s philosopher and physician, d. 313/925 (cf. G A L , I, 233-35). As the author of a history, he is known ordy from as-Sahawi’s source, al-Mas'^udi,  M ur uj , I, 17 Paris ed. = I, 6 (Cairo 1346), cf.  IH dn , 158, below, p. 509. Al-Mas'-udi can be assumed to have also been the source of as-Safadi, W d f i , I, 51 R i t t e r , cf. G A L S u p p l e m e n t   I, 421. It would hardly  be poss ible to assu me th at al-Mas'- udi c onfo und s the ph ilos oph er-p hys icia n wi th the Spa nis h historian, Abii Bakr b. Muhammad ar-Razi, as he is speaking of contemporaries. ^ A new edition by J. a s - S a y y a l  was pub lish ed in Cai ro 1367/1948 . A fur the r edi tion by  AS - S a y Y A L on the basis of the Istanbul manuscript is in preparation (cf.  Re vis ta del In sti tu to  Eg ip ci o de Es tu di os Isl am ic os  V', 221 [Ara bic] [1957] ). *   Ac cor din g t o *^Abbas  Azzk\wi, at-Ta'^rif bi-l-m u^arrih m, I, 67-69 (Bagdad 1367/1957), the work was printed in Cairo 1327/1909. The author died after 648/1250-51. His name was '^Ali b. '^Abdallah b. Muhammad. 5 D. 725/1325 (cf. G A L ,  II, 44).

“ Ahmad b. A bi Tahir Tay fur, d. 280/893 (cf. G A L , I, 138). The  Ah bd r al-h ula fd^ is identical with the  Hi sto ry of Bag dad , cf.  IH dn , 123, below, p. 462, n. 2. ’ The author of the  M as ar i’^a l-''n ssd q  who died in 500/110 6, or 501 , or 502 (cf. G ^L , I, 351; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu nta za m, IX, 151 f.).

Ibn Abi 1-Baqa’ wrote a one-volume urjuzah  on the caliphs.  Ah ma dr b. Y a ‘qiab al-M isri ^ and ‘A bd (96) all ah b. al- Hu sa yn ^ C f .  IH dn , 15, above, p. 286. ^ D. 910/1505 (cf. G A L , II, 54). Cf. al-Lamhah al-Asraftyah wa-l-bahjah as-santyah  jt- m d li-m aw ldn d as -S ult dn al- ni dli k al -M al ik al -A sr af Qd ’i tbd y m in al-a'^mdl az -za ki ya h wa-l-aqw'dl al-qaunyah, Paris ms. ar. 1615, fol. 31a. ^ Thi s may be al -Y a‘^qubi, who died in 284/897-98 (cf. G A L , I, 226 f.) or after 292/904-5, if the quotation in al-Maqrizi, to which D e G o e j e refers in his edition of al-Ya‘qubi’s  Bu ld dn , 372 (Leiden 1892,  Bib lio the ca Geo gra pho rum Ar ab ico rum , 7), actually goes back to al-Ya'qubi, which seems quite uncertain. As-Sahawi’s information is derived from alMas'iidi, Muruj, I, 18 Paris ed. = I, 6 (Cairo 1346), cf. 1 ‘^ldn, 154, below, p. 502. Since al-Mas‘^udi refers to the ’■Abbdsid His tor y of the author, one could hardly think of Ahmad b.  Ab i Ya 'q ub Yu su f b. ad- Da yah al-;\Iisri, the wel l-kn own lit ter ate ur and wri ter on Tu lun id history (d. 330/941-42, or 340/951-52?, cf. C i A L , I, 149). It may be noted that al-Ya'^qubi is the oral source for a number of stories in Ibn ad-Dayah’s  Ki td b al- Mt ikd fa^ ah . This fact, howe\'er, does not help to clarify the date of al-Ya'qubi, since Ibn ad-Dayah at any rate appears to have been born before 260/873-74, the approximate date of his father’s death  who by then was abo ut eig ht y yea rs of age (cf. the int rod uc tion of the Cair o 1332 /1914 edition of the  Mu kdf a^ ak. The. 1940 and 1941 editions of the work, cf.  Rev ue de VA ca de mi c arabe de Damas, XI X, 32-40, 1944, were not available). Thus, even if al-Ya'qu bi died a t the earlier date, he could have had contact with Ibn ad-Dayah.

410

4 11

TRANSLATION

 A S- SA H A W i’ s I' L A N

 b. S a ‘d al -K at ib ^wr ote onth e hi sto ry  [ahbdr)  of the ‘Abbasids and other rulers.

 b. Hi lal as-S abi\ ^ Al -M aq riz i wro te some com me nts on the Fa tim id dynasty. . . .wrote on the Saljuq dynasty, which came to an end

Further, the historian  [ahhdn)  and genealogist Muhammad b. Salih b. Mihran b. an-Nattah ^wrote on the history {ahbdr)  of the ‘Abbasid and other dynasties. He is said to have been the first to  wTite on the his tor y {ahbdr)  of the dynasty.

in the year 590/1194.^ ‘Abdallah b. al-Mu‘tazz ^ compiled the  Poem s of Cali phs and 

Others wrote on the history of the caliphs and the two dynasties, the Umayyads and the 'Abbasids. ‘All b. Mujahid ^ and Halid b. Hisam al-Um awi wrote on the history {ahbdr)  of the Umayyads and other (rulers). Several authors wrote monographs on ‘Umar b. ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz. Jamal-ad-din Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-‘Imrani ^ compiled al-Inbd"'   f i ta'^rih al-hidafd^. < A supplement, up to the end of al-Musta‘sim  bi-l lah was wr itt en by Zah ir-a d-d in al- Ka za run i. A l- Ka za ru ni ’s > son, Sadid-ad-din Yiasuf b. (Zahir-ad-din ‘Ali), wrote a supplement to it.^ Others wrote on the Fatimid caliphs.  A bli Ta lib ‘A li b. An ja b al- Ba gd ad i al- Ha zin com pile d the  Mand qih al-hulafd,\   as well as a history of the wives of the caliphs ® and a biography of the caliph an-Nasir.’ On the history of the Saljuqs, there are the works of  ‘Imad-ad-din al-KMib,  Nusr at al-fitra h wa-Htsrat al-fitra h f i  ahbdr Bani Saljuq wa-dawlatihim. An d  Ab u 1-Hasan 'i\li b. Abi 1-Man.siir al-Azdi al-MMiki,  Ahb dr almiduk as-SaljuqiyaJi. The history of the Lamtunah dynasty (the Almoravids) was compiled by Abu Bakr Yahya b. Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Ansari al-Garnati.® The history of the Daylamite Biiyids, w^hose dynasty came to an end in th e year 432/1040-41, was C(mipiled by Ab u Is haq Ibrah im

 Kin gs. (5. The histo ry of the kings of Islam) (Histories of) kings and dynasties were compiled by Muhammad  b. 'A bd -a l-M ah k al- Ha ma dan i. Jamal-ad-din Ab u 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Abi 1-Mansur al-Azdi, ad-Duwal  al-niunqati'^ah,  a very useful work on the subject. Al-Azdi also wrote the  BaddH'^ al-baddHh  and the  As ds al-baldgah,  as well as the afore mentioned  Ahb dr al-n iuluk as-S alju qiy ah   and the  Ahbd r as-hij'-dn , to be mentioned later on.^ Ibn Hisam, at-Tijdn f i ahbdr muluk az-zamdn.  He also wrote a supplement to this work. Muhammad b. al-Harit at-Taglibi,^  Ahl dq al-mulUk,  composed for al-Fath b. Haqan,® and other works. ZMir b. Hasan al-Azdi,’^ Ahbd r ad-dui&al al-Isld miy ah.  Al -O ar na ti, al-Ihbdr wa-l-iHdm fi duwal al-Isldm f i Ribdt al Muwaffaq . The unbeliever Ibrahim b. Hilal as-Sabi’,  Hist ory {ahbdr) of the  Bu yi d Dyn asty ,  written for ‘Adud-ad-dawlah.  A bu Mu ham ma d b. Zul aq al-Mi.sri,® Biogr aphy   of Ibn Tulun (97) and of his son, Humarawayh, in two separate works. Several authors wrote biographies of the Ihsid Muhammad b. Tugj and Salah-ad-din Yiisuf b. Ayyub. ’

D.

*

Fro m

al-IMas'udf,

 M i i r u j ,   I ,

i8

Paris

ed.

=

I,

i

1346),

( C a ir o

cf.

 I H d n ,   1 5 5 ,

b e l o w

504. -

=

L). 232/ 866-6 7

D.

1 - 1 , 1- g e l ;

182/798-gc)

(

^ Sixth/lw elfth ^ 'rhe text 49 f.

text

wa s

® Cf.

the

^ Cited ] ).

 M ur uj ,

X II ,

106 ( rf .

Sadid-ad-diii by

'Ab bas

authors

1,

I,

12

216;

Paris

 I B , cd.

 V ,

=

I,

357

f . ; a l- . M a s ' ^ u d i,  M ur uj , I , 1 2 G A L S u p p l c i n e t i t   1, 5 8 6 ) . Wisu f

b.

al-Mutahhar.

b y

 J-'iliri st,

Paris

Tlie

1346). ed.

156, Cf.

Cairo abo ve

I, 5, Cairo

uncertain

correction

1348 p.

in

89.

1346).

of

 Rev ue de 1'Academic arahe de Danicis, X X ( , A f . , I , 4 6 6 , a n d  Su pp lei iie nt  1, 8 2 5 , c a n n o t

Ai,-^\zzAwi,

lueu tioued

f.;

5, Cairo

the I l l be

h e r e.

 A n o t h e r

y

b \-

 w o r k s IV ,

of

, \' ;' ,s yP

M u s t a f a Ibn

al-hiilafd^ al-musavinid  J  ihdt cd-cPiunnah al-liulafd^ iiiin al-hard^ir

J a w a t)

al-b'uwati,

557/1161-62

(Hajji

(C a iro,

n.

y.)

a n d

the

1  cdhts Majma'^ al-dddb,

H alifah,

 K a sf az -zu nu n,

e d i t o r ’s I V ', II,

I, 78 104

re m a rk s f. Ja w ad

FlCgkl).

ou

p.

26.

(Dam ascus

( c f.

p.

w h ich 13

t l ie

H uyids

an d

S aljuqs.

S a lju q

h istory

w a s

w ritte n

22

of

the

=

I, 324

 IT.

(cf.

belo w,

a n d

form

to

be

the

abo\ e

edition

lost.

correction

a l-Q ifti w h o

C f.

of

als o

is

also

is

t h e  I t ih d i t)   a n d

Ib n

therefore

cred ite d w ith

indicated. a

m m i y  o t h e r

a l - h 'u w a t i , T a l M s

B u y id

(?)

historical

M a j i n a ' ' a l - d d d b,

of

( , A L ,   I,

the

p.

80

f .) .

432.

nishah   is

the

one

found

in

al-iMa'sudi.

C f .  F i h r i s t ,   2 1 2

(Cairo

1348),

I - ' i . i ' G E i . ’ s n o t e s t o h i s e d i t i o n o f t h e  F i h r i s t ,   1 4 8 .

® Cf.

().

This

a l - .- \ / ,d i

(Cairo "

see m

to

The

b y

Jawad.

^ I). 296/908

^ Tlie

introduction

u n f( )rt u n a te ly

f.

^  I '- l d n ,   1 0 8 ,

 D u a o l 1962).

on

fa m o u s

III,

’

('dition

ic'ct-l-iiiuV   b *

l'h('

77 )' ,

( ( ' r i tu r y

has

s u f^ K c st c d

( 1 9 4 8 ).

m e a n t

( j A L  Su pp lem en t 

(cf.

al-Mas'udi,

2 0  ff .   C a i r o

t
a l -? ^ I aq r iz i

history

107

( c f . G A L ,   I , 9 6 ,  S u p p l e m e n t   I , 1 5 3 f . ; V a q i i t ,  I r s d d ,   I I ,

^ A c c o r d in g and

p.

384/994

M a r g o l i o u r n ).

Pinto,

wo uld (cf.

be

in the

 K S O ,   father

X llI,

\ ’ a q u t ,  I r s d d ,   X I I I ,

a l - in n n q c d i ^ « li .  Z a f i r 1299).

Al-H asa n

The b.

reference Ibrahim,,

133-49

of the

2 6 4

17.

died

in

here

s e e n i, s

d.

( 1 9 3 1 - 3 2 ).

afore-mentioned Cairo

^

597/1201,

387/997

to (cf.

be

\ ', cf. a

^\li 228

b. Ab i

as-Suyuti,

duplication

G A l . , 

I,

1- M a n s f u '

M akg oi.ioutu ),

149).

 I J ii s n and

Zafir b. al-Hiisayn the

author

ci l- ii i u h d d u r ii h . 

m istake.

ol

the

I,

258

41 2

TRANSLATION

 AS -S A H AW I’ S I ‘L AN

4 13

 A bi og ra ph y of az -Za hir Ba yb ar s was wr itte n by 'Iz z- ad -di n  b. Sadda d,^ and his sec ret ary , Mu hyi -ad -din b. ‘Ab d-a z-Z ahi r.^  A bu Sam ah, ar-Rawdatayn f i ahhdr ad-dawlatayn. Ibn Duqmaq, Biography of az-Zahir Barqiaq.

 Ab ii 1-Ha san ‘A li b. al- Ha san b. al- Ma sita h ^ also wro te  Ahbd r al-wuzard''   which stopped with the end of the days of ar-Radi.

 A l- ‘A yn i, Bi og ra ph y of al-M u"a yya d. Oth ers also wro te on him. Several authors wrote biographies of az-Zahir Tatar, ^ al-Asraf Barsbay, and az-Zahir Caqmaq.

Ibn al-Mutawwaq .2  A bi i 1-Husayn Hilal b. al-Muhassin b. Ibrahim as-Sabi\^ Further,

Some authors wrote on the qualities and characteristics of the Sultans. Muhammad b. al-Haytam b. Sababah wrote  Kit db ad-dawlah.^ (6. Th e histo ry of) wazi rs  A bu Ba kr as- Su li’s wo rk on the wa zir s con tain s spe cia l inf orm a tion and many remarkable stories not found in any other author,  bec aus e as- Sul i ha d per son all y witn ess ed the eve nts described.® Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Malik al-Hamadani wrote a supplement to as-Suli’s work.®

^ Muhammad b. 'A li b. Ibrahim, d. 684/1285 (cf. G A L ,  I, 482). His biography of Baybars is mentioned by himself in his  A'-ldq  and by al-Yunini,  Da yl Mir^dt az-zamdn,   I, 497, 535 (Hyderabad 1374-80/1954-61); Ibn Katir,  Bid dyah ,  XIII, 305. Part of the work is preserved, cf. C. C a h e n , in  R E I,   X, 342 (1936), and S. a d - D a h i i a n ’ s introduction to his edition of the  AHdq,  18 f. (Damascus 1375/1956). 2 'Abdallah b, “^Abd-az-Zahir, d. 692/1293 (cf. G A L ,  I, 318 f.). The work is also quoted  by al- Yu nin i, op. cit.,  I, 540, 556. An edition of the preserved portion of the biography of Baybars has been published by S . F. S a d e q u e ,  Bayb ars I of Egy pt   (Dacca 1956). The Paris manuscript of Ibn '^Abd-az-Zahir’s history of al-Malik al-Mansur Qala^un has been published by M u r a d K  a m i l (Cairo 1961, cf. above, p. 119, n. 5). As-Safadi’s Tadkirah cites his  Falt at al-yard^ah  (Ms. India Office 3829, fol. 112b) and his Tawqi'^ bi-riydsat alYahild fi l-ayydrn al-MansuHyah  (Ms. Brit. Mus. Suppl. 1017 [Or. 1353], fols. io4b-io6b, quoted from the  His tory   of Ibn al-Furat in the edition of the history of Qala’un, 216 f. K 

a m i l

).

Further details on the historical works dealing with Baybars may be found in the intro duction of the work by S . F. S a d e q u e . ®Al-'^Ayni’s little work on Tatar, entitled ar-Katcd az-zdhir fi strut al-Malik at-Tdhir  (ed. M. Z. a l - K  a w t a r i , Cairo 1370/1950, and H. E r n s t , Cairo 1962), is no true biography but a kind of fiirs tensp iege l   combined with a flattering analysis of the ruler’s nationality, names, and circumstances. The same applies to Ibn 'Arabsah’s biography of Caqmaq (cf. G A L ,  II, 29) which stresses ethical-philosophical ideas and, for the most part, takes hardly any cognizance of the existence of its professed subject. ^ The information is derived from al-Mas'udi,  Mu ruj .  Abu Tammara wrote poems for him, cf. H. R  i t t e r ,  Di e Gehei mnisse der Wortku nst,  275, 360 (Wiesbaden 1959). The inforniation is derived from al-Mas'udi,  Mu ru j. ®‘■Unwdn as-siyar,  cf.  IHdn 144 f., below, p. 488 f.; Ibn al-'Adim ,  Biig yat at-talab, in  Rec uei l des historie ns des Cr oisade s, His t. or.  I ll, 706 (Paris 1884); Ibn Hallikan, I, 405, III, 220, 257, 273 trans. D e S l a n e ; as-Suyuti,  Hu sn al-muhdd arah,  II, T49 (Cairo 1299). AsSafadi, Wdfi,  IV, 38 D e d e r i n g (Damascus-Wiesbaden 1959), refers to the '■Unwdn  and “ a  His tory {Ahbdr) of Wazi rs,  the latter being a supplement to Ibn as-Sabi^’s work.”

Further authors of histories of wazirs are  A bu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. al-Hasan b. al-Fath al-Katib, known as

for instance, Ibrahim b. Musa al-Wasiti. In his work, al-Wasiti emulated Muhammad b. Dawud b. al-Jarrah(’s  His tory of Wazirs ). Ibn al-Mutawwaq wrote the history of a number of wazirs of alMuqtadir.  A bi i Ta lib b. A nj ab al- Ha zin ,  Ahb dr al-wiizard^ ft duwal alaHmmah al-hulafd''.  (A copy of the work is) in the possession of az-Za yni (?) b. Zuhayrah.® A t the beginning of the work, Ibn  An ja b sai d th at “ the ‘^Abbasid cah phs were the firs t to em plo y  waz irs. Th e U m ay ya ds ent rus ted the fina nci al ad min istr ati on and the collection and apportioning of taxes to local secretaries through their provincial governors. The government offices in Syria used Greek, those in Egypt Coptic, and those in the ‘Iraq Persian.  A ll offic ials, wi th ou t ex cep tio n, were eith er Chr isti ans or Mag ians . During the reign of ‘Abd-al-Malik b. Marwan, the switch to Arabic  wa s acc om plis hed by Su lay ma n b. Sa 'd in the gov ern me nt office s in Syria.® The Umayyads did not employ wazirs, but, for advice and guidance, they used to consult some educated Arab of distinc tion.”  A bu 1-Qasim ‘Ali b. Munjib b. as-Sayrafi

wrote a monograph

on the wazirs of Egypt.

1 D. after 310/922-23 (Yaqut, Irsd d,  XI II, 15 £f. Cairo = V, 113-5

M

a r g o l i o u t h

;  Fi hri st,

195, Cairo 1348 = 135 F l u g e l ). ^ A contemporary of al-Mas'udi, cf. Fih ris t,  187 (Cairo 1348 = 129 F l u g e l ); as-Safadi, Wdfi,  I, 52 R  i t t e r . His nam e is give n also as ‘■Ali b. (A bi) 1-Fath. Cf. A. Wiener, in  Der  Isla m,   IV, 404 (1913). His  Man dqib al-wuzard^  is quoted in ar-Rasid b. az-Zubayr, ad Dahd^ir wa-t-tuhaf,  229 H a m i d u l l a h (Kuwait 1959). ^ D. 448/1056 (GAL,  I, 323 f.; D. S o u r d e l , in  Ara bica ,  V, 272-92 [1958]). ^ Ibn al-Jarrah, d. 296/908 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 2241.). The information is derived from al-Mas'^udi,  Mu ruj ,  cf. Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  II, 20 (Cairo = I, 324 M a r g o l i o u t h ). His Wuzard^  is quoted by ar-Rasid,  Dahd^ir, 180 f. H a m i d u l l a h . ^ For the vocalization Zuhayrah, and not Zahirah, cf. F.  W  i : s t e n f e l d ,  Di e Chro nike n der Stadt Mekka,  I I , X V I I ;  Daw^,  XI, 214. This Ibn Zuhayrah may be identical with Zaynad-din ‘^Abd-al-Basit ('Umar) b. Muhammad, born 951/1448 {Daw^,  IV, 29 f.) ? ®Cf. al-Jahsiyari, Wuzard^,  fol. i8a M z i k  (Leipzig 1926,  Bibli othe k arabischer Histo riker und Geographen,  i); as-Suli,  Adab al-kid tdb,  192 f. (Cairo 1341); al-Mawardi, al-Ahkdni as Sult dniy ah,   349!. E n g e r (Bonn 1853). The text h as Sa“^d al-qudah (?). ’ D. 542/1147 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 489 f.).

414

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I ‘L AN

 A cer tai n E gy pt ia n wr ote a b iog ra ph y of the wa zir of (th eF ati mi d) al-Mustansir, Abii (Muhammad) al-Hasan (b.) ‘Ali b. 'Abd-arRahrnan al-Yazun.^ (7. The histo ry of secretaries)

4 15

Judge Abu t-Tayyib then composed a short work on the birth of as-Safi‘i, at whose end he enumerated a number of the men around him.  A bu ‘As im al -‘A bb adi ^ the n com pose d a ve ry brie f wo rk of a few quires on (Safi‘ite) tabaqdt.  He was followed by   Ab ii Mu ham ma d ‘A bd all ah b. Yu su f al- Ju rja ni, the hadit   expert.^

Ibn al-Abbar wrote on the secretaries. (q (S)

The hadit   scholar Abu 1-Hasan b. Abi 1-Qasim al-Bayhaqi, known

(8. The history of) amirs  Ab u ‘U ma r al- Ki nd i ^w rote on the ami rs of Eg yp t.  An aut ho r wh ose wo rk I use d wro te a hi sto ry  [ahhcir)  of the god less Timur. Tmad-ad-din b. Katir wrote a biography of Mengeh Boga.^ (g. The histo ry of) jurists  W ork s on the jur ists in gen era l we re wr itte n by Sa yh A bh Ish aq as-Sirazi, whose work is very brief. Judge Abu Muhammad ‘Abd-al-Wahhab b. Muhammad asSirazi,^ Ta^’yih al-fiiqahcV.  Al- Baji .^ Th ere are others .

as Funduq,^ Wasd^il al-almaH f i JaddHl as-SdfiH.  A bi in -N aj ib as- Su hra wa rdi ^ mad e a com pila tion on the sub jec t.  Ab ii ‘A m r b. as- Sala h wro te a bo ok (on t he sub jec t), bu t he died  bef ore its com plet ion. An -N aw aw i use d Ibn as -S ala h’s boo k, sh ort  ened it, and added some names. He also died before the clean copy of his work had been prepared, which was then prepared by al-Mizzi.^ ‘ImM-ad-din b. Batis.® ‘ImM -ad-din b. Katir wrote a big volume to which ‘Afif-ad-din al-Matari ^ wrote a supplement. Jamal-ad-din al-Isnawi ®wrote a monograph (on SMi‘ ite tabaqdt).

Muhammad b. 'Abd-al-Malik al-Hamadani as-Safi‘i, Tabaqdt al fuqahcV.*^

 A t the beg inn ing of the  Muhi mn idt,  he also mentioned a number of Safi'ites. Sulayman b. Ja‘far al-Isnawi, his maternal imcle,® had  wr itt en bef ore him Tabaqdt as-SdJiHyah  which were still in the

On Safi^ite jurists, there are works by a number of authors.’^ The first was Ab u Haf.s ‘Umar b. ‘Ali a l-^Iutawwi‘i a]-Adib,® al-Mudhab f i dikr hi yuh al-madhab.

draft stage when he died. Taj-ad-din Ibn as-Subki wrote three works on Safi'ite tabaqdt,

^ D.

450/1058

note wor thy 1270). Oil

f ( «'

His th e

h istory cf.

^ A n

enees

A t a b e k

this

in

I '.

o f

patronage

au

tlie

wazirs

of

p a i n t ( 'r s ,

author

d .

(Ib n

and

o f.

(ef.

77 4 / 13 7 2

li i i a i n

Massk, Cairo

32

al-Maqrizi,

quoted

( , A L , 

( U )n

I,

b y

l l i f a t , 

1919).

II,

318

a l - M a q r i z i ,  H i t a t ,   I ,

I H ,

y

A h m a d

1 0 4 ,

3 0 4

b. f .

is

He

(Biilaq

109.

M iih an n a

al-

J a w a d ,

149).

H a j a r ,  D i i r a r ,

a l - J a w z i ,  M m i t a r .a m ,

W ’ i ' s t e x f e l d ,  D c r

f.

a l - d d d h ,  I V ,

350/961

D a m a s c u s ,

is

8

{Wuzarcp az-ZciicrcP)  b

J i Sa jV d ad

' I ' aU j l s

d.

30 0/110 7

of

ationynions

a l - l M i \ v at i ,

d ’H gy p te,

IX,

152

e l - S c h d J P i   ( G iH t i n g ' cu i

1\ ' ,

f .) .

i8go),

ment to al-Isnawi. Taqi-ad-din b. Qadi Suhbah and some Syrian(s) wrote mono graphs on the subject.

367).

The

large, small, and medium. Siraj-ad-din b. al--Mulaqqini** treated the subject in an independ ent book. He also used the Tabaqdt   of Ibn as-Subki for a supple

b i b h o g ' r a p h i c a l r e f e r-

reuLain

qu ite

useful

iu

eontc'xt.

tioned

by

T I’ «/ f,

I,

Hii,al,

Th e

■A

46 f.

K itte r.

 R c v i s t d

of

27-29

I b n

in

d d

tabaqdt S a f i ‘ - i t( '

of

the

His

the

of

l- ." ip (i o

252

ablSaji

de

M  AR(

ha\e

J- '. st ii di ns

text,

p r e e e di i i. ij j a u t l i o r s

1 j\-

Mu haniinad

19).

Ibn

below,

me ntion ed

( ju o t e d

H i s  K i t d b F i r a q

.0 Li0 t: Tn ),

b een

and

studied

qu oted

and

1-37,

I sla m ic os, H ,

by

a l -f u q a h d ^  i s in

('dited

HI ,

as-Safadi, by

17-46

m e n 

J.

^Ar.

(1 9 5 4 - 5 5 ) .

Deoerinc^.,

a t - n i a d l ia b  ( B o d l e i a n

is

1\ ' ,

-

T, 419).

are

b.

m entio ned ms.

or.

al-H asan

b >-

Marsh

as-Sublvi

428).

a i - \ \' a s it i

al-Mula (](|in,

nis.

or.

p.

58 4 .

bv

Hunt.

a t - ' ^I q d 1 0 8 ),

a h l i’ a x i u u i i ,

c ( j n ta i n s

ad-dahr,

r a ^ r i h - i - B a y h a q ,  1 5 8

as

l ii s

of

(lAL

th e

a

1\ ’ ,

(Teheran,

 w i t h

Ibn

a

n c 'a r l y i d e n t i c a l w or I<

^ ?i)uhamm ad

w a s

b.

sources

^

' .A l l

wo rks,

*  

‘■ A b d - a l - ( , ) a h i r

surve y

f i  of

(D amascu s

1317).

late r

 A l u t a w w i '^ i ’ s

 S u p p l e m e n t 

short

m uch

th(' nisbah   an d w ho

D.

{al-iimd liab?)

311

for

^

L i t er a t u r' ^ e s cl i ic l it e ,

a l - i ii i t d a / i l ia b

also

at-TaS'iliI)i, Yatimat

.M o s t

( c f.

S d fi ^ i t c s ,  c f . ( h . S p i i - : s ,  I le it r d ^ e z ii r a r( \b is ch e n

 A K M ,  

litterate ur

work

worl\s

(lAL,

T a b a q d t a s - s u i ; fd    ( P x i f h e i a n listed

o f t he

 f a b a q d t .   A r a b i c

Is he

the

(ef.

(Cairo

I\',

an d

were

193 2,

hanuilat

249

I n s t it ii t o

the se

1> a ti s ,

474/1081-82

Othe r

W d f i ,

h is  H i s t o r y

(Leipzifj;

d.

l y s d d ,  X I ,

introduction t o

3 0)

1304)?

Hahaf,

as-Safadi,

num ber

the

d o w n

b.

\'a(iut,

in

® Cf.

“

by

b.

d.

Suhiyniau

11,

reported

of

Tbu

Mu l.uiiiuna d

^  A l - h 'a m i ,

in

l ii s

biograph y

'Ub ayd ali, “

( T b i i M u y a s s a r ,  A n n a l c s

Cf.

4 8 9 /1 0 9 6 , b.

’

 D u r a y ,

11,

Ahnuu l,

aRree

p.

4 14,

n.

with

92 7.

tliat

of

f . ;  D a u '^ ,   \ T , A cco rd in g

to

458/1066

( cf . (  j  A L ,   I ,

Ib n

a

work

a l-M u k u iq in ,

a l-

386),

a s - S d f i ' 'i y a l i ,  H I ,

(cf. C t A L ,

I,

324),

563 /1168

219

(C airo

th(‘ historian

(cf.

< r A L ,  I,

of

1324).

Ba\-]iaq.

436).

d.

Aluhanu nad

655/1257 , b.

Ah niad

cf .

as-Subki, b.

H alaf,

o p . c i t ., d.

\

,

51.

765/Decemb er

f.).

'. \ b d - a r - R a h i m 1X75 6/135 3

b.

flbii p.

a l -A l u t a w 'w i ' ^ i e x c e p t 100-5), wrote

a n -X a w a w i.

Tabaqd t

d.

nam es

( c f. ( i A f , ,   1 1 ,

302.

”

ab o\e ,

b\'

^A bda llah,

Hiba tallah,

*

Cf.

d.

565/1169

b.

who se

a b o ve ,

ab rid g e d

d.

b.

284

see

as-Snbki,

p.

b.

'^ . A bd a ll a h

ti tl e' ,

c f.

Zayd ,

abf)\'e,

® I s m a '^ i l

a l - I M u l a q c ii n

die cl in 804/1401

414,

al-Ilasan, Hajar, r i.

7.

d.

 D i t r a r ,  

772/1370 H,

145).

( c f.

G A I . ,

11,

9 0

f. ).

1363

(Ibn

H ajar,

4i 6

 A S- SA H A W l’ S I ‘L AN

Ibn H ajar added notes in the margin of his copy of Ibn as-Subki’s Tabaqdt al-wustd.  I edited these notes in a separate volume. Qutbad-din al-Hay dari ^ used them in connection with the original  wor k, tog eth er wit h add itio ns of his own, and edi ted the m in a sep arate work. I have come to know a great number (of §Mi‘ite scholars). If I  were to tre at the m in mo nog raph form , it wo uld be enor mous . Perhaps, with God's help (I shall do it), (gg) Note: Transmitters of the old (system) of as-Safi"-! were four; Az-Za'faranf,^ Abii Tawr,^ Ahmad (b. Haubal), and aL-Karabtsi.^ The transmitters of his new (system)  wer e six : Al- Mu zani , ar- Rab i‘ al-Jizi,® ar -R ab i‘^al-Muradi,® al- Bu wa yti , Ha rm ala h,’ and Yunus b. ‘^Abd-al-AHa.® The first to introduce the Safi'ite school to Damascus was Abu Zur'ah Muhammad  b. ‘■Utrnan b. Ibr ahi m at- Taq afi ad-D inia sqi. Bef ore th at, the scho ol of al-Awza*^! had been preponderant in Damascus. Abu Zur'^ah gave one hundred dinars to every  bod y who kne w the  Muht asar   of al-Muzani by heart. He was < judge of> Egypt for  Ah ma d b. Tu lu n and, the n, jud ge of Dam asc us. He died in the ye ar 302/9 14-15. In Transoxania, the juridical system of as-Safi‘^i spread in the wake of the au thority of the religious leader Muhammad b. ‘A li b. Ism a'il al-Qaffal al-Kabir as-Sasi.® He died, seventy-four years old, in l)ii 1-Hijjah 365/August 976.  Ab u Mu ham mad “^Abdan b. Muh amm ad b. “^Isa al-M arw azi, the hadit   expert, was the person who brought about the success of the Safi'^ite school u\ Marw and Hurasan after Ahmad b. Sayyar.i® Ibn Sayyar had brought the books of as-Safi'^i to Marw. The people there liked theni. '^Abdan looked at some of thena and wanted to copy them, but Ibn Sayyar did not pernut it. "^Abdan thereupon sold one of his estates,  wen t to Eg yp t whe re he con tac ted ar-Rab i'- and oth er follo wers of as- Saf i'i, copi ed the books of as-Safi'-i, and returned to Marw while Ibn Sayyar was still alive. 'Abdan died in th e night of “^Arafah of the year 293/906.  Ab u “^Awanah Y a'q ub b. Ish aq b. Ibr ahi m b. Za yd an-NisabC iri al-I sfa ray ini , the author of the  Sahi h  following M us lim ,w as the first to introduce the school and works of as-Safi'i to Isfarayin. He had received (his information) from ar-Rabi*^ and alMuzani. He died in the year 316/928-29.  Ab u Ism a'il Mu ham mad b. Ism a'i l b. Yri suf as-S ulam t at- Tir mid i bro ugh t the  boo ks of as- Sa fi'i from Eg yp t. Ish aq b. Rahawayh^ ^ cop ied the m and, on the bas is of them, composed his own  Jdmi^ al-kabi r.  He transmitted (material) on the authority of al-Buwayti. He died in the year 280/893-94. In most regions, the Safi'ite school spread following the au thority of Ibn Surayj.*®  Ar-Rabi'^ b. Su lay ma n perf orme d the pilg rim age in the yea r 240/855. In Mecca , he met with Abu 'Ali al-Hasan b. Muhammad az-Za'faraui. They greeted each other, ^ Muhammad b. Muhamm ad b. 'Abdallah, 821-894/1418-89  [Daw^,  IX, 117-24). ^ Al-Hasan b. Muhammad, d. 260/874 {TB,  VII, 407). " Ibrahini b. Halid, d. 240/854  [TB ,  V I, 65 ff.).  Al- Hu say n b. ‘•Ali, d. 248/862-63, or 245 (7 'iJ, VII I, 64 ff.). ^ Ar-Rabi*^ b. Su laym an, d. 256/870. ®Ar-Rabi'^ b. Sulayman, d. 270/884. Harmalah b. Yahya, d. 243/858. « D. 264/878. ®Cf. (7.41. Supplement   I, 307. D. 268/881-82 (TB,  IV , 187 ff.). For the story, cf. as-Su bki, Tabaqdt as-SdfiHyah, II, 50 f. (Ca iro 1324). “ D. 316/928 (cf. GAL Supplement I,  266, II, 947). His  Mus nad ,  as his work is entitled,  was pub lish ed in Hy der aba d 1362-63. Ishaq b. Ibrahim, d. 238/852-53, or 237 (77 i, VI, 345-55). Cf. above, p. 279, n. 4.

TRANSLATION

41 7

and ar-Rabi"- said; “ O Ab il “^Ali (100), you shall spread this kind of learning— that is, Safi'ism— ^inthe Eas t, and I shall spread it in the West.” ^  Ar-Rabi*- al-M urM i said ; “ I gav e all Hu ras ania ns the perm issio n to teach (ijdzah) for the books of as-Safi'-i.” ‘•Abd-al-Malik al-Bagawi said: “ I copied the books of as-Safi'-i for Ibn Tiilun for 500 dinars.”

Hanafite jurists; Abu Muhammad ‘Abd-al-Wahhab b. Muham mad b. ‘Abd-al-Wahhab al-Fami occupied himself with the jurists— I suppose, the Hanafites, since (his work) was used in the biography of the Hanafite Ibn al-Qudiiri.^ Muhyi-ad-din ‘Abd-al-Qadir b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Nasr-Allah al-Qurasi, al-Jawdhir al-mudiyah fi tabaqdt al-Hanafiyah on Hanafite tabaqdt.  The same author also wrote Wafaydt.  The Tabaqdt   were abridged by Majd-ad-din al-Lugawi, the author of the Qdmus.^  Before al-Qurasi, Hanafite tabaqdt   had been compiled  by the hadit   scholar Ibn al-Muhandis ^ and, after him, among others, by the historian Ibn Duqmaq and Badr-ad-din al-‘Ayni.  Al- Qu ras i also wro te Tahdi b al-asmd^ al-wdqi^ah ft l-Hi ddya h wal-Huldsah— I believe, in imitation of an-Nawawi(’s Tahdib). Malikite jurists; Judge ‘lyad occupied himself with them in the  Madd rik.   This is a substantial tabaqdt   work. He said that, following a group of scholars whom he mentioned by name, he had written (apart from the  Maddr ik)  a monograph on the “tran smitters on MMik’s authority which contained more than 1300 individuals.” ^ (He further said) tha t “ in spite of the need of both independent and tradition-bound scholars, jurists, and persons interested in the law ® for a knowledge of this subject, there has not previously appeared a comprehensive treatment of it, nor has there been devoted to it a brilliant work which would lead the student to the goal and give the interested person the opportunity to find what he wants. The only exceptions (to this statement) are the compilations of the two early (scholars), 'Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Abi Dulaym (al‘ Cf. also E.  W u sT E N F E i. D ,  DcY Imam el-S chdf Pi, 76. ^ Ahma d b. Muhammad, d. 428/1037 (cf. G A L , I, i 74 f-)- Eor the quo tation fro m alFami’s Tabaqdt al-fiiqalup,  cf. ‘Abd-al-Qadir al-Qurasi, al-Jau'dhir al-mudiyah,  I, 93 (Hy derabad 1332). ^ Muhammad b. Ya'^qub al-Firuzabadi (which, according to an-Xawaw f’s Tabaqdt, Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 2021, fol. 37a, was corrcctly pronounced Ferozabadi), d. 817/1415 (cf. G A L ,  II, 181-83). ^ ‘^Abdallah b. Muham mad, 691-769/1292-1 367 (Ibn I^ajar,  Dur ar, II, 282). ^ Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 2293, fol. 2b. ® Al-m utaf aqq ih (Mad drik).  According to the context, the mutafannin  of the  IHdn means something similar.

History of Muslim Historiography

4i 8

 A S- SA H A W !’ S I ‘L AN

419

TRANSLATION

Qurtubi) ^ and Muhamm ad b. Ha rit al-Qarawi,^ and the selec tions ^of Sayh (Abu Ishaq) al-Firuzabadi in those passages of his  Muht asar in which he mentions (M^ ikite jurists). All these (books) ^ are not completely satisfac tory and contain only small selections from a great amount of material.® Ibn Abi D ulaym is q uite complete with regard to the Magribite successors of the transmitters of Malik,® Egyptians, Spaniards, and a group of Qayrawanians. (However), he restricted himself to indicating their respective tahaqdt  and names, without any (biographical) information about them and their conditions, and he made no mention of the Malikites of the Hijaz and the East, in spite of their importance and the great number of their names.” ’ (loi)

 Hist ory   of Abu ‘Umar as-Sadafi al-Qurtubi;^ the works of Abu ‘Abdallah b. Harit, on the Qayrawanians and Spaniards; further more, some of the works of Ab u l-‘Arab at-Tamimi; ^ Abu Ishiq ar-Raqiq al-Katib Abu ‘Ali al-Basri (on the Qayrawanians; notes in the handwriting of Sayh Abu ‘Imran al-Fasi, on the same subject; and, further, what I came across of the  Hist ory of) ^  Ab u Ba kr b. A bi ‘A b d a lli h al-Maliki,® on the Qa yra wa nia ns; also some of the Spanish histories, such as the work of Abu ‘Abdal-Malikb. ‘Abd-al-BarrAbu ‘Umarb. ‘Afif,^ al-Ihtifdl;   A b u 1-Q^simb. Mufrih (Mufarraj), al-Intihdb;  the work of Judge Abii 1-Walid  b. al- Fa ra di ; the his tor ies of Ab u Ma rwa n b. H ay ya n ®and ar-Razi;® the work of Ah mad b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muzahir,i° on the Tole

 As Ab u Ish aq an -N aji ram i ®said, the occ upa tio n wi th the sub   je ct (of pro per name s), more tha n an yth in g else, requ ires ac cu rac y,  be cau se the form s of pro per nam es can no t be det erm ine d thr ou gh analogy or from the context.®

dans,”— and a number of others he mentioned.  A ll la te r aut hor s use d the  Ma ddr ik  as the standard reference  wo rk. A num be r of sch ola rs wr ot e ab ridg me nts of it, am ong the m ‘lyad’s pupil Abu ‘Abdallah b. HammM as-Sabti. For easy refer ence, an alphab etical arrang ement (index) was made by our col league Ibn Fahd, about two quires. (This index falls) into two parts, one of which deals with the men around Malik, the other with the

Judge ‘lyad then mentioned something of the sort. He further mentioned many of the books he had read, among them the works ofi® “az-Zubayr b. Bakkar; Judge Abu Bakr b. Hayyan[; and Judge] W ak i'/i on judges; the works of at-Tabari, as-Siili, and  Ab u Ka m il; the wor ks of Ab u ‘U m ar al -K in di an d (‘A bd -ar Rahman b. Ahmad) b. Yiinus (al-Misri on the Egyptians); the

rest. In the Tirdz al-mudhah, Judge Burhan-ad-din Abii Ishaq Ibrahim 1 

^ D. 351/962 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo,   68, who follows Ibu al-Faradi, 192 f., no. 705, in vocalizing  Dal tni). ^ D. ^7ilg8i   (cf. G A L ,  I, 150). Cf. also below, p. 460, n. 4. ® Iqtadab ahu (Ma ddri k).  The Tahaqdt al-fuqahd^  by Abu Ishaq as-Sirazi are meant here. He is often called al-Firuzabadi and is listed under this nisbah in as-Sani'ani,  Ans db,  fol. 435b. * Wa-kull al-kutub [Maddrik). ^ Min al-kattr ilia qalilan {Maddrik). *  Ft- man dakara hu (Mad drik ). ’’ Maddrik,  fol. 2a. The meaning of aHdm  here is established through the following remark. ®Ibrahim b. 'Abdallah, fourth/tenth century (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 201 f.). Cf. also S. a l - M u n a j j i d , in the introduction to his edition of Mu’arrij,  Ha df min nasab QurayS  (Cairo, n. y. [i960]). The manuscript of the work was wTitten by an-Najirami. ®Cf. al-'Almawi and Ibn Jaina'^ah, in F. R  o s e n t h a l , The Technique and Approach of   Mu sli m S chola rship , 15a (Rome 1947,  Ana lecta Orien talia,  24). The context of the two authors suggests that their information was derived from Judge 4  yad . If thi s is the cas e, I mu st hav e overlooked it while perusing the  Mad drik .  Mad drik   adds Abu '^Abdallah al-Buhari, ‘^Abd-ar-Rahman b. Abi Hatim, and Abu 1-Hasan ad-Daraqutni. The correct form of his name is Muhammad b. Halaf. He died in 306/918 {TB, V, 236 f.; GAL Supplement   I, 225;  Fih ris t, 166,  Cairo 1348 = 114 F l u g e l ).  Waki'^’s w ork on j ud ges was publ ishe d b y ‘^A  b d - a l - ' ^ A z  i z M u s t a f a a l - M a r a g i (Cairo 136679/1947-50). It is quoted in the  Mad drik , for instance, fol. 105a.  A  wor k b}' him wh ich inc lud  ed a history from Constantine to the year 301 of the hijrah was used by Hamzah alIsfahani, cf. above, p. 73, n. i.

Ahmad b. Sa'id b. Hazm, d. 350/961 (Yaqut,  Irsd d,  II I, 50-52, Cairo = I, 134 f.

g o l i o u t h

Mar-

).

2 Muhamnaad b. Ahm ad, d. 333/945 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 228). 3 Ibrahim b. al-Qasim, around 400/1009-10 (cf. G A L ,  I, 155,  Sup plem ent  I, 252 and 229). Ibn ar-Raqiq’s Qutb as-surur ft tvasf al-anbidah wa-l-humur,  which I consulted in the Paris ms. ar. 3302, is a historical monograph on the attitude of the caliphs toward wine and their wine-drinking habits. The stories are arranged according to the chronological sequence of the reigns of the various caliphs. *  The additions are from the text of the  Mad drik . ®‘^Abdallah b. Muhammad, first half of the fifth/eleventh century (cf. GAL Supplement  I , 210, and the introduction to the edition of the first volume of Abu Bakr al-Maliki’s  Riy dd  an-nufus by H u s a y n M u ^n i s [Cairo 1951]). ®Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 338/950 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   58 f.). ’ Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 420/1029 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo,   113 f.). There can be little doubt that he is the person meant here, although his work is not known under the title of al-Ihtifdl.  His  His tory of the J udge s a nd Jur ists in Cordoba  was a source of Ibn Baskuwal in his  Sila h.  A historical work entitled al-lhtifdl   was written between 417-420/1026-29  by al-H asa n b. ^lu ham mad b. Mu far raj ( ?) a l-Q ubb asi (d. aft er 430/1038-39), bu t he cannot  easily be identified with Abu 1-Qasim b. Mufrih (?), the author of al-Intihdb,  because his kunyah  was Abu Bakr. Cf. also E . L e v i - P r o v e n (; a l and E . G a r c i a G o m e z , Una cronica anonima de ^Abd-al-Rahman II I al-Xds ir,  21 f. (Madr id-Gra nada 1950). Cf. further, alMaqqari,  Anale ctes, 1 , 902 . ®Hayyan b. Halaf, d. 469/1076 (cf. G A L ,  I, 338). ®Ahmad  b . Muhammad  b . Musa, d. 3 4 4 / 9 5 5 ( E . L e

v i

-P

r o v e n

^a

l

in  E l, s.v.  al-Razi;

G A L ,  I, 150), rather than his father. D. 489/1096 (Ibn Baskuwal,  Sila h,  72 f. C o d e r a ). Ibn Baskuwal also used Ibn Muzahir.  Mad drik ,  fol. 5a.  Leg .,  at the end: wa-siwd hddihi jiimlahl 

420

TRANSLATION

 A S- SA H AW I’ S I ‘L AN

421

 b. ‘A ll b. Mu ham ma d b. Fa rhu n sele cte d a num ber of the mo st important Malikites, about six hundred, alphabetically arranged. I myself have written a substantial work on the Malikites which is in the rough draft stage, (I did so) after I had prepared an in structive arrangement of Ibn Farhun’s work and abstracted from the  Ma ddr ik   the persons not mentioned by Ibn Farhun, each in one  volu me . 1

 Ad -D ah ab i. He wr ote a s ub sta nti al wo rk. Ta j-a d-d in b. Ma ktu m ^  wr ote to it a sho rt sup ple me nt of tw en ty perso ns. Ibn al- Ja za ri ^ took ad-Dahabi’s book, added much material to its biographies, and also added new biographies. I wrote to it a substantial supple ment. Ad-Dahabi(’s work) was alphabetically arranged by al-‘Izzi  b. Fa hd , the su rv iv in g me mbe r of the fam ily and prid e of Mecca.®

 A bu Mu ha mm ad ‘A bd all ah b. Sa hl al- Qu da ‘i wro te a pa mp hle t  whi ch com prise s a num ber of the be st kno wn Ma liki tes.

(11. The history of) hadit  experts

On Hanbalite jurists, there are works by  Judge Abu 1-Husayn Muhammad, a son of Judge Abu Ya'la Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. al-Farra’.^  A bu ‘A ll b. al -B an na ’ . An d The hadit   expert Abu 1-Faraj b. al-Jawzi. The hadit   expert Zayn-ad-din (102) b. Rajab ^wrote a supplement to Ibn al-Farra\ Both the original work and the supplement are arranged according to tahaqdt.  An alphabetical arrangement was made by our colleague Ibn Fahd, in two (separate) works. The leading Hanbalite, ‘Izz-ad-din al-Kinani, occupied himself  wit h a com pila tion of Ha nb aht es. He com pile d a su bs tan tia l boo k,  bu t he did not pre par e its fina l rev isio n and clea n copy.^ (10. The history of) Qur’an readers (Works on Qur’an readers were written by)  A bu ‘A mr ad-Dani.®  A bu Ba kr Ah ma d b. al- Fa dl b. Mu ham ma d b. Ah ma d b. Mu ha m mad b. Ja'far al-Batirqani.® And

(Works on hadit   experts, huffdz,  were written by) Ibn al-Jawzi.  Ab u 1-Walid b. ad-Dabbag. Also by  Ibn Daqiq-al-‘id, who restricted himself to persons who are described in the chains of transmitters as hadit   experts.  Ad -D ah ab i wro te a boo k (on the sub ject ) wh ich was sub sta nti al in comparison with his predecessors. He arranged it according to tabaqdt.  Ibn Hajar picked out the men not found in the Tahdib al-Kamdl.  A supplement to ad-I)ahabi was written by the hadit  expert Sams-ad-din al-Husayni,^ and a supplement to al-Husayni  wa s wr itte n by our tea ch er Ta qi- ad -di n b. Fa hd al-M akk i. (Taq iad-din’s) son, Najm-ad-din ‘Umar, arranged it together with the original work according to the alphabet, (practically) a new work. The hadit   expert Ibn Nasir-ad-din versified that (material in a poem) entitled  Badi'-at al-baydn f i wafaydt al-a'-ydn.  He himself commented on his poem in a volume entitled at-Tibydn li-Badi'-at  al-baydn.  He added twenty-six persons to ad-Dahabi. Ibn Hajar  wr ot e a sup plem ent of tw en ty- ei gh t perso ns in one quir e to (adDahabi). I myself have additions. (12. Th e history of) hadit   scholars

1 C f. G A L S u p p l e m e n t   11,226. ^ D. 526/1132 (cf. G A L S u p p l e m e n t   I, 557). His T a b a q d t a l - H a n d b i l a h  were pub lish ed by M u h a m m a d H a m i d a l - F i q I in Cairo 1371/1952. 2 '"Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ahmad, 736 -795 /1335-93   (cf. G A L , H, 107). His  D a y l   was pub lish ed  by S. a d - D a h h a n and H. L a o u s t (Damascus 1370-/1951-). The introduction of the edition contains a brief survey of Hanbahte biographical collections. Ibn Abi Yana’s work is arranged according to t a b a q d t ,  wit h an alp hab eti cal arra ngem ent  wit hin the ind ivi du al t a b a q d t . Ibn Rajab uses an annalistic arrangement, according to the  yea rs of dea th of the sch olar s list ed. ‘ It should be noted that in his  S u p p l e m e n t  to Ibn Hajar’s  R a f ’^a l - is r , as-Sahawi himself stated that al-Kinani (born 800/1397-98) wrote a large fourteen-volume, a medium three vol um e, and a sma ll one- volu me T a M h t a b aq d t a l -I I a n d bt l a h -, cf. as-Sahawi,  B u r y a t a l' ^ u la n u P l u a - r - r m m h f i d - d a y l ^ a ld k i t d h a s - S a y h f t l - q u d d h , Paris ms. ar. 2150, fol. 7b. ®H 'tma n b. Sa'id , d. 441/1049-50, or 444/1053 (cf. G A L , I, 407). ®D. 460/1067 (^ aqut,  I r s d d , I \ ' , 100-2, Cairo = I I , 16  A I a r g o l i o u t h ) .

 A bu 1-Walid Yusuf b. ‘Abdallah b. ad-Dabbag,

Tabaqdt al-

muhadditin. An d  Ad -D ah ab i, al-Mu'-jam,  (the one) which is especially concerned  wit h hadit   scholars. 1 Ahmad b. ‘Abd-al-Qadir, d. 749/1348 (cf. G A L ,  II, no). Cf. GAL Supplement   II, 46. ^  Ap pa ren tly , Mu ham mad b. Muh amm ad, d. 833/1429 (cf. G A L ,  II, 201-3), cf. above, p. 276, n. 9. * He may be identical with 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. '^Umar, below, p. 482, n. i.  Baqt yah   “ s u r v i v  ing” also often means “b est,” cf. A. S p i T A L E R , i n Westdstliche Abhandlungen R.Tschudi, 138-46 (Wiesbaden 1954). ‘ Muha nmiad b. '^Ali, d. 765/1264 (cf. GAL Supplement,  II, 46; Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  IV, 61). He wrote the Paris manuscript of ad-Dahabi’s '■Ibar.

422

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW i’ s I' LA N

(13. The history of) historians References to many historians will be found later on. (14. The history of) grammarians (Works on grammarians were written by)  A bi i ‘Ab da lla h Mu ham ma d b. al- Hu sa yn b. ‘U ma r al-Y am ani. ^  Al so b y   A bu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Yusuf b. Ibrahim al-Qifti.^ (Al-Qifti’s)  wo rk was ab rid ge d b y ad- Da hab i.  As-S irafi ,^ I bel iev e, wro te a bo ok on gra mm ari ans . (103)  A bu Ba kr Mu ha mm ad b. al- Hu sa yn (al -H asa n?) b. ‘A bd al lah  b. Madhi j az -Z ub ay di / Tahaqdt an-nuhdh.

The compilation (of a history of grammarians) has been the occu pation of a certain person who very often came to me (that is, to my classes), in order to acquire information, especially on this subject. He has picked out man y original notes and remark able results of research from the works of (authors) whose biographies (are found in the biographical collections), and from the notebooks of distinguished religious leaders. He believes that only a person  wh o com bin es tra dit ion al kn ow led ge wi th un der sta nd ing is abl e to make (such a compilation as he has planned). His work, however, has not appeared up to now, although he has published a short treatise on the subject. (15. Th e history of) litterateu rs

Judge Abu 1-Mahasin al-Mufaddal b. Muhammad b. Mis‘ar b. Muhammad al-Magribi (al-Ma'^arri) an-Nahwi,^  Ahb dr an-nu hdh min al-Basfiyin wa-l-Kufiyin.  A bu ‘U ba yd all ah Mu ham ma d b. ‘Im ran b. Musa al-Marzubani,® al-Muqtahas ft ahbdr an-nuhdh.  A bu 1-Mahasin Yiasuf b. Ahmad b. Mahmud b. Ahmad adDimasqi,  Nu r al-qabas,  which he took from the Qabas  which, in turn, had been taken from the  Muqtabas.  ’ Taj-ad-din b. Maktum al-Hanafi,  Al- Jun ta'' al-mutan ndh {?, al jam'- a l - m u t a n d h i f t ahbdr al-lug awiyi n wa-n-nuhdh,   in ten  volu me s, of whi ch I ha ve seen a num be r of fasc icle s in the au th or ’s handwriting. A special volume of the work is devoted exclusively to the Muhammads. There is hardly a literary work on poetry or history or the like which does not have a biography of its author in (Ibn Maktum’s) handwriting.® 1 D. 400/1009-10 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 202). ^ D. 646/1248 (cf. G A L ,  I, 325). His  Inbdh   was published in Cairo 1369-74/1950-55. ^ Al-H asan b. ‘^Abdallah, d. 368/979 (cf. G A L ,  I, 113). His  Hist ory of Gramm arians   was reprinted in Cairo 1374/1955. * 

D. 379/989 (cf. G A L ,  I, 132 f.; Ms. Leiden: az-Zabidi). A n edition of the Tahaqdt  by M.  A   bx j l - F a d l I  b r a h i m appeared in Cairo 1373/1954. ®D. 442/1050-51, or 443 (Yaqut,  Irsdd ,  XIX, 164 Cairo = VII, 171 M a r g o l i o u t h ; as-Suyuti,  Bug yat al-wu'^dh,  396, Cairo 1326). He was from al-Ma'arra. A manuscript of the  wor k in the Ha dr am awt was desc ribe d bri efl y by R. B. S e r j e a n t , in  Revue de I’ lns titu t des  Ma nusc rits Arab es,  III, 342 (1957). ®D. 378/988-89, or 384/904 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, i go f.). Ed. R . S e l l h e i m ,  Die Gelehrte nbiographi en des Ab u ^Ubaidalldh al-M arzu bdni in der  Rezen sion des Ha fiz al-Y agm tiri   (Wiesbaden 1964,  Bibli othec a Islam ica,   23a). ®This paragraph is derived from Ibn Hajar,  Dura r, 1 , 175.  A man usc rip t of the wor k is list ed in P. S  b a t h ,  Al -F ihr is, Supp leme nt,  43 (Cairo 1940). The autograph manuscript of an abridgment of al-Qifti’s  His tory of Grammar ians  by Ibn Maktum exists in Ms. Cairo Taymur Ta^rih 2069 (not seen). For further remains of his activity as a copyist, cf. G.  V  a j d a ,  Les Cert ificat s de lectu re et de tra nsmiss ion,  4 ff., 30 (Paris

1957).

423

(A work on litterateurs was written by) Yaqut.^ (16. Th e history of) lexicographers In addition to the afore-mentioned works, Majd-ad-din al-Lugawi, the author of the Qdmus,  wrote a small pamphlet (on lexicog raphers), entitled al-Bulgah ft aHnimat al-lugah.   I have come across it. (17. The histo ry of) poets (Works on poets were written by)  A bu Mu ham mad ‘A bd al lah b. Musl im b. Qu ta yb ah .  Ab ii Ba kr Mu ha mm ad b. H ala f b. al-Ma rzuba n.^  A t- T a ‘Mibi,^ Yatimat ad-dahr,  dealing with a good many poets. Supplements to (the Yatimah)  are Abii 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. al-Hasan  b. ‘A li al-B aha rzi,^  Dum yat al-qasr,  and Abu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Zayd al-Bayhaqi, Wisdh ad-Dtimyah, or al-'-Umdah ft Kitdb al-Haridah.^  Al so by   Al- Mu ba rak b. A bi B ak r b. Ha md an b. as -§ a“ ar al-Mawsili,® ^Uqud al-jumdn ft su'^ard^ az-zamdn. ^  Ya qu t b. ‘A bd alla h, d. 626/122 9 (cf. G A L ,  I, 479 f.). ^ D. 309/921-22 (cf. G A L ,  I, 125). ^ 'Abd-al-M alik b. Muhammad, d. 429/1038 (cf. G A L ,  I, 284-86). D. 467/1075 (cf. G A L ,  I, 252). * As-Sahawi’s lack of familiarity with this kind of literature is transparent in this para graph. ®593-654/1196-1256 (cf .G^L Supp leme nt   III, 1217). Cf. also Ibn Hallikan, IV, 426 trans. D e S l a n e . His work is further quoted by Ibn al-Fuwati, TalMs Majma'^ al-dddb,  IV, I, 192, 196, 204, 214, 218 f. 248, 286, 299, 300, 431, 538, 542, 548, 595, 599, 616, 633, also fr e quently in IV, III J a w a d , and by al-Yunini,  Da yl Mir^dt az-zanidn,   I, 33. As-Sa “ ar is doubtful, as the article is missing in the other references, but cf. also ‘Abd-al-Qadir al-Qurasi, al-Jawdhir al-mudtyah. I,  298, II, 95, 198.

424

 A S- SA H A W I’ S I ‘L AN

 Ab u 1-Ma‘Mi Sa‘d b. al-Haziri al-Kutubi/  Zin at ad-dahr f i dikr su'-ard^ al-^asr. ‘Imad-ad-din Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ^ Hamid al-Is bah ani al- Ka tib ,  Harid at al-qasr f t jari dat hi'-md^ aWasr.  Ab u ‘A bd all ah Muh am mad (104) b. Da wu d b. al- Jar rah , alWaraqah,  a history  [ahbdr)  of modern poets.® Also by ‘Abdallah b. al-Mu‘tazz, Tabaqdt as-su'^afd'' al-muhdatin^  Al- Ma rzu ba ni, al-Mu'^jam as-sagir li-s-su'-ard^. ‘Abd-as-Salam b. Yusuf ad-Dimasqi, Unmudaj al-a'-ydn wa-§hi'^ard^ mim-nian adraka bi-s-samd'^ aw hi-l-Hydn.^  A bu ‘A bd al la h Mu ham ma d b. Sa llam b. 'A bd all ah al- Ju ma hi— as a chent of the Jumah — al-Basri al-Ahbari,® Tabaqdt as-su''ard\  A bu Sa ‘d Muh amm ad b. Hu say n b. ‘A ll b. ‘A bd -a r-R ah im al-W azir,’^ Tabaqdt as-hi''ard\  Ab u Ta lib ‘A li b. A nj ab al- Ba gd ad i al- Ha zin , on the poe ts of his time.® Kamal-ad-din ‘Abd-ar-Razzaq b. al-Fuwati,^ ad-Diwar an-ndsi'-ah  f i m^ard^ al-mi^ah as-sdW^ah. Lisan-ad-din b. al-Hatib,^° at-Tdj al-muhalld,  on the litterateurs of the eighth/fourteenth century, and al-IkUl az-zdhir fi-md fadala  Hnd nazm at- Td j min-a l-jawdhir .  Both works contain biographies of litterateurs in the Magrib. They are written entirely in rhymed prose. ‘Izz-ad-din Abu 'Umar b. Jama‘ah,  Nuz hat al-alibbd^ f i ma'-rifat  al-udabd\  in several volumes. The author restricted himself to the 1 Sa'd b. 'All, d. 568/1172 (cf. G A L ,  I, 248). ^ Ms. Leiden has the correct names. An edition of the Har idah   was begun as a collab orative enterprise of E gyptian , “^Iraqi, Syrian, and M agribi scholars (Cairo 1951; Bag dad 1955; Damascus 1955; Tunis 1966).  b d - a l - W a i i h a b ' A  z z a m and ' A  b d - a s -S a t t a r A. F a r r a j in Cairo 1953. ^ Edited  b y '■A  ^ Newly edited by ‘■A   b d - a s -S a t t  A r A. F a r r a j in Cairo 1375/1956. ^ Cf. Hajji Halifah,  Ka sf az-zum tn,  465 F l u g e l . The author was a contemporary of Yaqut, cf. Yaqut,  M u ‘-jai n, IV, 119  W u s t e n f e l d . But a quotation, from his work in as-Safadi, Waft,  IV, 152 f. D e d e r i n g , refers to the year 547/1152, so that he was much older than YaqCit. ®D. 231/845-46, or 232 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 165). He was, in fact, a client of Qudainah  b. Maz'-un al-J um ahi (TB,  V, 327), one of the nxen around Muhammad.  A new edition was published in Cairo 1953. Cf. also  A. J.  A  r b e r r y ,  in  BS OA S,   X III, 7-22, 602-15 (1950-51). ’ D. 439/1048 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Munt azam,   V III, 134). His work is quoted by Ibn al-F'uwati, Talhts Majma^ al-ciddb,  IV, III, 475 J a w a d . * Identical with tlic AJjhdr al-ndabd^,  of which a five-volume copy is said to exist in private possession, cf. P. S b a t h ,  Al -F ihr is, Supp leme nt,  38 ( Cairo 1940) ? * ' A b d - ar - R a zz a q b . A h n w i , d . 723I132S   (cf. GAL Supplement II,  202). 1®M uhammad b. 'Abdallah , d. 776/1374 (cf. G A L ,  II, 260-63). The information in this paragraph is derived from Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  III, 472.  Al- Mu ha lld  (instead of al-mu^alld)  and  fi-m an   (instead of  fi-m d)  is found in the  Dura r,  the latter also in Ms. Leiden.

TRANSLATION

425

 bio gra phi es of thos e poe ts, the tran smi ssio n of who se poe ms ha d come to him either through direct stud}^ or a (written) permission  [ijdzah).   A one-volume abridgment was composed by Ibn Jama‘ah himself. Badr-ad-din al-Bastaki, ^ al-MatdW- al-Badriyah,   on poets, a substantial work, alphabetically arranged. I have come across a fragment of it.  A bi i 1-Faraj, the author of the  Ag dni ,  wrote on maid servants  wh o wer e poet esse s  [Ahbd r al-imd'’ as-sawdHr). (18. The hi story of) servants (of God) and Sufis (Works on Siifis were written by)  A bu ‘A bd -a r-R ah ma n as-Sula mi.^  A bi i S a ‘id Mu ham ma d b. ‘A ll b. ‘A mr an-Na qqas. ^  Ab u 1-‘Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad an-Nasawi.^ ‘Abd-al-Wahid b. Siyah as-Sirazi.^  A bu S a ‘id b. a l- A ‘rabi.6 A nd Professor Abii 1-Qasim al-Qusayri,’^ ar-Risdlah.  This work con tains a great number of prominent Sufis down to the time of its author. ‘Abd-al-Gaffar al-Qusi,® al-Wahi d f i suluk ahl at-tawhid,  in two

1 Muhamnxad b. Ibrahim b. Muhammad, 748-830/1347-1427, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Da yl ^ald  ad-Durar al-kdminah,  Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 4767, p. 208 f.;  Daw^,  VI, 277 -79 - T h e nisbah  alBastaki, thus to be vocalized according to Ibn Hajar, is derived from the Hanqah Bastak, or Bastak (after Bastak an-Nasiri, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  I, 477-79), between Cairo and Fustat, cf. al-Maqrizi,  Hi tat ,  II, 418 f. (Bulaq 1270). He was quite a prominent scholar in his time and is often mentioned, cf., for instance, Ibn Makanis,  Diii 'dn,  Paris ms. ar. 3210, fols. 35a-36a. Cf. also GAL Supplement   II, 7 (no. ig), and iHdn,  115, below, p. 445, n. 4 ^ Muhanunad b. al-Husayn, d. 412/1021 (cf. G A L ,  I, 200 f.). Cf. the editions of the Tabaqdt  as-Sufiyah by N u r - a d - d I n S u r a y b a h (Cairo 1372/1953) and J. P e d e r s e n (Leiden i960), as well as  Melan ges Mas sign on,  III, 185-94 (Damascus 1957). ^ D. 414/1023 (cf. GAL Supplement,  I, 949, cf. also as-Safadi, Wdfi,  1, 54 R  i t t e r ). * GAL Supplement   I, 360, has a certain Abii l-'Abbas as-Susi, d. 396/1005-6, as the author of Tabaqdt as-Suftyah.  He is certainly identical with our author who is mentioned as Abu l-'^Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Zakariya^ an-Nasawi in TB ,  V', 9. F'asawi in the edition of the  IHdn  (the photostat of Ms. Leiden is not sufficiently clear here) is a mistake. Nasawi is also found in the quotation from his work in Ibn, an-Najjar,  Da yl Ta^rih B agddd,  Paris ms. ar. 2 131 , fol. 99b (life of '■Ali an-Nasib i), and repe ated ly in as-Sularni’s Tabaqdt as Suft yah . ^ His work is quoted by Ibn an-Najjar,  Da yl Ta^rih B agdad,   Paris ms. ar. 2131, fol. 33a (life of 'All b. Muhammad b. az-Zanjani). The ms. has Sah. ®Ahm,adb. Muhammad, d. 341/953 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 358; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam , V I , 371; as-Sulami, Tabaqdt as-Sufiyah,  164 S u r a y b a h ). ’ 'Abd -al-Ka rhn b. Hawazin, d. 465/1072 (cf. G A L ,  I, 432 f.;  A. J.  A  r b e r r y ,  in  Stud ia Orientalia J. Pedersen,  12-20 [Copenhagen 1953]). * 'Abd-a l-Caff ar b. Ahmad , d. 708/1309 (cf. G A L ,  II, 1 1 7 ; H. R  i t t e r , in Oriens,  III, 67 [1950]). The information in this paragraph is derived from Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 385.

426

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW i’ s I ‘L AN

 volu mes . In th is wo rk, its au tho r res emb led (al- Qus ayri ) in th at he enumerated those Sufis with whom he had personal contact. Ibn Abi 1-Mansur ^ likewise wrote a  Ris dlah   on the subject.  A bu N u' ay m ,  Hi lya t al-awliyd^ wa-tahaqdt al-a sfi yd\   a substan tial work, which has been the basis for all later (authors on the subject). Ibn al-Jawzi derived from it the material which, together  wit h his own add itio ns, wen t into his fou r-v olu me  Safwat as-safwah. (Ibn al-Jawzi) also wrote  Ahbd r al-ahydr   and  Ahb dr  (105) an-nisd^ (on women), each in one volume . The s a n f   Muham mad b. al-Hasan b. ‘A bdalla h al-Hasan i (alHusayni?) ad-Dimasqi,^  Majm a" al-ahbdb,  a well-arranged work in three volumes. Ibn al-Mulaqqin,  Kit db as-S ufiy ah,   a small volume. He said that in this work he collected a number of tabaqdt   of prominent scholars and great authorities (in mysticism) from every region and period. He thereby intended to take their memorable deeds as a guide and their achievements as a model, in the hope that on the Day of Resurrection he might be admitted to their company— ‘Man (is kept) together with those whom he loves ^and whom he keeps alive by speaking of them’— and that his cares and troubles might find an end.  As -S arj i al- Ya m an i, Tabaqdt as-Sufiyah.  Ab u Man sur Ma ‘m ar b. Ah ma d b. Zi ya d al -‘ Arif,^ an-nussdk.

Tabaqdt 

Our reliable and austere colleague Burhan-a d-din a l-Qadiri ® occupied himself with a special book about Sufis described as ascetics. He spent much effort on the work but did not prepare a clean copy of it.  A bu Ba kr ‘A bd all ah b. Muh amm ad al- Ma liki ,  Riy dd an-n ufus, on the servants (of God) of Ifriqiyah (al-Qayrawan). Nasih-ad-din Abu Muhammad ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Najm b. ^ Appar ently, a l-Husayu b. “^Ali, the son of the historian al-Azdi, cf. GAL Supplement I, 554. The work is also quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Raf^ al-isr ,  341 Hamid ‘■ABD-AL-MAjiD and Ibrahim a l-I by ar i (Cairo 1957-61); as-Saha\vi, Tuhfat al-ahbdb,  393!., 396 (Cairo 1356/ 1937). His son Ibrahim,, for whom the eighty-four year old author wrote his work (cf. the introduction, in Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 338), has a brief biography in Ibn Hajar,  D u r a r , I, 24. A grandson, Ahmad b. Ahmad 651-724/1253-1324; op. cit.,  I, 99; another grandson, Muham mad b. Ahmad, d. 724/1324: op. cit.,  Ill, 313 f.; a great-grandson, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. ‘All, d. 739/1338-39: op. cit..  I, 281. Cf. Arabic texts, below, p. 584. 2 D. 776/1374-75 (cf. GAL Supplement   II, 30). ® IHdn,   27, above, p. 304,11. 3. *  D. 418/1027-28 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 770). ®Ibrahim b. ‘^Ali, d. 880/1475 {paw^. I, 80 f.).

427

‘Abd-al-Wahhab b. al-Hanbali,^ al-Istis'-dd hi-man laqiyahu min sdlihi al-Hhdd f i l-bildd. Ibn al-Atir ,2 al-Muhtdr fi mandqib al-ahydr.  A bu 1-Husayn (Hasan) b. Jahdam,^  Bah jat al-asrdr wa-lawdmi'al-anwdr f i hikdydt as-sdlihin

al-‘'ulamd^ al-ahydr wa-s-Sufiyah

al-hukamd^ al-abrdr. Sa‘id b. Asad al-Umawi,  Fadd Hl at-tdbiHn wa-ahldq as-sdli hin. Muwaffaq-ad-din ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Maki b. ‘Utman as-§^ri‘i,^  Mu rsi d az-zuwwdr ild qubur al-abrdr.  A bu ‘A bd al la h Mu ham ma d b. Ha mi d b. al- Mu taw wij al-M arin i (Ms. Leiden: al-Maridini),  Ma haj jat an-n ur f i ziydr at al-qubur. (19. T he history of) judges  W ork s on the jud ges of E gy p t were wr itt en by   Ab u ‘U ba yd al lah Mu ha mm ad b. ar -R ab i‘ al- Jiz i. ^ Ibn Muyassar.®  A bu ‘U ma r al- Kin di. An d  A bu Mu ha mm ad b. Zu laq , who wro te a s upp lem ent to the work( s) of his predecessor(s). Compilations of judges were made by  Isma‘il b. ‘Ali b. Isma‘il b. Musa al-Husayni.^ Sulayman b. ‘Ali b. ‘Abd-as-Sam i‘. ‘Abd-al-Cani b. Sa‘id, the hadit   expert.® Judge Abii 1-‘Abbas Ahmad b. Bahtiyar b. ‘Ali b. al-Manda'i al-Wasiti,®  Kit db f i ahbdr al-quddh wa-s-suhud   (on judges and of ficial witnesses). I do not know whether this work is identical with his  Huk kdm   or whether it is a different work. 1 D. 634/1236 (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   XIII, 146). ^ I.e .,  Majd-ad-din. ®'A li b. '^Abdallah, d. 414/1023-24 (cf. GAL Supplement   II, 147, n. i; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m,   VIII, 14), whose kunyah  was Abu 1-IIasan. *   Cf. G A L ,  II, 34.  Supp lem ent   II, 30, has 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. ‘^IJtman b. Maki, who  wro te bet wee n 771/ 1369 and 780/1378. ^ The work on judges is qu oted b y “^lyad,  Ma ddri k,  Ms. Cairo Ta’rih 2293, i, fol. 115b. ®Muhammad b. 'Ali, d. 677/1278 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 574). ’ His  Ahbd r quddt Mi sr  are quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Raf^ al-is r,  103. * D. 409/1018-19 (cf. G A L ,  I, 167 f.). * D. 552/1157 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m,   X, 177 f.; Yaqut,  Irsd d,  II, 231 ff., Cairo = I, 379 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ).  Al-M anda^ i’s Ta^rth al-hukkdm (al-quddh)  is quoted by ad-Dubayti,  Da yl Ta^rih Bagda d,  Paris ms. ar. 2133, fol. 20b, and Ibn Rajab,  Da yl Tabaqdt a l-Ha ndbil ah, I, 230 a d -D a h h a n and L a o u s t ; his Ta^rih  (which?) by Ibn as-Sa'i,  Ahbdr al-hulafd^,  Ms. Cairo Tayinur Ta’rih 901, p. 100. His truly atrocious handwriting can be seen in the Bod leian manuscript of az-Zubayr b. Bakkar’s  Nasab Qurays   which was written by him, cf.  A. Ah me dal i in,  J R A S,   1936, 55-63, and M a h m u d M. S a k i r ’ s introduction to his edition of  Jamh arat nasab Quray s  (Cairo 1381/1962).

428

 AS -S AH A  w  ! ’ s   I ‘ L A N

TRANSLATION

 A bu 1-Hasan al-Musawi ar-Rida ^ and Jamal-ad-din ‘Abd allah al-Bisbisi ^(io6) wrote on judges exclusively. The latter work was the basis of Ibn Hajar’s one-volume  Ra f- al-isr f i quddt Mi sr. I wrote a one-volume supplement to the {Raf'')In the preface of the  Kitd h al-M addri k,   Judge 'lyad mentions the  Hist ory of fud ges   by Judge Abii Bakr b. H ayyan W aki‘.^ §ams-ad-din b. Da niyal al-Mawsili al-Hakim ^ composed an urjuzah  on the judges of Egypt entitled *"Uqud an-nazzdni ^f i-m an waliya Misr min al-hukkdm.  The work was brought up to date and completed by Judge ‘Izz-ad-din al-Kinani al-Hanbali, and again by one of our colleagues.

(21. The history of) asrdf   Al- Ha sa n b. ‘A ti q b. al-H asa n, al-Isrdf '-aid {mandqib) al-asrdf.^ There are several works on the excellent qualities of the asrdf. I wrote  Irtiqd^ al-gu raf bi-hubb aqribd^ ar-Ra sul wa-dawi s-saraf. (22. The history of) noble persons ‘Utman b. ‘Isa al-Bulayti,  Ahb dr al-ajwdd. A nd Muhammad b. Zakariya’ al-Gallabi,^ al-Ajwdd.  A ce rta in au tho r wr ote a two -vo lum e H ist or y  [ahbdr)  of the Barmecides.®

§ihab-ad-d in b. al-Lubiidi a d-Dimasq i ®composed an urjUzah,  wit h co mm en tar y, on the jud ges of Dam asc us.

(23. The history of) quick-witted persons Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Adkiyd\  and also  Ahbd r al-miiga ffalin   (on dull persons).

(20. The history of) singers

(24. The history of) intelligent persons

(A work on singers was written by) Abu 1-Faraj ‘All b. al-Husayn al-Isbahani al-Katib. Abu 1-Faraj also wrote a two-volume work on songstresses, further, the  Ahbd r a l-nm ganni n al-mam dlik  (on singers  who were slav es) , and the  Ag dni .  The  Agd ni   are a substantial  wo rk whi ch tre ats its sub jec t ve ry ex ten siv ely . Th ey wer e abr idg ed  by Ab u 1-Fath Taj-ad-din ‘U tman b. Tsa al-Ba lati ^ and Jamalad-din Abu 1-Fadl Muhammad b. Mukarram,® in the manner in  wh ich Ib n Mu kar ram ab ridg ed also oth er gre at histo ries . Ab u 1-Faraj showed that the attribution of the book on the subject  wh ich is com mo nly at tri bu te d to Ish aq b. Ibr ah im al- Ma wsil i ^  was wro ng and th at (thos e  Agdn i) were collected by Sindi (Sanadi ?) al-Warraq for Ishaq. Ibn al-Jawzi wrote a one-volume work on witty persons  zurafd"').

{az-

 A l- ‘A bb as b. Muh am ma d b. ‘A bd -a r-R ah ma n b. ‘U tm an al An sar i, '-JJqaW al-majdnin^ (25. The history of) physicians Ibn Ab i Us ayb i‘ah ®wrote a substantial work on the physicians,  wh ich was al ph ab et ica lly arr ang ed b y Na jm- ad -di n b. Fa hd . (26. The history of) A s‘arites  A bu 1-Qasim b. ‘Asakir wrote on the A s‘arites in the Tabyin kadib al-muftari '-aid Abi l-Hasan   (107) al-As'ari.   Kamal-ad-din, the imam of the Kamiliyah,® took the Tabyin  and made additions to it. Before him, ‘Afif-ad -din al- YM i‘i had done the same in the  Ma r ham. ^ C f .  IHdn,   108, below, p. 433. Ibn  A b i d-dunya wrote a work of the same title, cf. M. ' A  l i , in  Revue de VAca demi e arabe de Dama s,  X III, 193-204 (1933-35). ^ D. after 280/893-94 {Fihrist, 1^7,  Cairo 1348 = ro8 Fl u ge l; al-Mas'udi,  Mu ru j,  I, 11, Paris ed. = I, 4, Cairo 1346; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  V, 168 f.). ^ There were, of course, a number of works on the Barmecides. Ibn al-‘^ Adim,  Bug yat  at-talab,  Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 15b, quotes the  Ahb dr al-Ba rdmik ah  by Abu Hafs 'Umar  b. al' Az raq .  Fih ris t,  193 (Cairo 1348 = 134 Flu ge l); Y aqut,  Irsdd ,  XV III, 269 (Cairo =  V II , 50 M ar go li o ut h ), refe r to a wor k on the su bje ct by al-M arzu ban i; Ha jji Ha lifa h,  K as f az-zim un.  I, 185, no. 184 I’li'g e l, refers to one by Ibn al-Jawzi. ^ Old authors of works of this type, such as al-Mada’ini, Ibn Abi d-dunya, and Ibn Duhaym, are mentioned by Ibn Zulaq in the introduction of his  Ahb dr Sibaw ayh.  Cf. also K 

* Ar-Rad i?, but he could hardly be identical with the famous poet {GAL,  I, 82). ^ “^Abdallah b. Ahmad , 762-820/1361-Dec. 1417/Jan. 1418 {Daw^,  V, 7). ^ Cf. above, p. 418, n. 11. ^ Muh ammad b. Daniyal, d. 710/1310 (cf. GAJ.,  II, 8 f.). ® An- nizd m  does not seem a possible reading; an-nuzzdm,   as a plural of ndzim,  would  be poss ible as w ell. ®Ahmad b. Halil, 834-896/1431-90  [Datv'',  I, 293 f.; GAL Supplement   II, 85). ^ Or al-Bulay ti (see below), d. 599/1202 (cf. G A L ,  I, 302). ®Ibn Marizur, the author of the  Lis un al-'-Arab,  d. 711/1311 (cf. G A L ,  II, 21 f.,  Supp lem ent  I, 226). His inclination for abridged editions of adab  works and histories is mentioned by Ibn Hajar,  D u r a r , IV, 263. ®D. 233/849-50 (cf. GAL Supplement  1, 223 f.). Cf.  Fih rist ,  203 (Cairo 1348 = ) ; Y a q u t,  Irsdd ,  VI, 57!. (Cairo = II, 224 M a r g o l i o u t h ).

g e l

42 9

141 Flu -

u r d

TB , II, 310 (Ibn Masruq). ®Ahmad b. al-Qasim, d. 668/1270 (cf. G A L ,  I, 325 f.). ®Muhammad b. Muhanunad b. ^\bd-ar-Rahman, 808-864/1406-60 {Dan'^,  IX, 93-95) Ac cor din g to the  Daw^,  he wrote As'arite Tabaqdt.  The Kaniiliyah was founded in 622/1225, cf. al-Maqrizi,  Hit at,  II, 375-78 (Bulaq 1270).

430

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH A W I’ S I' LA N

(27. The history of) innovators  Al -A hd al, al-Lum'-ah al-muqni'^ah f i ma^rifat fir aq al-muhtadi'-ah, in about two quires. Fahr-ad-din Abu Muhammad ‘Utman b. 'Abdallah b. al-Husayn (al-Hasan?) al-‘Iraqi/ al-Firaq al-muftariqah bayn ahl az-zayg wa-z-zandaqah. Professor Abu Mansur ‘Abd-al-Qahir b. Tahir at-Tamimi alBagdMi,^ al-Farq hayn al-firaq wa-haydn al-firqah an-ndjiyah. Monographs on the subject were written, among others, by   Al-F uran i.^ An d Ibn Abi d-dam who wrote on Mushm sects.^ In the context of larger works, the subject is take n up in works on rehgious groups and sects  [al-mila l wa-n-n ihal)  by as-§ahrastani,® Ibn Hazm, and others.  A l- Y a fi ‘i, al-MarJiam. Ibn al-Akfani,  Irsd d al-qdsid li-as nd al-maqdsid.   Ibn al-Akfani  wa s an ad he ren t of Ibn ‘A ra bi ®and his wor ks. The refo re, I ins ert ed his name in the separate Hst of behevers (in Ibn ‘Arabi) prepared  by me so th at ev er yth in g pe rta ini ng to (Ibn ‘Ar abi ) mi gh t be conveniently added to it.^  Ab u 1-Qasim ‘Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Mahmud al-Ka‘bi al-Balhi, the head of a certain Mu'tazilah group,® Tahaqdt al-MuHazilah.  Al- (ja zz Mi , al-Qawdsim fi r-radd ^ald subah al-Bdtin iyah.^

43 1

 Ad- Dar imi, ^  Refu tation of the Jah miy ah and of the Imita tor of  the Theological Opinions of Bisr al-Marisi. Someone else wrote a refutation of the Zaydiyah.  Al -B uh ar i,  Hal q af-dl al-Hhdd.  W e ha ve refe rred here to the se wo rks at some len gth , eve n tho ugh most of them have no bearing on the subject with which we are deahng. (28. The history of) the Si'ah  W ith the co mp ilat ion of Si 'ite s, the re ha ve bee n conce rned , among others,  Al -H as an b. 'A li b. Fu da l (b. ‘Am r) b. Un ay s at -T ay m i— as a client of the Taym — al-Kufi.^ His son 'All.  A bu Ja 'fa r Mu ham ma d b. al- Ha san b. 'A ll at-Tu si,^ the fa the r of Abu 'All al-Hasan. 'All b. al-Hakam.^  Abia l-' A bb as b. 'Uqd ah.^  Ab ii 1-Hasan b. Babawayh.®  Y ah ya b. A bi T a yy .’^  Y ah ya b. al- Hu say n b. al- Bi tri q. 1 Ad-Dar imi, “^Utman b. Sa 4 d, d. 280/894, or 281, or 282 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 342; adDahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  9th tab.,  no. l o i  W u s t e n f e l d ; Ibn Katir,  Bid dyah ,  XI, 69). His  Refut ation of the Jah miy ah  was edited by G.  V i t e s t a m (Lund-Leiden i960), who also discusses ad-Darimi’s biography. On the occupation with the work in as-Sahawi’s time, cf.

^ Ar ou nd 600/1203-4 (not 500/1 106-7, as in GAL Supplement   I, 757). The woi-k has  been edi ted by Y. K  u t l u a y   (Ankara 1961). 2 D . 42911037   (cf. G A L ,  I, 385). ®'Abd-ar-Rahiuan b. Muhammad, d. 461/1069 (cf. G A L , 1 , 387). ^ This work (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 588) was extensively used by as-Safadi in the Waft. ^ Muhammad b. 'Abd-al-Karim, d. 548/1153 (cf. G A L , I, 428 f.). ®The famous mystic, M uhammad b. 'A li, d. 638/1240 (cf. G A L ,  I, 441-48; O s m a n Y  a h i a ,  His toir e et clas sifi catio n de Voeuvre d'Ib n ^Arabi   [Damascus 1964]). As-Sahawi mentions among his works the Taj rtd asmd? al-dhid in '^an Ibn '■Arabi,  cf.  Daw^,  VII I, 17,3 f. Cf.  IHdn,   121, below, p. 456. It is well-known that for Mushm orthodoxy, the Ibn ^Arabt question was the burning hitellcctual problem of the time. As-Sahawi, as might be expected, was a violent opponent of the—real or alleged— followers of the mystic. Cf., for instance, the excerpt of as-Sahawi, al-Qawl al-munbi ft ahbdr (tarjamat) Ib n '^Arabi,  whic h foll ows his ’■Umdat al-qdri^ lea-s-sdmi'^  in the Ms. Cairo Hadit 329, fols. i3a-i4a, (Arabic text, below, p. 584-86), and  Daw ^,l,   114, III, 32 f., 222, 244, IX, 95, 194, 294, 296, X, 84, 199, 201, 256. Cf. also Ibn Tulun, al-Mu'^izzah ft-md qtla ft l-Mizzah,  4 (Damascus 1348,  Rasd^il ta^rthiyah,  3). Cf. also the biography from the  Sadardt ad-dahab  (R. A. N i c h o l s o n , in  JK A S,   1906, 806-24).

 Da w^ ,l,   15523. For Bisr b. G iyat al-Marisi (d. 218, or 219/beg. 834), cf. TB ,  VII, 56 ff. ; GAL Supplement, I, 339 f. Ad-Darimi’s  Naqd '^ald Bis r al-M aris t,  which is different from his earlier  Refut ation of the Jahmiyah,  was published by M. H a m i d a l -F iq i under the title of  Radd al-Im dm ad Ddr imi '■Utmdn b. SaHd "^ald Bi sr al- Ma ris i al-^anid in  Cairo 1358-59/1939. The “imitator” (mu'^drid)  of the title is mentioned throughout the  Refu tatio n of the  Jah miy ah,   and hi the original text m ay better be translated “o pponent” (here: opponent  by mean s of the the olo gica l opin ions . . .). ^ D. 224/838-39 (Ibn Hajar ,  Lis dn ,  II, 225). For his son ‘Ali who wrote a  Fadd^il al Ku fa h,  cf. at-Tusi,  Fih ris t,  216 S p r e n g e r (Calcutta 1854). ®D. 459/1067, or 460 (cf. G A L ,  I, 405). *   Cf. at-Tusi, op. cit., 220 f. ^ Alnnad b. Muhamm ad, d. 332/944 (TB,  V, 14-23; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   I, 263-66). Ibn 'Uqdah’s Great History  and  Mu'^jam  are quoted TB ,  III, 308. Cf. also N.  A  b b o t t ,  Stud ies in Arabic Literary Papyri I,  100 ff. (Chi cago 195 7). * Possibly, 'Al i b. 'Ubayd allah, d. 580/1184-85 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 710). He certainly is identical with the author of the  His tory of ar-R ayy   who had personal contact with as-

®D. 319/931 (cf. GAL Supplement   1,343, 619;  Fih ris t, ci. ZD M G ,  XC, 304-6 [1936]; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   III, 255 f.). No such title is found among his works in the bibliograpliers, nor is his description as the head of a Mu'-tazilah group quite exact, bu t his Tabaqdt al-MuHazilah are quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   \T, 335. Cf. also II. R i t t e r , in Oriens,  III, 328 (1950). “ The well-known work p u b l i s h e d b y I. G o l d z i h e r , cf. GAL Supplement   I, 747, no. 23a.

Sam'ani (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   V, 83). ’ Yahya b. Abi Tayy Humayd, d. 630/1232-33 (ci. GAL Supplement   I, 549; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  VI, 2631.; C. C a h e n , in Comptes rendus de I'Acad. des Inscriptions,  1935, 258-69; M. H . A  h m a d , in B. L e w i s and P. M. H o l t ,  His toria ns of the Mid dle Eas t, 90 f. ; M. J a w a d , in his edition of Ibn al-Fuwati, Talhis M ajma’-al-dddb,  IV, i, 543, n. i [Damascus 1962]).

432

 A S- SA H AW l’ S I ‘L AN

The sarif   A b u 1-Qasim ‘Ali b. al-Husayn b. Musa al-‘Alawi al-Murtada al-Mutakallim ar-Rafidi al-Mu‘tazili.i  Ar -R as id S a‘ d b. ‘A bd all ah al-Qumm i.^ Ibn an-Najasi.^ And  Ab u 'A m r al-Ka ssi.^ It should be checked whether some of (the afore-mentioned persons and works) might not belong here (?).® (29. The history of) misers (and spongers) The hadit   expert Abu Bakr al-Hatib, al-BuhaW,  and also,  Ahb dr at-tufayliyin,  two nice books (108).  Ab u 1-Faraj al-Isbahani,  Ahbdr at-tu fayli yin. (30. The history of) courageous men  A bu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Abi 1-Mansur al-Azdi al-MMiki,  Ahbd r as-suj'-dn.

TRANSLATION

43 3

(34. The history of) lovers Ja ‘far as-Sarraj,  Masdri'- al-Hissdq.  Someone wrote an abridgment of the  Masdri'-. Ibn Abi d-dunya wrote on the passionate inamorati {al-mutayyamun'^),  and so did Muhammad b. Halaf b. al-Marzuban. (B. Historical works according to as-Sahawl’s own classification intended mainly to supplement that of  ad-Dahabi) (i. Muhammad and the prophets) In sum, some historians took pride in restricting themselves to the prophets, in particular, Muhammad. Occasionally, they com  bin ed wi th (the hi sto ry of the pro phe ts the hi sto ry of) the beg inn ing of creation, or they restricte d themselves to one of these two subjects.

 Al -H ali l b. al-Haytam ,® al-Hiyal wa-l-makdyid ft l-hurub   (on  wa r ruses).

(2. The me n  around Muhammad) Or they took pride in restricting themselves to the men around

(31. The histor}^ of the) one-eyed, w'eak-sighted,  blind , and hu nch ba cke d Salah-ad-din as-Safadi,^ several works. (32. The history of) monks  Ab u 1-Qasim Tammam b. Muhammad ar-Razi.® (33. The history of) those killed  by the Qu r’ an  A t- T a ‘lab i, the Qu r’ an interpr eter.^ ^ D. 436/1044 (cf. G A L , I, 404 f.). ^ I). 299/911-12, or 300, or 311 (cf. G A L S u p p l e m e n t   1 , 319). * Ahm ad b. ^\li, d. 450/1058-39, or 455 (cf. G A L S u p p l e m e n t   1 , 556; W. I v a n o w , Th e  All eg ed Fo un de r of Ism ai lis m , 19 f., J^ombay 1946). ^ Muhammad b. 'Umar, fourth/tenth century, cf. B . L e w i s , The Origins of IsmdHlism, 13 (Cambridge 1940). ^ Or: .. . be identical with each other? ®Wrote for al-Ma^miin (Fihrist, 437, Cairo 1348 = 3 14 F l l ’ g e l ) . The information here is derived from al-Mas'udi,  M ur uj , cf.  I^ld n, 154, below, p. 503. Cf. the edition, by ' A b d a r - R a ’ i 'j f ' A w n and ^L M. Z i y a d a h , of the  Mu hta sa r f i siy dsa t al- hur ub li- l-H ar t ami  (Cairo, n. y. [1965]). Halil b. Aybak, d. 764/1363 (cf. G A L , II, 31-33). ®D. 414/1023 (cf. G A L , 1, 166). h'or a work on monks by Ibn Abi d-dunya, cf. TB , I, 288, and S. al-Mu najjid , in  Rev ue de I’ ln sti tu t Do m in ic ai n d 'L t. Or. du Ca ire , II, 349-58 (1956). * F o r h i s Qatld al-Qur^dn, cf. as-Sahmi, Ta^rih Jurjdn, 515 (Hyderabad 1369/1950).

Muhammad, as indicated above. (3. The asrdf,  descendants of Abu Talib, and descendants of ‘Ali) Or to people of a not (narrowly) specified descent, such as the airdj   (descendants of 'Abd-al-Muttalib).  Al -H as an b. 'A ti q b. al- Ha san al- Qa sta llan i, al-Isrdf '-aid mandqib al-asfdf,  does not (deal with) any particular group among them. ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz b. al-Ahdar,^  Ma'-dlim al-Htrah an-nabaw iyah wama'-drif ahl al-bayt al-Fdtimiyah al-'Alawiyah. Or they restricted themselves to people of some specific descent, such as the descendants of Abu Talib.  A l- Ji ‘abi.^ 1 Ibn Abi d-dunya was very popular in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. A work  by him with the abo ve- men tion ed titl e is not kno wn to me from oth er sour ces. Cou ld it be a misreading and misunderstanding of  K i t d h a l - M u t a m a n n l n l   A  K i t a b a l - M u t a y y a m l n  by Ibn .Masruq at- Tus i, the aut hor of the abo ve- men tion ed (p. 429, n. 4) ' ■ U qa W a l - m a j d n i n , is quoted T B ,  V, 313. ^ 'Abd-a l-Aziz b. Mahmud, d. 611/1214-15 (Ibn  K w r,  B i d d y a h , XI II, 68; Hajji Halifah,  K a s f a z - z u n u n ,  V, 612, no. 123 17 I ’ L t x . E i , ) . His work is quoted by Ibn as-Sabbag, a l - F u s i d   a l - m u h i n i m a h f i m a ' ^ ri fa t a l -a ^ i m m a h , Paris ms. ar. 2022, fols. 67a, 73b (the edition, Teheran 1303, cf. G. 4 L  S u p p l e m e n t  II, 224, was not a\-ailable). ^ Muhamniad b. HJmar, d. 355/966  [ T B , III, 26 ff.). History of Muslim Historiography

28

434

AS-SAHAWI’S I‘l A n

TRANSLATION

Muhammad b. As‘ad al-Jawwani.i Sihab-ad-din Ahmad b. ‘All b. al-Husayn b. ‘All al-Hasani, known as Ibn ‘Utbah (‘Inabah), ^ '■JJmdat at-tdlib f i nasab dl A bi  Tdlib,  and the author’s own abridgment of the work.  A bu 1-Faraj, the author of the  Agd ni, Maq dtil at- Tdl ihi ym ,  and also  Nasab Ban t Saybd n   and  Nasab al-Ma hdlib ah^   because he  wa s at ta ch ed to the wa zir al-M uha llab i. (4. The Qurasites and other special families) On the Qurasites,  Az -Z ub ay r b. B ak ka r b. ‘A bd al lah b. Mu s'a b az -Z ub ay ri, in two volumes.^ It has been said with regard to this work; “ This is a book of conceit, and not of genealogy,” because it reports so many good actions and qualities. (There are, further, the works of) ‘Afif-ad-din ‘Utman b. ‘Umar an-Nasiri, ®on the Nasiris. Our colleague Najm-ad-din b. Fahd, on the Tabaris, Zuhayris, Nuwayris, Qastallanis, and Fahds, five (separate) works. Umm-al-huda ‘A ’isah, a daughter of the preacher Taqi-ad-din ‘Abdallah, son of (109) the hadlt   expert Muhibb-ad-din Abu Ja‘far  Ah ma d b. ‘A bd all ah at-Tabari,®  Hist ory of the Ba nu at-T aban . The work contains instructive notes. Sihab-ad-din b. Fadlallah al-‘Umari,^  Faw ddi l as-samar {summar }) f i fad dHl dl ‘■Umar,  in four volumes. Sihab-ad-din Ahmad b. (‘Ali b.) ‘Abdallah b. Ahmad b. ‘Abd allah b. Sulayman al-Qalqasandi as-Safi‘i,  Nih dya t al-arab f i  ma'-rifat qabdHl al-'-Arab,  in one volume. He composed the work for Jamal-ad-din al-UstMar.® ^ D. 588/1192 (cf. GAL;  I, 366; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  V, 74-76). A list of his works from, alMaqrizi’s  Muqa ffd, apud   C. H. B e c k e r ,  Beitrdge zur Geschichte Agyp tens unter dem Isla m, I, 27 f. (Strassburg 1902). For his manuscript (Kopriihi of az-Zubay r b. Bakk ar’s  Jamha rat nasab Quray s,  cf. M. M. S a k i r ’ s intro, to the ed ition, 32 ff. (Cairo 1381/1962 ). Cf. also S. a l -M u n a ]  j i d ’ s edition of his  Muhta sar min al-kald m f t l-farq bayn man ism abthi   Salld m wa-Saldm   (Damascus 1382/1962). ^ D. 828/1424, or 836/1432-33 (cf. G A L ,  II, igg). ®Cf. TB ,  XI, 398. An edition of tlie ai-Tct/tftfyw by A. S a q r appeared in Cairo 1368/1949. ^ Cf. also the list of genealogical works in Ibn 'Abd-al-B arr,  Inbd h,  45 f. (Cairo 1350). ^ 804-848/1401-45 V, 134 f.). The title of his work was al-Bustdn az-zdhir fi  tabaqdt ^ulanid^ Bam Ndsir.  The correct form of his name is in Ms. Leiden. ®D. after the 760S/1358-67 (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 236). ’’   Ahm,ad b. Yahya, d. 749/1349 (e.f. G A L ,  II, 141). ®His brother, .Sams-ad-din, became head of the Sa‘'id as-su'-ada'^ in 820/1417-18 (asSuyuti,  Hu sn al-muhdd arah,   II, 188, Cairo 1299).

435

(5. Clients) Or (historians restricted themselves to people whose origin was) connected with the status of client, such as Abu ‘Umar al-Kindi, al-MawdliA (6. Reliable and weak transmitters) Or (they restricted themselves to) a special aspect, such as weak sightedness, one-eyedness, and blindness, quick-wittedness and dullness, intelligence, wealth,^ the love of passionate inamorati, lovers, and those killed through the Qur’an, nobility (generosity), miserliness, spongerdom ^— reliability and weakness. (As to reliable transmitters  [at-tiqdt],  there are the works by)  Ab u Ha tim b. Hi bb an. Th is is the mo st su bs tan tia l wo rk on the subject. It is arranged according to tabaqdt. Al-Haytami ^ made it into an alphabetical work.  A l- ‘I jl i .5 Ibn Sahin.  A bu l- ‘A ra b at- Ta mi mi . An d Sams-ad-din Muhammad b. Aybak as-Sariiji,® a modern author. However, he did not finish his work. Complete, it would have been a work of more than twenty volumes, in (the author’s) accurate, exquisite handw riting. The Ahm ads alone fill one volume. Ibn Hajar wrote a monograph on the reliable transmitters who are not in the Tahdib.  He, too, did not finish his work. 1  Al -K in di ’s  Mawd U   is quoted by as-Sulami, Tabaqdt as-Suftyah,  15 f. S u r a y b a h (Cairo 1953); ‘lyad,  Mad drik ,  Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 2293, fols. 88b, 115b ; Ibn H ajar, Raf^ al- isr,  115; further, al-Maqrizi and Ibn Duqmaq, c f. R h . G u e s t ’ s introduction to his edition of alKindi’s Governors and Judges of Egypt,  10 (London 1912,  E. J. W. Gibb Mem . Serie s,  19); G A L ,  I, 517 The anonymous MawdU ahl M isr   (Yaqut,  Mu^ja m,  I, 734  W u s t e n f e l d ) m a y

also be al-Kindi’s work.  As- Saf ad i, Wdfi,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld. Arch A. 29, fols. 2b-3a and 7b, quotes al-Ji'abi from, the chapter on hawdrij   of the  Kitd b al-M awdl t.  Cf. also TB ,  III, 362. For the  Kit db A'^ydn al-m awdlt   by Ahmad b. Muhammad ar-Razi, cf. GAL Supplement  I, 231. For a work on M edinese mawdlt,  cf. Y. al-'Iss, al-Hatlb al-Bagdddi,  i n . T he  Kitd b al-Mawdll   of al-Jahiz is quoted in the margin of a rnanuscript in Fez, Qarawiyin 369/80^, pp. 28, 73, 99, 120, 124 (cf.  Lis te de manuscrits arabes preci eux, expose s a la B ibliot heque de VUniversite Quaraouyine d Fes,  52 [Rabat i960]). “ Or “song” ?; gabd^  “ s t u p i di t y” ? ^ Since all the preceding subjects were dealt with above, they are passed over here, and as-Sahawi is back at his favorite subject, the science of traditions. ‘ Cf. above, p. 370, n. i. ®Ahmad b. ‘•Abdallah, d. 261/874-75 {TB,  IV, 214 f.; ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  9th tab.,  no. 21). ®7I4-744/i3I4(i3I5)-43, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  IV, 58 f. The information of the  I'^ldn is derived either from the  Dura r,  or from, as-Safadi directly. ’  Leg.-, as-sari'^  “ f a s t ”  [Durar).

436

 A S- SA H AW l’ S I ‘L AN

Some of our distinguished colleagues worked on the subject. I myself wrote (copied) several volumes of it. (As to the weak transmitters  [ad-d u’^afd^],  there are works by)  Y ah ya b. Ma 'in.  A bu Zu r'a h ar- Ra zi.  Al -B uh ar i, who wro te a larg e an d a sma ll wor k.  A n- N as a’ i.  A bu Ha fs al- Fa llas . An d  A bu Ah ma d b. ‘A di, al-Kdmil.  The  Kd m il   exceeds its predeces sors in completeness and importance. However, (the scope of the  work) was ex ten de d to inclu de all dis pu ted hadit   scholars, even if they were reliable. He called his work al-Kdmil,  although it is not proper to give the name of al-Kdmil   "the perfect one” to defective persons. A supplement to the  Kd m il   is Abu 1-Fadl b. Tahir,^ Takmilat al-Kdmil.  Ab ii Ja 'fa r al- 'U qa yli. ^ His wo rk is fou nd as waqf   property in the S a‘id as-su'ada".^ An accurate c opy was in the possession of Muhibb-ad-din b, as-§ihnah.^  Ab u Ha tim b. Hib ban .  Ad -D ar aq ut ni.  Ab u Za ka ri ya ’ as-Saji.^  Al -H ak im .  A bu 1-Fath al-Azdi.  A bu ‘A ll b. as- Sak an. An d Ibn al-Jawzi. Ad-Dahabi abridged (Ibn al-Jawzi’s work) and also wrote a supplement to it. Most of the material was taken over into the  M izd n  which became the standard reference work for all later (scholars). He followed, however, Ibn ‘Adi in that he mentioned every disputed hadit   scholars, even if he was reliable. But he undertook to omit any mention of the men around Muham mad or of the authoritative religious leaders, (no) Zayn-ad-din al-‘Iraqi wrote a one-volume supplement to (the  Miz dn) . Ibn ^ Muhammad b. Tahir, d. 507/1113 (cf. G A L ,  I, 355 f.). 2 Muhammad b. “-Amr, d. 322/934 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 278). His “great history ” is quoted by Ibn ‘Abd-al-Barr,  Jdmi^ baydn II, 147 (Cairo, n.y.). » A Siifi house in Cairo estabhshed in 569/1173-74, cf. as-Suyuti,  Hu sn a l-muhdd arah,  II, 187 f. (C airo 1299). ^ ^luhammad b. Muhamn^ad b. M uhammad b. M uhammad b. M ahmud, 804-890/1402-85 (Daii'^,  IX, 295-305 ; G A L ,  II, 42 f.), rather than his father, who died in 815/1412 (cf. G A L , II, 141 f.). ^ This may be Ab u Y ahy a Zakariya^ b. Yahy a as-Saji, d. 307/919-20 (Fihrist,  300, Cairo 1348 = 213 I-'l C' g e l ; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   II, 488 f.). Cf. above, p. 152, n. 3.

TRANSLATION

437

Hajar, in the  Li sd n al-M izdn ,  picked out (of the  Miz dn)   the (per sons) who were not in the Tahdib al-Kamdl,  adding the (information on) transm itters ^ that had escaped (ad-Dahabi) and some new  bio gra phi es tog eth er wi th his criti cism s and re ctif ica tio ns. I rev ise d (the  Lisd n)  under (IbnHajar’s) direction, and I have some additions to it. Ibn Hajar wrote two more books on the subject, the Taqwim al-Lisdn  and the Tahrir al-Mizdn.  Ad-Dahabi, too, wrote (two more works on the subject), a brief work on weak transmitters entitled al-Miigni,  and another work entitled ad-Du'-afd^ wa-lmatrukin. He (himself) wro te a supplement to it. Someone picked out of (ad-Dahabi’s)  Du'-afd''   the inventors of supposititious traditions, another the manipulators  [mitd allisun ),  and a third the confused {hadit  scholars). Ad-D ahab i also wrote  MaWifa t arruwdh al-mntakallam fih im bi-md Id yujib ar-radd. There are other works which are concerned with both reliable and weak transmitters, such as the work of  Ibn Ab i H aytamah. His work contains much instructive material. Ibn Sa‘d, at-Tabaqdt. An d  Al -B uh ar i, in his thr ee  Histor ies,  the great one which is alphabeti cally arranged and begins with the Muhammads; the medium one  wh ich is arr ang ed acc ord ing to ye a rs ; and the sma ll one. Mas lama h  b. Qa sim ^ wro te a one -vo lum e sup ple me nt to (al -B uh ar i’s) Great   [Histor y),  entitled as-Silah.  I have found it thus stated by Ibn Hajar. (However,) I possess the  Kit db as-Si lah,  and, according to its preface, it is a supplement to a work by its author, entitled az Zdh ir.  Ad-Daraqutni wrote a special supplement just to the Mu hammads (of al-Buhari’s  Histor y).  Ibn Muhibb-ad-din then wrote another supplement. A l-Ha tib censured ^ (al-Buhari) in the one vol um e  Mu di h li-awhdm al-jam^ wa-t-tafriq.  Before (al-Hatib), Ibn  A bi HM im ha d wr itt en a goo d-si zed fasc icle , wh ich I posses s, in  wh ich he cri tic ize d al- Buh ari . (Ibn A bi Ha tim ), how eve r, (also)  wr ote a sev era l-vo lum e  Jarh wa-t-ta'^dil,^  in which he followed in the steps of al-Buhari. Some (scholar) picked out from (alBuhari) the persons who are not in the Tahdib al-Kamdl,  but did not finish (his work). Al-Husayn b. Idris al-Ansari al-Harawi, 1 Te xt and translation are not quite certain (leg. min ar-ruwdh),  especially since the introduction to the  Lis dn   itself has no reference to this one item. 2 D. 353/964 (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   VI, 35 f.). Ibn Hajar quotes the  Sila h  in his  Raf^ al -isr, Paris ms. ar. 2149, fol. 107a. ®This, rather than “ followed,” is the meaning of ta^aqqaba  here, cf.  IHdn,   50^7. * Published in Hyderabad 1360-73/1941-53.

438

 A S- SA H A W l’S I' L A N

known as Ibn Hurram/ wrote a history of the type of the Great   Hist ory  of al-Buhari. ‘All b. al-Madini wrote a  His tory   in ten small hadit-size fascicles. Ibn Hibban,  Awh dm ashdb at-tawdrih,  likewise in ten fascicles.  A bu Mu ham ma d ‘Ab da lla h b. 'A li b. al- Ja rud , al-Jar h wa-t-ta^dil. Muslim,  Ruwdt al-iHihdr.  An-N asa^ i, at-Tamyiz.  A bu Y a ‘la al-H alili, ^ al-Irsdd. ‘ImM-ad-din b. Katir, at-T akm il fi ma^rifat at-tiqdt wa-d-du^afd^ wa-l-majdhil.  (Ibn Katir) combined the Tahdib   of al-Mizzi and the  Mi zd n  of ad-Dahabi, together with additions of his own and cor rections (ill) concerning personality criticism. He said that per sona lity criticism is most useful for outstanding jurists— and also for hadit   scholars. Salah-ad-din as-Safadi, al-Wdfi hi-l-wafaydt,  alphabetically ar ranged, in abou t thir ty volumes. A t the beginning of his career, Ibn Hajar made an abstract (of the Wdfi),  and at the time of his death, he was occupied with making another. In the biography of Nasir b. Ahmad b. Yusuf al-Biskri,^ one of the men whom he had met and from whom he had acquired in formation, Ibn Hajar mentioned that he had compiled a  His tory of Transmitters  in one hundred volumes, but the work was dispersed (and it was) as if it had never been. He also did not finish it. I have compiled a substantial, alphabetically arranged work for  wh ich I used ad -D ah ab i’s  His tory of Isla m  as a basis, with my own addition of a number of (persons) whom ad-Dahabi had neg lected or who had come up after his time. Up to now, I have not  ye t com ple ted the wo rk in the w ay I wa nt to do it.^ I have completed (sifting) for that work (al-Mizzi’s) Tahdib,  (Ibn Hajar’s) Tahdib at-Tahdib,  (ad-Dahabi’s)  Mi zdn ,  and (Ibn Hajar’s)  Lis dn al-M izd n, Isdbah,   and  Durar .  Much of the additional ma terial to the original (of the  Durar) I have noted briefly and skilfully in its proper place.

^ 1^- 351/962-63 (Ibn Hajar,  Lisd n,  II, 272 f., which is the sourcc of the  IHdn). 2 Al-Halil b. 'Ab dallah, d. 446/1054-55 (cf. G A L ,  I, 362). ^ 781-823/1379-1420 {Daw^, X ,  195 f.). According to the  Dmv^,  the nisbah  should have an a vowel in the first syllable. W hen Nasir came to Cairo as a political refugee, he was a protege of Ibn Haldun. The above paragraph, according to the  Daw^,  is deri\'ed froin, Ibn Ha jar ’s  Mu '-ja m.

*   As -Sa ha wi’ s rep ort on the prog ress he had mad e wit h his wor k at the time of wri tin g is continued down to  IHdn,   115, below, p. 446.

TRANSLATION

439

I have also comp leted (the sifting of) the Tiqdt   of al-‘Ijli, regarding  wh ich I ha ve ke pt to the arr ang em en t of as -Su bk i and al- Ha yta mi , and the Tiqdt   of Ibn Hibban in the arrangement of al-Haytami, although it is full of mistakes. But I have a manuscript of the Tiqdt   which was written by the hadit   expert Abii ‘Ali al-Bakri. The  Du^afd"   of Abii Ja'far al-‘Uqayli, from the beginning of the letter hd^  to the beginning of the Muhammads, (I have) from the manuscript of the Sa‘id as-su‘ada’. It remains necessary to consult the manuscript of Ibn as-Sihnah, with regard to the biographies of Sarik b. ‘A bdallah a n-Naha ‘i,i Safwan al-Asamm, ^ (a transmitter) on the authority of some of the men around Muhammad, and ‘Abdallah b. Ziyad b. Sam‘an,^ and to insert the correct data in my work. (I have also completed the sifting of) the  Du^afd^  of Ibn Hibban and of a small part of the  Jar h wa-t-ta^dil   of Ibn Abi Hatim and of the Great Histo ry of al-B uh M as well as the whole of ad-Daraqutni’s Corrections {and Additions) to {the Great History) — for the Muham mads, in particular, from a manuscript consisting of one quire, of which part of the beginning and part of the end are lost— and the Corrections {and Additions)  of Ibn Muhibb-ad-din to ad-Daraqutni which concern a few biographies. (I have also completed the sifting of) a small part of the  His tory of   Bagddd   of al-Hatib and of the second and third volumes of Ibn anNajjar’s  Supp leme nt   to it, from Muhammad b. Hamzah b. ‘Ali  b. Ta lha h b. ‘A li to the end of the Muh am mad s. (A co py of) the  who le wor k, in f ifte en vol um es, wa s the pr op er ty of t he Mosq ue of al-Hakim. Extant are the first four volumes which end with  Ah ma d b. ‘A li b. Mii sa; (112) pa rt of the six th vol um e wh ich  beg ins w it h . . . and from wh ich the pa rt con tai nin g the bio gra phi es of Ja‘far b. Yahya b. Ibrahim b. Yahya to al-Husayn b. Ahmad b. Maymun is missing ; the seventh and eighth volumes which end with ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. ‘A li b. Ahmad; the ninth volume which contains (the biography of) Sayh ‘Abd-a l-Qadir ^— I believe that this is the volume which was in the possession of Taqi-ad-din al-

' D. 177/793-94, or 178  [TB ,  IX, 279 ff.). ^ The name of his father is uncertain, cf. al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  II, 2, 307; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn, III, 191 f. “ Lived in the time of al-Mahdi {TB,  IX , 455 ff.)*  Ap pa re nt ly, the fam ous “^Abd -al-Qa dir b. 'A bd all ah al-J ilan i, d. 561/ 1166 (cf. G A L , I, 435 f.; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mu ntaza m,  X, 219).

440

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I' LA N

Qalqasandi/ but his nephew^ denied it— ; part of the eleventh  vol um e from, wh ich a few quir es ^ co nta ini ng the beg inn ing up to (the letter hd"") ^ are missin g. . . and which ends ; and the four last volumes which begin with . . . . Altogether, the fifth, pa rt of the sixth, the whole tenth, and part of the eleventh volume are missing. I had (once) noticed some parts of the work among the property of the Jamaliyah but later on did not see them any  more. I have also completed for (my book) the study of the one-volume autograph draft of the supplement to Ibn an-N ajjar by Ta qi-ad-din  b. Rafis® b ut m an y of the bio gra phi es an d s ome of the thi ngs sta te d in the biographies happen to have been deleted in the draft copy. (Ibn RM i‘), however, had written the following note on (the draft manuscript): “T here is much missing in this (volume) as compared to the clean copy, and (on the other hand), there are a few additions in it. The clean copy consists of three volumes.” In the preface, (Ibn RM i‘) said: “ In this book, I shall mention the (religious) scholars, jurists, hadit   scholars, wazirs, and litterateurs who visited Bagdad. All who were not mentioned by the two or by one of them”— that is, al-Hatib and Ibn an-Najjar— “have been men tioned by me.” The draft manuscript carries the following remark in the handwriting of ad-Dahabi; “ Kitdb at-T adyil wa-s-silah ''aid  Ta^rih Bagdad,  composed and digested by one who is in need of God, the rehgious leader, the hadit   expert, teacher of students and authority of transmitters, Taqi-ad-din Muhammad b. Rafi‘ as-SMi‘i. In this work, (Ibn Rafi') continued the great  Hist ory of the leading hadit   expert of the Traq, Muhibb-ad-din b. an-Najjar,  wh ich wa s wr itt en as a supp lem ent , wi th cor rec tio ns an d add itio ns, to the  His tory   of the hadit   expert Abii Bakr al-Hatib.” Our col league Najm-ad-din b. Fahd told us that he had come across the clean copy of the work but could not remember where it was. (I have also completed the sifting of) ' Abu Bakr b. Muhatnni,ad, 783-867/1382-1463  [Daii P,  XI, 69-71). ^ Ap pa ren tly , ‘^Abd -al-K ariiu b. ‘^Abd- ar-Rah iuaii, 808-855/ 1405-5 2 (Jan. IV,

ist ) {Daw^,

317 f-)-

®Ms. Leiden: “ two quires.” *  Doubtful. ®Doubtful, leg. dhiruhul  ®Muhanunad b. Rafi*^ 704-774/1305-72 (Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   I II, 439 f.). Taqi-addin al-Fasi’s abridgment of the work was published by ‘Abbas al-'Azzawi under the title of  Munt ahab al-muhtdr, Ta?rih '■tdamd? Bagdad   (Bagdad 1357/1938). Ibn Rafi'^’s introduction is not preserved in it.

441

 A sma ll pa rt of Ab u N u' ay m ,  His tory of Ishahdn . Ibn ‘Asakir,  His tory of Damasc us. Ibn Yunus, on the Egyptians. The biographical dictionary of al-Fasi. The beginning of the  Ihdta h  (of Lisan-ad-din b. al-Hatib). The first five of nine (books) of the Takmilah  by Ibn (113) ‘Abdal-Mahk,i and down to the passage in the sixth (book) where he speaks of Muhammad b. Ahmad b. ‘Utman al-Qaysi.  Al -U dfu wi , at-Tdli^ as-saHd.  As -Si lafi ,  Mu'"jam as-safar,  a very instructive volume, in the handwriting of Muhammad b. al-Mundiri.^ (Ibn al-Mundiri) stated, on the authority of his father Zaki-ad-din, that the work had come to (Zaki-ad-din) on separate leaves in the handwriting of as-Silafi. Each piece of paper contained one biography. (Zaki-ad-din) pre pared a clean copy and arranged (the scraps of paper) as they came, and not as would have been proper. The arrangement of the work, therefore, is not as it should be. Not one Isfahan! is found in it.^ The  M u' ja m   of ad-Dimyati,^ in forty-four hadit-slze  fascicles. (For) the second half (of the work, I have used) a manuscript written  b y Ta j-a d- din b. Maktia m, in the Surg atm isiy ah, ^ and (for) t he rest, another manuscript. The  Mu ''ja m   of Badr-ad-din al-Gariqi, from an autograph man uscript. The work was edited by Ibrahim ®b. Qutb-ad-din al1 T h e r ef er en ce is to ad-Dayl wa-t-takmilah li-kitdbay al-Mawsul wa-s-Silah  by Muharum,ad  b. Mu ham mad al-M arra kus i (belo w, p. 460), as was not ed by ‘ A   b d - a l -'^A z i z M. a l - A  h w a n i , in  Revista del Instit uto Egi pci o de Estu dios Isldi nico s,  III, 5 (1955). Ibn 'Abd-al-Malik’s  bio gra ph y (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   414; GAL Supplement   I, 580) has now been clarified  by a l - A  h w a n i . He was born in 634/1237, and he died in 703/1303. ^ Muh animad b. ‘■Abd-al-'^Aztni,. His fath er, ‘^Abd-al-'A zim b. ‘•Abd-al-Qa wi, d. 656/1258 (cf. G A L ,  I, 367). For 'Abd-al-‘Azim’s autograph from Ms. Kopriilii 1141, cf. the edition of az-Zubayr b. Bakkar,  Jamha rat nasab Qurays ,  intro. 47, pi. 4 Sak ir (Cairo 1381/1962). ®The fragment of the  Mu'^jam  of Ahm,ad b. Muhaminad as-Silafi (d. 576/1180, cf. G A L , I, 365), Phot. C airo Ta’ rih 3932, often contains the remark: “ He said on another leaf” , or the like (pp. 57, 110, 372, etc.). In one place, we find an addition by 'Abd-al-'Azim al-Mundiri (p. 102). It also seems to be correct that no reference is made to Isfahanis (and Bagdadis) in the work, but the places mentioned are Alexandria, Siraz, Hainadan, Damascus etc. It should, however, be noted that as-Sahawi,  IHdn, 118 f., below, p. 451, credits asSilafi with special  M u’-jams  of Isfahan (quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  V, 83) and Bagdad (cf. G A L ) .  The  Mti^jam as-safar   is also quoted by Ibn as-Sabuni, Takmilah,  48, 105, 151, 185, 203, 316 f., 338 f., 348 J a w  .Xd (Bagdad 1377/1957); Ibn al-Fuwati, TalMs Majma'- aldddb,  IV, I, 554, 556, IV, III, 33, 60, 73,-94, 194, 450 J a w a d (Damascus 1962-65); as-Sahawi,  Ibti hdj ,  60 (Cairo 1371/1952), etc. Cf. G.  V  a j d a ,  Le Dict iomi aire des auto rites de '■Abd al-Mu ^min ad-D imyd ti   (Paris 1962). The four-volume  Mu'-jam   is also nientioned by Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 417. ^ This college was constructed in 756-57/1355-56, cf. as-Suyuti,  Hu sn al-muh ddar ah, II, 192 (Cairo 1299). ® Leg.  Muhammad (b. ‘Abd-al-Karim, Taqi-ad-din), 711-773/1311-71(72), or 772, cf.

442

TRANSLATION

 A S- SA HA Wi ’s I ‘L AN

Halabi. There are many biographies in it. Also, a fragment of the Muhammads from the  His tory of Egy pt   of his father Qutb-addin, 1 and the beginning of the  Hist ory of Egy pt   by al-Maqrizi. The  Mu'-j am  of Majd-ad-din ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Umar b. Ah mad b. Hibatallah b. al-'Adim,^ in the edition of the hadit   expert Jamal-ad-din Abu 1-‘Abbas b. az-Zahiri.

 wh eth er or not th e Cai ro ma nus cri pt (of Ib n H aj ar ’s notes) is his autograph (?).^ Everything in it is ascribed (by me) to its author. Burhan-ad-din al-Qayrati wrote (the following verses) upon the Tabaqdt:^  (114) From the Tabaqdt   of Taj-ad-din, One is Hfted to celestial heights. On the seven layers of heaven the charm Of those Tabaqdt   for protection alights.

The  Mu'-j am  of Abu 1-Ma‘ali al-Abarquhi,^ in the edition of Sa‘d-ad-din Mas‘iid al-Hariti,^ from a manuscript written by Ibn az-Zahiri.  Ad -D ah ab i, al-Mu'-jam al-kabir,  in his autograph in the Mahmudiyah. The  Mu'-j am  of Taj-ad-din as-Subki, in the edition of Muhammad  b. Y a h ya b. Mu ha mm ad b. Y ah y a b. S a' d a l-M aqd isi w rit ten by him  self, in the Mahmudiyah, in two slender volumes. The work deals  wit h 172 men wit h wh om as- Su bk i ha d stud ied and from who m he had received ijdzahs. The biographies which Abu 1-Husayn Ahmad b. Aybak adDim yati ^ selected from the  Mu'^jam  of Ibn Masdi,® about four strong quires which contain a lot (of biographies). Taj-ad-din b. as-Subki, at-Tahaqdt as-SdfiHyah al-wustd,   and notes on it consisting of biographies mentioned by al-Isnawi.  Al so (the not es of) 'A fif- ad -di n ‘A bd al lah b. Mu ham mad b. Ah ma d

Ibn Rajab, Tabaqdt al-Handbilah,   a supplement to Abii 1-Husayn  b. al -F ar ra ’ . Muhyi-ad-din ‘Abd-al-QMir al-Qurasi, al-fawdhir al-mudiyah  f i tabaqdt al-Ha nafi yah , together with the notes to it and (additional)  bio gra phi es wr itt en b y Jam M-a d-d in Mu ha mm ad b. Ibr ah im alMursidi al-Makki.^ The first half of the  His tory of the Yem en   of Muwaffaq-ad-din al-Hazraji, from an autograph manuscript. It ends with al-‘A la’ and consists of two volumes. It begins with a biography of Muham mad, then deals with the caliphs down to al-Musta‘sim ‘Abdallah  b. al-M usta nsir al -‘ Ab ba si and his succe ssors dow n to az -Za hir Barquq. He touches upon events and dates of death. The author  wro te the foll ow ing ver ses upon his wo rk;

al-Madani al-Matari, being his corrections of ‘Imad-ad-din b. Katir, and biographies from other authors, all that written by Salah-ad-din al-Aqfahsi.’ Further, biographies and addenda to the Tabaqdt   of Ibn as-Subki, written by Jamal-ad-din b. Musa alMarrakusi.^ They are fewer than those of al-Aqfahsi. Further, the (notes to the Tabaqdt)  written by Ibn Hajar. I do not know 

This is a book which treats its subject thoroughly   A nd wh ich com pris es all dis ting uish ed Ye me nit es. Imagine it to be a pearl and hyacinth:  Y o u ’ll ha ve a nec kla ce th at ador ns the ne ck of time. I hope for its collection to receive a pray’r, In secret or in public, that’s acceptable.

Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  IV, 23, where we find al-Faruqi instead of al-6ariqi ( al-FM qi?). ^ Cf. abo\ e, p. 396, n. 2.

From one who profits from the book or studies it. Let him whoever he is, for me and for himself 

^ A son of the historian of Aleppo, 6i4-677/i2i7(i8)-55(56) (Ibn Ka tir,  Bidd yah ,  X I I I , 282). 'Abd-al-Qadir al-Qurasi, al-Jawdhir al-mudiyah,  I, 303 (Hyderabad 1332), where the date of his death appears wrongly as 699, refers to the ten-volume edition of his  Mu'^j ani   by Ibn az-Z ahir i. ®Ahniad b. Ishaq, d. 701/1302 (Ibn Rafi',  Munt ahab al-muhtdr, Ta^rih ^ulamd^ Bagddd, 20-23, Bagdad 1357/1938; Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  I, 102 f.). *  Mas'^ud b. Ahma d, d 711/13 12 (Ibn Hajar ,  Dura r, IV, 347 f ). ^ I). 749/1348 (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  I, 108; (lAL Supplement   I, 563). ®Muhammad b. Yiisuf, d. 663/1264-65 ( P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensay o,  301 f.; ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  19th tab.,  no. 3 W'f'Stkn-feld). The v ocalization Masdi (Musdi?) does not seem to be certain. His  Mu'-ja m  is repeatedly quoted by Ibn Rafi"-; cf. also as-Safadi, al-Gayi al-imtsajjam,  II, 231 (Cairo 1305). ’ Halil b. Muhammad, d. 820/1417-18 (Daw^,  HI, 202-4; cf. also Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi, al-^-lqd at-tamin,  in the autobiography of the author). * Muhammad b. Musa, 789-823/1387-1420 {Daw^,  X, 56-58),

443

Thus pray: O Lord, forgive and pardon and be good  An d kin d and gra cio us and ben ign to me and t o . . .  A num ber of vo lum es of the  His tory of Alep po   by Kamal-ad-din  Ab u Ha fs ‘U ma r b. A hm ad b. a l-‘ Ad im, en titl ed  Biigy at at-talab. *

Since Ibn H ajar’s scholarly handwriting is unmistakable, the reference may be to as-

Subki ? 2 Ibrahim b. Muhammad, d. 781/1379 (cf. G A L ,  II, 14). The verses are contained in his  Diw dn,  Ms. Cairo Adab 103m (no pagination). ®770-839/1368-1436 {Daw^,  V I, 241 f.).

444

 AS -S AH A W I’ S I ‘L AN

Our colleague Jamal-ad-din b. as-Sabiq al-Hamawi ^had an auto graph copy copied by our colleague Ibn Fahd. (The contents of the volumes are as follows:)^  Vol .  Vols .

 Vol .

I: Ah m ad b. Ja 'fa r b. Mu ham ma d b. ‘U ba yd all ah b. alMunadi ^to Ahma d b. ‘i\.bd-al-Warit b. Halifah. II and II I, wh ich do not foll ow upo n eac h oth er: Ah ma d b. Muhammad b. Mattawayh to the middle of the biog raphy of Um ayyah b. ‘Abda llah b. ‘Am r ^ b. ‘Utman. IV ; Al -H aj ja j b. His am to the end of al- Ha san b. ‘A li b. alHasan b. Sawwas.

 Vol s.

V and V I : Al -H us ay n b. ‘U ba yd al lah ®al -H M im to the middle of Di'lij b. Ahmad b. Di'hj.  Vo ls. V II and (115 ) V II I: Middl e of Ra jih b. Is m a‘ il al- As ad i to Sa‘id b. Sallam.  Vol.

IX : Mus arri q b. ‘A bd al lah al- Ha lab i to the mid dle of al W ali d b. ‘A bd -a l-‘ A zi z b. Aban.® T he vol um e does not contain any person whose name begins with the letter h d \ m  accordance with the wide-spread custom of placing ha"   after wdw.  I have come across the autograph draft of this particular volume in the possession of Ibn Fahd. There, the author himself calls it the fourteenth (part of his work).

 Vo l.

X : Pa tro ny mi cs and gen tilic s.

I have seen another volume of the work which deals with geo graphical data.’ In the possession of Muhibb-ad-din b. as-Sihnah, there were some parts of the work in the handwriting of the author  wh ich I ha ve no t exa mine d. 1 Muhammad b. Muhammad, 811-877/1409-73 (Daw^,  IX , 305 f.). His owner’s note in the Istanbul manuscript Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2925, Vol. IV, is dated Cairo 856/1452. ^ The volume division is almost the same as in the copy in Istanbul (Topkapu rasay,  Ah me t III , 2925, eig ht vol s.) wh ich was br ief ly des crib ed by J. S a u v a g e t in  R^. 1 ,  VII, 395 (1933)) cf. also M. R  a g i b a t - T a b b a h , in  Re vue de I ’A ca de mi c arabe de Da ma s, XXIII, 251-58 (1948). Vols. IV and IX are missing in the Istanbul set, and Vol. VII starts with R ajih  b. al-H usa yn, thu s b ein g so mew hat more i ncom plet e at the beg inn ing tha n as- Sah aw i’s cop y. The volume division has nothing to do with the  juz^  division. The manuscript of the geographical section contains the third  juz^,  etc.; according to the Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 74a, the eighty-third  juz^  of the w ork st arted with Isma'-il b. “^Abd^al-Majid. ^ The correct form, of the name is indicated by S a u v a g e t . *  S a u v a g e t ; ‘•l^mar. Among 'Ut ma n’s sons, there w as an ‘A mr and an '■Umar, cf. Ibn Katir,  Bi dd ya h,  V II, 218. ® S a u v a g e t : 'Abdallah. ® Si c Ms. Leiden. ’ This p robably is the most \aluable part of the work (Aya Sofya 3036, Pho t. Cairo Ta’rih 1566).

TRANSLATION

445

I have also completed (sifting) the four-volume supplement to (Ibn al-‘Adim) by ‘Ala’-ad-din b. Hatib-an-Nasiriyah. ^ I have further completed (sifting) for (my work) the works of Ibn Fahd on the Zuhayris, Nuwayris, Tabaris, Qastallanis, and Fahds,^ and other works which I do not recall now.  A t th e end of the th irt iet h tahaqah  (of ad-Dahabi’s  His tory of   Islam )  which comprises the years from 291/903-4 to the end of the century, the end of the tenth volume (of the work),^ the part after Mahmud b. Ahmad b. al-Faraj, is missing. Badr-ad-din alBastak i ^ does not have it in the m anuscript written by him, in the Basitiyah. It looks as if this part was missing before he wrote the manuscript. Another manuscript should be consulted for it. Some copyist prepared the manuscript of (the work in) the Madrasat as-Sultan in Mecca. (Also,) another manuscript of Ibn Abi Hatim’s  Jar h  should be consulted for the Muhammads having grandfathers with names  beg inn ing wi th the let ter sin   for checking the biography of Mu hammad b. ‘Abdallah b. al-Haytam al-‘Attar.® I heard my father say that. From the Tabaqdt al-Hanafiyah,   the biographies between alMu’a mmal b. Masrur ®and Maymiin b. Ahma d b. al-Hasan must  be che cke d. ^ ‘A ll b. Muhammad, d. 843/1440 (of. G A L ,  II, 34). Cf. Revue de I’A cad emi e arabe de Dam as, XV I, 184-87 (1941). A complete four-volume manu script of the work written in 876 is preserved in the Library of Merton College in Oxford, codd. or. XI-XIV. The Gotha manu script has a reader’s note by as-Sahawi, cf. M.  W  e i s w e i l e r , Der islamische Bucheinband, 128 (Wiesbaden 1962). ^ IHdn,   108, above, p. 434. ^ This may refer to the  juz^  division of the author which consisted of twenty-one  juz^ of the author’s autograph and a twenty-second  jiiz^  which al-Bastaki copied from a manu script written by Sams-ad-din b. Nubatah, cf. Bodleian ms. or. Laud 305, fol. 124a. ^ Cf. above, p. 425, n. i. The B odleian manuscripts Laud 286, 244, 304, 305, and 279 of the  H i s t o r y o f I s l a m  were copi ed fron i a man usc ript whic h al- Ba sta ki had copi ed from the autograph of the author (cf. also the preceding n.). These manuscripts also are a fine example of how such works were “sifted” by other authors in their research. At its end, each volume contains a note to the effect that in the  ye ar 859, Yu su f al- 'As qal ani , the gran dson  [siht)  of Ibn Hajar, went through them in connection with the research for his work  Rawnaq al-alf dz bi-mu^jam al-huf jdz   (cf. GA L  Sup plem ent   II, 76). For another M'ork copied by al-Bastaki and read by Ibn Hajar, cf. F. B e n A  c h o u r , in  P r o c e e d i n g s o f t he T w e n t y - S e c o n d I n t e r n . C o n g r e s s o f O r i e n t a li s t s , II, 187 f. (Leiden 1957). ^ The alphabetical arrangement was extended by Ibn Abi Hatim to encompass the names of grandfathers. However, it is difficult to see how this could apply to the names of the men tioned al-‘Attar. ®Al-Humraki, d. 516/1122-23 (as-Sam'^ani,  A n s d b , fol. a l - J a - u 'd h i r a l - m u d i y a h , II, 188 f. [Hyd eraba d 1332]). In Maym,un (442-5i3/io5of5i]-iii9[2ol) follows immediately  As -Sa ha wi app are ntly assum es tha t some biog rap hie s are

207a; 'Abd-al-Qadir al-Qurasi, the  J a u 'd h i r , the biography of upon that of al-Mu^ammal. missi ng.

446

TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAWl’S I‘LAN

The (preceding) remarks (about the status of my revision of ad-Dahabi’s  His tory of Islam)   are an aide-memoire for me and for those who may come across my work. (7. Men connected with the science of hadit) Basic (books) on men (connected with the science of traditions) are a work on  Name s and Patr onym ics by the Imam  Ah ma d (b. Han bal) whic h was tra ns mi tte d on Ah m ad ’s au th or ity  by his son Sa hh / an d a hi sto ry conc ern ed wi th pers ons by Y ah ya  b. M a‘ in wh ich was tra nsm itte d on Ibn M a'i n’s au th or ity by 'Abbas ad-Diiri.^ There are, further, Questions  from Ibrahim b. al-Junayd ^ on his authority; from ‘U tman b. Sa'id ad-Darimi; from Abu J a'far Muhammad b. ‘Utman b. Abi Saybah ^to ‘All b. al-Madini; from Abii ‘Ubayd al-Ajurri ®to Abu Dawud; from the Ba gdM is; from Mas'rid (116) as-Sijazi® to al-Ha kim; from Abu 1-Qasim H amzah b. Y usuf as-Sahmi ^ to ad-Dara qutni; and from al-Barqani® to ad-Daraqutni, on persons, (transmitted) by hadit  ex  perts on the authority of a number of individuals. These (questions of al-Barqani?) are different from those which have been studied  wit h us. Or (historians) restricted themselves to specialists in certain fields, such as Qur’an interpreters; Qur’an readers; hadit   experts and others concerned with the science of traditions; jurists of the common (four) schools, and others; Sufi servants (of God), devout persons, and ascetics; lexicographers; grammarians; ancient and modern poets; physicians; and calligraphers. Or (they restricted themselves to holders of) a particular office, such as caliphs, ‘Abbasids and others; judges; (law?) officials; amirs; and wazirs.

D.

2

( A l -) ^ A . bb a s

266/880,

or b.

265

 [ T B ,  

I X ,

Muh am ma d,

d.

1956). *

m e n t i o n e d

D.

297/909 109

G A L ,  I,

 [ T B ,   I I I ,

(Damascu s

^ M u h a m m a d

144

above.® Ibn ‘Asakir, as-Suyuh an-nubul,’^ on the teachers of the six religious leaders (the authors of the six authoritative hadit   col lections) .  Ad -D ah ab i, on the nam es of the au tho riti es of the aut hor s of the six books in their other publications, whom he had not mentioned

identical

ff . ).

R  o s e n t h a l ,  H u m o r i n E a r l y I s l a m ,   5 4 , n .

F.

an-Nasa’i. ‘Abd-al-Gani al-Maqdisi, al-Kamdl, on the men of the six (author itative hadit   collections). Al-Mizzi, Tahdib al-Kamdl,  is a correction of the  Kam dl.   A numbe r of scholars wrote abridgments (of the  Kam dl),   among them ad-Dahabi, at-Tadhih  and al-Kdsif,  and Ibn Hajar, at-Tahdib  and at~Taqrib.  A supplement to al-Mizzi was  wr itt en by Mu gul tay . Ta qi- ad -di n b. Fa hd com bin ed the te xt of al-Mizzi and Ibn Hajar, with additions (of his own), in a work entitled  Nih dya t at-Taqrib wa-takmil at-Tah dib bi-t-Tad hib.   Ibn Katir combined the Tahdib  and the  Mi zd n,  as has been mentioned

^ M u h a m m a d

3 1 7 ff-)2 71 / 8 8 4  [ T B ,   X I I ,

b .

‘ A l t

42

f f. ;

Ibn

Ha jar,

 L i s d n ,   V ,

280

f ,) .

Cf,

b y

h i m

Y .

al-'Iss,

i

G A L

with

‘ ^ U t m an .

b .

al-

^

D.

b . b.

“^ Al i,

418/1027

® Mu haim nad F o r

q u e s t i o n s

d i re c t e d

t o

A b i i

D a w i i d ,

cf.

and

d. 438/1046-47,

(cf. G A L ,  I, M u h a m m a d ,

334), d .

c f . Y a q u t ,  M u ^ j a m ,   I I , th e

4 25 / 1 03 4

historian ( c f. G A L

of

891

 W  u s t e n f e l d .

the

edition

259).

b.

nubul.

T a h d i b

4 1 6 / 10 2 5 w ork

d .

Pons

( cf .

is

s a id

3 9 8 /1 0 07 - 8

4 2 8 /1 0 3 6 - 3 7

( cf .

of

d .

whose

to

B o i g u e s ,  E n s a y o ,   1 0 9 f .) .

have

been

com pleted

in

He

m ay

674/1275-76

 be (cf.

298).

d.

( cf .

( c f. G A L ,   I ,

GA L

167).

 S u p p l e m e n t   I ,

280,

III,

1199 ).

I, 181). “^ A b d - a l - G a n i ,

Ibn

d.

6 2 9 / 1 2 31

( cf . G A L ,   I ,

a s - S a b u n i ’ s T a k m i l a h ,  s e e

above ,

Y a q u t ,  I r s d d ,   X I I I ,

al-’\Iizzi,

Jurjan .

S u p p l e m e n t   I ,

’

Y a h y a , auth or

M u h a n u n a d ,

®  I H d n ,   i i o f . , 'Ali,

427/1036

® A h m a d

al-Hatib

b .

the

S u p p l e m e n t   I ,

^ A h m a d

(Leiden

1 3 6 4 / 1 9 4 5 ). b.

161.

® Mas'^ud b. D.

t h e  A g d n t ,   c f .

Buhari and Muslim.  Ab u 1-Fadl b. Tahir, id.  Al -H ak im , id.,  according to Ibn Nuqtah,^ at-Taqyid.  A bu ‘A ll al- Ja ba yin i, on the men of A bu Da wu d.  A num ber of Ma grib ites wro te on the men of at- Tir mi di and

^ Ah m ad

 B a g d d d t ,  

’

i n

man rawd al-Muwatta'' '-an Malik.  Ab u Na sr al-K ala bad i,^ al-lrsdd,  on the men of al-Buhari.  Ab u B ak r b. Man jaw ayh, ^ on the men of Mushm. Hib atalla h b. al-H asan al-L alak a’i,^ on the men of both al-

Hibban and ad-Daraqutni.

^ I b r a h i m b . ' A b d a l l a h , cf . T B ,   V I , 1 2 0 . H e c o u l d c o n c e i v a b l y b e i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e t r a n s  m i t t e r

Ibn al-Hadda’,^  Ri jdl al-Muwatta^. Hibatallah b. Ahmad al-Akfani,  Ri jd l al-Mu watta \   and Tasmiyat 

in the  Kd sif . Zayn-ad-din al-Traqi wrote monographs on the men of Ibn

Or (the}^ restricted themselves) to the transmitters of particular  boo ks such as 1

447

below ,

p.

355, 525,

3 5 8 ,  S u p p l e m e n t   I I I , n.

1219,

3).

p. 438. 79

(Cairo

=

V,

a l - K a m d l ,  i n t r o d u c t i o n

142

M a r g o l i o u t h ) :  M u ^ j a m a s - S i i y u h a n - n u b a l d ^ ;

(Ms.

Cairo

Must,

al-hadit

2 5 ) :  A l - M a s d y i h

an-

448

AS-SAHAW!’S I‘LAN

TRANSLATION

‘Abd-al-QMir al-Hanafi, al-Ilmdm,  on the men of the '-JJmdah (of ‘Abd-al-Gani al-Jamma‘ili).

the  Muwatta'’  (in the recension) of Muha mma d b. al-Ha san (asSaybani), ^ of the last mentioned scholar’s  Atdr ,  of the  Mus nad  of Abu Hanifah (in the recension) of Ibn al-Muqri\^ and of the men whom the  Mi m att a\   the  Mus nad   of as-SMi'^i, and the  Sun an   of ad-Daraqutni have in addition to the six (authoritative

Someone wrote on the names of the persons who are mentioned or from whom a tradition is reported in the  Mi sk dh (Asmd^ man lahu dikf aw riwdyah f i l-Miskdh ^).  An -N aw aw i, Tahdib al-asmd^ wa-l-lugdt   (correction of names and idioms) which occur in certain (Safi'ite) books. (117) He said that he used "the works of the outstanding rehgious leaders and hadit   experts known for their leadership in the field and relied upon  b y all scho lars, such as al- Bu har i,  Histo ry;  Ibn Abi Haytamah; Halifah b. Hayyat, known as Sabbab;^ Muhammad b. Sa'd, the secretary of al-Waqidi, at-Tahaqdt as-sugrd   and al-kubrd,  whose author is reliable, even though his teacher al-Waqidi was weak; furthermore, Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh wa-t-ta^dil)  Ibn Hibban, atTiqdt]   al-Hakim,  Histo ry of Nisa bur ;  al-Hatib,  Hist ory of Ba gddd]  a  Hist ory of Ham addn ”— whose author an-Nawawi did not spec ify— ; “ Ibn ‘Asakir,  Histo ry of Damasc us', and other great histories. (I also used books) on the names of the men around Muhammad, such as the  Isti'^db  of Ibn ‘Ab d-al-Ba rr; the books of Ibn Mandah;  Ab u N u' ay m ; A bu Mus a; Ibn al- At ir, an d other s. (I fur th er used)  wo rks on the raid s and the bi og ra ph y of the Pr op he t an d bo oks on the exact forms of names, such as the  M uH ali f wa-l- muh talif  of ad-D ara qutn i; ‘Abd-al-Ga ni b. Sa'id; al-H atib; Ibn Makiila,^ and others. (I used) the books on the tabaqdt   of jurists by Abii ‘Asim al-‘Abbad i; Abii Ishaq; and Abu ‘A mr b. as-Salah. The last men tioned work consists of fragments which I have begun to correct and to arrange. It is a valuable work. Nothing like it or approaching it has ever been written. No other book can take its place, if one  wa nts to kno w ab out juri sts. Igno ran ce of the wo rk is unb eco min g for one who claims to be a Safi'ite.” ^ Badr-ad-din al-‘Ayni, on the men of the  Sarh mu'-dm al-dtdr  by at-T aha wi.^ Zayn-ad-d in Qasim al-Ha nafi, ® on the men of at-Tah awi, of 

hadit   collections).  A bu Ish aq as-Sar ifini,^ on the men of the ten book s. Ibn al-Mulaqqin, id. Mu‘in-ad-din Abii Bakr b. Nuqtah, at-Taqyid,   on the biographies of the transmitters through whom there is transmitted material common to the six books and other works and  Musnad?,.  Taqi-addin al-Fasi al-Makki wrote a supplement to (the Taqyid).  Both (the Taqyid)  and its supplement consist of one volume each. Ibn Hajar, Ta'^jil al-manfa'^ah bi-zawd^id rijdl al-aHmmah alarba'^ah,  in one volume. Sams-ad-din al-Husayni had preceded him in the Tadkirah fi rijdl al-'-asarah.  (Al-Husayni) abridged the Tahdib,  threw out (the men) who are not in the six (authoritative hadit  collections) (ii8 ), and added those who are in the  Muw atta \ the  Mu sna d   of Ahmad (b. Hanbal), the  Mu sn ad   of as-Safi‘i, and the  Mus nad   of Abii Hanifah in the recension of al-Hariti.^ There are other (such works on the men connected with the science of traditions). Their complete enumeration would be a lengthy and difficult undertaking. In the  fd m i\   al-Ha tib said: “ Among the things that are of concern for the student, there is the study of the histories of hadit  scholars and of what they have to say about the conditions of transmitters. There are, for instance, the works of Ibn Ma'in which  were tra nsm itte d b y al- Hu say n b. H ibb an al-B agda di,^ 'A bb as ad-Duri, and al-Mufaddal al-Gallabi; the  Hist ory   of Ibn Abi Hay tama h; H anbal b. Ishaq;® Halifah b. H ayy at; M uhammad b. 1

D.

189/804-5

^ See

at-Tib rizi,

d.

t he

f a m o u s

743/1342

 M i s k d t

(cf. G A L ,  I,

a l - M a s d b t h 

364, II,

by

Muhain,m,ad

b.

‘■ A b d a l l a h

al-Hatib

195 ).

' ■u l am d ^

1- H a s a n Th e

p. 392,

n.

is a

Hib atalla h,

on

the

in

Hy dera bad ^

C f.

subject,

Leg.: 

®Q asini

b. b.

Tlie

arou nd

edition

485/1092-93

d. d.

b e g u n

contains

 L i i n ^ r a p h i c a l

M u h a m m a d , Qu tlubuRa,

n.

171-73,

 S u p p l e m e n t ,  

I,

291).

7. b .

M u h a m m a d ,

B a g d d d ,  1 4 - 1 6 ,

B a g d a d

d .

6 4 1 /1 2 4 3

1 3 5 7 / 1 9 3 8 ;

( I b n

G A I ^

R a fi *- ,  M u n t a h a b

S u p p l e m e n t    I ,

6 2 3,

a l-m u htd r, w h e r e

A b u

“four

books”

li-l-Hariti,

are

" ^ A b d a l la h

mentioned

b.

a

few

Mu ham m ad ,

l in e s

d.

la t e r .

340/952

( cf .

G A L

S u p p l e m e n t    I ,

286;

6.

entitled al-Ikmdl, w a s 1962.

a n - X a w a w i ,

 A h m a d

d.

453,

I b r a h i m

mistake).

'Ab d-a l-Qa dir ® ' ^A l i b .

( G A L ,  I,

p.

add itional

* ^ Cf. abov e,

below,

^ A p p a r e n t l y , Ta^r ih

^ A p p a r e n t l y ,

449

(cf. G A L ,   I,

b y

879/1474

f.).

“^A   b d - a r - R  a h m a n

a long

D ictiona ry ,

321/93 3

354

biographical 7 f.

(e i.

G A L ,  I,

( c f.

G A L ,   II,

.A.

publicat ion

n.

 Y  a h y a

introduction

W 'C'sten feld 17 3 f.). 82).

a l

of

his

w ork

-M u '^a l l a m I

by

( G ( ') t t in g e u

the

editor.

Th e the

a l - Q u r a s i , a / - / «K ' « / rt r

description

T a ' - j U    b u t

hav e

been

have

it.

the

of

f r o m

al-Husa yni’s I b n

source

of

D.

232/847

his

( T B ,  V l I I , ( T B ,

work

is

not

H a j a r ,  D u r a r ,   I \ ' , information,

1842-47).

® I). 273/886

a l - i n u d i y a l i  , I I ,

VII I,

3 6 ). 286

f. ).

61.

but

2891.,

derived

directly

According Ibn

Katir

Hyd erab ad

to

the

from

1332). the

introduction

 D t i r a r ,   I b n

( B i d d y a h ,  X I V ,

307

K a t i r f .)

of

m i g h t

does

not

a : ' l U n i iJiCr, the

Kr/vst.:! a z a ' l c i

-j

a ’\; I '-'

; . .. ■: - i l

1 K ;l

,v

Abu ZarSih a d e\'e' .'i ;e.)i Ae";

- .. . i . / ^ ^ r r y  

]■ ; -e

-e'

;-  '■ r '

l

451

TRANSLATION

AS-SAHAWI S I‘LAN

450

. . -

ihari.’'

.\,;.)a

A" - .'v >a s

■. ., .- i- . ( :

' ‘

e- ;

‘A tt ar ,'■in al-l^ld:’::\ ou  tbo-'a a;bo traa;aiiitto(l tiaidUions on the an ibra ay 1 i' ab Aa ;a.el :A aba i, ia bao v/or.;a, by \}iyr<.drdm (ablUacjbisi).

b.

(8 . .A’a A aa s e:aa

a,byaA{/^s)

v / o u ld

fvvb ■ b ' ' *' .a :n:bLcrs 7.:' ' ■ 7 bed, ’. ■ .7 ' ' ■ba tc r

r.. 1, ( V A . r : - ,

 w.' ;,L y.a 'ac a.la r si^^::e

..

.

,

-'.'e ,. e '

;" ’

' ■

ter,_A V-'-

.

;

I

a a p ro.. rs of)

-e:--

n o : . :. ' . ■. • ‘ . ■■■ ite.'e-a

./

T'L... , . ':il-

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tc;,v: . \V

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.

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^

trev, e a 'r ;

^

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as Yii^' o f tn>-^

: ■, ; ;

i t y c.i

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;.

i;

iiK-ii ai';

IA _a.e e i -’

it ’,' O!

■e e !'■ s^‘>. e .

on

a ':.-.::. 

a
is

lA " j - • ■ .

 A b a

sach aa ruaii ae. 'h.- . ■ e:li ora wa e 1 .■•■■ ; i A i e

a s - :

‘Is a

b.

('a.

b,

F l i ' g l i . , ^ C f. *   A Tbu

1ih> 'bu

h.

a'tni au ,

4-i ■;/.':57

Ijaj.i-'.

!.

I ' a j a r , 7 alhhb,

;t

V  i h , J i b ,

s c - I i o l a r (>'■ t i n -

<1.

: r v 

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1'

third

,

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7

./

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a v -

laiik, ai  b ' -

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7 7 >7 .-:; b. ^ ' 7 i,

2(T. : '

.wA^b;.,-s-dai) ab

y

is lar'it i

VII,

!- fa i.;

quol-

d

;

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oi

a>o,

 I I ’   a : i c l

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1318

older

=

d, r ; - : a a

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lu:  ,

!, 25c',.,.

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w ho

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,

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V I i ! , j,8   i T. j , c. f. u u - \ a w a \ v i , l i l o ^ n i N i t c a l  D i c t i o n a r y , 4 7 6- 7 8 W C s t e n -

' Iitnlail.F.R,

n o

237;

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: ' ;tn.a;7 d .

hi.storiaiis.

\\

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7..'

7

.

raiidii

m

leias;

■i.;^/.Ja'i -^.;as im a:,;/^'A■ A ('Snid^

a.!r

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453

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I ‘L AN

The hadit   expert ‘Izz-ad-din b. al-Hajib al-Amini.i  Al- Mun dir i.

This writer (as-Sahawi) compiled his own  [M u'j am )  in three  vol um es an d tho se of ar-R asidi ,^ Sih ab- ad- din al-' Aq abi ,^ Ta qi -

 A r- Ra si d (Ra sid- ad-d in) a l- ‘A tta r. Ibn Masdi.  Ad- -Dim yati.

ad-din as-Sumimni,^ and others.  An cie nt aut ho rs of suc h wo rks were  A bu Yu su f Y a ‘qu b al- Fa sa wi , who arr an ged

Qutb-ad-din al-Halabi.  Al- Bi rza li.  A bu H ay ya n.

according to the countries visited by him. The hadit   expert A bu Y a ‘la al-Mawsili.^  A bu Ish aq Ibr ah im b. Mu ham ma d b . Ha mz ah al-Isbahani .®

 Ad -D ah ab i wr ote thre e  Mu'^jams,  the big, the slender, and the abridged one. He also edited the  Mu'^jam  of ‘Ala ’-ad-din ‘Ali b. Ibrahim b. Dawiid b. a]-‘Attar.^ Ibn Habib,^ al -M u‘~jam,  of which (a copy) is found written by ad-Dahabi in the Mu’ayyadiyah.^ Ibn al-‘Adim. Taqi-ad-din b. Rafi‘. Majd-ad-din Isma'il al-Hanafi. Jamal-ad-din b. Zuhayrah,^ in the edition of al-Aqfahsi. Burhan-ad-din al-Halabi, compiled by Ibn Hajar, and by Ibn Fahd.6 Ibn Hajar compiled his own  [Mu'-jam),   and those of at-Taniihi,’ al-Qibabi,® Maryam al-Adra‘iyah,® and otheis. Jamal-ad-din b. Musa compiled (the  Mu'-j am  of) Zayn-ad-din  Ab u Ba kr al-Maragi.^® Ibn Fah d compiled his own and those of his father, Ibn al-Maragi,^i and a number of other (scholars). ^ 'Um,ar b. al-Hajib. His  Mu'-jam   is quoted by Ibn Rafi',  Munt ahab al-muhtd r, Ta^Hh ^ulama^ Bagdad,  120, 132 (Bagdad 1357/1938). D. 724/1324 (cf. G A L ,  II, 85,  Supp leme nt   II, 100, where the attribution of the Watd^iq to him must  b e corrected with reference to J. S c h a c h t , in  Etude s d’ Orient alisme E. Lev i Prov etifa l,  276 [Paris 1962]). The text of the  I'-ldn  which says that '^Ala^-ad-din edited the  Mu'-ja m  of ad-Dahabi must be correctcd as indicated, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  III, 6. ^ Al-H asan b. “^Umar, d. 779 /i 377   (cf. G A L ,  II, 36 f.). As he was the teac her of Ibn Hatib an-Nasiriyah, his works are often quoted, and he has a long biography, in the  Dur r al-muntahab ft takmilat Ta^rth Halab. ^ The Mu^ayyadiyah, still a famous monument of Cairo’s past, was completed in 819/ 1416-17, cf. as-Suyuti,  Hus n al-mithddarah,   II, 194 f. (Cairo 1299). = Muhammad b. “^Abdallah, 751-817/1351-1414  [Daw^,  VIII, 92-95). « Cf. I, 140. ’ Ib rahim b. Ahm,ad, 709-800/1309(1 o)-98 (Ibn Ilaj ar,  Durar ,  I, i i f.). * ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. 'Tniar 749-838/1348-1434 {paw^,  IV, 113 f.; G A L ,  II, 69). Cf. J. S u B i . E T , in  An nua ire de Vh'.cole Prati que des Haute s Etude s,  1964-65, 425 f. 9 Maryam bint Ahmad, 7i9-8o5/i3i9(2o)-i402(3) {])aie^,  XII, 124).  Ab u Ba kr b. al-H usa yn , d. 816/14 14 (cf. ( l A L ,  II, 172).  Ap pa ren tly , Mu ham niad b. Ab i Bak r (abo ve, p. 398, n. 7), as l)aw^,\\\,  164, mentions his  Mu'-jam   by Ibn Fahd.  Dari’^, \' I 1, 161, how^ever, says that his brother of the same name  was kno wn as Ibn a l - M a r a g i . Ms. Leiden reads: “of the two Ibn al-^Iaragi.”

(his teac hers )

 At -T ab ar an i, in tw o  Mu'-jam s, medium and small.  A bu Ah m ad b. ‘A di al 'Ju rja ni .  Ab u B ak r al -Is m a‘ ili.®  A bi i s-§ ay h.  A bu Ah ma d al -‘A ssa l.  Ab u B ak r b. al- Mu qri ’ ’ and oth ers of the ir class . Af te r them . there were  Ab u N u ‘a ym al- Isb ah an i.  Ab u 1-Husayn b. Juma y‘.®  A bi i D ar r al-Harawi.®  A bu ‘A li b. Sa dan .i°  Ab u 1-Husayn b. al-Muhtadi bi-llah.i’^And  A bu ‘A bd all ah al- Qu da ‘i. 1 Muhammad b. ‘^Abdallah, 767-854/1366-1450 {Daw^,  V II I, lo i f.). ^  Ah ma d b. Mu ham mad , d. 86111457 {Daw^, II, 212 f.). ®Ah mad b. Muham mad, 801-872/1399-1469 (cf. G A L ,  II, 82). *   Apparently, Ahmad  b. 'Ali  b. al-Mutauna, d. 307/919-20 (cf. GA L Supplement I, 258). ^ D . 353/964 (Abu Nu 'aym ,  His tor y of Isfa han ,  I, 199 f. D e d e r i n g , Leiden 1931-34). ®Ahmad b. Ibrahim, d. 371/981-82 (cf. GAL Supplement I, 275). ’ Muhammad b. Ibrahim, d. 281/894 (cf. GAL Supplement I, 272) ? He should, however, have lived in the tenth century. * M u h a m m a d b . A h m a d , d . 4 0 2 / 10 1 1 -1 2 ( c f . GAL Supplement  I, 259; TB , II, i4io)- His  Mu^ja m is referred to by as-Sam‘^ani,  Ans db, fol. 315b, 521b; O. L o f g r e n , op. cit. (above, p. 56, n. I ), II, 164. G A L , L o f g r e n ,  and  W  i j s t e n f e l d ’ s   e d it i o n o f Y a q u t ,  Mu'-jam, III, 434, 440 have Jumay'-, and the same vocalization is indicated in a f ourteenth-century man uscript of Ib n al-‘^Adim, ad-Dardrt ft dikr ad-dardrt  ( I s t a n b u l , N u r u O s m a n i y e 3 7 9 0 , f o l . 2 i b ) . M u h a m m a d ' A l a m - a l - h u d a ( i n a t - T u s i ,  Fih ris , 2 4 3 S p r e n g e r , C a l c u t t a 18 5 4) mention s a certain *^Amr b. Jum ay' al-Az di (thus vocalized). The nam e of the well-know n t w e l f th - c e n t u r y p h ys i c ia n i s r ea d J u m a y ' b y B r o c k e l m a n n , GAL Supplement  I, 892, and J u m a y y ( i) ' b y G . L e v i d e l l a V i d a ,  Elenc o dei manoscri tti arabi Isla nii ci della Bibl ioteca Vaticana, no. 308 (Citta del Vaticano 1935,  Stu di e Tcst i, 6 7 ) . T h i s v o c a h z a t i o n ( J u m a y ' ) appears also in the collection of his works in the old Istanbul manuscri pt, Topkapusaray,  A hm et II I, 213 6. H ow ev er , a ve rs e b y Ib n al -M un aj jim in Ib n A bi U sa yb i'a h, II , 11 4 M i j l l e r , suggests the reading Ja m i', but this is not absolu tely certain (cf.  Ju va yn i-j av int , i n J u w a y n i ’ s Ta^rih-i-jahdngusdy, trans. J. A. B o yl e, 520 [Manchester 1958]). As a name, Jam i' would correspond to Jam a'ah. It is possible that both forms existed side by side in  w hi ch ca se it wo ul d be di ff ic ul t to d(;c ide wh ic h fo rm is ap pl ic ab le in a gi ve n ca se. » 'Abd b. Ahmad, d. 434/1043 (TB,  X I , 141, cf. J. F u c k  , in  ZD M G,   XCII, 72 ff.).  Al -H asa n b. Ah mad , d. 426/1034 (Ibn al-Jaw'zi,  Munt azam,   V I I I , 86 f.). “ Muhammad b. 'Ali, an authority of al-Hatib al-Bagdadi (cf. TB ,  III, 8, 235),  who

454

 AS -S AH AW I’ s

a "LAN

TRANSLATION

(g. Works on men of a particular name) (Works) on men of a particnkir n^ime ;ire, among others,  At -T ab ar an i, on those cal led "A ta ’.^  A d -D in iy a ti ,

on

th o se

ca ll e d

‘A b d -a l- M ti ’m in .

(An iinnar-ied author) on those called 'Iwad, in a work entitled '■Iwad Ufa" al~ni arad fi -m an mmimi ya hi-^-Iwad. Ibn Hajar, on those called Abi:i 1-Fadl Ahmad. (lo. Macrobiotics and young men) Or (liistoriaiis resiricted [heiaselves) to the macrobiotics in preIslamic and t^arly Islamic th:ics. Several liistorians  [ahbdri)  wrote on them. Or the macr 1-iotics in Islamic times. Ad-D ahab i and Ibn Ijajar, fr>r insLafiCd, wnne on them, the former one quire. Or (cue iv.,u cccd liicmselves) to young men {subbdn), a s d i d Ibn (120) in a pamphleL. (11. Works on men 01 a particular period or dynasty) Or (tl!''\^ are), for ia a;..'.-a

i:> a parlieuiar time. (Such works

S al .’ - V I - i p S r . f . , v l a al-^a^r,  ia : ;■ / :a: ■  Al)ti V’ A ' als o wr^a:r: instrac^a ,

or  A"^7&dn, an-nasr f i a^ydn /i a:-\isr.  Abu Hayyan ■■ .” '‘::;Va,!; ' .a ':!-idr,  his daughter, an .■ > ?a';':a,2

:P ^

S i’a t’ - al -_aa 'aal ia ll / a;- a a'ydn al-Uisr.^ T a ’:-- . . \ a ^ ;a ■. ’r,h,  iu Avo volumes. Ibn p:,; a, ^ '- 'A 'f v' ■-.-' I /.'-a i,'.'./; ■rvJ i a'_-ldminaJi. T]i:; ■ ' ' ' '• appear^ U, ’-ivc 171, ivr, ...Sa .rv   V. u,i t: p S - .' - i

rospcc

> 'i

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wo rks

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f.,

II,

Similarly, there are works restricted to particular dynasties, such as  Ab u Sam ah, ar-Rawdatayn fi ahbdr ad-dawlatayn,  and the author’s own supplement to it.^ Both works also deal with events. Lisan-ad-din b. al-Hatib, Turfat al-'-asr fi dawlat Bani Nasr, in three volumes, and the urjuzah  poem  Raqni al-hidal f i nazm ad-duwal.  Ab u Ba kr b. ‘A bd all ah b. x\yb ak ad- Da wa dM ,^ an-Nukat almulukiyah ild ad-dawlah at-Turkiyah.   His one-volume autograph of the work is in the hbrary of the Ibn Fahds. Badr-ad-din Hasan b. ‘Umar b. Habib,  Diir rat al-asldk f t dawlat  al-Atrdk,  written throughout in rhymed prose. The author’s son Tahir ®wrote a supplement to it.  Al- Ma qriz i, as-Suluk,  in four volumes. In the work, al-Maqrizi restricted himself to the rulers of Egypt after the final disappearance of the Fatimid dynasty, that is, the x-lyyubid Kurds and the Turkish and Circassian Mamluk Sultans. He included a brief treatment of the events in their days. For each year, he mentioned the cases of death which God had willed to happen (in that particular year). He continued the work to the year of his own death. I wrote a sup plement to (the  Sul uk) , af-Ti br al-masbuk.  Several untrustworthy and unreliable bunglers (or “nobod ies”) also wrote supplements to (the  Suluk ). (12, Biographies of particular individuals) Or (historians) restricted themselves to monographs on particular iadi^uduals. I have devoted the final chapter of the  faw dhi r i&a-dilurar to this subject. No one else had done something like it before. ’^h;iL ch?arL«:;r deals with the monographs on the biography of ’Vliihammad and the biographies of other prophets, on the men around Muhammad, on caliphs, authoritative religious leaders, kings, and others, such as (religious) scholars, hadit   experts,  Jiadit  scholars, ascetics, an;! poets, (in connection with this subject), reference ma\- be h id to ihat chapter.^ 1

T i ll * a.!/,

 w r i t t e n 3

h ’ . - n r j d t a y ; i   a : id  S u p t ’l i' U h' iA ,

l a

a n t J io l o t x if s

i). ■so.s/i.j.of)

i 

the

were

11-

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a ’l i o t .

! \',

L airo

pub iahed

in

d if -i lt ir a r   w a s

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5-3, wiicn- his

237S ,

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Cairo bef^nn

40,

45,

105

f.,

in

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7 0 9 / 13 0 Q .

Before ,

he

had

f,uh>>r’s !iaim* is al-Husavn). . \ o c o r d i u g t o a

a i it M: ; r ,' i : )! i . t ! i ^ s ' j p o i c n i ' li i i > i j n ot i - ; ! i n - i b u *

1956

2. 17 ).

m a r . t ' i n a ! n o t e t o i l i c - r a r 7 7 . S. t ’n e i ] o d ! c i a i i r i s . o r . M a r s h

 z V) ,   4 . ( 0 f .

; i ( >,  . 1 7 3 ,

455

i fatib

319 is (a copy

from,?) Tah ir’s

an-.\a siriyah .

i’ari> !;is. ;\.r. 2103, to:s. 2c.2]i-20f'a (not da t -d, but w rit ten din'iu,:^ as- Sah aw i’s lifetinre

and, apparently, ver',- clo^e to tiie d.iii- of tlie composition of the work in

871/1466), an d

456

 AS -S AH A W I’ S I ‘L AN

 Am on g wo rks of this typ e, I m ay men tion m y mo nog rap hs on The authors of the six books (the authoritative hadit   collections) (i2i), (written) upon completion of the (study of the work of) each of them.

TRANSLATION

 An d m an y oth er thin gs, suc h as the  Patr onym ics  and the  N ic k names,  each of them in one volume. I have mentioned this in all humihty and modesty. (13. Local histories) ^

Ibn Hisam, upon completion of the  Sirah . Ibn Sayyid-an-nas, upon completion of his work on the biography of Muhammad.  A l-B ay ha qi , upo n com ple tion of the  D aW il. Tyad, upon completion of the  Sifd' '.  An -N aw aw i, a su bs tan tia l wor k. ‘Adud-ad-din.^ Ibn Hisam, the grammarian.^ Ibn Hajar, a very fine work, in two volumes, and in one. And The above-mentioned final chapter (of the  Jawdh ir wa-d-durar). I also wrote a monograph on Ibn ‘Arabi in one volume,^ with a summary of one quire, and other works, all this in addition to my works on the subjects here under discussion which I have mentioned in various places (of this work), such as  At -T ib r al-masbuk f i d-dayl '-aid s-St duk .   This work deals with the cases of death and the events from the year 845/1441-42 on to date, in several volumes. Waj iz al-kaldm f i d-dayl '■aid Duwal  a/-7 s/am, [a sum ma ry and continuation of and the author’s supplement] in one or two volumes to (ad-Dahabi’s)  Duw al al-Isldm .  The w^ork is very brief except for the later years. It covers the years from 745/1344-45 on down to the present.  A one -vo lum e sup plem ent to Ibn al- Ja za ri’ s Qur^dn readers.  A one -vo lum e sup ple me nt to Ibn H aj ar ’s  fud ges of Egypt .  Ad-Daw^ al-ldm i" li-ah l al-qarn at-td si\   in five volumes.  As-S ifd^ min al-alam f i wafaydt hddayn al-qarnayn al-dhir ayn min al-'Arah wa-l-'-Ajam.  A  Mu^jam   of (my teachers) who authorized me to transmit material they taught me, in three big volumes. Istanbul, Top kapusar ay, Ahiu et III, 2991, Ms. 338b-345b (written, in 895/1490). The Paris manuscript has preserved the older and, possibly, first text. Its marginal notes are incor porated hi the text of the Istanbul manuscript. The latter also has numerous additions doubtlessly going back to as-Sahawi himself. It constitutes what may be called a second edition. A translation of the text here might have been useful. However, as-Sahawi goes to a large extent over well-known territory. Arabic text, below, pp. 586-610. * Probably, ‘^Abd-ar-Raliman b. Ahmad al-lji, d. 756/1355 (cf. G A L ,  II, 208 f.) ? ^ 'Abdallah b. Y usuf, d. 761/1360 (cf. G A L ,  II, 23-25). ®Cf. above, p. 430, n. 7.

457

Or (historians restricted themselves) to the people of a particular locality. I have arranged here the authors on the subject whom I know of, according to the alphabetical sequence of the localities (with which their works are dealing).  Abiwar d:  According to Ibn al-‘Adim, Abii 1-Muzaffar Muhammad  b. Ah ma d b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ah m ad b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ish aq al Ab iw ar di al- Ad ib ^ (dea lt wi th Ab iwa rd) in a nice ®work, en titl ed  Nuh zat   (?) al-huffdz.  With Abiward, he combined Nasa, Kiifan, Caziyan, and other cities of the region. The author, perhaps, is identical with the one mentioned under Hurasan.  Ada rbay jdn:   Ibn Abi 1-Hayja’ ar-Rawwad.^  Arr an:  Al-Barda‘i.^ 1 As-Sahaw i was not the first to dress a list of local histories. However, this was hardly done by anyone prior to the latter half of the sixth/twelfth century, even if it could happen that already an eleventh-century scholar such as Ibn Hazm would make a list of local histories, in order to show how few of them existed, cf. Ibn Hazm’s letter in al-Maqqari,  Anale ctes,   II, 108-21 D o z y  and others (Leiden 1855-61), cf. above, p. 150. Al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq,  20 f. (Te heran 1 3 1 7 ) , mentions some local histories. Ibn al-Fuwati had a list of local histories in one of his historical works (cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   II, 365). As-Subki has one in the introduction of his  Sma ll Tabaqdt   work (Bodleian Ms. or. Marsh 428) as well as Ibn Hajar, in his  Mu'-j am al-inuf ahras   (Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 82, pp. 152-56). Ibn al-Hatib’s list of local histories, in the introductioji of the  Ihdta h,  I, 5-7 (Cairo 1319),  was as- Sah aw i’s mai n sour ce for the loca l his tori es of the wes t of the Musl im wor ld. The most comprehensive list before as-Sahawi, and the one upon which he largely bases himself, is that of as-Safadi, Wcift,  I, 47-49 H i t t e r , cf. the translation by E.  A  m a r ,  Prolcgome nes a Vetude des historiens arabes par Khalil Ibn Aibak as-Safadi, in  JA ,  X, 17, 251-308, 465-531 (1911); X, 18, 5-48 (1911); X, 19, 243-97 (1912). Cf. also H. R  i t t e r , in Oriens,  II I, 70 ff. (1950).  A more det aile d and bet ter arr ang ed lis t tha n tha t of as-S aha wi was pro bab ly nev er made . This includes the later Hajji Halifah,  Ka sf az-zun tm,  II, 1 0 6 f f . F l t ' j g e l ,  who has in cer tain respects more, in others inuch less information than as-Sahawi.  Nev ert hel ess,   as-Sahawi’s list is far fronx being complete. It could have been enlarged by as-Sahawi himself, if he had taken the trouble to go carefully through the sources at his disposal. He even omits to mention works to which he refers in the  Daw^.  It must, however, be noted that as-Sahawi himself considered his list unfinished, cf. above, p. 2 6 4 f. ^ D. 507/1113 (cf. G A L ,  I, 253). Yaqut,  Irsd d,  X VI I, 253 (Cairo), has, as different from the  His tory, a  Kitd b Xuh zat al-hd fiz. I'^ldn  reads bahrat,  which was distorted in G AL to bahjat. Bahrat, or buhrat,  are possible forms. ®Or rather: “thin” ? As-Sam'^ani,  Ans db,   559a, describes the work as consisting of  one

fascicle.

^ A c c o rd i n g t o M i n o r s k y ,  Hu dud al-^dlam,  395 f. (O xford-London 1937,  E. J . W . (xibb Mem. Series, N.S.  11), he is identical with an Abu 1-Hayja’ b. Rawwad who lived in the second half of the fourth/ten th centur y, h'or Isma'^il b. al-Mu tanna at-T ibri zi (d. ca. 580/1184) and his “H istory of Adar bayj an,” see Ibn al-P'uwati, Talhis Majma'- al-dddb, IV, III, 1 1 7 f . J A W A D . ^ The auth or who is also mentioned in the Waft   has not yet been identified. The form

458

 Irb il:

1- B a r a k a t

 A b u

al-Miibarak

M a w l i u b b. a l - M i i s t a w f i / f i v e v o l u m e :' . T h e

hammn.d  A b u

Ab u

b.

Sa'd

I- O as im

b.

Idris al-ldris i

y ia n iz a h b.

{faddHl)   o f

praise

Muham mad al-Maliki ^

YC is iif

/e

a

',n>oah   is

 I ) '- ’

Vi

',r ,1.

I'iio;

: . 1. 0

' l

H

)i

, 1

• !,.

b.

> r '

b.

Sa li m ,^

I 'l h a m m a d

in

fo u r

au-Nnwayri

d e , - : cr i p i i o n o f

e

a s -S i k a n d a r i

the

m ajor

affair

■)i. I

=

5 7C ),

. )i’

■5;.-

o!r j_ -y I. ' '

^;tsk';.

 

t'

:

 I i

:r

lLk >i'-’ i.

!i , i

71

4 '’' '>

I;

; ;.s-

>'■

i'oi,

■ V '

' o

r-

ji

i

> r

i H

fouiuls

''Ifiiimi'-

i

i

d . u r ri y c ih ,

“

.

; ■

a

i...' ' v

i I'i

(Teheran ^

F.

 f i i r

;.

.

op.cU.,

o r.

l u i tb r , . it th.-

• i) i-

Mt t..-'

‘ ^.r :

^ \ i :^

t: / ;,

.,

I,

■

.i

\ o  I\  s f a h

a n   w . -t s

,

' I :V ■

)

■:

; :)!i

the

\'.-ori< is

307 !I, 3I2-1,

a p u d  

I'.. !,

*

 A b u

 j d i j n ,   X I F ,

<‘ . - ; t ( j ' i s i v l y 32.gb,

f l i r .i j , o ! \

ci ’

I b u a l - ' - .V r a bi ; i l - l s b i l i . (cf. G A L ,   I,

1.15).

1, 1 87

G o t t w a l d t ( St.

also

quote d

l)y

at-Ta'^aiibi,

Yatimat 

j.

1I T ,

liani, cf.

I'aqiu,

rncnli oued

ii(>  ( 1 9 0 9 ) ;

a s-:%a -ii'aui, H3 i),

w ;k , J .> ,

ili .’

145

C a i i ' o ' i ' a^ r ii i

2648, p. 471.

i i . . d i rT \ \ ' o ci i , i i i a  [  i U c i l u n g c n G A L

 A n s d b ,  

f33.a, .jSSb,

S ' ip p l e m e n t    I .

for

iiistaiic.",

5 f2a,

587a ,

411.

fols.

Cf.

also

des

Seminar.';

i l l s  H i s t o r y

38a,

126a ,

o f 

132b ,

 Mu'-jam,

Viiqu t,

, 37.

a,- S,i in' a,

a p u d   F .

b y

3 7 . ; . I,

c i r : ) i\ -’ s

Jjallikau,

f ’ h e it .

4 1 6 / 1 . 0 2 5 -2 ' ) , c f .

■ yu oc e d, tor

:it..

tr.ias.

;

‘^ani,  A n G b , iui. T7;,h. ■ ’ ' !'! '.(■ G i l d h Q : i G / i : i ( ! s -S ; : r a f f !

i ■

222,

a r - ]
5J V . * r . .

r ., =. od

279a,

Ibn

:

th.' l.uuous jurist

( o i i; - t h / t c t i t i i c n U u r y

1 8 4 4 - 4 8 ) , a n d , i n a dd i i i i. v u t o Hi t* q u o t a t i o n s f r o m t h e  // is tn ry o f Is fa h a n

1U2 /103 3);

S p! -i i, d -r :; ,

 M u ’'i a : " ,

■ o

o f    t l u-

323-410/9 ")5-i(jio(;o), or

74 /19 S.J -35 );

(I L i.:i ■

w o rl < w i t h

acth or

(additions)

6). G A L S u p p l e m en t   1 , 7 3 2 f., con-

/: r ab ic o -H is p an a,

a d - d a h r ,   HI , 1 25 ( Daii iascu s 130.1); ’.'diii'.'iddai b. Sa'^d a:-?vlafaiTuhi,  K it d h M a h d si n Ls ba li dn

^^

(> -'h, . J . .

of

v . (' l l- ) ;! i o \\ i i

m e n t i o i . e ' d i n G A f .  S u p p l e , i i c n i ,  !,

■. .i -i.ij.'.),

.

the autlior

T he

PeU :rsb urL i'ip y.ig

t i l C

i i ,i

i ’ o i G t 'E S ,  I' .n sa yo , 2 8 6 ; I b n a ! - A b b a r , 7 5 3 , no. 2 1 4 2

H a t u z a h h i i i i s t i f r e - f t T S t o h i s U i d o r y o f I s f n l u b i    iu his U U d o r y ,

, >>r i ist i n c o ,

■ ■) . , a,

:

VJa,

u

(cf. P o n s

C o D F . R A , M a d r i d 1 8 8 6 - 8 9 ,  H ih li ot he ca

i : i . 'a r i .i ,

i; ■' ' i.

uV

■

]). 6 3 9 / 1 2 4 2

'

iphischem

. ; T'.ii ,i' -

' ' ' i t   v y '
-7 

i

. . ' o- i i Oi a Ti n i s . o r .

S

■' :ii: t o ; ' ■;

:!   is . l

i - ; i,

7 '.),

. . .'

wh-i-^c'

'

f i. i '

al-Mu"addil.^  Lis bon   (Ms. Leiden;  Estepona)'.   Ibn Idris.®

t  M u' -ja m ,

\

'

>, i.

■' \ v \ i ) ; i ! .u

\ ,h i xr v- r..nr.’i! l ' ■ :i.v :t’ s * li ■:i:i >

./■'.I

i m

i -i

, ■ :, r' i i i \. i i>. '

11 ! .

i V ’

'  p

. ;

th e

t h e o t ’ r - r . " i e b e g‘ >a n w i t h

i<>rv i~\ a ls o q i! >

n

.. ') 8 ; .t .- .' .f i !' ,  \'-'a {i.

' (

10

 A bi i B ak r Ah m ad b. Musa b. Mard awa yh.^  A bi i Z ak a ri ya ’ Y ah ya b. A bi ‘A mr ‘Ab d-a l-W ah ha b, a son of

a n d c v: p; :; >r ed i ts ^ vo m on a n d m e n .

; .'■ I ' 1,

’ O

! Lc

4i3 h.

Completion

a

(Abu V\bda]lah ).4  A bi i s-S ay h b. Hib ban .  A bi i Nu'a5^m Ah ma d b. ‘A bd all ah . His alp ha be tic all y arra nge d  wo rk of two vo lum es is the mo st com ple te (hi stor y of the cit y).  A bi i Ba kr Muh am ma d b. Ab i 'A li Ah ma d b. 'A bd -a r-R ah ma n

!,

,

 H i i

w r o te

r;

/:!

f .,

of the pious men (of the city).  Isbahd n:  Abu 'AbdallMi Hamzah b. al-Husayn al-Mu’addib.^

Mu-

(the cit\').

throe-v'ohime

'. 'i r

'. 2

1

a u

b.

‘U m a r b . a l- H a sa n (b. ) as -S ab bi ig ® co m p il e d

M an su r

f r ';■( i _/r;c t h i n < g->

nr.c.

j.

al-'it 

i

a s -S a li m i

(-.r.  I' 7 . -'.I. S:\'^''lei>;e!>t I, H i s  H i

 Wof i! ,'O’r.

“

Muham mad

the city).^

A l e: " v '- ' ri a.

O. -r

Selii.

b.

al-Astarabadi.^

the  Juidit   expert Abii ‘Abdaliah Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Muhammad  b. Y ah y a b. Ma ndah , bo th A bu Z ak ar iy a’ and his gra nd fat he r

H e { l iO : y o s : ? jd h '

!'.

az-Zanjani al-Makki

tJie b e. y^ r' in g o f th e ^;ear (7) ^) 7/ 13 65 , w h en

Franks -

ct.

the description of the conquest of the city (at the beginning of Islam?), and he tarried so much that in comparison with the other things he mentioned, the event (of the year 767) is hardly noticeable.  Sevilla'.   Abu Bakr Muhammad b. ‘i\.bdallah b. Ibrahim b. Qassum al-Isbili,^  M ajd lis al-abrdr f i mu'-dmalat al-hiy dr,   a history {ahbdr)

b.

vo lu m e s.

b . 0 - 1 - im

 v  .t o

 w h ic ii

tiiH

 A bi 1- H a s a n

‘ A b d - ; ir - R a h m a n

‘Abd :il!ah

 A b u 'A ll a l- H a s a n b.

'

al-Mubarak

w o r k i s m a i n l y c o n c e r n e d w i t h l i t t e r a te u r s a n d

{Tahnilah) of i h e l i i . s t o r y ( o f  Alexandria:  A b ii i- M u z a tf a r  A b u 1- F a d a ' i l ( ? ) . ^

of

b.

an abridgn K'nl of it. (122)

 Astardhdd:  

the

Ahm ad

( a v a i la b l e in ) t h e a u t h o r ’ s a u t o g r a p h , i n

kings. Sukiyrnan b. ‘Abd allah b.

 wro te

b.

459

TRANSLATION

 A S- SA H AW I’ S I ‘L AN

for

ii V 't du ^ e ,

i;i-aa:ic '',

37,

who

-^la.nk.

fo's,

d c t ^i b t s

\bii

b y

6- a, ti i e

a l -( j ii 't i ,  I n ’h ii i,   l i , ( ) . ) a,

- j - So a ,

e:xistcnci‘ of

'Ab dai lal'.’s

4 / 7a ,

A ’.’n i

“ L h s i o r y "    i s

i i i a f d h i r I s f a l u h i % c ( . - a h h ar i h a uy

27

(Cairo

530a;

'Ab da llali’s ( l u o ti - d

by

1369-

Vaq ut, w ork;

a s-Sain-

' A h '  b. l l a n i / . a h a l - I s t a -

G ' .G d . X i l ,   204 :'-Jdir'o — \ , 201 . M.iU ooi. jol' r n ) , is o i i r   o f t i i e w o r k s n o t

L )' .’ a s - S a n .' r , '

there fore, (^' apcd

p r ' i h. ; u , ' ly

because

it

had

little

to

do

w i t h  fi ad it  s c h o l a r s a n d ,

t h e a ! t e i i t i o ’ i o f e . >- S a ha \ v ? a u d h i s s o ’ i r c e s . H u t h e s h o u l d n o t h a v e

o m i t t e d a i - 1 i r u/ . - ' i h i d f ’ s //.’ u 'o ; y o f ! < f a h d n ,

o f .  D-.r. :^,  X , i J ’ i ..

** He coiii(_! iiard l’.’ bi- id.eiiliLal ’Aiiii the .author c4  lin' Hi.^tori''s of Asta rab .id a'nd S.uua rq a n d , b u t f i e e. r t. u i d' . - i > i d l u i c a l \ ' dt l i t h e a u t l e ' r 0 1 l l u - l l i ^ b i r v o f S e - u i ' n ,  l.)ele >•, p. 470 .

.tl) i-; s/u

' ’’t’

t

i!

Po xs !5()ic.:';-s, / ii:.a vo.

I.ot ... illc-U’.r y ( on:ir:L',j'oi\!ii(ni

I u l u t r c ,   5 f. f.Xii^arii

ii.

ror

in

.)/-

o f t l i e  Ih dU ih in i-i ni:  

,93, hno.v:. ;i;e ant cor 1 d v f.-i ea th e ! n d i a l i . ' i ' i e- v r

fauit\- edition

t h e  Jl i. do ry o f !■.. tc po na   b.; .Xi'U i>
bl'-i.^,” v.i iose

a u t l ' . or ( d . 7 0 7 /1 3 , 07 ) , h o v . e w r , d o e s ; i . ot s e e m t o h a \ ' e h a d t h e “ I b n cf. Pons

Poiouks,

 E n sa y o ,   3 1 4 .

Ph is” in his name,

460

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I ‘L AN

 Ifri qiy ah:   Ibrahim b. al-Qasim b. Katib,^ in several volumes. Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Warraq.^

ar-Raqiq

TRANSLATION

al-Qayrawani

461

al-

 wro te two work s on the su bje ct, the lar ger one, al-Mubin,  in sixty

Ibn ad-Dabbag al-Ansari,^ an author of the seventh/thirteenth century of the same generation as al-Mundiri.

 volu mes , and the othe r, al-Miiqtabis,  in ten volumes.  Ab u 'U ma r b. ‘At,^  Rayh dnat at-tanaffus f i Htlamd'’ al-A nda lus.  A bu ‘A mi r Mu ha mm ad b. Ah ma d b. ‘A mi r al- Ba law i at- Ta ras usi (at“Turtusi),^  Dur ar al-qald^id wa-giwar al-fawd^id f i ahbdr al An dah is wa-umard^ihd wa-tahaqdt ^ulamd^ihd wa-hi'^ard'^ihd.

 A bu l- ‘A ra b Mu ham ma d b. Ah ma d b. Ta mi m at -T am im i alQayrawani, the hadit   expert, on the tahaqdt  of the people of (the city).  A bu Ba kr al-Ma Hki dea lt wi th th e (religiou s) scho lars (of the city) and also wrote a monograph on its servants (of God). ^  Sp ain : ^ Abia Cxalib al-Garnati.®  A bu ‘A bd al lah al-Huma ydi,'^  Jadwat al-Muqt ahis.  A bu 1-Walidb. al-Faradi, al-Ihtifdl fi tardjim ar-rijdl,  that is, per sons who were (either born) in Spain or who settled there, from the  be gin nin g of th e sec ond to the end of the fou rth ®ce ntu ry. Su ppl e ments to Ibn al-Faradi are Ibn Baskuwal, as-Silah',  Abii Ja'far  b. az -Z ub ay r ® (123 ); Ab u ‘A bd al lah Mu ham ma d b. al- Ab ba r al-Quda‘i al-Andalusi, at-Takmilah \ and Chief Judge Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Malik al-Ansari al-Marrakusi, ad-Dayl wa-t-takmilah li-kitdhay al-MawsuL wa-s-Silah,   a substantia] work, in several volumes.  A bu Ma rwa n H ay ya n b. H ala f b. Hu sajm b. H ay ya n al- An da lus i 1 The work is also quoted by Ibn Farhuri, Dib dj,  119 (Cairo 1351); Ibn Hajar,  Raf^ al-i sr Paris ms. ar. 2149, fol. 40b. ^ D . 363/973-74 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 233). The biographers (ad-Dabbi,  Bug yat almultaniis,  131, Madrid 1885,  Bibli otheca Ara bico -Hi span a,  3; al-Maqqari,  Anale ctes,   II, 113 D o z y  and others, Leiden T885-61) mention works on  various Northwest African cities by this author. They may be meant here, but cf. also P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensay o,   80 f. * He appears to be identical with the author of the  His tory of al-Qayra wdn,  Abu Zayd 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad, although the latter died nearly half a century after alMundiri. * For al-MMiki and his works, cf. above, p. 419, n. 5. The Ta?rih. al-Afdriq ah, or  Ifri qiy ah,  by Mu ham ma d b . al- Ha rit (cf. abov e, p. 418, n. 2), GAL Supplement   I, 232, was overlooked  by as-S aha wi. It is also quo ted by 4  yad ,  Mad drik ,  Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 2293, fols. 163b, 167a. ^ For Ibn Sa'id ’s list of Spanish histories, cf. al-Maqqari,  Anale ctes,   II, 122-24 D o z y  (Leiden t 8 5 5 - 6 i ). Cf. also C. P e l l a t , in B. L e w i s and P . i \ f . H o l t ,  Hist oria ns of the M idd le  East ,  122 f. ®He may be identical with Ibn Galib whose  Farha t al-an fus fi ahbdr ahl al-A nda lus is quoted by al-Maqqari and whose name is said to be Muhammad b. Ayyub al-Carnati (al-Maqqari,  Anal ecte s,  II, 104, 276, 4 1 7 ) - Cf. Ibn al-Fuwati, Talhts Majma'^ al-dddb, IV , III, 536 f. J a w a d , ’ Muhammad b. Futuh, d. 488/1095 (cf. G A L ,  I, 338). ® IHdn\  “ the 40o(s).” * Al.nnad b. Ibrahim, 627-708I1230-1308  (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 733, no. loa). Cf. the edition of his  Sil at as-S ilah by E . L e v i - P r o v e n ^ a l (Rabat 1938). The correct text in Ms. Leiden. " D . 469/1076 (cf. G A L ,  I, 338).  I^ldn  reads hicorrectly Abu Surur, instead of Abu Marwan.  Al- M ub in ,  according to G A L ,  appears elsewhere as al-Matin  (cf. also as-Safadi, Wdfi,  I, 49 R  i t t e r ; ad-Dahabi, ^Ibar,  III, 270 F u a d S a y y i d [Kuwait 1961]).

 A bu H ay ya n, on Spa nis h he reti cs (?).  A bi i ‘A bd al lah b. Ha rit mad e a com pila tion of Spa nia rds. The first Umayyad-M arwanid ruler of Spain was ‘Abd -ar-Rahman  b. M u' aw iya h b. Hi sam b. ‘A bd -a l-M ali k b. Mar wan b. al- Ha ka m  b. A bi l- ‘A s al- Um aw i al-M arw ani. He rule d th irt y-t hr ee yea rs.  A fte r him , his son Hi sam be ca me the ruler . His des cen dan ts re mained in power until the beginning of the fifth/eleventh century. ^  Bdb al-abwdb:  Mamsiis (??) ad-Darba ndi. ^  Baj dya h  (Bougie); Ibn al-Hajj.^  Al-C jubr ini ®wro te a mo nog rap h on (Ba jay ah 's) ex cel len t men.  Buhd rd:   Gunjar Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Buhari, the hadit   expert.'^ His work was abridged by as-Silafi. The original is in my possession.  Al-B asr ah: Ibn Dahjan. ® ^ Ahm ad b. Haruu, d. 609/1212 (cf. F.

L e v i - P r o v e n ^;a l ,

 La Pe nin sul e Iber ique ,  165,

n. 3, Leide n 1938). ^ D. 559/1164 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo ,  226; G A L ,  I, 499). ^ I ’-ldn  has “the 400(5).” Some further quotations from Spanish histories; 'lyad , Mad drik , Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 2293, r, fol. 129b, quotes ar-Razi, on the genealogy of the Spaniards. The  His tory of Spa in   by Muhammad b. Salih al-Ma‘afiri al-Qahtani, who died some time after 370/980-81 (cf. also P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   93), is referred to by as-Sam‘^4 ni,  Ansd b, fol. 443b, and quoted by Sibt b. al-'Aja mi (d. 884/1480, cf. G A L ,  II, 70),  Ku nu z ad-dahab  f i ta^rih Hala b,  Ms. Cairo (T aymur ?) TaMh , 837, p. 27. ^ For quotations from an anonymou s history of Bab al-abwab completed around 500/1106, cf.  V . M i n o r s k y ,   Stud ies in Cau casi an Hi sto ry, 3 ff., 1 6 3 ff. (London 1 9 5 3 ) . ^ Muhammad b. Muhammad, d. 7 7 1 / 1 3 7 0 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo,   333; A. G o n z a l e z P a l e n c i a ,  Hist oria de la liter atur a Ar. -Es pan ola,  194, Barcelona-Buenos Aires 1928; Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   IV, 1 5 5 - 5 7 ) (al-Ballafiqi). ® Sic leg.  Ahmad b. Almiad, d. 714/1315 (cf. G A L ,  II, 239). ’ D . 410/1019-20, or 422/1031, or, according to H ajji H alifah,  Ka sf az-zun un,   II, 117 F l u g e l , in 412/1021-22, cf. Yaqiit,  Irsdd ,  XV'II, 2T3 f. (Cairo = VI, 329 M a r g o l i o u t h ), from as-Sam‘^ant,  Ans db, fol.   4 1 1 b ;  E l, 2nd   ed., s.v.  Ghundjar. Gunjar’s  His tory   is quoted, for instance, by TB,   X, 27; Ibn Baskuwal, as-Silah,  205 C o d e r a ; as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  for instauce, fols. i8a, looa, 227b, 374b, 443b, 508a, 555a; ad-Dahabi, Tabaqat al-huffdz,  gth tab.,  n o. 2 3 W ' i ' S t e n f e l d ; I b n H aj a r ,  Lis dn,   I, 355. It was used by al-Hayd ari (cf. IX, i i g ) . C f . also TB,   I, 296, X, 149, 297, XI I, 256. The  Add itio ns  to Cunjar’s  His tory of Buhd rd   by Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Mamani (d. 436/1045) are mentioned by as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  fols. 487a, 504a; cf. Yaqiit,  Irsdd, XVII, 213 (Cairo = \T, 329 M a r g o l i o u t h ) , and ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  14th tab., no. 2  W 'l ’S T E n f e l d ,  wher e the aut ho r is call ed (Ahmad)  b. Mama al-Isfahani, Muhammad b. Ja'-far au-Narsahi’s  Histo ry of Buhd rd  (cf. above , 160, n. 7; cf. also as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  fol. 74b) was not known to as-Sahawt. Al-P>ayhaqi, Ta^rih-i-Bayhaq, 21,  mentions the history of Buhara and Samarqand by a certain SaVl b. Janah. * Dihqan ?, cf. below, p. 473, n. 8? Hajji Halifah has Whjdn.

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librarian of the Miistansiriyah Lilrrary in Bagdad. (124)  An oth er thre(ovol;;Tne so*)|oeoo.-oI. wo-, wriLtei; by Toqi -ado ln!, b. —  Ab u S a‘ (l (os-Sani' aV'') \v-olo also rho  An<;ao  ari-l i;u;  whi cii C'?ntain ijiogio j'h'ias . Ibn Rafi'^ wrcne

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volum .es,

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46 3

TRANSLATION

 A S- SA H A W l’ S I ‘ LA N

he

h\a-d

ai'oi;ad

3ro'ni2.

^ ? , I . e i tl e u : a l - a ^ s d r .

'i'aoat,

l /a ^/ ,- ’ a; ,

1\ ,

659

\ ;A|aA (e,i. th e iu de a lo tli e  M u ’'jn.>») ,

464

Fadl b. Tahir al-Balhi ^who hved close to the time of the afore mentioned Abu Ishaq and who had arranged his work according to tahaqdt. The  Kitd h al-B ahja h  which was composed about Abu Hanifah and his two famuh, Abii Yusuf and Muhammad (b. al-Hasan asSaybani) and some of their circle, because most of them were from Balh. Those of them who would pass the requirements for ac ceptance in the work are about thirty. The last of them is the ascetic Abu 1-Layt as-Samarqandi.^ A source (of the  Ba hja h ?)  wa s aga in the wo rk of Ab u Isha q. The  Kit dh al- Ka sf^   of "Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Y a ‘qub alHariti, because it contains a number of Balhis around Abu Hanifah and his chains of transmitters connected with (Balh ?) (also was a source of the  Bah jah ?). Valencia'.  Ibn ‘Alqamah.^  Jemsale^n:  A b u 1-Qasim Maki b. ‘Abd-as-Salam b. ar-Rumayli al-Maqdisi, the hadit   expert,^ compiled the history and praise  [fadd^il]   of Jerusalem but did not complete (the work).  Ab ii Ba kr Muh am mad b. Ah ma d b. Muh am ma d al- Wa sit i alHatib compiled the praise  [faddHl,  of the city), in one quire. Salah-ad-din (125) Abii Sa'id H alil b. K ayka ldi al-‘A la’i.  A bu Man sur < . . . . ? > Tmad-ad-din Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Hamid al-Isbahani al-KMib, al-Fath al-Qussi f i l-fath al-Qiidsi,  in two volumes. The hadit   expert Abri Bakr b. Muhibb-ad-din ®abstracted those  who se ttle d in Jeru sale m. Burhan-ad-din Ibrahim b. Taj-ad-din ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ibra him b. Sabba' al-Fazari b. al-Firkah,’^ BdHt an-n ufus '-aid ziydra t  al-Quds al-mahrus,  in one quire.®

1

D.

323/934-35

^ A p p a r e n t l y ,

195 i-).

^  K a s f

“

D.

492/1099

i-)-

M u h a m m a d ,

a l- H a l a f ,

cf. d .

I m a m

ab ove , ^ogliiG 

A r a b i c o - H i s p a n a , 

( a s - S a m ' ^ a n i,

with

M uham niad

G .  V a j d a ,  L e s

me ntioned D.

O n e

ab ove,

o f th e

m i g h t

C e r t i fi c a t s

pp.

729/1320

i n  J o u r n a l “

b .

 B i h l i o t h e c a

47

6;

437

and

 A n s d b ,   f o l .

p.

a l - h u d a ,

449,

(Ibn E.

n.

f o u r th / t e u t h

c e ii t u r y

( c f.

G A L ,

I,

4.

al-Abba r,

145,

Levi-Proven^al,

n o.

514

 I s l a m

Codera, d ’O c c i d c n t ,

M a d r i d 192

f f .,

P a le s tine

e x p e c t

259b).

b.

' ^ A b d a ll a h ,

dc

le c t u r c  3 5

71 2

or

[P a r i s

713-789/1313-87 1957]), and

with

(Ibn the

l .I a j ar ,  D u r a r ,   I I I , Ibu

Mu hibb-ad -dia

43 9 .

(cf. G A L ,  II,

130).

Orienta l

a s - S a h a w i

I'or

his

S o c i e t y ,  X I \ ' ,

t o

 Elvi ra:   Sa‘id b. Sulayman b. al-Husayn al-Cafiqi.^  Bayh aq:   ^Ali b. Zayd.^ Takrit:  *Abdallah b. Suwayd at-Takriti,® on the scholars {suyuh) of (the city). Tlemcen :— between Baja yah (Bougie) and Fez— Ibn al-Asfar. Ibn Hudbah. Tinnis:  A b u 1-Qasim ‘Abd-al-Muhsin b. ‘Utman b. Oana’im alHatib,^ al-'-Arus fi faddHl Tinnis,  in praise of (the city). Tihdmah and al-Hijdz\  Ibn Calib,® on the history  [ahhdr)  of both (regions). T u n i s '.— a city in Ifriqiyah in the west— At-Tamimi, on the jurists of (the city).  fu rj dn :  Hamzah b. Yusuf as-Sahmi.® (His work) is in my posses sion. An abridgment was composed by D iya ’-ad-din al-Maqdisi.  A l-f az ir ah :  Abii ‘Arubah al-Husayn b. Muhammad b. Abi Ma‘sar al-Harrani.^ Also his pupil  f i m as ji d ll i y d   by

Ibn an-Najjar (ad-Dahabi,

H i s t or y o f I s l a m ,   Bodleian

ms. or Laud 304,

foL 194b).  A “ great histo ry of Jerusale m” and a “so und fascicle in praise of Hebron ” appears to have been written by §ams-ad-din Muhammad al-Kanji as-Sufi (d. 682/1283), cf. Ibn Rafi',  M un ta ha b al- mu ht dr , Ta ^r ih ^ulamd'^ B ag dd d,   200 (Bagdad 1357/1938), and Mugultay, alW d d i h a l -m u b i n ,   176 S p i e s (Stuttgart ig ^6, Bonner Orientalistische Studien   18). For another seventh/thirteenth century work on the  fa dd^ il   of Jerusalem, cf. Hajji ^lalifah,

 zu n u n ,   I,

454 F l u g e l . Cf., further, Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,   IV, 251. 1 Mutarrif b. 'Isa al-6assani wrote on the poets of Elvira, cf. E l I a s  T XI , 138 f. (1946). Mutarrif’s Ta^rih   of Elvira is quoted by Ibn Farhun,

e r

K a s f a z-

£ s , in  A l- A

D t h d j , 

n da lu s,

174 (Cairo

1351). A H istory o f (the Scholars of) Elvi ra   by Abu 1-Qasim Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Wahid al-Gafiqi al-Mallahi (d. 619/1222) is mentioned by his student ar-Ru'ayni, B a r n d m a j , 64 S a b b i j h (Damascus 1381/1962), in as-Safadi’s W d f i ,   IV, 68 D e d e r i n g , and in the Ihatah (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s , E n s a y o ,   273). A work on the jurists of Elvira was supposedly written  by ‘Is a b. Muham mad (d. 403/1012, cf. P o

n s

B

o i g u e s

,

E n s a y o ,   108).

^ Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq  (Teheran 1317/1939). ^ ‘Abdallah b. “^Ali b. Suwayd , who was mentioned by Ibn an -Najjar, cf. IJajji ^al ifah,

K a s f a z -z u n u n ,   II, 122 F l u g e l , died 584/1188. I^ldn   has Suwaydah. *  Wrote before 413/1022-2 3 (cf. G A L S u p p l em e n t    I, 548). ® E .  A ma r , in  J A , X ,   19, 261, n. 4 (1912), referred in this connection

1948).

® Identical 465;

b .

a l- d t d r .   I 'o r a l - H a r i t i ,

^ M u h a m m a d 1886-89, Paris

X II, N a s r

465

TRANSLATION

A S - S A H A W I ’S I ‘ L A N

m e n t i o n

sources, 2 8 4 -9 3

h e r e

a

cf.

the

( 1 9 3 4) ,

w o r k

s u c h

editio n XV , a s

by

51-87

C.

D.

M a t t h e w s ,

( 1 9 3 5 ).

t h e  K a i f d a t

a l- a w li y d ^

to a H i s t o r y   by   Ab u Gal ib Hum am b. al-Facjl b. al-Muh addab al-Mag ribi, but accordi ng to Ya qut ,  M u^ ja m (cf. also Ibn al-'Adim, Bu gy at at-talab,   Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 13a), that work had nothing to do with this particular area. I do not know whether C, C a h e n , L a S y r i e du N o r d ,   44, n. 3 ^Paris 1940), in ascribing a history of the Hijaz to Humam, had Amar’s suggestion in mind, or whether he had independent information. ®H is work is also quoted by as-Sam'ani,  A n sd b, pa ss im -,   Ibn al-'Adim, Bugyat at-talab, Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 45a; ad-Dabbi, Bugyat al-multamis,   462 (Madrid 1885, Bibliotheca

 A r ab i ca -H i sp an a,   3). The incomplete text of the unique Bodleian manuscript was published in Hyderabad 1369/1950. A work on the tunnd^  (landholders, doubtful reading) of Jurjan  by Ab u YaH a Muham mad b. al-H usay n is mentio ned by as-Sah mi, 411 f. ’ The F i h r i s t   (above, p. 381, n. 4) states that he wrote only one work and does not men tion his histories of the Jazirah and ar-Raqqah, but the Ta^rth al-Jazartyin   is quoted by  as-Sam'am,  A n sd b,   fols. i6ia, 306a; Yaqut,  M u^ ja m,   cf. F . J. H e e r , op. cit., 35.

466

 AS -S AH lw f’ s I ‘ l  A n

 A bu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. al-Hasan b. ‘Allan al-Harrani, the hadit  expert, 1 on the his tory of (the region).  Alg ezi ras :— in Spain— Ibn Hamis.2 Ibn a l-Qatta ‘,^ on the poets of (the Island!).  A bu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. BassS-m/ ad-Dahn ah f i mahdsin ahl al Jaz irah ,  in which he used as his basic work of reference the  His tory of Abu Marwan b. Hayyan, in several volumes.  Harrd n:  Abut-Tana’ Hammadb. HibataMh b. Hammad b. al-Fadl al-Harrani,^ on the history of (the city). Abu 1-Mahasin b. Salamah  b. Ha lifa h al- Ha rra ni ®com ple ted (H am ma d’s) wo rk. Sa yf- ad -di n  A bu Mu ham ma d ‘A bd -a l-G an i b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ta ym iy ah alHarra ni ’ wro te (a copy of) it in his own handwriting.  Ale ppo :  A b u 1-Fawaris Hamden b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahim b. Hamdan at-Tamimi al-Ataribi, later al-Halabi,® al-Qut,  a history of (the city) from the year 490/1996-97 on. The work comprises the history  [ahhdr], times, and Syrian expedition of the Franks, from the mentioned year on. KamM-ad-din ‘U mar b. Ahm ad b. al-‘Adim,  Bug yat at~talab, a substantial work on the history of (the city). I have come across a large part of the work. Supplements to it were written (126) by  ^ Ibn ‘Allan’s work is quoted by as-Sam'am,  Ans db,   fol. 442a. The author is mentioned in TB ,  I I, 1333 i2 On the authority of Hajji Halifah, P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo,   187, thought of 'Abd-alJabbar b. Abi Bakr b. Hamdis (cf. G A L ,  I, 269 f., cf. also the ed ition of his  Dtwd n by I h s a n ' A  b b a s [Beirut 1379/1960]).  Ens ayo, 331 f., refers to Abu Bakr b. ^am sin (?), from the  Ihdta h  and Hajji FJalifah. The author of the  His tory of Malag a {IHdn,  25, above, p. 300) is probably meant here.

3 'Ali b. Ja'far, d. 514/1120, or 515 (cf. G A L ,  I, 308,  Sup plem ent   I, 540). The “ Island’ is Sicily! * D. 542/1147-48, or 543 (cf. G A L ,  I, 339). ®He died in 598/1202 (Ibn al-'Im M,  Sadardt, IV, 335, Cairo 1350-51; Ibn Katir, Bid dy ah , XI II, 33 f.). A manuscript of Ibn 'Abd -al-Bar r’s Istid kdr  was written for him in 573/1177-78 (cf. Y. al-'Iss,  Fi ht is mahtutdt Ddr al-K utu b az-Z dhir tyah ,  274, Damascus 1366/1947), and in the same year, the  Hist ory of ar-Raqq ah  was studied under him in Alexandria, accord ing to the stud y notes in Phot. Cairo Taymur T a’rih 2490, p. 28. The work is quo ted by Ibu al-'Adim,  Bug yat at-talab,  Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 9b (life of Ishaq b. Nasr). ®C f . also C. C a h e n ,  La Syr ie du Nord ,  36, n. 12 (Paris 1940); Hajji Halifah,  Ka Sf az zunu n,   II, 125 F l u g e l . The Wdft   has Mahasin b. Halifah.  An olde r wo rk is Ab u ' Am r as -Su lam i’s (?)  Hist ory o f the Harrdn ians, quoted by as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  fo l. 134 b. ’ 581-639/1185-1241 (Ibn al-'Imad,  Sadardt,   V, 204 f.). He is the son of the Ibn Taym iyah mentioned in GAL Supplement   II, 1024, and the father of 'Abd-al-Qahir who died in 6yil  1272-73  (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  XIII, 264). « D. after 554/1159 (Yaqut,  Irsdd,   X , 272-74, Cairo = IV, 143 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ) . His  His tory is quoted by Ibn al-'Adim,  Bugya t at-talab,  Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 185a (life of Aqsunqur b. ‘Abdallah), cf. also C . C a h e n ,  La Syr ie du Nord,   41 f. (Paris 1940).

TRANSLATION

4 67

‘Al^’-ad-din b. Hatib-an-Nasiriyah, in several volumes, and, be fore him, by Ibn ‘Asa’ir.^  Emes a {Him s):  Ahmad b. ‘Abd-as-Samad b. Sa‘id, on the men around Muhammad who settled there.  A bu B ak r b. Sadaqah.®  Hur dsan:  Al-Abiwardi.  Al -H ak im , on th e hi sto ry

{ahhdr)  of Hurasanian (religious)

scholars.  A bu Za yd al- Ba lhi , on the goo d qu ali ties and act ion s of the Hu rasanians.^  A bu 1-Husayn ‘Ali b. Ahmad as-Sallami,^ on the history of the governors of (Hurasan). I have come across the abridgment of the  wo rk b y the hadit   expert Jamal-ad-din Abu 1-Mahasin Yusuf b.  Ah ma d b . Ma hmu d al- Ya gm ur i, the au tog rap h (co py of the aut hor ), in several quires. ^ Muhammad b. 'Ali, d. 789/1387 (Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,   IV, 85 f.). He was also the author of a  Hist ory of Qinn asri n,  entitled an-Nastartn ft ta^rih Qinnasrin   (Hajji ^lalifah,  Ka^ f az~  zunu n, II, 94, no. 2059, and II, 142, no. 2283 F l u g e l : Tajan-nisrtn).   The work is mentioned  by (Mu ham mad b. Ibra him ) Ibn al-H anb ali (d. 971/ 1563 , cf. G A L ,  II, 368),  Durr al-habab, Paris ms. ar. 5884, fol. 4b, from the draft of Sib t b. al-'A jam i’s  Kun Hz ad-dahab.   As Ibn Hajar did not mention it, the work escaped as-Sahawi’s attention.  Al -H as an b. 'U ma r b. Ha bib wr ote  Lladrat an-nad tm min Ta^rih Ibn al-^Ad im,  as he himself says in his  Durr at al-asl dk,  Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 223, fol. 43b, anno  660. There  were a num ber of oth er wor ks on the hi sto ry of Ale ppo wh ich as-S aha wi mig ht ha ve men  tioned. Some notes on the historians of Aleppo are also to be found in 'Abbas al-'Azzawi, at-Ta'-rif bi-l-mu^arriMn, I, 77  ff. ®Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 'Isa, third/eighth century {TB,  V, 63). His work is quoted  by as- Sa m' ani ,  Ans db,   fol. 380a. ^ The names could refer to Judge W aki' who is unlikely to be meant here. Whether this author of the history of Emesa is identical with Judge A bu Bakr b. Sadaqah (d. 490/1097) of Mayyafariqin who figures in the history of May yafariqin by Ibn al-A zraq? *  No such work by Abu Zayd al-Balhi is mentioned in the rather extensive bibliographies of the  Fi hri st   and Yaqut. Yaqut, it is true, has a  Fadd Hl Bal h  among Abu Zayd’s works {IrSdd,  III, 68, Cairo = I, 143 M a r g o l i o u t h ). It should, however, be noted that as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fols. 212a, 245b, (and al-Bayhaqi, TaMh-i-Bayhaq, 21, 138, 154, 255), quote a  Ma fdh ir Hu rds dn  by the famous Mu'tazilah  Ab u 1-Qasim al-Balhi (cf. above, p. 430, n. 8), and as-Safadi, Wdft,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld.  Ar ch. A. 24, fol. 19b, me nti on s such a boo k amo ng his wor ks. Th e Fih ris t {ZD MG ,  XC, 305 [1936]) does not have this information in the list of the works of Abu 1-Qasim but cites his  Ma hds in H urd sdn   in connection with Ibn ar-Rawandi, according to the fragment published  by M. T. H o u t s m a , in W Z K M ,  IV , 2 17 ff. (1890), and republished as an appendix to the Cairo 1348 edition of the Fi hri st. In Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq,  21 and 255, the title is Ta^rih Nisdbur and  Ma fdh ir Nisd bur ,  respectively. It is well possible that there existed such a work by the M u'tazilah Abu 1-Qasim and that his work was e r r o n e o u s l y ascribed by Yaqut and as-Sahawi to the famous Abu Zayd  who se geo gra phi cal int ere sts were well -kno wn. ®Cf. above, p. 321, n. 7. Another history of Hurasan, written not much later than asSallami, was the  Far id at-ta^rih ft ahhdr H urd sdn  by a certain Abu 1-Hasan Muhammad b. Sulayman b. Muhammad. It is quoted by Yaqut,  IrSdd,   IV, 192 (Cairo = II, 60 M a r g o  l i o u t h

).

468

 AS- SAH AW t’ s

TRANSLATION

1‘ l A n

 Hebron'.  Maki b. ‘Abd-as-Salam ar-Rumayli, on the pilgrimage {ziydrah)  to (the city).^  Huw drizm :  The rehgious leader and hadit   expert Abu Muhammad Mahmud b. Muhammad b. ‘Abbas b. Arslan al-Huwarizmi,^ the author of the  Kit db al- Kd fi f i l-fiqh , a contemporary of Abu 1-Qasim  b. ‘As ak ir. His wo rk (on Hu war izm ) cons ists of ab ou t eig ht vo l umes. The hadit   expert ad-Dahabi derived material from it.^ Muzhir-ad-din al-Kasi>  Ddr ayyd :  Abu ‘All ‘Abd-al-Jabbar b. ‘Abdallah al-Hawlani.®  Damascus' .  Ibn ‘Asakir, in eighty volumes. The manuscript in the Mahmudiyah has fifty-seven volumes. The author starts with information {aJihdr)  about the city. This is followed by a biography of the Prophet which ends with a chapter on the prayer for him. This fills three volumes and something. The author then goes into the names, startin g with the Ahma ds. H is son al-Qasim ®wrote a supplement to (the work). Abridgments of the  His tory   of Ibn ‘Asakir were written by al-Fadili; Abu Samah— who also wrote a supplement to it— , in two recensions, a large one and a small one; ‘Umar b. al-Hajib, in five volumes, of which the last, a big  vol um e, ex is ts ; a nd ad- Da ha bi, in ten fas cicl es in his ha nd wr iti ng .’ ^  Daw^,  II, 276, mentions a similar work by Ishaq b. Ibrahim at-Tadmuri, d. 833/1430. * D . 56 8/ 11 72 -7 3 (c f. G . B e r g s t r a s s e r , in  Zei tsch rift fu r Sem itist ik,  II, 205, 1926). His  wo rk is qu ote d by Y aq ut ,  Mu^jam ,  III, 343  W  u s t e n f e l d ;  IrSdd,  IX, 191 (Cairo = III, 212 M a r g o l i o u t h ) ; a d -D a h a bi ,  Hist ory of Islam ,  Bodleian ms. or. Laud 304, fol. 251a, among the biographies of the year 562; as-Safadi, Wafi, IV, 179 D e d e r i n g ; as-Subki, Tabaqdt as-SdfiHyah,  V, 10, 305 f. (Cairo 1324); 'Ab d-al-Qad ir al-Qurasi, al-Jawdhir almudtyah,  II, 372 (Hyderabad 1332); al-Fasi, al-^Iqd at-tamin  (life of Muhammad b. Ahmad  b. Ab i Sa 'id ); Ibn al- Fu wa ti, TalMs Majma^ al-dddb,  IV, III, 468 J a w a d . ®The information on Ibn Arslan’s work we have here is found in al-Fasi, loc. cit.,  who quotes ad-Dahabi. ^ This seems to be the reading of the nisbah  in Ms. Leiden, but only identification of the author can decide whether it is correct. Al-Hasan b. al-Muzaffar an-Nisaburi, who died in 442/1051, wrote  Ziyd ddt ahbdr H uwdr izm  (Yaqut,  Irsd d,  IX, 193, Cairo = III, 213 M a r g o  l i o u t h ).  Al -B iru ni, too , is sai d to ha ve wr itt en sto rie s on Hu wa riz m (Y aq ut ,  Irsdd ,  X V I I , 185, Cairo = VI, 311 M a r g o l i o u t h ;  M u’^jam,  II, 483  W  i j s t e n f e l d ),  bu t no suc h wo rk is mentioned by al-Biruni in his  Risdl ah f l fih ris t kutub Muha mmad h. Zakar iyd^ ar-R dzi.  Al -B ay ha qi, Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq,  21, mentioixs two more histories of Huwarizm. ®D. between 365/975-76, and 370/980-81 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 210), above, p. 168.  Ad -D ah abi sta tes th at he ha d stu die d the  His tory of Ddr ayyd ,  cf. his Tabaqdt al-qurrd^, Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 1537, p. 234. “ Al-Qasim b. 'Ali, d. 600/1203 (cf. G A L , I, 331). A volume of his  Da yl   is preserved in the Zahiriyah, cf. the catalogue by Y. a l - 'I s §, 129 f., and the introduction of the new edition of the Ta^rih Dimasq  by S. a l -M u n a j j i d  wh ich beg an to app ear in Dam ascu s 137 1/1 951 . For a manuscript in his handwriting, cf.  Isla mic Cultu re,  X VI , 352 f. (1942). ’  As-Safadi mentions a supplement by Sadr-ad-din al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Bakri, d. 656/1258, which apparently is not identical with any of the works mentioned here (cf. E.  A  m a r , i n / . 4 , X, 19, 253, n. i, 1912). The autograph manuscripts of Ibn Manzur’s abridg ment are in Istanbul, Kopriilii 1148-51, cf. M.  W  e i s w e i l e r ,  Der islam ische Buc hein band , 160 (Wiesbaden 1962).

469

 A bu Is m a‘ il Mu ham ma d b. ‘A bd all ah al -A zd i al-M isri an d al W aq id i wr ote on the Co nqu est (of the ci ty b y the Muslim s).  A bu 1-Hasan ‘All b. Muhammad b. Suja‘ ar-Raba‘i ^and Ibrahim  b. ‘A bd- ar- Rah m§ ,n al -F az ar i ^ wr ote on the pra ise {faddHl) of (the city).®  A bu H ud ay fa h Ish aq b. Bi sr al-Qu rasi,^ The Conquest of Syria,  As ia Mi no r {Rum), Egyp t, the '-Irdq, and the Magrih .  Ah ma d b. al- Mu ‘al la ad -D im asq i, ® a fas cic le on the

ma in

mosque of Damascus and its construction.®  Du nay sir :  Abu Hafs ‘Umar b. al-Hidr at-Turki al-Mutatabbib ad-Dunaysiri,’  H ily at as-s ariy in min hawdss ad- Du nay sir iyin .  Ar-R aqqah :  Abu ‘Ali Muhammad b. Sa‘id b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman al-Qusayri (127) al-Harrani.®  A bi i ‘A ru ba h al -H us ay n b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ma wd ud al- Ha rra ni.  Ar -R ay y:   A b u 1-Hasan b. Babawayh.^  A bu Man sur al-Abi.^®  Zab id:   ‘Umarah b. (Abi) al-Hasan al-Hakami al-Yamani as§Mi‘i al-Faradi, the poet,ii al-Mufid fi ahbdr Zahid.  Sdmarrd:   Ibn Abi l-Barakat.^^ 1 In the editio n of ar-R aba ‘^i’s Fadd Hl as-Sa^m wa-D imaSq by S. a l -M u n a j j i d (Damascus 1950), the date of his death is indicated as 444/1052-53, as against G A L ,  I, 330 f., where

435/1043-44 is given. “ His work, entitled al-IHdm bi-fadd^il aS-Sa^m,  is a faithful abridgment of ar-Raba'i’s  wor k, cf. the edi tion of the lat ter . In his wo rk on Jer usa lem (abo ve, p. 464, n. 7 ), he use d, according to GAL Supplement   II, 161, the  Fadd ^il al-Quds wa-S-Sa^m  of Abu 1-Ma'ali alMusarraf b. al-Murajja al-Maqdisi (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 567). ®The  Fad dHl a^-Sa^m,  Ms. Cairo (TaMh) Majami*^ 519, fols. i3b-24b, is ascribed to asSam^ani (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 565), but this ascription seems to be rather doubtful. ^ Abu H udayfah was a client of the Banu Hasim, and his nisbah  usually is Buh&ri, or Balhi, or Hur&sani. ®Third/ninth century, if he is identical with the scholar of this name mentioned by  Ya qu t,  Mu^j am,  cf.  W  i j s t e n f e l d ’ s index. He died in 286/899, cf. S. ad-Dahhan’s edition of Ibn Saddad, al-AHdq al-hatirah, 33 (intro.), 269, n. 2 (Damascus 1375/1956); S. al-Mimaj jid , in  Revue de I’In stit ut des Man uscr its Arab es,  II, 68 (1956). * A l -M a q r iz i ,  Hit at,   I, 177, 184 (Bulaq 1270), refers to a  His tory of Dami ette,  which, however, may be a conquest novel. ’ Wrote around 610/1213-14 (cf. G A L , I, 333. The work is quoted by al-Qifti, 290 M u Li

p pe r t

l l e r

-

.

* D. 334/945-46 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 210; as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 257b, also i8ob, 440a). A photostat of the Damascus manuscript of the work is in Cairo Taymur Ta^rilj 2490. It has been published in Hamah 1378/1959. * Frequently quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Li sdn ,  for instance, IV, 81, V, 70, 83, 87, 89, 103, 105, 388, 394. Ibn Babawayh’s  Da yl  (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  V, 317) may be a supplement to the  His tory of ar-R ayy. His “History"   is mentioned by at-Ta'Mibi, Yatimah,  I, 100 (Damascus 1304); Y&qut,  Mu'-j am,  IV, 431  W  u s t e n f e l d . ‘U mar ah b. “^Ali, d. 569/1174 (cf. G A L ,  I, 333 f. ; S. M. S t e r n , in Oriens,  IV, 212, n. i [1951]). For the work with an identical title by Jayy aS b. Najah, cf. above, p. 159.  A  His tory of Sdmarrd   is quoted by as-Safadi, Wdft,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld. Arch.  A . 29, fol. 138 a (life of Yu nu s b. Ay yu b al- 'As kar i), thr oug h Ibn as-Sa'^i.

47 0

a s

Ceuta:  ‘lyad.^  Samarqand:   A b u 1-‘Abbas al-Mustagfiri.  A bu Sa ‘d ‘A bd -a r-R ah ma n b. Mu ha mm ad b. 'A bd aM h b. Id ns al-Idrisi al-Astarabadi, the hadit   expert. ‘Umar b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Isma‘il an-Nasafi,^ al-Qand   f t dikr '■ulamd^ Samarqand.  The work was abridged by Diya’-ad-din al-Maqdisi.  Segura :— a district in Spain in (near?) Cordoba— Ibn Idris.  Sir dz:   Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz b. Ahmad b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman as-Sirazi al-Qass^r.® Also  A bu 1-Qasim as-§irazi,^ who combined (Siraz) with (the whole of) Fars. upper Egypt:  ‘Ali b. ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz al-K§,tib. Kamal-ad-din Ja‘far al-Udfuwi, at-Tdli^ as-saHd al-jdmi^ li-l fu da W wa-r-ruwdh hi-aHd as-S aHd,   in one alphabetically arranged  volu me.  Safa d:   Muhammad b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman al-‘Utmani, Judge of (Safad).5  Si ci ly :  Abu Zayd al-Camri.®  San'-d^:  Ishaq b. Jarir az-Zuhri,'^ a slender, instructive work. 1 The work, entitled al-Funun as-sittah,  was left unpublished according to the  Ihdtah . For a work on the scholars and pious men of the city by Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Hadrami, cf. GAL Supplement   II, 338. “ D. 537/1142 (cf. G A L , I, 427 f..  Supp leme nt   I, 762, XII). The Qand   is very often quoted, for instance, in al-Bundari,  His tory of Ba gdad,   Paris ms. ar. 6152, fol. 8b (life of Ahm ad b. Ism a'il b. Nasr); as -Sam ‘^ani,  Ansd b,  fol. 194b. C f . also  W . B a r t h o l d , Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion,  15 f. (London 1928,  E. J. W. Gibb Me m. Serie s, N .S ., 5). ®Ibn al-Fuwati, TalMs Majma^ al-dddb, IV, III, 555 J a w a d , quotes his Tabaqdtahl Sirdz. His  Hist ory of Pa rs  is quoted by as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fols. 28b, 141b, 193b, 428b. *  Hibatallah b. *^Abd-al-Warit, d. 485/1092-93 (Ibn al-Jawzt,  Mun tazam ,  IX , 74 f.; Ibn  Ks ith , B idd y ah,  XII, 144; cf. as-Safadi, Wdfi).  Cf. F. J. H e e r , op. cit.,  38. H e e r ’ s ascription of a  His tory of Strdz   to Abu Hassan az-Ziyadi, on the strength of Yaqut,  Mu'-j am,  III, 350 WtrsTENFELD, is erroneous. ' Wrote around 780/1378-79 (cf. G A L ,  II, 91). Cf. also GAL Supplement,  I, 568. * Ci.M . AuAm , Storia dei M usulmani di Sicilia, I, 37 f. (2nd edition by G. L e v i d e l l a a and C. A. N a l l i n o , Catania 1933-39). For quotations from Ibn al-Qgitta^'s History of   Si cil y  (Yaqut,  IrSdd,  XII , 282, Cairo = V, 107 M a r g o l i o u t h ), cf. F. J . H e e r , op. cit.,  43; Ibn al-Fuwati, Talhis Majma'- al-dddb,  IV, i, 114, 301, IV, III, 557 J a w a d . See also above, p. 466, n. 3. For Ibn Hawqal’s  Sic ily   w hich was no historical work, cf. F. G a b r i e l i , in  RS O,   X XX VI , 249 (1961). ’’   Ms. Leiden: “ San'a^: Mentioned below under the Yeme n.” Cf.  IHdn,   134, below, p. 484, and GAL Supplement III, 1268. The A lexandria manuscript 7225 (TaM h 3682g), to which G AL   refers, is incomplete at the beginning, although perhaps no more than one folio is missing. It is dated Sa far 992/1584. On the fly-leaf, it has a modern library note to the effect that the author of the work is Ishaq b. Jarir as-San'ani. In the manuscript, there is no reference to the author, as far as I could ascertain in the short time I had at my disposal for studying the manuscript. The work ends more or less with the time of the men around Muhammad. There is no later history; in fact, there is hardly   V  id

TRANSLATION

- s a h A w ! ’s i ‘ l A n

471

 Sin hdj ah: Tyre:  6 ay t al-Armanazi.‘^ Tdbah:  I.e., Medina. Tripolis:  In the  Mu^ja m as-safar,   a s-Silafi said:® “ Ab u 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. ‘Abdallah b. Mahbub at-Tarabulusi * wrote a little history of (Tripolis). I have come across it and selected from it the things I considered remarkable. The author has taken down much mate rial (on various subjects) on my authority. He (orally) communi cated to me (the  His tory of T rip oli s). ”  Toledo:  Ibn Muzahir.  Al-'-Ir dq:  Ibn al-Q&.tuli.^  Ah ma d b. (A bi? ) Ta hir .  As- Siil i. '■Asqaldn:  Ab u Muhammad Ahmad b. Muhammad b.

‘Ubayd

 b. Adam,® on the pra ise {faddHl)  of (the city).

any historical information at all in the manuscript. It may, however, be observed that alJanadi, in the introduction of the  Su liik ,  describes Ishaq’s work as a slender  [lattf )  work  wh ich has a n um ber of use ful not es. Al -Ja nad i d oes not giv e the imp ress ion (whi ch appe ars to be intended by as-Sa^iawi, below, p. 484) that Ishaq’s work contained chronologically arranged h istorical information. However , unless a comparison of the Alexandria manu script with al-Janadi should prove me wrong, I am inclined to believe that the ascription of the manuscript to Ishaq is not correct. Its relationship to ar-Razi’s  His tory of San^d^ remains to be investigated. ^ The blank space here, as well as under Lamtflnah and al-Masamidah, m ay have its origin in the fact that as-Safadi mentions an anonymous  His tory of Three Berbe r Tribe s. ^ Gayt b. 'All, d. 509/1115 (Yaqut,  Mu'^jam,  I, 218  W  u s t e n f e l d ; as-Sam'ani,  Ans db, fol. 26b). He is a different person from the Gayt b. 'Alt as-Suri who was a teacher and colleague of the IJatib al-Bagdad! (cf. Yaqut,  Ir^dd,  IV, 15, 21, Cairo = I, 246, 249 M a r  ; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m,  VIII, 266). ®Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 3932, p. 299. In the  Mu^ jam,  the last sentence of the above quo

g o l i o u t h

tation properly precedes the one before it. * D. 522/1128 (Yaqut,  Mu^ jam,  III, 523  W  u s t e n f e l d ). ® Si c Wd fi.  Ms. Leiden: Al-'Atu bi (?). • Ibn Hajar,  Mu^jam al-mu fahra s,  Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 82, p. 157, mentions “a pamphlet (juz^)  containing the praise (fadl)  of 'Asqalan which was studied with {quri^a ^ald)  A bu Mu ham mad Ah ma d b. Mu ham mad b. 'U ba yd b. Ad am al- 'A sq ala ni. ” Ibn H aja r’s choice of words leaves it open whether Ibn Adam was the author of the work or one of its transmitters. The former alternative is by far the more likely one. Adam al-'Asqalani died 220/835 (al-Buhari, Ta^rih,  I, 2, 39 f.; TB ,  VI II, 27-30). His grandson Muhammad is mentioned by as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 390a; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   V, 276.  A wor k on the  fada Hl   of 'Asqalan is mentioned by as-Silafi,  Mu^ja m,  Phot. Cairo Ta’rih 3832, p. 30: “ We heard him, i.e. (al-Hu sayn b. 'Al i b. Ahmad) al-Jizi (?), say: Ibn atTarjuman(i), the head of the Sufis in Damascus-Syria, used to transmit a book on the  fad dHl   of 'Asqalan which contained many traditions. When 'Abd-al-'Aziz (b. Muhammad) an-Nahsabi came there, he studied the book with Ibn at-Tarjuman(i) and stated that it contained only two sound traditions.” Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. 'Abd-ar-Rahman b. at-Tarjum ani died after 440/1048-49 ( as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b, fol. 105a). According to the slightly garbled notice in Ibn al-'Imad,  Sadard t,  III, 278 (Cairo 1350-51), he died in 448/1056. It is possible but not likely that this work is identical with that of Ahmad b. Muhammad  b. 'U ba yd . Ar abi c te xt , belo w, p. 610.

47 2

a s

-s

a h a w  ! ’ s

i ‘l

'■Askar Mukram:  Abu Ahmad al-Hasan b. ‘AbdaMh b. Sa‘id al-‘Askari. Gdziydn: Under Abiward. Granada:  Lisan-ad-din b. al-Hatib, al-Ihdtah,  a valuable work. (128) An autograph (copy of the work) is waqf   property of the Sa^id as-su‘ada\ Badr-ad-din al-Bastaki made an abridgment of it,  Mar kaz al-Ih dtah f t udahd^ Garndtah.'^  A bu ‘Ab dal Mh Muh amm ad b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ah m ad b. Mu hammad b. Juzayy al-C>arn^ti al-Adib,^ who died in 756/1355, on the history of (the city). The larger portion of the work is available. He is earlier than Ibn al-Hatib.  Fdr s:   Mentioned above under Siraz.  Fez :  Ibn *Abd-al-Karim. Ibn Abi Za r‘.®  A z- Zu la yh i (?). Cairo: Cordoba:  Az-Zahr&,wi.^ Ibn Mufrih (?).— should be checked whether he (it) is different from the former.® Ibn Hayyan, on the jurists of (the city).’  A bu ‘A bd al lah b. Ha rit, on the Qa yra wa nia ns (?).® Qazwin:  Imam-ad-din Abu 1-Qasim ar-Rafi‘i, at-Tadwin.  The man uscript which is at the basis (of the known copies) was in the library of ‘Ala’-ad-din b. Hatib-an-Nasiriyah. Ibn Hajar copied several quires of excerpts from the manuscript when he was in  Ale pp o in the ye ar (836/1432-33).® I t th en cam e int o th e poss essi on of Muhibb-ad-din b. as-§ihnah, a nd several copies were made from it.  Al -B ast ak i as the aut hor of the  Mar kaz   is mentioned by P o n s B 1 461 f., but not in G A L ,  II, 262,  Supp leme nt   II, 372.

473

TRANSLATION

 A n

o i g u e s

,  Ens ayo ,

^ Cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,  IV, 165 f., where the editor states in a note that Ibn al-Hatib and al-Maqqari (cf. Azh dr a r-riyd d, III, 189 [Cairo 1358-61/1939-42]) place the a uthor’s death in the year 758. Cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo, 328 f.; GAL Supplement   II, 366. ®*^Ali b. 'Abdallah, d. after 726/1326 (cf. G A L ,  II, 240 f.). ^ Apparently, reference was to be made to   Egypt. As-Sahawi was not able to identify  Ab u 1-Hasan al-K^tib who is mentioned as the author of a  His tory of Cair o  in as-Safadi, Wdfi,  I, 49 R  i t t e r , and, therefore, omitted his name. ^ 'Um ar b. 'Abda llah ('U baydallah ?), d. 454/1062 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   123). * Cf. a bove, p. 419, n. 7. ’’  Cf. Ibn Balkuwal,  Sil ah,   154, no. 342 C o d e r a . * Ms. Leiden: al-Qarawtyun.  Or should we read;  Al- Qur tuM yun?  For the  His tory of Cdrdoba  by Ahmad b. Muhammad ar-Razi, cf. above, p. 153. * Ibn Hajar states in the introduction of the  Inhd'^  (Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 123) that in that year he studied with Ibn yatib-an-Nasiriyah the latter’s  His tory of Ale ppo ,  which had just been finished. Cf. T>aisP,  II, 36, V, 333; Ibn al-Hanbali,  Du rr al-habab,  Paris ms. ar. 5884, fol. 3a.

Before (ar-RMi‘i), Ab ii Y a ‘la al-Halil b .‘Abdalia.h al-Halili ^ (wrote a  His tory of Qazwin). QaVat Yahsub:  Ibn Sa ‘id— should be checked with at-Tdli'^ as-saHd   f i ta'^rih \Qal'-at'\ B an t Sa^^id.^  Al-Qa yraw dn:   Abu l-‘Arab as-Sinhaji.^ Ibrdhim b. al-Qasim al-Qayrawani.^  A bu Za yd ‘A bd- ar- Ra hm §.n b. Mu ham ma d al -A ns m ,  Ma'-dlim al 4 mdn wa-rawddt ar-ridwd n min '■ulamd^ al-Qay rawdn . In the pref ace, (the author) said that among the Qayrawanians, Abu B akr ‘Abdall^h b. Muhammad al-Maliki wrote the  Ri yd d an-n ufus, and Abu Bakr ‘Atiq b. Halaf at-Tujibi wrote al-Iftihdr.   A b u 1Q^sim ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad b. Rasiq and others, such as Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. Sa‘dun, (also wrote works on the Qayrawanians).^  Ka ss:   A bu l -‘Ab bas Ja 'far (b. Muhammad) b. al-Mu'^tazz al-Mustagfiri, the hadit   expert.®  Ku fa n:   Under Abiward.  Al -K uj ah :  Ibn MujMid. ‘Umar b. Sabbah.  A bu 1-Hasan ’ Muhammad b. Ja'far b. Muhammad b. H arun  b. Fa rw ah at -T am im i al -K uf i an -N ah wi b. an-Najjar.® 1 A bu Y a 4 a is an often quoted source of ar-Rafi^i, Tadwin,  who also mentions (Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 2648, p. 297 f.) that Abu Ya'la was a source of the Hatib al-Bagdadi and was mentioned by Ibn MMiula,  Ikm dl   (III, 174), and Sirawayh,  His tory of Hama ddn. 2  Ihdta h:  “The History of Qal'at Yahsub called at~Tdli^ as-sa’-dt   (!) by Abu 1-Hasan b. Sa'-id.” The well-known historian (above, p. 308, n. i) was born in Qal*-at Yahsub (Alcala la Real) and wrote the family history, cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   308. ®The reference is clearly to al-Jam^ wa-l-baydn fi ahbdr al-Qayrawdn  by 'Izz-ad-din  Ab u l-*^Arab ‘^Abd-al-'^Azfz b. Sad dad al- Qay raw ani , wh o stu die d in Dam ascu s wit h Ibn 'Asakir in 5 6 7 / 1 1 7 1 - 7 2 and who died after 600/1203 (Ibn al-Fuwati, Talhis Majma^ al-dddb,  IV , i , 2 1 3 , IV, III, 2 5 2 J A W A D . Cf. GAL Supplement  I, 5 7 5 ,  whe re Ab u Garib probably ought to be Abu 'Arab. The  His tory of al-Qayraw dn  by Abu l-'Arab asSiqilli, cited by Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  III, 2 3 3 , may be the same work. Cf. Yaqut,  Mu'-jam ,  IV, 8 4 , 6 3 3 W u s T E N F E L D .  Acc ord ing to the dat e of de ath ( 3 3 3 / 9 4 4 - 4 5 ) he indicates, E . A  m a r , in  J A ,  X, 19 (1912), identified Abu l-'Arab as-Sinhaji with the aforementioned (above, p. 4 1 7 , n. 2)  Ab u l-' Ar ab at- Tam im i who wro te on the sam e sub jec t (Ifr iqi yah ). Th ere ma y, indeed, be a conflation of the two names in this passage of the  IHdn. For the historians of the city, cf. also D e S l a n e ’ s note to his translation of Ibn Hallikan, HI, 3831. * Cf. above, p. 419, n. 3, and p. 460, n. i; C. H. B

e c k e r

,  Beitrd ge zur G eschichte Agyp tens

unter dem Islam,  I, 10 (Strassburg 1902). ®Qasim b. 'IsA does not seem to have taken over this passage into his enlarged recension of the  Ma^ali m  (Tunis 1320-25). ®Asad b. Hamdawayh al-Waratmi (d. 310/922) wrote on the Competition of the Inhabit ants of KaSs and Nasaf,   cf. as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 580b. For a His tory of KdSgar  by 'Abd-alGafir (Gafiar) b. Husayn al-Alma'i, cf. W. Barthold, Turkestan, 18. ’’ IHdn:  al-Husayn. * D. 402/1011 (TB,  II, 158 f.; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  VII, 260). Yaqut,  Iri dd ,  X V I I I , 104, Cairo = VI, 468 M a r g o h o u t h ), mentions his  His tory of al- Ku fah   “ which I have

474

TRANSLATION

 AS -SA HA wt’ s 1 ‘ l  A n

 Lamt unah:  Mdza ndard n: Ibn A bi Muslim. ^  Malaga'. (129) Abu l-‘Abb as Asbag b. ‘A li ^ b. Hisam b. ‘Abdall&,h b. A bi l- ‘Abb^s, (on the city and) its prominent men a nd litterateurs.  A bu ‘A bd all ah Mu ham ma d b. *Ali b. Hi dr b. ‘A sk ar al-C^ass^ni ^  wr ote a hi sto ry of Ma laga wh ich he did no t com ple te. It wa s completed by his sister’s son, Ab u B akr M uhammad b. Muhammad  b. ‘A ll b. Ha mis , who en titl ed the wo rk  Matla'- al-anwdr wa-n uzhat  al-basdHr wa-l-absdr fi- m d htawat '■alayh Mdla qah mi n al-aHdm wa-r-m^asd^ wa-l-ahydr wa-taqyid md lahum min al-mandqih wa-ldtdr.  As sources for his work, he used the  Hist ory   of Ibn al-Faradi, the  Sil ah  of Ibn BaskuwM, the  His tory  of al-Humaydi, ar-Razi, and Ibn Hayyan as well as the  Per sona litie s of Malaga   which had been composed for al-Hakam al-Mustansir.^ The work of Ibn Hamis, a slender, alphabetically arranged volume, ends with the year 639/1241-42.  A bu Z ay d ‘A bd -ar -R ah ma n b. Mu ha mm ad al- An sar i, on the famous (religious) scholars of Malaga. He arranged his work ac cording to tabaqdt.  He said that the works of Qayrawanians which are also concerned with (the men of) other (cities) are the  Ri yd d  an-nufus  of Abu Bakr ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad al-M^liki, the  Ifti hd r  of Abu Bakr ‘Atiq b. Halaf at-Tujibi, the  Hist ory   of Abu 1-Qasim ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad b. Rasiq, and the  His tory of Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. Sa‘dun.®

seen,” where the first person may refer to Yaqut’s source, the wazir al-Husayn b. 'Ali al-Magribi’s (d. 418/1027) additions to Ibn an-Nadim’s However, Yaq ut also quotes the work in his  Mu'-j am,  IV, 633  W  u s t e n f e l d .

475

 Me din a:   According to his biography, ‘Umar b. Sabbah wrote a  Hist ory of Med ina .  (A copy of) it is in the possession of our col league Ibn F ahd. He copied it from a manuscript in the hand  wr itin g of Ib n Ha ja r, wh ich wa s in the posse ssion of Ibn as -S ay yid ‘Afif-ad-din.i  Az -Z ub ay r b. Bak kar. ^ Muhammad b. Yahya al-‘Alawi,® a slender volume, which, I suppose, is the work to which as-Silafi refers at the end of his  Fih ris t.  Furthermore,  As -§ ar if an-N assa bah .^  A bu Ba kr J a ‘fa r b. Mu ha mm ad b. al- Ha san b. al- Mu sta fad alFaryabi. His work was mentioned by Abu 1-Qasim b. Mandah ® in his Wasiyah. Muhammad b. al-Hasan b. Zabalah,® a big volume. (Medina's) praise {faddHl)  was compiled by al-Mufaddal b. Muhammad al-Janadl and the sarif   Yahya b. al-Hasan al-Hasani al-‘Alawi.® On (Medina’s) praise (faddHl),  relics, and monuments, there is Muhibb-ad-din b. an-Najjar, ad-Durrah at-taminah fi ahbdr al Mad inah . A   supplement to (the  Durrah )  of one quire was written  b y A bu l- ‘Ab b^ s al-Garraqi.®  A bu 1-Yumn b. ‘Asakir,  It hd f az-zdHr.  A bu Mu ham ma d al-Q asi m b. ‘A sa ki r, al-Anbd^ al-mubin ah fi   fa dl al-Ma dina h. ^ Am on g the me mbe rs of the fam ily , the one pr oba bly me ant her e is Mu ham mad b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, 814-880/1412-75 {Daw^, IX, 232 f.). ^ Quoted also by as-Suyuti, al-Wasd^il ild musdmarat al-awd^il, 1 4 , 16 ( B a g d M 1 3 6 9 / 1 9 5 0 ) . For his  Kit db al-'-Aqtq, c f . F. J. H e e r , op.cit., 29 f. ®He might possibly be a son of YahyS b. al-Hasan who is referred to by Ibn ‘Inabah as a

 Fi hr ist   159 (Cairo 1348 = n o F l u g e l ) mentions the  Fadd Hl al- Ku fah   b y A b u 1-IIasan Muhammad b. 'Ali b. al-Fadl ad-Dihqan. ^ C f.  IHdn ,  96, above, p. 410, and p. 471, n. i.

genealogist, see below, n. 8. * Probably, Muhammad b. As'ad al-Jaww 4 ni (?). ®'Abd-ar-Rahman b. Muhammad, d. 470/1077-78 (cf. above, p. 400, n. 4).

^ The form of the name is uncertain. Cf. also the introduction of B. D o r n ,  Seh ir-e ddi n’s Geschichte von Tabaristan, Rujan und Masanderan,  6 (St. Petersburg 1850), who had no additional information. ® Ihdia h:  al-'-Abbas? *  D. 636/1239 (cf. G A L ,  I, 413).

« Wrote 199/814 (cf. G A L ,  I, 137). ’ D. after 310/922-23, cf. as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 137b, who mentions onXy Fadd^il Makk ah  bu t, on f ol. 477a , r efer s to Fadd^il Makkah wa-l-Madinah.  Cf. Yaqut,  Mu^j am,  II, 809  W u s 

®Al-Mustansir II died in 366/976. The author ma ybe Ishaq b. Salamah al-Qayni. His His  tory (ahbdr) of Reiyo,  the province of Malaga, was written for al-Mustansir. It is described  by al- Hu ma ydi ,  Jadw at a l-Mu qtab is,  Bodleian ms. or. Hunt. 464, fol. 72b, cf. also Ibn alFaxadi, I, 69, no. 236 C o d e r a (Madrid 1890-1902,  Bibli othec a Ara bico -His pan a,  8), and  Ya qu t,  Mu^ jam,  II, 892  W  u s t e n f e l d ; P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo,   100. There is also a  His tory of the J uri sts of Reiy o  by Ibn Sa'dan which is quoted by Ibn alFaradi and which P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ensa yo,   66 f., ascribes to Qasim b. Sa 'dan wh o died in

347/958-

« Cf. above, p. 473.

t e n f e l d

.

* He would seem to be identical with Abu 1-Husayn Yahya b. al-Hasan b. Ja'far b. 'Abdallah al-Hasimi whose work on the history (ahbdr)  of Medina is quoted in as-Subki,  Fat dwt,   I, 290 f. (Cairo 1355-56). Since the qu otation shows that he lived in the ninth century, he may possibly be identical with the 'Alid genealogist whose great-grandfather  was 'U ba yd all ah  [sic,   not 'Abdallah) b. al-Husayn b. 'Ali b. al-Husayn b. 'Ali b. Abi Talib, cf. at-Tusi,  Fih ris t,  360 f. S p r e n g e r (Calcutta 1854 = 208 [an-Najaf 1380/1961]); Ibn 'Inabah, '■Umdat at-talib,  331 (an-Najaf 1381/1961) (?). * 7 '/an: al-Garrafi. The  Durra h  has been published as an appendix to the edition of Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi’s 5 ifd'   (Mecca-Cairo 1956), where reference is also made to an earlier edition (Cairo 1366/1947).

47 6

 AS -S A h  A  w  ! ’ s   I ‘ L A N

Jamal-ad-din Muhammad b. (130) Ahm ad b. Halaf al-Matari/ an instructive work, Muhamm ad b. ‘A bd-al-M alik al-Marjani.^ Muhammad b. Sahh.® Razin.^ Zayn-ad-din Abu B akr b. al-Husayn al-Maragi, Tahqiq an-nusmh hi-talMs ma'-dlim Ddr al-Hijmh.^ Majd-ad-din al-Firuzabadi al-Lugawi, al-Magdnim^ al-mutdhah  f i fadd Hl Tdbah. Badr-ad-din ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Abi 1-Qasim b. Farhun,  Na sih at al-mus dwir wa-ta'-ziyat al-mujdw ir.   The one-volume work contains the biographies of a number of Medinese. Ibn Farhun  was pre ced ed b y;  A bu ‘A bd al la h Mu ham ma d b. Ah m ad b. Am in al -A qs ah ri, ’ ar Rawdah,  con taining the names of those burie d in a l-Ba qi‘ .®(This  work ) was tak en ov er b y Qu tb- ad- din al- Ha lab i. ‘Afif-ad-din ‘Abdallah b. Jamal-ad-din Muhammad b. Ahmad®  b. H ala f al-M ata ri, al-IHdm fi{bi?)-m an dahala al-Madinah min al-aHdm. The sayyid   N ur-ad-din as-Samhudi^® wrote a w ork on the h istory of (the city), which needs checking and criticism. I, too, have compiled a work on the people of Medina. It is in the draft stage. Part of it has been clean-copied. [Few people I know  wr ote mo nog rap hs on the (M e d in e se ). W h a te v e r I ha ve ma rke d (here) has the approval^^ of our colleague Ibn Fahd.  Mardgah :  Ibn al-Mutanna.  Marw :  A ccor ding to al-Hatib,^^ the  Kit dh Ta^rih al-Mar dwiza h (of al-Huraqani) was transmitted by Abu 1-Fadl Muhammad b. 1 D. 741/1340 (cf. G A L ,  II, 171). ^ H a j j i y a l i f a h ,  Ka^ f az-zu nun,   II, 144 F l u g e l :  Ab u Mu ham mad 'A bd all ah b. Ab i 'Abdallah al-Marjaui. 'Abdallah b. ‘Abd-al-Malik al-MarJani’s  His tory of Me din a  is quoted  by Taq i-ad -di n al- Fas i,  Sifd^,  I, 53, 91, 284 f. (Mec ca-Cairo 1956). ^ = I b n an - N a t t4 h ? *  Razin b. M u'awiyah , d. 524/1129-30, or 535/1140-41 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 630). ®Cf. G A L ,  I, 360. Quoted also by as-Sarji, op. cit.  (above, p. 52, n. 2), fols. 152b, 156b, and edited in Medina 1955 (not seen). ® Sic   Ms. Leiden;  Daw^, X, 82. ’ D. 731/1330-31, or 737, or 739, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,  III, 309, from whom the infor mation in this paragraph is derived. ®The famous cemetery in Medina. ®“b. Ahmad” is added by Ms. Leiden. 'All b. 'Abdallah , d. 911/1506 (cf. G A L ,  II, 173). “ Missing in Ms. Leiden, and apparently misplaced here. ?, leg. ra^aytu  I h ave seen at ? TB ,  V, 460.

TRANSLATION

477

‘Abdallah b. ‘Ali b. al-Hasan as-Sahtiyani,^ on the authority of  A bu ‘I sm ah Muh am ma d b. Ah m ad b. ‘A bb ad al- Ma rwa zi, on the authority of (the author) Abu Raja’ Muhammad b. Hamdawayh as-Sanji al-Huraq§.ni.2  A bu 1-Fadl al- ‘Abbas b. Mus‘ab b. Bisr also wrote a history of  (the city).  A bu S^ ih al- Mu ’addin,^ (of who se wor k) A bu S a ‘d as- Sa m‘ am said that the draft was in his possession.  Ah ma d b. Sa j^a r.^  A bu S a ‘d as -S am ‘^ni, in mor e tha n tw en ty volumes.®  A bu 1-‘Abba s b. S a‘id al-Ma‘d§.ni,® alphabetically arranged.  Alm eria :  Ibn Hatimah.’^ Ibn al-Hajj.  Al~Ma sdmid ah:  Egypt' .  Abu Sa‘id b. Yunus wrote a history of (Egypt) and also the Gurahd^  (on the foreigners who came to Egypt). Abu 1-Qasim  b. at- Ta hh an wr ot e one sup plem ent to bo th works.® Ibn ‘Abd-al-Hakam,^® The Conquest of {Egypt).  A bu Ish aq Ibr ah im b. Is m a‘ il b. S a‘ id al- Ha sim i al- Ah ba ri, al-Bugyah wa-l-igtibdt fi-m an waliya Mi sr al-Fustdt. ^ He came to Bagdad in 368/978-79, cf. TB, loc. cit. ^ D. 306/918-19 (as-Sam'ani,  An sdb ,  fol. 593a, following al-Ma'dani). His work is quoted  Ans dh,   fol. 74a. ®Ahmad b. 'Abd-al-Malik, d. 470/1078 (Yaqut,  Irsd d,  III, 224-26, Cairo = I, 219 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ),  whe re the pas sage of as- Sam 'an i, to wh ich the  IHdn   refers, is quoted. ‘ Cf. TB ,  IV , 18822. “ As-Subki was unable to find this work in Egypt and Syria. Therefore, he wrote to Bagdad whether it might be available there, cf. Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 428, introduction. ®Ahmad b. Sa'id, d. 375/986 (as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  fol. 536a). His work is quoted  Ansd b, 417b, 498a, cf. also above, n. 2.  Ac cor din g to as- Sam 'an i,  Ans db,   fol. 421b, a certain Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Hamzah al-Furahinani wrote on the hadit   scholars of Marw. ^ Ahm ad b. “^Ali, d. 770/1369 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo ,  331; S . M . S t e r n , in Al-Andalus, XV , 85, n. 2, 1950). * C f. G . S . C o l i n ,  E I, s . v . Masmuda. Here the history of the Almohads is meant. AlMarrakusi who wrote on them stated that he knew of an earlier work about the Masmudah only from hearsay  [Mu'^jib, 3 D o z y , Leiden 1847, 1881 ; trans. A. H uici M i r a n d a , Colleccion de cronicas drabes de la reconquista,  IV, 2 (Tetuan 1955). Cf. also above, p. 471, n. i. * For the work of Ibn Yunus which was used very widely, cf., for instance, Ibn Hajar,  Ra f‘^al-isr,  Paris ms. ar. 2149, fol. 128b, and Taskopriizadeh, below, p. 533. His Ourabd^  is, for instance, quoted in TB , VI , 22, 362, and by as-Sam'ant,  Ansd b,  fols. 21a, 519a, as well as  by Ibn Ha llik an. It wou ld seem th at ma ny , if not all, of the ve ry num erou s quo tati ons in as-Sam'ani from “Ibn Yun us” and his “H istory of Egypt {the Egyptians)”   are also derived from the Ourabd^,  but the  His tory of Egy pt,  as different from the dfurabd,  is, for instance, quoted by al-Maqrizi,  Daw^ as-sdr i,  ed. H. D. M a t t h e w s , in  Jou rna l of the Pale stin e Oriental Society,  X IX , 160 (1939-40). Ibn at-Tahhan’s  His tory   is also quoted by al-Qifti, himself the author of a  His tory of Egyp t,  in his  Inbd h,  II, 159 (Cairo i369-74/i95o-55)‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. ‘^Abdallah, d. 257/871 (cf. G A L ,  I, 148).

478

479

 AS -SA HA wt 's I ‘ l  A n

TRANSLATION

Ibn ZMaq, on ( Egyp t’s) history  [ahbdr)  (131) and praise {faddHl).  A bu ‘U ma r Mu ham ma d b. Yu su f b. Y a ‘q ub al- Kin di, id.^  A bu Mu ha mm ad al-Fa rgam ,^ id.

al-hunafd^ bi~ahbdr al-Fdtimiyin al-hulafd^, ^ contains the whole story of the amirs and caliphs who ruled Egypt, the events and happenings that took place in their days, from the time of the (Muslim) conquest of (Egypt) until the disappearance of the Fatimid dynasty. Al-Maqrizi continued (the history of Egypt) with the  Su luk , as has been mentioned above. ^He also compiled the topog raphy  [Hitat)  of (Egypt-Cairo) as well as some information about the men around Muhammad who came to Egypt and those who died there, also the names, burial places, and relics of pious men, the wonders of (the country), and the (things) referred to as Egyp

[Abu Muhammad al-Hasan b. Ibrahim b. Zulaq, id.]  Ibn Hajar, al-isr '■an quddt Misr .  I wrote a supplement to it. Before these (authors), the history of Egypt was written by Sa‘id b. Abi Maryam.^ Sa'id b. ‘Ufayr,* and others. Muhammad b. ‘Ubaydallah b. Ahmad al-Musabbihi® combined all (their works) in a great history. Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Yusuf  b. Mu yas sar wr ote a two -vo lum e sup ple me nt to (al -Mu sab bih i). The first volume is in the possession of Muhibb-ad-din b. al-Amanah,® and the second in that of Badr-ad-din as-Sadili.'^ Qutb-ad-din al-Halabi compiled a substantial, alphabetically arranged history of Egyptians which was not completed. More than ten volumes of the autograph draft of the work are in my possession. There exists a clean copy of the Muhammads, in four  volu me s, wh ich are also in m y possession.® (Q utb -ad -di n’s) son, Taqi-ad-din Muhammad, has many additions to (the work). Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi wrote a substantial work on the subject in more than fifteen volumes. In fact, (al-Maqrizi) said something like: “ If he had intended to, the work would have come to eighty  vo lum es .” Al -M aq riz i also is the au th or of '"Iqd jawdhir aUasfdt   [min ahbdr Ma din at al-Fustdt].^ This work, together with the tqdz{\) ‘ His sou 'Um ar is credited with a work of this title which he wrote for Kafu r (cf.G A L  Supp leme nt   I, 230; Istanbul ms. Kilic Ali Pasa 756). As-Silafi appears as the final transmitter in the manuscript mentioned, which presumably explains the occurrence of a  Fada^ il Mi sr among his works in GAL Supplement   I, 624.  A  Fadd Hl Mi sr  by a certain Ibn Jd’r (?) is quoted in ar-Rasid b. az-Zubayr, ad-DahdHr wa-t-tuhaf,  226 H a m i d u l l a h (Kuwait 1959). ^ Cf. above, p. 82. ®Sa'id b. al-Hakam, cf.  Fih ris t,  139 (Cairo 1348 = 95 F l C g about a history of Egypt.

e l

),  wher e not hin g is said

^ Sa'id b. Ka tir b. 'Ufay r, d. 226/840-41 (as-Suyuti,  Ilu sn al-muhdd arah,   I, 168, Cairo 1299; M a h m u d M a k k i , in  Revist a del Instit uto Egi pcio de Estu dios Isldm icos,  V, 185 ff. [1957]; ar-Rasid, op. cit.,  90). He also wrote a  His tory of Spa in. ^ D. 420/1029 (cf. G A L ,  I, 334). • Muhamm ad b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. “^Abd-al-'Aziz. The text of the  Daw^  is in disorder in the place where his biography should have been. ’ Husayn b. 'Ali, 805-89i/i402(3)-86  [Daw'',  III , 149 f.). “ According to Ibn Hajar,  Raf'- al-isr ,  beg., the work consisted of twenty volumes, and there were four volumes available in a clean-copy. The often quoted work was extensively used by Ibn IJatib-an-Nasiriyah. ® Le g. : . . . ft dik r muluk M isr wa-l-Fu stdt,  according to a marginal note in Ms. Leiden and  Daw ’,’    II, 22^1. At the beginning of the  Itti'^dz,  al-Maqrizi has . .. fi ahbdr Madinat  al-Fustdt.

tian by al-Quda‘i ^ and Abu ‘U mar al-Kindi. Muham mad b. As ‘ad al-JawwS.ni as-Sarif, an-Nuqat "-aid l-hitat.  Al -M aq riz i also com pile d the top og ra ph y  [Hitat)  of (EgyptCairo), a ver y instructiv e work. I bn H ajar told us tha t (al-Maqrizi) had found the draft (of a hitat   work) by his neighbor, §ihab-ad-din  Ah ma d b. ‘A bd al lah b. al- Ha san al- Aw ha di ^— in fac t, pa rt of (al-Awhadi's work) was already clean-copied— , taken it, made additions to it, and given it out as his own work. [‘Ibrahim b. Isma‘il, b. Sa‘id, al-Bugyah wa-l-igtibdt fi ahbdr  M isr wa-l-F us 0 t.]   Al- Mag rib :  The  Hist ory   of ‘Abd-al-Mahk b. Habib. Ibn Sa‘id, Tabaqdt   (132) al-fuqahd^ wa-faddHluhum; The Western  Dy nast y,  a completion of the Umayyad Dynasty in the West', al-Mugrib f i huld al-Magrib;^  and also al-Mugrih fi mahdsin al Magri b.  Some of these works are in the Mu’ayyadiyah. Ibn Sa‘id  wro te also al-Musriq fi ahbdr al-Masriq.  Mecca'.  The praise (faddHl)  of Mecca, in the manner of al-Azraqi ® and al-Eakih i,’^ was compiled by  1 Cf. above, p. 408, n. 3. 2  IHdn, 120, above, p. 455. ® Al -Q ud a'i ’s  Hi tat M isr  are also quoted by Ibn Farhun,  Dib dj, 133 (Cairo 1351). * 7 6 1 - 8 11 / 1 35 9 - 1 4 08  [Daw^, I, 358 f.). Cf. G A L , I I , 3 9 , n . i . A l - A w h a d i o n c e o w n e d t h e p r e s e r v e d m a n u s c r i p t o f a l - K i n d i ’ s Governors and Judges of Egypt, cf. the introduction o f R . G u e s t ’ s   edition, p. 47 and plate fol. 134 a (Leiden-L ondon 1912,  E .J .W .G ib b  Me m. Serie s, 1 9 ) . H i s re a d e r ’ s n o t e i n t h e T o p k a p u s a r a y m a n u s c r i p t A h m e t I I I , 2 6 3 1 , fol. 137a (containing the  Hafawd t  of Girs-an-ni'mah Muhammad b. HilM as-Sabi^) is dated i n 7 8 4 / 13 8 2. F o r a n a p p e n d i x b y h i m to a r - R a s i d b . a z - Z u b a y r ’ s  Dahd Hr wa-t-t uhaf  (which i n i t s p r e s e r v e d f o r m s e em s t o b e a n a b r i d g m e n t p r e p a r e d b y a l - A w h a d i ) , c f . M , H a m i d u l  l a h , in  Ara bica ,  V II , 281- 300 (i9 60 ), an d th e ed iti on pr ep ar ed b y the same (Kuwait 1959)For the ownership of al-Awhadi (and later, that of al-Bastaki) of a manuscript in the Vatican, cf. G. L e v i d e l l a  V  id a , in Collectanea Vaticana, II, 142 f. (Citta del Vaticano 1962,  Stu di e

Testi  219-20). ®Edited by Sawqi Dayf (Cairo i 953 )• Muhammad b. 'Abdallah, d. after 244/858-59 (cf. G A L , I, 137). ’ M uhamm ad b. Ishaq, w rote in 272/885-86 (cf. G A L , I, 137).

480

 AS-S AHAW I’S I ' l  A n

TRANSLATION

481

 A bu Sa 'i d al- Mu fad dal b. Mu ham ma d al-Ja nadi.^

Nasih, known as Ibn al-Mu’addin,  M ut ir al-gardm ild l-balad 

 A bu S a ‘id as -§ a‘b i— sho uld be che cke d wi th the forme r.  A bu 1-Faraj(?) ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Abi Hatim. Later on, The hadit  expert, D iya ’-ad-din al-Maqdisi.

al-hardm.  Al- H^ di (b.) Ibr ah im b. ‘A li b. al- Mu rta da al- Ha sa ni az-Z aydi ,^ a teacher of Taqi-ad-din b. Fahd,  Zah rat al-huzd m f i fadd Hl al-bayt 

 A bu ‘A bd al la h [b.] Mu ham ma d b. al-Q ayy im,^ Tafdil Makkah. Two poets competed in praising the respective glories of the two holy cities. An Tjli poet acted as mediator between the two  by vi rtu e of a poe m in wh ich the foll owi ng ver se oc cu rs : O man from Medina, your land is above every other land.  A nd Me cca can cla im hig her pra ise for its vi rtu e and exc elle nce . The history of (Mecca was written) by   A bu 1-Walid Muhammad b. ‘Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Muhammad  b. al -W ali d b. ‘U qb ah b. al- Az ra q al- Az raq i. Muhammad b. Ishaq b. al-‘Abbas al-Fakihi. Both men lived in the third/eighth century. Al-Fak ihi is presumably somewhat later than al-Azraqi. His work comes in two volumes.  A bu Z ay d ‘U ma r b. Sa bb ah an -N um ayr i. Al -F as i did no t com e across (the work).^ Our colleague Ibn Fahd, (however), copied it in one volume. He said: “ It is in the manner of the works of al A zr aq i and al -F ak ih i.”  A z- Zu ba yr b. Ba kk ar . Razin b. Mu^awiyah as-Saraqusti.^ His work is an abridgment of the  Hist ory   of al-Azraqi. Sa'dallah b. ‘Umar al-Isfarayini,®  Zuhd at al-a^mdl wa-huldsat  al-af'dl,   on the praise (faddHl)  of Mecca and Medina, an abridgment of the  His tory   of al-Azraqi, as the author himself mentioned in the preface of the work. ‘Abd-al-Qadir b. ‘Abd-a l-‘Aziz b. Fahd has a copy of the work which he himself had copied. Muhibb-ad-din Muhammad b. Mahmud b. an-Najjar al-Bagdadi,  Nuz hat al-ward f i dikr Umm al-Qurd. Jamal-ad-din Muhammad b. Muhibb-ad-din at-Tabari al-Makki as-§afi‘i, at-Taswiq ild ziydrat al-bayt al-'^atiq. Jamal-ad-din Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. ‘Ali az-Zabidi an^ Cf. above, p. 475, n. 7. His  FaddH l M akk ah are quoted by Taqi-ad-din, al-Fasi,  Sifd^, I, 201, 292 (Mecca-Cairo 1956). ^ Ibn Qayyiin al-Jawziyah? In the introduction of the ‘^Iqd at-tamvn, al-Fasi states that he believes he once saw  3 a note of one of his colleagues to the effect tha t “^Umar b. Sa bbah had written a w ork on the history  [ahbdr) of Mecca. ^ Thus correctly Ms. Leiden. ^ G A L , II, 172, calls the author 'Ali b. Nasr Sa'd-ad-din. He wrote in 762/1360-61.

al-hardm. Zayd b. Hasim b. ‘Ali b. al-Murtada al-Hasani,^ (133) wazir of Medina, on the history of (the city). Ibn-al-Jawzi,  M ut ir al-'-azm as-sdk in li- asr af al-amdk in. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Abi Hatim,  Kit db Makkah.^   Also  A b u Sa ‘id b. a l- A ‘ra bi. A nd  A bu 1-Qasim ‘A bd-ar-Rahman b. A bi ‘Abdallah b. Mandah. These three (works) were indicated by the just mentioned Abu 1Qasim in his Wasiyah. Majd-ad-din al-Firuzab&,di,  M uh ij al-gardm ild l-balad al-hardm, and  Itdrat al-ha jun ild ziydr at al-Hajun .^ Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi,  Sifd"" al-gardm bi-ahbdr al-balad al-hardm,^ the most comprehensive work (of all), and Tuhfat al-kirdm,  each of the two works in one volume. (Al-Fasi) wrote an abridgment of the also entitled Tuhfat al-kirdm.  Other abridgments, all  by al- Fa si him self, are Tahsil al-mardm; Hddi dawi al-afhdm]  az-Zu hur al-muqtatafah min ta^rih Makka h al-musarrafah; Tarwih as-sudur bi-htisdr az-Zuhur]   and one more work.® Al-Fasi also  wr ote the fou r-v olu me '-Iqd at-tamin fi ta^rih al-balad al-amin, on (Meccan) personalities, a subject rarely treated before in monograph form. He abriaged the {"-Iqd)  in the ’■Ujdlat al-qird li -r-r dgib f i ta'^rih Umm al-Qurd   and in two more works. Al-Fasi also wrote on the governors of Mecca in pre-Islamic and Islamic times. Jamal-ad-din as-§aybi,’ as-Sar af al-aHd f i dikr maqbarat Bdb al-Mu'-alld. Our colleague Najm-ad-din b. Fahd, ad-Durr al-kamin bi-dayI  al-'-Iqd at-tamin  and  It hd f al-ward bi-ahbdr Umm al-Qurd.  A sup^ D. 822/1419 ( D a w ^ , X ,   206). I H d n :   az-Zabidi; Ms. Leiden and D a w ^   have az-Zaydi. “ According to Hajji yali fah who evidently derived his information from al-Fasi, he  was alive around 676/1277-7 8. Al- Fa si says in the introd uction of the ^Iqd at-tamin   that this  was the pedigre e given to Zay d by his conte mpor ary al-Ma yuraq i (above , p. 304, n. i), cf. above, p. 165. ®Above, p. 480. ^ H is al-Wa sl{l) wa-l-mund fi fadl Mind  is quoted by Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi, al-^Iqd at-

idem, Sifd^,   I, 199, 323. ®Published in Mecca-Cairo 1956. * T he fi rst Tuhfat al-kirdm, the Tarwih, and the work without a title are later than

tamin, ch. 21;

al-Fasi’s autobiography in the ^Iqd at-tamin, as they are not mentioned there. ’ Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Muhammad, d. 837/1433 (cf. G A L , II, 173).

48 2

 AS -S AH AW t’ s I ‘ l  A n

plement to each of the two works was written by his son ‘Izz-ad-din  b. Fa hd .i  Mo sul:   Ibn Batis. Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Yazid al-Mawsili.^  Ab u Z ak ar iy a’ Y az id b. Mu ha mm ad b. ly a s al-A zdi,^ on the hadit   scholars and hadit   experts of (the city). ‘Izz-ad-din b. al-Atir, the author of the  Ka mi l,  began a history of (Mosul) but died before he cou]d complete it.*  Ma yyd fdr iqi n:   Judge Ah mad b. Yu suf b. ‘Ali b. al-Azraq.®  N as d: Under Abiward.  Nas af:   Abu l-‘Abbis Ja‘far b. Muhammad b. al-Mu‘tazz al-Mustagfiri al-Hanafi, the hadit   expert.®  Ni sib is:   Someone whom I do not remember wrote a monograph on (the history of the city).  Nafz ah:   Ibn al-Mu’addib. 'Abd -al-'Az iz b. ‘U mar, 850-921/1447-1515(16) (cf. G A L , II, 175). A collection of asSahawi’s treatises written by him. exists in Ms. L-234 of Yale University.  Ac cor din g to al- Fa si,  Sifd^, 61  W  u s t e n f e l d {Die Chroniken der Siadt Mekka,  II) (cf. above, p. 165), al-Mayuraqi mentioned to the year 676/1278 that he had begun to write a history of Mecca and had finished about five quires of it. Al-Fasi states that he had not seen the work.  Ab u Za yd al- Ba lh i w rot e F ad P il Ma kka h ^ald saHr al-biqd^,  cf.  Fih ris t,  199 (Cairo 1348 = 138 F l u g e l ). For the  Ma ndz il Mak kah   by Ibn al-KMi (d. 348/959-60), cf. H u s a y n ^AlI M a h f u z , in  Bu lle tin of the College of Ar ts  (Baghdad Un iversity), V III, 243 ff. (1965). For other relevant works by members of the Ibn Fahd family, cf.  E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  Ibn Fahd. 2 He lived in the second half of the third/ninth century. His work is quoted by 'Abd-alQadir al-Qurasi, al-Jawdhir al-mudtyah,  II, 200 (Hyderabad 1332). ®Cf. above p. 153 f. He died 334/945-46, (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  12th tab.,  no. 14  W  u s t e n f e l d ; cf. GA L Supplement  I, 210). Two fragments of the work are said to have been published in  Luga t al-^Ar ab, Vol. VI, cf. M. C a n a r d ,  His toire de la dynas tic des H ’amda nides, I, 17 (Algiers 1951). The work seems to be mentioned by al-Mas‘udi,  M ur uj , 1, 6   Paris ed. = I, 18 (Cairo 1346), if Abu Dkw(r)h al-Mawsili who was the author of a  Kitd b at-Ta^rih wa-ahbdr al-Mawsil   is to be identified with Abu Zakariya^. It is quoted by TB ,  V, 417, VI, 132 (Tabaqdt al-'-ulamd^ min ahl al-M awsil ) ; as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b, fol. 405b-406a; Yfiqut,  Mu^jam , III, 114, IV , 223, 685 {Kitdb Tabaqdt muhadditi ahl al-Mawsil),  cf. F . J. H e e r , op. cit., 35 f.; 'Abd-al-Qadir al-Qurasi, al-Jawdhir al-mudiyah.  I, 343; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   III, 257, 261 f. {Tabaqdt al-^ulamd^ bi-l-Mawsil).  Cf. Ibn Hajar, Tahdib,  I, g  [sahib Ta^rth al -Ma wsi l). * Cf. above, p. 154.

TRANSLATION

483

 Nisd biir :  Al-Hakim.^ A supplement (to al-H 4 kim was written)  b y ‘A bd -a l-G af ir .2  (Copies of) both works are in my possession, the first one in six volumes, the second in one big volume.  Hard t (H era t):   Sirawayh.  A bu Na sr al-Fami.® ( i 34 ) His work was abridged by Diy^’-ad-din al-Maqdisi.  Ab u Ish aq Ah m ad b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ya si n (?) al- Ha ra wi alHaddad * wrote two works (on the history of the city), one alpha  be tic al, an d th e oth er < . . . >^ A bu ‘A bd al lah al- Ha san b. Mu hammad al-Kutubi, I suppose.®  Hamad dn:  Ibn Mansur (?) Sahrdar b. Sirawayh.’ Sirawayh b. Sahrdar b. Sirawayh ad-Daylami.®  A bu 1-Fadl Sahh b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Salih al-Hamadani, the hadit   expert.^ ^ The work is constantly quoted by as-Sam'ani,  Ans db ,  and many other authors. It is, for instance, also quoted by as-Safadi, Wdfi,  Bodleian ms. or. Seld. Arch. A. 21, fol. 65b. Cf. also Sibt b. al-‘Ajami,  Ku nu z ad-d ahab,   Ms. Cairo (Taymur?) TaM^, 837, p. 16,  A rep rod uct ion of the on ly pr ese rve d ma nu scr ipt of the Per sia n abr idg me nt by a cer tain  y al if ah an- Nis abu ri has been pu blis he d by R. N. F r y e , The Histories of Nishapur  (Cam  bri dge , Mass. 1965 ,  Harva rd Orient al Seri es,  45). F r y e refers to an earlier edition published in Teheran 1961. ^ 'Abd-a l-Gafir b. Isma'il, d. 529/1134-35 (cf. G A L ,  I, 364 f.,  Sup plem ent   I, 623). His  Siy dq   to al-Hakim is also quoted, among others, by al-'Imad al-Isfah&ni,  Har idat al-Qasr (Egyptian poets), II, 217 (Cairo 1370/1951), through as-Sam'ani’s  Supp leme nt to the H isto ry of Bagddd;  Ibn Hallikan, II, 89 ff., IV, 56 trans. D e S l a n e ; Ibn  Ku ti i, Bid dy ah,  X II, 40). Cf. also al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rth-i-Bayhaq,  21. The Ankara manuscript of the second part of the  Siy dq   is reproduced in F r y e , op. cit. F r y e also reproduces the Kopriilii manuscript of the  Mun tahab   of the  Siyd q  by as-Sarifini (above, p. 449, n. 3). ®'Abd-ar-R ahma n b. 'Abd -al-Jabb ar b. 'Utman , d. 549/1155 (cf. GAL Supplement  I, 571). An-Nami appears to be a misprint in the Tabaqdt as-SdfiHyah.  The Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 428 of as-Subki also has al-Fami. The  His tory of Hard t   is quoted by an-Nawawi, Tabaqdt,  Ms. Cairo Ta^rih 2021, fol. 50b (life of Isma'^il b. al-Fudayl), and Ibn Rajab,  Da yl  tabaqdt al-Iiandbilah,  I, 79 f. a d -D a h h a n and L a o u s t (Damascus 1370/1951). According to as-Subki, it was used by Ibn ‘Asakir. * D. 234/848-49 (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn , I, 291). The work is quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn , VI , 316. As-Safadi, Wdfi,  I, 48 R  i t t e r , has Abu Ishaq al-Bazzaz, cf. n. 5. ®Although Ms. Leiden has wa-dhar  without the article, the assumption of a lacuna seems indicated, but as-Sahawi evidently used the  Ihdtah   which does not have anything about two works by Ibn Yasin. Al-Bayhaqi, Ta^rlh-i-Bayhaq,  21, explains the confusion. There were two histories of Herat, one by Abu Ish. A. b. M. b. Yunus al-Bazzaz {TB,

 As -Sa ha wi ove rlo oke d the  Histo ry of Mo sul   by the brothers Sa'id and Muhammad b. Hasim al-yalidiyan (cf. G A L , I, 1 4 6 f.), which was also quoted by Ibn al-'Adim,  Bugy at  at-talab.  Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 1 5 6 6 , p. 69 f.; Ibn Saddad, al-AHdq al-hattrah,  Ms. Topkapusaray, Revan Kosk 1 5 6 4 , fol. lob; Yaqut,  Mu^j am,  III, 3 6 3 W   u s t e n f e l d . ®D. after 577/1181 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 569 f., and the introduction to the edition of the part of the work dealing with the history of the Marwanid dynasty of Diyarbakr by  b d - a l -L a t i f   'I  w a d [A  w a d ] [Cairo 1379/1959]). B a d a w i ‘^A  For a  His tory of Majo rca  by al-Mahzumi, cf. al-Maqqari,  Anale ctes,   II, 765. Cf. above, p. 155, n. 2.

 V, 126), and the oth er by Ab u Ish . M. b. Sa 'id al -H ad dM . ' Y a q u t ,  Ir§dd ,  IV, 260 f. (Cairo = II, 86 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ), mentions a  Kitd b Wuld t   Ha rdt   by Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Basani (d. 501/1011). As-Subki, Bodleian ms. or. Marsh 428, refers to a  His tory of Hard t   by Abu Rawh al-Harawi (d. 544/1149-50). ’’   Cf. an-Nawawi, Tabaqdt,  Ms. Cair o Ta^rih 2021, fol. 56b. ®His  His tory of H amad dn{i an Scholars)   is also quoted by al-Qifti,  Inbd h, I,  129, 325, II, 165 f., 2i6 (Cairo 1369-74/1950-55); ar-RMi'i, Tadwin,   Phot. Cairo TaVih 2648, p. 229 f.; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  III, 430, V, 200; Ibn Qadi Suhbah, cf.  Revue de I Tns titu t des Man uscr its

®The work is quoted by as-Sam'ani,  Ansd b,  for instance, fols. 19b, 21b, 29b, 30b, 162b, 305a, 322a, 328b, 339a, 340b, 363b, 382b, 473a, 474a, 480a, 485a, 491a, 493a, 517a, 523b 598a, 6oib; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn ,  VI, 100. Cf. also R. N. F r y e , in  Melan ges Fu ad Kdp riil ii, 166 (Istanbul 1953)-

 Arab es  V, 352 (1959). • He came to Ba gd M in 370/980-81 {TB, I X, 331) and died in 374/end of 984 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  12th tab.,  no. 66  W  i j s t e n f e l d ;  Y aq ut ,  Mu^ jam,   IV, 329  W  u s t e n f e l d , has 384/994). His Tabaqdt al-Hamaddniytn  is quoted by TB ,  II, 286, V, 446!., X, 340;

484

A S - S A H A w 1 ’S I‘LAN

‘Imran b. Muhammad b. 'Imran al-Hamadani,  Hamaddn.

TRANSLATION

Tabaqdt ahl 

Wdsit:  Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. Sa‘id b. Yahya ad-Dubayti, the hadit   expert and historian.^ Before him,  A bu 1-Hasan A slam b. Sahl, Bahsa l al-Wasiti.^ A supplement to (Bahsal) was written by Abu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. at-Tayyib al-Jullabi.® T h e Y e m e n : Al- Him yari .^ Baha'-ad-din Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. Ya'qub b. Yusuf alJanadi, as-Suluk,  a work arranged according to tabaqdt.  In the preface, (the author) said that with regard to the biographies of the (personalities) of the past, he relied upon: The jurist Abu Hafs ‘Umar b. ‘Ali b. Samurah,^ {Tabaqdt)  fuqahd^ al-Y ama n.   In the (work, Ibn Samurah) mentioned most (Yemenite jurists) from the appearance of Islam (in the Yemen) to the 5 8 0 S / 1 1 8 4 - 9 3 .  A bu 1-‘Abbas Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad ar-R^zi asSan‘ani,®  His tory of the Yem en, or of San'^d^,  which ends around 460/1067-68. And Ishaq b. Jarir az-Zuhri as-San‘ani,  His tory of San'-d^,  and other sources.'^ (Al-Janadi’s work) ended after 730/1329-30.® as-Sam‘ani,  Ans db,   fol. 369b (cf. 490b, s.v.  al-Kumul 4 badi ). ^ According to one of the study notes reproduced in the Ms. Cairo Taymur Ta^rih 1483 of Bahsal’s  His tory of Was it,  ad-Dubayti studied that work in 573/1178 (573, and not 593, seems clearly indicated). However, he was then just fifteen years old, and, even though the age of another student of the work is indicated as four years and two months, ad-Dubayti ought to have been older at the time, since he was called  Sayh  and imam. ^ D. shortly before or after 288/901 (Y aqut,  IrM d,  VI, 127, Cairo = II, 256 M a r g o l i o u t h , from as-Silafl), or 292/904-5 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 210; ad-Dahabi,  His tory of Isla m, quoted in a footnote to Yaqut, loc. cit.).  The form of the name is Ba hsal, with b,  and not  with n. Th e stu dy note s of the Ms. Cairo Ta ym ur T a’ rih 1488 alw ay s hav e b.  See also above, p. 166 f. ^ D. 534/1139-40 (Taj al-^Arus,  I, 186, Cairo 1306). *  ?. For historical works on the Yemen, cf. M. K  u r d “^Ali, in  Revue de V Acad emi c arabe de Damas,  X VI I, 535 f. (1942), on the manuscripts in the ‘Alt Em iri Library in Istanbul; R. B. S e r j e a n t , in  BS OS ,  X III, 281-307, 581-601 (1950). ®Born in 547/1152-53, he died in or after 586/1190, cf. G A L ,  I, 391, further the edition of his work by F. S a y y i d (Cairo 1957), and G. C.  A  n a w a t i , in  Melan ges de I'ln sti tu t Do min icai n d’Et. Or. du Caire,  IV, 236-40 (1957)®Cf. G A L ,  I, 333. Al-Janadi adds that ar-Razi’s work is frequently found. Each manu script contains the third part of the work, but the text of the various manuscripts differs in certain passages. Cf. also H. C. K  a y  , Yaman,  XIV (London 1 8 9 2 ) ; H a j j f H a li f ah ,  Ka^ f  az-zunun,   II, 1 5 9 F l u g e l .  Al l the man usc rip ts enu me rate d in G A L ,  to which there may  be add ed the Bo dle ian ms. or. 736, app ear to con tain the thi rd pa rt, and the oth er par ts, if they ever existed, must have been lost at a very early date. ’ Cf. above, p. 470, n. 7. ®In the  Sul uk,   from which the above passage is derived (cf. Phot. Cairo Ta’rih 996,

485

— He was not interested in the arrangement of the work, so that it is difficult to find something in it. It is the standard reference  wo rk for lat er (scho lars). He (?) the n was int ere ste d in it ^— (in sert ?) after the work of ‘Um ar b. ‘Ali b. Samurah,  Fuqahd"" al~Yaman. Muwaffaq-ad-din Abu 1-Hasan ‘All b. al-Hasan b. Abi Bakr al-Hazraji, al-'-Iqd al-fdhir al-hasan f i tabaqdt akdbir al-Yaman , in two volumes, a good work, although (al-Hazraji) omitted many (who had been mentioned) by al-Janadi. Badr-ad-din Husayn al-Ahdal, Tuhfat az-zaman f i ta^rih sdddt  al-Yaman,  either two volumes or one big volume. ‘Abd-al-Baqi b. ‘Abd-al-Majid al-Qurasi,^  Bah jat az-zaman f i  ta^rih al-Yaman.  A l-A fd al ‘A bb as b. al- Mu jah id ‘A li b. D aw ud b. Yu su f b. ‘U ma r  b. ‘A ll b. Ra sul , a rule r of the Ye me n an d des cen dan t (135) of  Ye me ni te rulers,^ (wro te on Ye me nit e his tor y). He ab ridg ed the  Hist ory  of Ibn Hallikan and wrote  Nuz hat al-'-uyun f i ta^rih tawdHf  al-qurun] Bugyat dawi al-himam fi ansdb al-'-Arab wa-WAjam) dJidKitdb al-'-Atdyd as-saniyah   which contains the story of the out standing individuals of the Yemen. It has been said that all these (works were written) with the active help of Radi-ad-d in (ar-Rida ?)  A bu Ba kr b. Mu ha mm ad b. Yu su f, jud ge of T a ‘izz . Furthermore, the following (authors), for instance, occupied themselves with the (religious) scholars of the Yemen: Qutb-ad-din al-Qastallani.^ ‘Afif-ad-din al-Yafi‘i. Jamal-ad-din Muhammad b. Abi Bakr b. al-Hayyat.^  Ab u ‘A bd all ah Mu ham ma d b. Is m a‘ il b. Ab i s-Sayf,® al-Maymun al-mudamman li-ba'^d al- [l)f ud aW ahl al-Yaman . p. 6), al-Janadi states that he was writing in the year 722/1322. ^ It would be logical to refer the pronoun “it” to “arrangement,” and not to “the Yem en.” Or one might translate the last sentence as: “ Later on, the wo rk . . ., occupied itself with it . . .” H owever, none of the possibilities which I considered seems plausible. Ms. Leiden, among its many omissions, leaves out the quotation from al-Janadi concerning his sources. ^ D. 743/1343, or 744 (cf. G A L ,  II, i7r; as-Safadi,  A'-ydn al-^asr,  Paris ms. ar. 5859, fol. 58a, who judges his  His tory of the Yem en  and  His tory of Gramma rians  adversely; Ibn Hajar, ZJwrar, II, 315-18). In spite of as-Safadi, the  Bah jat az-zaman   is quite an interesting  wor k. As -Sa ha wi rea d 'A bd -al -H am id ins tea d of the cor rec t ‘A bd- al- Ma jid . Th e Pa ris ms. 5977   of the  Bah jat az-zaman   was evidently not known to M u s t a f a H i j a z i  whe n he published an abridgment on the basis of an-Nuwayri’s  Nih dya h   (n. p. [Cairo ?], 1965),  wit h a bio gra ph ica l not ice on pp. 146-69. ®D. 778/1376-77 (cf. G A L ,  II, 184). * Apparently, Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Ali, d. 686/1287 (cf. G A L , I ,  451). Cf. above, p. 150, n. 4®786-839/i384(85)-i436 (Daw’, VII, 1941.). * He died in 609/1212-13, cf. F. S a y y i d ’ s note in his edition of Ibn Samurah, 247- His

486

a s

- s a h  A  w  ! ' s

TRANSLATION

i ‘ l  A n

 Ab u Ba kr Muhamm ad b. ‘Abd -al-H ami d b. ‘Abd allah b. Hal af al-Qurasi al-Misri compiled forty traditions in praise of the Yemen. [Ahmad b. ‘A bda llih b. Muhammad ar-Razi, Ta^rih San'-d^.]  ‘Umarah, al-Mufid f i ahbdr Zahid,  mentioned above.^ (An unnamed author),  Dawlat al-Muzaffar,  ruler of the Yemen.^  Al- Haz raji also wrote al-'-Uqud al-lu*lu^iyah f i ahbdr ad-dawlah ar-Rasuliyah. Taqi-ad-dm al-Fasi, Taqrib al-'-amal wa-s-sul min ahbdr saldtin  Bam Rasul.  Al-Fasi later on wrote an abridgment of the work. Other (authors) restricted themselves to the pious men of the  Yeme n, and the like. (14. Geographical works) Then, there are geographical works which give information about countries, their outstanding features, and their conquest (by the Muslims) but as a rule do not have any biographies of the people of those countries. There are very many such works. The most substantial works of the type are  Ya qu t,  Mu'^jam al-bulddn.  Al-Bakri ,^ al-Masdlik wa-l-mamdlik. "^Ubaydallah b. ‘Abd allah b. Hur radadbih,^ id.  This work is different from the  History  (of the same author). Sihab-ad-din b. Fadlallah,  Mas dlik al-ahsdr f i l-aqtdr wa-l-amsdr, in more than twenty volumes. The work is in the Mu’ayyadiyah and in the College of our Sultan (Qa’itbay) in Mecca.  Ahm ad b. Ya hy a al-Baladuri,® on the hist ory  [ahbdr)  of the countries and their conquest by surrender or by force since the hijrah, (that is,) the story of the conquests in (Muhammad’s) days name is said to have been Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Isma'il. His work is quoted by al-Janadi in the introduction of the  Su luk . ^ IHdn, 127, above, p. 469. ^ App arently, the first ruler named al-Muzaffar who died in 694/1295. The later Muzaffar lived in the ninth/fifteenth century {Daw^, X,  326). * 'Abdallah b. M uhammad, d. 487/1094 (cf. G A L ,  I, 476). * First half of the third/ninth century (cf. G A L ,  I, 225 f.). Cf. below, p. 505. Ms. Leiden adds the “b. 'Abdallah.” Th e form Hurdadbih is preferred by R. N. F r y e , in  Spec ulum , XX IX , 315 (1954). Further quotations from his  His tory   may be the passages II, 151, VI, 51, 89, of al-Mutahhar’s  Beg inni ng and His tory   (ed. C. H u a r t , Paris 1899-1919,  Pub licat ions de r£ co le des langues or. vivantes, IV e Serie,  vols. XVI-XVIII, XXI-XXIII). In the first passage, H u a r t corrected the text to Ibn ^iurradadbih. In the other two passages, he read Hurrazad and equated him with ^urrazad b. Darsad, a mathematician who is briefly mentioned in the  Fih ris t,  385 (Cairo t348 = 276 F l O g e l ),  bu t is not kno wn as the aut hor of a his tor y. Cf. also Ibn Saddad, al-A^ldq al-hatirah,  25 f. a d -D a h h 1 n (Damascus i375/r956). ' D. around 279/892-93 (cf. G A L ,  I, 1 41 f.).

487

and afterwards under the caliphs. (Al-Baladuri) described the countries in the east, west, north, and south. Al-Mas*udi said: “ We know of no better geographical work.” ^ This was, we must say, before Yaqut. Someone else wrote ar-Rawd al-miHdr f i ahbdr al-aqtdr^ in two  volumes.  A l- ‘Udri,® Tarsi'- al-ahbdr f i l-bulddn. Someone else wrote  Naz m al-mar jdn f i l-bulddn.  Al-M u’a yy ad , the ruler of Hamah ^ (136), Taqwim al-bulddn, in the form of tables, in one volume, a very valuable work.  Al- Bak ri, also wrote  Mu'- jam md sta'-jam.  Ya qu t al-Ha maw i and someone else® wrote on countries which look alike in writing but have different locations {al-Mustarik wad'-an wa-l-muftariq saq'an) and the like, about countries with identical names. .... (136-144) •••• I say; The entire (preceding) section (pp. 136-144, on the vicissi tudes of religious scholarship in the various cities and regions) is derived from a monograph by ad-Dahabi which he prefaced with the  M ai n Cit ies in which traditions were cultivated [al-A msdr dawdt aldtdr). Little supplementation was needed, except for the changes

I made by way of selection (and omission) or correction (and addition). In Asia Minor (Rum), with the capital of Istanbul, and the cities of Adanah (Adana), Brussa (Bursa), and other neigh  borin g places, there are (religious) scholars and excell ent think ers (scholars in the non -traditional disciplines). Most, indeed all, of  ^  M ur uj,   I, 14 Paris ed. = I, 5 (Cairo 1346). Al-Mas'udi has fut ufi al-buldd n. ^ Cf. E. Li;vi-PR0VEN9AL,  La Pe nin sul e Iberi que  (Leiden 1938), which is a partial edition of a work of this title by Muhammad b. Muhammad b. 'Abd-al-Mun^m al-Himyari; S . a l - M u n a j j i d , in  Revu e de I’ln st itu t des Ma nus crit s Ara bes,  V, 57 f. (1959); T. Lewicki, in  Fo lia Orie ntali a,  I, 322-26 (i960), etc. * Ahmad b. ‘ Umar b. Anas, d. 478/1085 (cf. Yaqut,  Mu^ja m,  I V , 5 8 2 f . W O s t e n f e l d ; £ . L ^ v I ' P r o v e n ^ a l , op.cit.,  X X I V , n . 2 ; I . Y . K r a c h k o v s k y ,  Izbr ann 'ie Soc hine niya , IV, 273 f. [Moscow-Leningrad 1957]). The Tuhfat al-'-ajdHb  of Isma*^il b. Ahmad b. al-Atir (?, cf. GAL Supplement   I, 581) mentions among its sources the  Kit db al-M asd lik wa-lmamdlik ai-Sarqtyah and th e  Ki tdb al-M asd lik wa-l-ma mdlik al-garbtyah  of al-'Udri, cf. Bodleian ms. or. Ouseley 97, introduction. Under the title Tarsi^ al-ahbdr wa-tanwt^ al-dtdr wa-l-bustdn fi gardHb al-bulddn wa-l-masdlik ild jamt^ al-mamdlik,  the work is quoted by Ibn ad-Dawadari,  Ka nz ad-dur ar,  Ph ot. Cairo Ta ’rih 2578, I, 233. Cf. also Ibn Haldun,  Muq addi mah,   trans. F. Ros ent ha l, I, 116 (New York 1958), and ‘Abd -al-'Az iz al A hw A ni ’s edi tio n of the pre ser ved fra gm ent s of al- ‘ U dr i’s wo rk wh ich app ear ed und er the title of  Nu sus ^an a l-An dal us  in Madrid 1965. Strangely enough, Yaqut lists the title of al-‘^Udri’s work as  Niz am al-ma rjdn  which seems to be identical with the title listed by as-Saljawi as that of the work of someone else. * Isma'il b. 'Alt, known as Abu 1-Fida^ d. 732/1331 (cf. G A L ,  II, 44-46). ®Al-Firuzabadi wrote a work with a very similar title, cf.  Daw^,  X, 821,.

488

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I ‘ l  A n

them are Hanafites. We hear only

very h ttle about

them.

(15. “ Stra ight” historical works) Or (historians restricted themselves) to straight history without any further qualification. There are various types (of straight historical works). (a. Histories of events) Some restricted themselves to events, as was done, for instance,  by  Qutb-ad-din Muhammad b. Ahmad b. ‘Ali al-Qastallani ^ when he wrote a slender volume, entitled  Jum al al 4 jd z f i l-i'-jdz bi-ndr al-Hijdz. Others wrote on earthquakes or on insurrections.  A no th er re pre se nta tiv e (of this ty pe of str ai gh t his tor y) is the great  His tory   of the religious leader Abii Ja'far at-Tabari which has remained the standard work of reference in the field for all later (scholars). At-Tabari, a religious leader of independent judg ment, who had a greater knowledge (of the religious disciplines) than a ny of his famed contemporaries, collected the various chains of transmitters for the traditions and for the information abo ut the  wo rld (co nta ine d in it) bu t res tric ted his wo rk to its purp ose , na me  ly, history, wars, and conquests. He rarely bothered with personality criticism and the like, so that he has no complete information about any one rehgious leader. He was only concerned with the explicit and detailed, and not the summary story of wars and con quests and the history {ahbdr)  of the ancient prophets and kings of old, of past national entities and bygone generations, for which he also indicated the various ways (of transmission) and numerous different chains of transmitters. He had an inexhaustible knowledge of this and other subjects. (As to biographies of individuals), he was satisfied with his history of men (of the science of tradition).^ (AtTabari himself) wrote a supplement to the  Hist ory   and also a supplement to the supplement. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Malik alHamada ni wrote a supplement (to at-Tabari) from the days of al-Muqtadir to ‘Adud-ad-dawlah Abu §uja‘ at the beginning of the  ye ar 360/970.^— Al -H am ad an i also wr ot e th e '■Unwdn  (145) as-siyar 1  Sic   Ms. Leiden. Hajjl Halifah,  Ka §f az-zu nun,   IV, 197 F l u g e l , mentions a work on the subject by al-Qastallani under the title '■Urwat at-tawtiq f t n-ndr wa-l-hartq. * The reference apparen tly is to at-Tabar i’s  Da yl al-mu dayya l.  I do not think that it is merely meant that the  His tory   did not deal with biographies of individuals as such. ®Cf. above, p. 82, n. 4, and, for the ^Unwdn,  p. 412, n. 6.

489

and a supplement to the history of the wazir Ab u Suj&‘ Muhammad  b. al- Hu sa yn b. ‘A bd -al -M ali k b. Ibr ah im al- Ba gd ad i wh ich he had entitled  Ahb dr as-si yar at-tdliya h '■aid T aj drib al-umam alhdliyah, being a supplement to Miskawayh’s  Kit db Tajd rib al-umam. — There is another supplement to at-Tabari which was abridged  b y as- Sal ih Na jm- ad -di n b. al -K am il al-A yyu bi. ^  A bu 1-Ha san 'A ll b. al -H us ay n b. *Ali al- Ma s‘u di wro te a gre at  wo rk en tit led  Ah bdr az-zamdn   which ended with the caliphate of al-Muttaqi li-llah, in the year 332/943-44. He also wrote  Dah dHr al-'-ulum wa-md kdna f i sd lif ad-dahr] al-Istidk dr li-md marra f i  l-a'-sdr',  and at-Ta^rih f i ahbdr al-umam,  all this in addition to his famous  M ur uj ad-dahab wa-ma'-ddin al-jawhar f i tuh af al-asr df  min al-muluk wa-ahl ad-dirdydt.^  All these are original works. The last mentioned one is the one in common use. In its introduction (al-Mas‘udi) mentioned a great number of histories. Then, he said: “ Only those works on history, biography, and memorable antiquities have been mentioned whose authors are prominent and  we ll-kn own . W e did no t end ea vo r to me ntio n wo rks on th e hi sto ry of hadit   scholars and on the knowledge of the names, times, and tabhqdt  of persons (connected with the science of traditio ns). This  wo uld be too wid e a su bj ec t for me to me ntio n in this bo ok .” ® (Al-Mas‘udi) excused himself for possible shortcomings (in his  wor k) an d ju sti fie d ov ers igh ts th at mi gh t ha ve occ urr ed wi th the length of his travels, on which he commented, and his associations  wi th kin gs, wh ich he exp lain ed. * (He fu rth er said) th at “ boo ks are of two kinds, good and defective, and prolix and too short.® Historical information  [ahbdr)  increases from day to day and comes up anew with the progress of time. The most outstanding part of it often remains unknown to sensitive and intelligent (historians). Each one has his part to which he devotes his special interest. Each region has its own remarkable features whose knowledge is restricted to its inhabitants. There is a difference between a person who has always remained at home and is satisfied ^with a knowledge of  1 Ayyub b. Muhammad, d. 647/t249. GAL Supplement I,  217, is based upon the  I^ldn. ®The second part of the title originally did not belong to it, cf. al-Mas'udi,  Mu ruj , I, 21 f. Paris ed. = I, 8 (Cairo 1346), but appears already in the Fi hri st,   219 f. (Cairo 1348 = 154 F

l u g e l

).

® M uru j,  I, 20 f. Paris ed. = 1 ,7 (Cairo 1346). ‘  Mu ruj ,  I, 5 f. Par is ed. = I, 3 (Cairo 1346). ®According to the text of the  MurH j,  the adjectives do not refer to “w orks” bu t to “authors.” The first couple of them means “productive and incapable.” • Cf.  Mu ruj .

49 0

 A S- SA HA w t’ s I ‘L AN

his own region, and the person who used his hfe to traverse the  wor ld, wh o spe nt his da ys tos sed aro un d on his tra ve ls, wh o we nt to the place of origin of every detail, and who stirred every precious thing from its resting place,” ^— although, a l-Mas‘udi added, “ the memorable antiquities of the world have disappeared, and its  be aco n has bee n ex tin gu ish ed ; m ed ioc rit y is ple nti ful in (the  world ), an d und ers tan din g is rar ely fo un d; an d all th at can be observed is ignorant sophists or well-intentioned but incapable persons who are satisfied with guesswork and are blind to real knowledge.” ^(146). Judge Abu ‘Abdallah Muhammad b. Salimah b. Ja'far alQuda‘i wrote a short history, in five quires, from the beginning of the world to his own days. (b. Histories of events and dates of death) Others combined events and dates of death, with the latter either merely added (in the context) or (added after the events) as biog raphies in special paragraphs.  Ab u 1-Faraj b. al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam,   in ten big volumes. (Ibn al-Jawzi himself) wrote an abridgment in one small volume,  Sud ur al-'-uqud f i ta' nh al-'-uhud.  I have come across an autograph copy of the work. A supplem ent (to the  Munt azam )  is Muhammad  b. Ah ma d b. Mu ha mm ad al- Fa risi , al-Fdhir fi dikr hawddit ayydm al-imdm an-Ndsir,  in several volumes. Another supplement to the  Mun taza m  was written by ‘Izz-ad-din Abu Bakr Mahfuz b. MaHuq  b, al-Buzuri.®  Ab u 1-Muzaffar Yusuf b. Qizoglu, Sibt b. al-Jawzi (a grandson of Ibn al-Jawzi),  Mir'^dt az-zamdn f i tawdrih al -a yd n *   The name somehow fits the contents, as the author himself said; “ It should  be a nam e th at agre es wi th the th ing nam ed, and an exp ress ion that fits the meaning it expresses.” The work was abridged to about one-half its original size and then provided with a supplement  b y Qu tb- ad -di n Musa, a s on o f th e j ur ist A bu ‘A bd all ah Mu ham ma d ^  M uf Aj ,  I, 9 f. P aris ed. = I, 4 (Cairo 1346). ^ MuriXj,  I, 6 Paris ed. = I, 3 (Cairo 1346). ®D. 594/end of 1294 (ad-Dahabi,  Mu^jam ,  Ms. Cairo Must, al-hadit 65, fol. ii8 b; Ibn Rafi',  Munt ahab al-muh tdr, Ta?rih '■ulamd^Bagdad,  165-67, Bagdad 1357/1938; S. M. S t e r n , in  BS OA S,   X IX , 420-22 [1957]). The  Supp lem ent   to the  Mun tazam   is quoted by ad-Dahabi,  His tory of Isla m,   down to the year 631; Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi,  Sifd? ,  I, 186, II, 232, 237 (Mecca-Cairo 1956). * An edition of the work was begun in Hyderabad in the 1950s.

TRANSLATION

49 1

 b. A hm ad b. ‘A bd al la h b. ‘I sa al -Y un ini , a br oth er of the hadit  expert Abu 1-Husayn ‘Ali.^ (A copy of the work of Qutb-ad-din),  wh o die d in the ye ar 726/1326, is in the Ma hm ud iya h, in fou r vo l umes. Ibn al-Jawzi wrote another history, the four-volume  Durr at  al-ikUl. The hadit   expert and great scholar Professor ‘Izz-ad-din Abu

1-Hasan ‘Ali b. Abi 1-Karam Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ‘Abdal-Karim as-SaybS.ni al-Jazari b. al-Atir, the author of the {Usd  al-gdbah fi ) ma ’^rifat as-sahdbah  and the  Ans dh  and other works, a brother of the great scholar Majd-ad-din, the author of the  Jdmi^ al-us ul,   and also of the wazir Diya^-ad-din Nasrallah,^ the author of the  Mat al as-sdHr,  wrote a history entitled al-Kdmil  (The Perfect one). It is what its name says. Ibn Hajar said that “ (the  Ka m il)   is the best of all histories in recording the happenings clearly and distinctly. The student as a rule has the feeling to be present when they took place. In addition, (the work) is well or ganized and (from the stylistic point of view) skilfully executed.” Ibn H ajar continued; “ It therefore occurred to me to write a supplement to it, from the year in which (Ibn al-Atir) stopped, namely the year 628/1230-31, that is, two years before his death.” However, Ibn Hajar was not able to execute his plan. A supplement to (the  Kd mi l)  was written by Abu Talib ‘Ali b. Anjab al-Bagdadi (147) al-Hazin, who also wrote the big  fdmi"- al-muhtasar f i "-unwdn at-tawdrih wa-'-uyun as-siyar   and who died in the year 674/1276, Jamal-ad-din Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Yahya al-Kutubi, known as al-Watwat,^ wrote instructive notes to the  Kd m il. The great independent, all-round scholar Abii §amah ‘Abd-arRahman b. Isma‘il b. Ibrahim al-Maqdisi, later ad-Dimasqi, as§afi‘i wrote  Kitd h ar-Rawdat ayn fi ahbdr ad-dawlatayn, on the reigns of Nur-ad-din and Salah-ad-din. (Abu Samah himself) wrote a supplement to it.^ He began his work with the year 590/1194, and he died in the year 665/1267— the year in which the hadit   expert ‘Alam-ad-din al-Qasim b. Muhammad al-Birzali was born. (Al^ 'All b. Muhammad, d. 701/1302 (cf. J. F u P-

393. n.  4 -

c k  ,

in  ZD M G,   XCII, 79 ff., 1938). Cf. above,

* Nasrallah b. Muhammad b. 'Abd-al-Ka rim, 558-637/1163-1239 (cf. G A L ,  I, 297). On t t e r , in Oriens,  V I, 71 ff. (1953), see above, p . 298, n. 2. ®D. 718/January 1319 (cf. G A L ,  II, 54 f.). As-Sahawi’s information is derived from Ibn

t h e family, cf. H . R  i

Hajar,  Dura r, II I,   299. * Cf. above, p, 455, n. i.

49 2

TRANSLATION

A S - S A H l w f ’ s I ‘L AN

Birzali’s) work, al-Muqtafd^yNhioh.  began with that very same year,  wa s a sup ple me nt to A bu Sam ah. It end ed in the ye ar 736/1336. (Al-Birzali) has some (information), but not much, after that date,  A sup ple me nt to (al- Birz ali) was wr itt en b y Ta qi- ad -di n Ab u Bakr b. Qadi Suhbah, the jurist of Syria, who died in the year 851/1448. Each of these works comes in several volumes.— AlBirzali also wrote a substantial  Mu'-jam. KamM-ad-din Abu 1-Fada’il ‘Abd-ar-Razzaq b. al-Fuwati wrote a great history. He did not (live to) prepare the clean copy. He also  wro te ano the r s ma ller one en titl ed  Majma^   (!) al-dddh wa-mu'-jam alasmd^ '■aid l-al qdh   [and  Dur ar al-a sddf f i gurar al-awsdf,] ^ a very large work in fifty volumes. (The author) mentioned that he com piled (the work) from a thousand histories, collections of poems,  wo rk s on gen ea log y, an d coll ecta nea . (Ib n al- Fu wa ti) also wr ot e a history of events.® The jurist Judge §ihab-ad-din Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. ‘Ab dallah b. ‘Abd-al-Mun‘im b. Ab i d-dam, a contemporary of Ibn as-Salah,  wro te an in str uc tiv e wo rk (on his tor y) He also wro te an alp ha be ti cally arranged (history), at-Ta^nh al-Muqtafd   (?).* It begins with a biography of the Prophet, followed, successively, by the caliphs, philosophers-theologians, hadit   scholars, ascetics, grammarians, lexicographers, Qur’an commentators, wazirs, (army) leaders, and poets. The Muhammads come first, then the others under each name in the described sequence, from the men around Muhammad, the caliphs, etc., down to the women. I have come across one volume of the work. Three volumes were in the possession of Jamal-ad-din  b, Sab iq, who also ow ned the oth er hi sto ry (of Ib n A bi d-dam).®  Al -M u’ ay ya d, the rule r of Ha ma h, also wr ote a hi sto ry, fro m  wh ich ad -D ah ab i ma de selec tions . The hadit   expert Abu ‘Abdallah ad-Dahabi,  His tory of Islam , (148) in more than twenty volumes in the author’s autograph;  Si yar an-nuh aW,^  in several volumes;  Duw al al-Isld m,   in a small

493

 vo lum e; an d al-Isdrah,  a smaller work. (Ad-Dahabi himself) also  wr ote sup plem ent s to eac h of the se wor ks. Ta qi -ad -di n al- Fas i w rot e a supplement to the  Nu ha W   and the  Isdra h.  I wrote Wajiz alkaldnt   (as a supplement) to the  Duwal.   Ad-Dahabi also wrote al-IHdm hi-wafaydt al-aHdm,  also called  D u n at at-ta^'rih,  and one folio on the men around T aqi-ad-din b. Taym iyah, entitled al-Qabbdn. The law court functionary Sams-ad-din Muhammad b. Ibrahim  b. A bi Ba kr b. Ibr ah im ad -D ima sq i b. al- Ja za ri, wh o die d in the middle of the year 7 3 9 / 1 3 3 8 ,  wro te a gre at, fam ous hi sto ry whi ch contains remarkable and strange information.^ An autograph copy (of the work) is in the Mahmudiyah. Muhammad b. Mahfuz b. Muhammad b. Galib al-Juhani asSubayki al-Makki wrote a modest history, from the end of the Hasimite dynasty until after the 6 9 0 S / 1 2 9 1 - 9 9 — which, how ever, includes years for which nothing is mentioned— , as he  wa s cons ciou s of th e fa ct th at pre vio us (histo rians) ha d sho wn no interest in that (period). He also wrote a history from the year 7 2 5 / 1 3 2 4 - 2 5 to the end of the 7 6 0 S / 1 3 5 8 - 6 7 ,  wh ich wa s uti hz ed b y Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi in spite of the awful solecisms, colloquial expressions, and other (defects of the work). The hadit   expert ‘Imad-ad-din b. Katir, al-Biddyah wa-n-nihdyah, in several volumes. A t the beginning (of the work, Ibn K atir) said that “with God’s help,” he would “mention the beginning of Crea tion, namely, the creation of the (divine) throne and chair, the heavens and the earth and the angels, jinns, and devils in them and between them, and the manner of Adam’s creation as well as the stories of the prophets and similar things down to the days of the children of Israel and pre-Islamic (Arabia) until prophetism reached the time of our Prophet. We shall then deal in the proper manner  wi th the mo st sa tis fa cto ry an d who leso me sub jec t, (Mu ham mad ’s) 1 Cf. G A L S u p p le m en t    II, 45; Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,   III, 301; ' A b b a s a l- ' A z z a w i , i n R e vu e de VAcademic ar. de Damas,   X IX , 524-30 (1944). The Istan bul manuscript Kopriilii 1147

' The title is not mentioned in Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,   III, 238. For the passage, cf. also the  begin ning of al-B irzal i’s work (above, p. 306 f.) ^ The reference to the D u r a r    here seems to be due to a mistake. ®Cf. Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,   II, 364; Ibn Katir, B i d d y a h ,   XIV, 106.

* A l - M u q a f f d ,   as we find in the and should be read a l - M u z a f f a r i .

I H d n ,  o r a l -M u q t a fd [ I H d n   152,

below, p. 499) is a mistake

®Or is the reference to Ibn al-'Adim’s B u g y a h   owned b y Ibn SS.biq (above, p. 444) ? ‘ E xcerpts were published by S a 'I d a l -A  f g a n i (Damascus 1360-64/1941-45, cf. Revue de VA cademic arabe de Danias,   X VI , 387-407). Publication of the entire large work was begun in Cairo 1955-56.

is an abridgment of Ibn al-Jazari’s work (covering the years 593-698) written by ad-Dahabi. The Rabat manuscript 194^ covers the years 608-58. The statement in the relative clause goes back to ad-Dahabi and was meant to be an adverse criticism, cf. Ibn Hajar, D u r a r ,  III, 301. But in our opinion, the value of the work is, in fact, greatly enhanced by authentic reports from travelling merchants about a disturbance in Alexandria in 727, from the author’s brother concerning the Volga with an excursus about dogs, and from another merchant about customs and conditions in Ethiopia { H a w d d i t   az-zamdn, Phot. Cairo Ta^rih 995, pp. 54, 147-50, and 183 f. The m anuscript breaks off   with the yea r 734/1334). Cf. also Ibn Hajar , D u r a r ,   I, 339, II, 388 (and the note to the edition).

494

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I ' l  A n

 bio gra ph y. W e sha ll then dea l wi th sub seq uen t ev en ts un til our own time. We shall mention the insurrections, bloodshed, and (other) signs of the approach of the Hour, the Resurrection, and the terror of the Judgment. We shall describe all this as well as the happenings of that Day and the important, frightful things that  wi ll occ ur on it. W e sha ll desc ribe (H ell wi th its) Fi re and Pa rad ise  wi th the goo d and be au tifu l (things) in it, and rel ate d ma tte rs. (We shall mention) the relevant testimonies from the Qur’an, the sunnah,  and the transmitted traditional (149) information which  wa s ac ce pte d b y (religio us) scho lars, th e heir s of th e pro phe ts, who kindled (their light at) the lamp of the prophec y of Muhamm ad, the  bles sed and chos en bea rer of the pro phe cy.  W e sha ll on ly me ntio n thos e Isr ae lite stor ies who se tran smi ssio n  wa s pe rm itte d b y the Le gis lat or (Mu ham mad) , wh ich do not contradict the Qur’an and the sunnah  of Muhammad— that part of those stories which cannot be proved or disproved and which serves to expand information which we possess (only) in a very  bri ef form or to giv e a nam e to nam eles s (info rmat ion) whic h is referred to in our religious law (but) on which it would have been useless (for the lawgiver) to give us specific data. We shall mention those stories as a kind of ornament, and not as something necessary and basic and reliable, the reliable basis being the Qur’an and the sunnah  of Muhammad— whatever is transmitted in a sound and good way. Whatever is weak we shall explain. It is said in the Qur’an: ‘Thus we are telling you the events  wh ich to ok pla ce befo re, and we ga ve yo u from our own som eth ing to rem em be r.G od told His Prophet the past history of the creation of the world and the story of the nations of the past and what He had done to His saints and what He had visited upon His adversaries. Muhammad explained this to his nation in a satisfac tory manner. In each case, we shall quote the known Prophetical traditions, following upon the relevant verses of the Qur’an. He told us what we need of that (information) and (what) should be omitted as useless. There is much material which a good many Jewish and Christian scholars pursue and discuss (but) which is of no use for most people. Certain Muslim scholars, too, transmit that entire (material). We shall not imitate their example and not follow in their direction. We shall but briefly mention a little (of  ‘ Qur^an xx 99 (99 FI.).

495

TRANSLATION

that information), and we shall explain which part of it is truthful and agrees with our (other information), and what contradicts it and therefore requires disapproval. In the  Sah ih,   al-Buhari mentions the following tradition on the authority of ‘Amr b. al-‘As:^ ‘Muhammad said: Give infor mation on my au thority, even if it were a single verse, and transmit stories on the authority of the children of Israel. There is nothing  wro ng wi th th a t. ’ ^ ‘T ra ns mi t tra dit ion s on m y au th or ity bu t do not ascribe things to me which I did not say. Whoever does that intention ally will take his seat in the Fire .’ ®This tradition refers to the Israelite stories not criticized (by the authorities).* We have nothing to prove them or to disprove them. Their transmission, therefore, is permissible for purposes of instruction. This is what we shall do in this book. The information (from the Israelite stories)  wh ich ha s bee n pr ov ed b y our reli giou s law to be true (150) is superfluous for us here, since we can be satisfied with what we have. On the other hand, the information which has been proved by our religious law to be untrue must be rejected. It is not permissible to report it, except accompanied by an expression of disapproval and a declaration that it is not true. Through Muhammad, God, fortunately, made all other religious laws superfluous for us, and through His book, all other (religious)  boo ks. The refo re, we do not care for the ma ter ial wh ich th ey (the Jews and Christians) have, with its dou bts, errors, lies, supposititious additions, clerical mistakes, and changes which have made it altogether disfigured and altered. Our Prophet explained to us what  we nee d (of such info rma tion ). He com me nte d upo n it and mad e it clear. One either kno ws it or does not know it ,” ®and so on. (Ibn Ka tir’s) remarks about the transmission of the Israelite stories are excellent. It is the full truth.® How to verify and to transmit (this truth) has been the basis of the lengthy exposition

1 D. about 43/663 (cf.  E l, s.v.). ^ Cf. Concordance, I, 4 4 5 b g ; Ibn “^Abd-al-Barr,  Jami^ baydn al-Hlm ,  II, 40 (Cairo, n.y.); I. G o l d z i h e r , in  Revue des Etude s Jui ves ,  X L I V , 6 4 ( 1 9 0 2 ) . ®Al-Buhari,  Sahi h,  II, 372 f. K  r e h l ; cf. also Concordance,  I, 229ai8. The last authority in al-Buhari is “^Abdallah b. 'Ain r, and al-Buhar i does not have the sentence “Tran smit traditions . . .” For the very common last sentence, cf. I. G o l d z i h e r ,  Mu h. Stud ien,   II, 132 (Halle 1888-90). ‘ Ibn Katir: for which we have no criticism. ®Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  I, 6 f. * On the “Israelite stories” and hadtt   scholarship, cf. I. G o 166 (Halle 1888-90).

l d z i h e r

,  Mu h. Stud ien, II,

49 6

AS-SAHAWI’S 1‘LAN

in our work al-Asl al-asil fi tahrim an-naql min at-Tawrdh wa-l-In jU.^ The son of the hadit   expert ‘Imad-ad-din (Ibn Katir) wrote a one-volume supplement to (the  Bi dd y ah).  Ibn Hajar’s two-volume  Inhd^ al-gumr f i anhd^ al-'^umr  could pass as a supplement to (the  Bid dya h,  which ended with the year 767/1365-66, while Ibn Katir died in 774/1373), since the  Inbd""   begins with the year in which Ibn Hajar was born, the year 773/1372.2 Another supplement to Ibn Katir was written by §ihab-ad-din b. Hijji.^ He died when the  wo rk wa s in the dr aft stag e. Ta qi- ad -di n b. Qa di Su hb ah too k it, prepared a clean copy, and made additions to it. Other (authors of historical works of this type) are The historian Salah-ad-din Muhammad b. Sakir al-Kutubi adDimasqi,* '■Uyun at-tawdnh.  Sadr-ad-din Abu 1-Hasan ‘All b. ‘Ala’ad-din ‘Ali b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Abi l-‘Izz (?) al-Hanafi, the judge of Damascus and Egypt,^ said with regard to the work; The noble '■Uyun at-tawdnh  devotes Itself to the choicest ideas and notes. I’ve never seen anything black on white That excels the '■Uyun  in charm and dehght.  A l- Ku tu bi also wro te  Fawdt al-Wa faydt,   a several-volume sup plement to the  Histo ry  of Ibn Hallikan. He died in the month of Ramadan of the year (7)64/1363. Baybars al-Mansuri ad-Dawadar,  Zuhda t al-f ikm h f i ta^rih alhijrah.^  (A copy of the work) in twenty-five volumes is in the Mu’ayya diyah, and part of it is in the library of the Ibn Fahds.  As -S afa di sta nds alon e wit h his sta tem en t th at a c ert ain Ibn Ka ba r, a Christian secretary of Baybars, helped him write (that history).’ ^ C f .  IHan,   64, above, p. 359. ^ Cf.  IHdn   160, below p. 513. In the introduction of the  Inbd^,  Ibn Hajar himself states that the work could pass as a supplement to Ibn Katir as far as the events are concerned, and as a supplement to Ibn Rafi' as far as the dates of death are concerned. A two-volume copy of the  Inbd^  written by as-Sahawi is preserved in Istanbul, Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2942. ®Ahmad b. H ijji, d. 816/1413 (cf. G A L ,  II, 50 f.). The supplement to Ibn Katir is mentioned  Daw^,  I, 270. ‘ D. 764/1363 (cf. G A L ,  II, 48). ®D. 792/1389-90 (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  III, 87). * For the relationship of this work to Baybars’ history of his own times, at-Tuhfah almuluktyah,  cf. E.  A  s h t o r , in  Scripta Hier osolym itana ,  IX , 12 f. (1961). ’’   For Abu 1-Barakat Ibn Kabar (also often vocalized Kubr), cf. G. G r a f  , Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur,  II, 438-45, and  Recu eil Card inal Euge ne Tisse rant, I, 96 f. (L ouv ain, n. y. [1955]).

TRANSLATION

497

On the contrary, several biographers of Baybars have credited him with excellence, (151) decency, praying at night, and frequent reading (of the Qur’an). This makes it impossible that (Baybars) could have used (Ibn Kabar). Zahir-ad-din ‘A li b. Muhammad b. Mahmud al-Kazaruni,  Rawdat  al-arib,  in twenty-seven books. §ihab-ad-din Ahmad b. ‘Abd-al-Wahhab b. Muhammad anNuwayri,!  Nih dya t al-arab,  a substantial work in thirty volumes. Nevertheless, (an-Nuwayri) sold an autograph (copy) of it for (only) two thousand dirhams.^ (An-Nuwayri) himself, or someone else, wrote an abridgment (of the work). ‘Afif-ad-din al-YMi‘i,  Mir^dt al-jan dn— the title has been men tioned ab ove ^— , a useful, two-volum e work. Nasir-ad-din Muhammad b. ‘A bd-ar-Rahim b. ‘Ali b. a l-Furat ^  wr ote an ex ten siv e his tor y. Th e las t thr ee cen turi es (alone) were clean-copied (by the author) in about twenty volumes. The author's  wr iti ng end ed wi th the end of the ye ar 803/1400-1. I supp ose th at if he had completed the work, it would have come to sixty (volumes). The subject is dealt with in a very instructive manner, but (the author) did not know Arabic grammar well. He therefore used awful solecisms and very colloquial expressions. The work was sold in a draft copy and was dispersed. Judge Wali-ad-din b. Haldun, al-^Ihar f i ta^rih al-m uluk wa-lumam wa-l-Barbar.  (A copy of the work) is in the Basitiyah. It contains a valuable  Intro ductio n {Muqaddimah)   and consists of seven big volumes. One of Ibn Haldun’s students, Ibn ‘Ammar, praised it excessive ly. He said: “ Its introduction comprises all  bra nch es of lea rnin g, an d sim ilar sty hs tic pe rfe ctio n has not been achieved by anybody and cannot be attempted to be achieved ( ?).® Indeed, it is one of the works whose titles are not descriptive of their contents, such as the  Agd ni,   which was the name given to the work by its author (Abii 1-Faraj al-Isfahani), while, in fact, it contains information about everything; or the  Histo ry  of al-

^ D. 732/1332 (cf. G A L ,  II, 139 f.). * The information is derived from Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  I, 197. ® IHdn,   30, above, p. 308. ‘ D. 807/1405 (cf. G A L ,  II, 50). The opinion about Ibn al-Furat’s  His tory   goes back to Ibn Hajar’s cf.  Daw^,  V I I I , 5 1 . O n his work, cf. E.  A  s h t o r , in /fieroso^ymitana,  IX , 13-24 (1961). » This seems to be the most likely translation of the sentence. It could hard ly mean here: “ It does not leave anything to be desired” .

49 8

TRANSLATION

 A S -S A H lw f’ s I ‘ l  A n

499

Hatib, which he called  Hist ory of Bagdad,   while, in fact, it is a history of the world; or the  Hi lya t a l-aw liya '   of Abu Nu^aym, which  wa s the nam e giv en to the wo rk by its aut ho r, whi le, in fa ct, it contains a great many things. The religious leader, Abu ‘Utman as-Sabuni,i even used to say: ‘Satan does not enter a house in  wh ich the re is the  Ki ly ah .' ”  ^

quial. He wrote about two hundred books on history, of his own composition and not (of his own composition).^ Taqi-ad-din al-Maqrizi, as-Suluk,  in four volumes, as men tioned above .2  I wrote a supplement to it, at-Tibr al-mashiXk, in several volumes. Supplements (to the  Sul uk)   were also written  b y a num ber of scho lars , am ong the m Yu su f b. Tagribirdi,® in

(Ibn ‘Am ma r’s colleague Taqi-ad-d in al-Maqrizi also praised the history of Ibn Haldun. He said about the  Int rod uct ion : “Nothing like it has ever been done (before), and it would be difficult for anyone who might try to achieve something like it (in the future).” ^ He continued with this exaggerated praise. Ibn Hajar agreed with him only partially. He affirmed that Ibn Haldun had not acquired through his studies a precise knowledge of historical events {ahhdr), in particular those concerned with the east. This is clear to all who look at Ibn Haldun’s exposition.

two or three volumes. Other (authors of historical works of this type) are

Before (Ibn Haldun), (a history) was compiled (152) by Sarafad-din ‘Isa b. Mas'ud al-Magribi az-Zawawi,^ the commentator of Muslim. He began with the beginning (of Creation) and wrote ten books of (the work). Sarim-ad-din Ibrahim b. Muhamm ad b. Du qmaq, the historian. (His historical work) is in the Mu'ayyadiyah. He wrote the  Hist ory of Islam   ®and the  Histo ry of Pro min ent Me n,  the one arranged chronologically, and the other alphabetically. He further wrote a two-volume  Hist ory {ahhdr) of the Tu rki sh Dy nas ty, 2i Biogr aphy of  az-Zdhir Barquq]   and  Han afite Tabaqdt.  The (last mentioned work) got him into trouble. His works are useful, bu t the ir style is collo-

^ Isma'il b. 'Abd-ar-R ahman, d. 449/1057 (cf. G A L ,  I, 362 f.). ^ Cf.  Daw^,  IV, 149. On Ibn 'Ammar and Ibn Haldun, cf. above, p. 44. ®The suffix can hardly refer to Ibn Haldun. ^ As-Sahawi derived the Maqrizi quotation from Ibn Hajar,  Raf - al-is r, loc. cit.  (above, p. 370, n. 2). Cf. also Daw^,  IV, 147. The Maqrizi quotation continues in the as follows: “ It is the cream of knowledge and of the sciences and the pleasure of sound intellects and minds. It calls attention to things as they are. It informs about the rea lity of happenings and events. It explains the things that are, and refers to the representatives of everything in existence in a style which is more brilliant than a well-arranged pearl and finer than water fanned by the zephyr.” These commonplaces— which show no real appreciation of the contents of the  Muq addi mah— elicit this comment from Ibn Hajar: “ This praise is right as far as the Jahizian style and play with words of Ibn Haldun is concerned. Beyond that, it is only partially (in some cases, and not in others) right. The brilliant style, however, embellishes the superficial appearance of the work, so that we consider good what is not good.” ®D. 743/1342, cf. Ibn Hajar,  Durar ,  III, 211 f., whence the above information is derived. ' On the  Nuzh at al-dndm ft ta^rih al -Isld m,  cf. E.  A  s h t o r , in  Scrip ta Hie rosoly mita na, IX, 27-30 (1961).

 Al- Yus ufi. ^  Al-Fa yyum i.® His

one -vo lum e wo rk wa s in the posse ssion of

Badr-ad-(^n as-§adili al-Kutubi. Hilal b. al-Muhassin b. Ibrahim b. HilM as-Sabi’, who, in contrast to his father and grandfather, was a Muslim,® wrote a history in forty volumes. (c. Biographical works) ’ Or (historians) restricted themselves to biographies. (Authors of this type of historical works) are very numerous, for instance, Ibn Abi d-dam, al-Muqtafd   (?),^ his afore-discussed history. Judge Sams-ad-din Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Abi Bakr b. Hallikan, Wafaydt al-a^ydn,  a five-volume work which is  ve ry gen er all y co nsu lte d and util ize d. Ib n HaU ikan said th at in his  wo rk, he me ntio ned non e of the men aro und Mu ham mad and onl y  ve ry few m en of th e sec ond gen era tion . H e also men tio ned no calip hs, as there existed sufficient works on them, but he mentioned a number of excellent men whom he himself had met and on whose authority he had transmitted material or who were living in his time but whom he had not seen. He did not restrict his (work) to a special class, such as (religious) scholars, kings, amirs, wazirs. 1 The sources of this paragraph were, in the first place, al-Maqrizi and also the  Mu'-ja m of Ibn Hajar, cf.  Daw^, I, 1 4 5 f. 2  IHdn, 1 2 0 , above, p. 4 5 5 . 3 D . 8 7 4 / 1 47 0 (cf. G A L ,  II, 4 1 f .; W . P o p p e r ,  His tory of E gypt , tr ans. Ibn Ta ghr tBi rdt , I, pp. XV-XXIII, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1 9 5 4 ) . « Musa b. Muhammad, 696 - 75 9 (?)/i29 6 (97 )- i 35 7 (58 )  [c t. G A L ,\ l,   135; Ibn Hajar, Dwmr, IV, 381). His  His tory,   entitled  Nuzh at an-nd zir ft strut al- Ma lik an-N dsi r,  is quoted by Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  I, 270, 367, II, 52, 161, 404®Could he be the '^Ali b. Muham mad (after 7 7 0 / 1 3 6 8 - 6 9 )  who is men tion ed in G A L ,  II, 2 5 ? For “one-volume,” Ms. Leiden has “two-volu me.” “ D . 4 4 8 / 1 0 5 6 (cf. G A L , I, 323 f.). For the information about his conversion to Islam, cf., for instance, TB ,  X I V , 76 . ’ From the context, it is clear that here another subdivision of 15 starts, although the phrasing of the Arabic text would suggest a new subdivision of b. ®See above, p. 492, n. 4.

500

 AS -S AH AW t’ s I ‘L AN

or poets, but included all well-known individuals.^ He arranged his (work) alphabetically. In connection with each particular name, he started with the jurists, followed, successively, by the caliphs,^  boo n-co mpa nion s, poe ts, litt er ate ur s, an d secr etar ies. Po ets and the like are preponderant. A certain historian wrote a supplement to (the Wafaydt). Anothe r (supplement) was written by the Chris tian Fadlallah.® An autograph copy (of this work) is in the library of Ibn Fahd.  A cer tai n Ch ris tian eve n wro te a hi sto ry of eve nts. He beg an wi th the beginning (of Creation) (153) to the Prophet, upon him be peace. There, he used some apologetical remark directed to (his fellow Christians), so that they would not mind it (?).* He then continued (the work) to his own time. I have heard that the manuscript ^has a study note in the hand  wr iti ng of Ib n H aja r rec omm end ing the work . Taj-ad-din ‘Abd-al-Baqi b. ‘Abd-al-Majid al-Yamani made an abridgment of the original  [Wafayd t],  entitled  Luqtat al-'^ajldn almulahhas min Wafaydt al-a^ydn. Ibrahim b. ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz b. Yahya al-Luri al-Katib, who died in Damascus in the year 687/1288-89. The third, autograph volume of his three-volume work is in the library of the Ibn Fahds.  A bu 1-Hayr Sa ‘id b. ‘Abdallah ad-Dihli al-Bagdadi ®wrote many  bio gra phi es of pro min ent Da ma sce nes an d Ba gda dis .  A ll (of the se autho rs) are agr eed in cal lin g (the ir wo rks of this type) “ histo ry” [ta^yih).  Some (authors), however, called their  wo rks Tabaqdt,  such as Muslim, at-Tahaqdt.  (In this work, the author) restricted himself to the men around Muhammad and the second generation. In each section of these two (groups), he started with the Medinese, followed, ^ Ibn, Hallikan, Wafaydt,   introduction,. ^ The apparent contradiction with Ibn Hallikan’s own statement which was just men tioned may be explained by the fact that Ibn Hallikan included those caliphs who had made a name for themselves in literature, such as Ibn al-Mu'tazz. Of. already al-Yafi'i,  Mir^dt al-ja ndn,   IV, 194 (Hyderabad 1337-39). ®Fadlallah b. AbJ 1-Fahr, d. 726/1325-26 (cf. G A L ,  I, 328; Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  III, 233). ‘ Or should we understand that the author used the phrase “upon him be peace,” and not the customary phrase “G od bless him and make him prosper,” which is properly used for Muhammad? ®This may be the Wafaydt   or the Christian work. The remark on the Christian work and this paragraph are omitted in Ms. Leiden. Unless this is due to mere chance, it would favor the assumption that the reference here is to the Christian work. ‘ D. 749/1349 (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 134 f.). Ibn Hajar, or his source ad-Dahabi, is the source of the above statement. M. ' A  w w a d , in  Revue de V Acad emic arahe de Dama s,  X I X , 324 (1944). mentions ad-Dihli’s  Biogra phies of Bagd adis  among (partially) extant works.

501

TRANSLATION

successively, by the Meccans, Kufis, Basris, Syrians, Egyptians, and so on. He did not give biographies of the (persons he men tioned) but restricted himself to just mentioning them briefly. Halifah b. Hayyat. (The tabaqdt   work) is different from the  wo rk b y him me ntio ned befo re.  Ab u Ha yya wa yh .^  Ab u B ak r [b.] al-Ba rqi.^  A bu 1-Hasan b. Sumay'.®  Ab u 1-Walid b. ad-Dabbag, Tabaqdt al-m uhadditin.  Al- W aq id i,  Histo ry.  Ab u B ak r b. A bi Sa yb ah . Sa'id b. Katir b. ‘Ufayr al-Misri.  Ab u Musa Mu ham ma d b. al- Mu tan na al- Ba sri az- Zam in. ‘Amr b. ‘Ali al-Fallas[i].  Y a 'q u b b. Su fya n al- Fas aw i.  A bu Zu r'a h 'A bd -a r-R ah ma n b.

‘A m r ad- Di ma sqi an- Nas ri.

 A bu s-§ ayh .  A bi i Ab da lla h b. Man dah . There are others who wrote on history and the like. I wish to enumerate them (here) in alphabetical order, with the inclusion of some (authors) whose works I have mentioned before. This ought to be one of the two ways to have a complete list of historians, for those who want to have one. (XII— AN

ALPH ABETICAL

LIST

OF

H I S TO R I A N S ) ^

Ibrahim b. ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz b. Yahya al-Katib. Ibrahim b. ‘Abdallah b. ‘Abd-al-Mun‘im b. Abi d-dam. Ibrahim b. ‘Umar a l-Biqa ‘i. ^ This may be Ibn Hayy away h, Muhamm ad b. al-'Abbas , d. 382/992 {TB,  III, 121 f.),  who cop ied the Tabaqdt   of Ibn Sa'^ d. His biog raphy from as-Safadi was published by G. L e v i D E L L A V  i d a ,  Les “ Livr es des che vaux ” ,  X XX , n. 3 (Leiden 1928,  Pub lica tions de la Fon dat ion “ D e Goeje” , 8 ). 2 A p p a r e n tl y , A h m ad b . ' A b d a ll a h w h o c o m pl e te d t h e His tory   of his brother Muhanuaad and died in 270/884 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  V, 71). ®Ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  9th tab.,  no. 96  W C s t e n f e l d , has an Abu l-Qdsim Mahmud b. Ibraiiim b. Su mayS d. 259/873, called “the author of the Tibdq”   but in '^Ibar. II, 19 F. S a y y i d , he appears as Abu 1-Hasan Mahmud b. SumayS author of the Tabaqdt. * The following list is based maiuly upon that of al-Mas'udl in the introduction of his  Mu ru j,  I, 10-20 Paris ed. = I, 4-7 (Cairo 1346). An aste risc indicate s where al-Mas'^udi  was used . As -Sa ha wi ’s add itio ns can not mak e the lea st cla im to com plete ness . The list shows quite well how how as-Sahawi worked. Only a few of the names mentioned  by al-M as'u dl are om itte d. Wh ere ver poss ible, as- Sah awi add ed the fu ll nam e. Men like al ja h iz wh om as- Sah awi , in con tra st to the muc h earh er Ma s'ud i, wou ld not hav e cons ider ed historians are mentioned because they appear in al-Mas'udi. As-Sah^wi made an effort

502

a s

-s a

h  A  w 

I’ s 1 ‘ l  A n

Ibrihim b. Mahawayh al-Farisi who emulated the  Ka m il  of al-Mubarrad,i * cf. under Ja'far. Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Duqmaq. Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. ‘Arafah al-W asiti an-Nahwi Nifta wa yh 2 of wh ose  His tory   a]-Mas*udi said: (154) “ It is well stocked  wit h ele gan t sta tem en ts from the bo oks of the eli te and fille d wit h instructive remarks of the leaders.® Its author was the most tasteful critic and the most elegant writer among his contemporaries.” * Ibrahim b. Musa al-Wasiti al-K^tib. *  A hm ad b. S a ‘id b. Ha zm al- Mu nta jili .*  A hm ad b. Sa lih b. §M i‘ al-Jili.®  Ah ma d b. A bi Ta hir , * Ab u 1-Fadl al-Katib al-Marwazi, a genuine poet and outstand ing stylist. He is the a uthor of the following  ve rs es ;  A yo ut h mu st str iv e to ga in est ee m him self.  An ce str al prid e is no t eno ugh for him. The founder of a house is not like him  Wh o, as its las t des cen dan t, ma rks its end.  Ah ma d b. ‘A bd -al -W ah ha b b. Mu ham ma d an -N uw ay ri.  Ah m ad b. ‘A li b. ‘A bd -a l-Q ad ir al-M aqr izi.  Ah m ad b. Mu ha mm ad b. Ib rah im b. A bi Ba kr b. Ha llik an.  Ah m ad b. Mu ham ma d al -H uz a‘i al- An tak i, kno wn as al- Ha nqani. *  Ah m ad b. Y ah ya b. Ja bir al- Ba la du ri* the au tho r of the  Histo ry, the  Buld dn,   and the  Ans dh al-asrdf.  Ah ma d b. A bi Y a' qu b, or b. Y a' q ub , al-Mi sri. * Ishaq b. Ib rahim al-Mawsili. *

not to repeat Mas'udi quotations he had mentioned before. His main contribution is the alphabetical arrangement and the reference list of patronymics and gentilics at the end. The arrangement according to the Arabic alphabet has been retained here as it was in the list of local histories. 1 Muhammad b. Yazid , d. 285/898, or 296 (cf. G A L ,  I, 108 f.). ^ D. 323/935 (cf. GA L Supplement,  I, 184). His Ta^rih  is quoted in Ibn Farhiin,  Dtb dj, 242 (Cairo 1351). ®A Si'^ah allusion ? *  Cf. Yaqut,  IrM d,   HI, 50 (Cairo = I, 134 M a r g o l i o u t k  ). The nisbah  is distorted in the edition of the  I'^ldn  but almost correct in M s . Leiden. ®520-565/1126-70 (Ibn al-Jaw zi,  Mun tazam ,  X, 230 f.; ad-Dubayti,  Da yl Ta^rth Ba gdad, Paris ms. ar. 2133, fols. i5b-i6b). His  Hist ory  was used by Ibn an-Najjar,  Da yl Ta^rth  Bagdad ,  for instance, Paris ms. ar. 2131, fol. 66b (life of ‘Ali b. Hibatallah b. Muhammad), and Ibn Rajab,  Da yl tabaqdt al -Hand bilah,   ed. a d -D a h h a n and L a o u s t , index (Damascus 1370/1951).

TRANSLATION

503

 A bi i B ak r ^ b. al- Hu say n al-M ara gi. Baybars al-Mansuri ad-Dawadar. Tabit b. Sinan as-Sabi’.^ Ja'far b. Muhammad b. Hamdan al-Mawsili,® the jurist and author of the  Bdh ir,   a historical work, in which he emulated alMubarrad’s  Rawdah. * The afore-mentione d Ibrahim b. M&hawayh emulated another work of al-Mubarrad, al-Kdmil.  Al -H as an b. Ibr ah im b. Zu laq , A bu Mu ham ma d al-Mis ri.  Al -H us ay n b. 'A li, Ab u ‘A bd all ah al-K utu bi.^ Hammad b. Abi Layl&., Abu 1-Qasim ar-R§,wiyah,^ * a ve ry learned historian (antiquarian, ahbdri)  who was well versed in the battle days, genealogies, events, dialects, and poetry of the  Ara bs. Hammad 'Ajrad,® one of the greatest historians (antiquarians, ahbdri). Halid b. Hisam, Abu 'Abd-ar-Rahman al-Umawi, who was referred to by al-Mas'udi. * Halifah b. Hayyat.  Al -H al il b. al -H ay ta m al- Ha rta mi , the au tho r of the  Kitd b al-Hiyal wa-l-makdyid f i l-hurub  (on war ruses), and other works.* Di wu d b. al-Jarrah, the grandfather of the wazir 'A li b. 'Is^ ^— and the father of Muhammad who will be mentioned below. (Ibn al-Jarrah’s)  Histo ry  was referred to by al-Mas'udi as a compilation of a great amount of historical information about the Persians and other nations. *  A z- Zu ba yr b. Ba kk ar * al-Q ura si al- Ma kki , an ex pe rt in tra di1 other Abii Bakrs are mentioned at the end among the patronymics. Scholars such as Ibn Hajar vacillated between putting such names at the end or entering them according to the alphabetical order of the second element. ^ D. 365/976 (Yaqut,  IrSdd   VII, 142-45, Cairo = II, 39 7!. M a r g o l i o u t h ; GAL Supple ment!,  556). His  His tory is  quoted by Elijah of Nisibis,  Hi stor y, anno   320 and the following  yea rs. Cf. also abo ve, pp. 82, 122, and at- Ta 'al ibi ,  Lata^if, 68 f. D e J o n g (Leiden 1867); ar-Rasid b. az-Zubayr, ad-DaMH r wa-t-tuhaf,  239 f. H a m i d u l l a h (Kuwait 1959); Ibn alMatran,  Bus tdn al-atibbd^,  Ms. Army Medical Library; ad-Dahabi,  Histo ry of Isla m,  cf. J . D E S o M O G v i . in  JR A S,   1932, 833 f., 8s r. ®D. 323/934-35 {Fihrist,  213, Cairo 1348 = 149 F l u g e l , has no date; Yaqiit,  IrSdd,  V II , 190 f f., Cai ro = II, 419 ff. M a r g o l i o u t h ).  Al -M as' ud i’s re m ar k was quo ted ano nym ous  ly by Yaqut. * He is hardly identical with the person mentioned above, p. 478, n. 7, whose kunyak is not known and who is not known as a historian. ®Hammad b. Sabur, d. 155/771-72, or 156, or 158 {Fihrist,  134, Cairo 1348 = gi F l u g e l ; G A L ,  I, 63 f.). « Hammad b. 'Umar, d., presumably, 161/777-78 (Yaqut,  Irsd d, X,   254, Cairo = IV, 135 M a r g o l i o u t h ). ^ D- 335/946 (Ibn al-Jawzf,  Mun taza m,  V I, 351 ff.).

50 4

 AS -S AH AW i’ s I ‘ l  A n

tions and in genealogy and the h istory  [ahbdr)  (155) of the ancients, the author of the  Nasah Qurays. Sa'id b. Aws, Abu Zayd al-Ansari.^ Sa‘id b. ‘Abdallah, Abu 1-Hayr ad-Dihli. Sa'id b. Yahy^ al-Umawi. Sinan b. Tabit b. Qurrah al-Harrani.^ * Sahl b. Harun.^ * Sarqi b. Qutami. ^* Sadaqah b. al-Husayn al-Faradi.®  A l- ‘A bb as b. al- Fa raj ar -R iya si an -N ah wi al-Lugawi.®  A l- ‘A bb as b. Mu ham ma d al- An dal usi , wh o com pil ed a hi sto ry  beg inn ing wit h a bi ogr ap hy of the Pr op he t for al- Mu ‘ta sim b. Sumadih.^ ‘Abd-al-B&.qi b. 'Abd-al-Majid al-Yamani. *Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ahmad b. Yunus b. ‘Abd-al-A‘la, Abu Sa‘id al-Misri. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Isma‘il b. Ibrahim al-Maqdisi, later adDimasqi, Abu Samah. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. ‘Abdallah ®b. *Abd-al-Hakam, Abu 1-Qasim al-Misri. * ‘Abd-ar-Rahm an b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan, Wali-ad-din b. Haldun. ‘Abd-ar-Razzaq b. al-Fuwati. ‘Abdallah b. Ahmad (Muhammad) b. Yusuf, Abu 1-Walid b. alFaradi. "Abdallah b. al-Husayn b. Sa'd al-Katib. * ‘Abdallah b. Lahi'^ah al-Misri.^* ‘Abdallah (b. Muhammad) b. Mahfuz al-Ansari al-Balawi, the colleague of Abu Zayd ‘Umarah b. Zayd al-Madani.^®* ^ D. 215/830-31 { T B , I X , 77   ff-)“ D. 331/943 (cf. G A L , I, 218). ®D. 251/830-31 (cf. G A L S u p p le m en t   I, 213). *   Both names occxir occasionally with the article. His real name was supposed to be al W ali d b. al- Iiu say n. He is sai d to hav e liv ed in the tim e of al-M ansu r. No dat es are giv en in connection with this rather enigmatic personality. Cf. al-Buhari, T a ? r i h , II, 2, 255 f. ; F i h r i s t , 132 f. (Cairo 1348 = 90 Fl ug el) ; T B , IX, 278!.; Ibn Hajar, L i s d n , III, 142 f. ®Apparently, al-Haddad, d. 573/1177, cf. above, p. 83, n. i. « D. 257/870 (cf. G A L S u p pl em en t   I, 168; T B , XII, 138 ff.; Yaqut, I r S d d , XI I, 44-46, Cairo = IV, 284 f. M a r g o l i o u t h ). His father’s name occurs both with and without the article.

d

’ Ruler of Almeria, 443-484/1051-91 (Muhammad b. Ma'n al-MuHasim). * “b. 'Abdallah” in Ms. Leiden. * Al-Mas'udi mentioned his brother 'Isa. Cf. N.  A  b b o t t ,  St ud i es i n A r ab i c L i ter ar y P ap y r i I , 50-56 (Chicago 1957); W. Mae l u n g , Der Imam al-Qdsim, 6gi. (Berlin 1965).

TRANSLATION

50 5

‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Halaf, ‘Afif-ad-din alMatari. ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. ‘Ubayd, Abu Bakr b. Abi d-dunya, the educator of al-Muktafi bi-llah and a hadit   expert.* ‘Abdallah b. Muslim b. Qutaybah, Abu Muhammad ad-Dina war i, * th e au th or of the  Ma^ drif  other works, a very prolific author. ‘Abdallah b. al-Muqaffa‘.^ * This is the correct vocalization. One also finds the form al-Muqaffi‘, because he made and sold qifd\  th at is, baskets of palm leaves. He said: “ An author sticks his neck out. If his book is successful, he will be praised to the skies. If it is a failure, he will be drag ged through the mud .” ^ Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ is the author of the  Durr ah al-yatimah .  No work like it has ever been writte n in its field. (Ibn al-Mu qaffa‘) is even said to have been the author of the  Kit dh KaU lah wa-Dim nah.  In reality, he was not the author of the work but its translator into Arabic from the Persian. ‘Abd-al-Malik b. Qurayb al-Asma‘i. ‘Ub ayda llah b. ‘A ’isah.® * ‘Ubaydallah b. ‘Abdallah b. Hurradadbih, Abii 1-Qasim.— In the  Lis dn ,  he is hsted under ‘U baydallah b. Ahmad.^— Al-Mas‘udi said about him: “ He was a leading author who excelled in the sweet style. (156) Later authors followed him, borrowed from him, and imitated him most closely. His book on history is the most reward ing,^ most originally arranged, best informed work, and the most complete source of information about the Persians and other nations, their kings, and ways of hfe.” (Al-Mas‘udi) continued: “ One of his valuab le works is the one on al-Masdlik wa-l-mamdlik.”  * ‘All b. Anjab, Abu Talib al-Bagdadi al-Hazin, a hadit   expert. ‘Ali b. al-Hasan, Abu 1-Hasan b. al-Masitah. * ‘Ali b. al-Hasan b. al-Fath, Abu 1-Hasan al-KMib, known as Ibn al-Mutawwaq. * ‘Ali b. al-Husa yn b. ‘A li al-Mas‘udi. ‘Ali b. Mujahid. * ^ D. 142/759-60 (cf. G A L , I, 1 51 f.). ®This quotation is found in the  M u r u j, I, 20 Paris ed. = I, 7 (Cairo 1346), followi ng the criticism of Sinan b. Tabit’s work. Cf. also al-Wa§sa’,  M uw aS Sd , 4 B r u n n o w   (Leiden 1886). * 'Ubayd allah (sic Ms. Leiden) b. Muhammad, d. 228/843 { T B , X , 314-18). * Ibn Hajar, L i s d n , IV, 96 f. ® ?. M ur H j, I, 13 Paris ed. = I, 5 (Cairo 1346), has “ most careful.”

5o6

A S - S A H A w 1 ’s I‘LAN

‘All ‘Ali ‘Ali ‘Ali

b. b. b. b.

TRANSLATION

Muhammad b. Sulayman an-Nawfali.^ * Muhammad b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Karim b. al-Atir. Muhammad b. Mahmud al-Kazaruni. Muhammad al-Mada’ini.^ *

‘Umarah b. Watimah al-Misri.^ * ‘Amr b. Bahr, Abu ‘Utman al-Jahiz.^ * ‘Umar b. Sabbah, A bu Za yd * an-Numayri al-Basri, a hadit  expert, historian (antiquarian, ahhdri),  and author. He wrote histories of al-Basrah, al-Kufah, Mecca, and Medina, and other  work s. ‘Umar b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Fahd. ‘Isa b. Mas‘ud az-Zawawi al-Magribi.  Al- Q^s im b. Sal lam , Ab u leader.®

‘U ba yd * al- Ba gd ad i,

a reli giou s

Qudamah b. Ja‘far, Abu 1-Faraj al-KMib. Al-Mas‘udi said about him that he was a fine and outstanding author who expressed himself precisely and to the point. A look at his  Zah r ar-rabi'and al-Hardj   will confirm this judg ment. * Lut b. Yahya, Abu Mihnaf al-‘Amiri.® * Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Abi Bakr b. Ibrahim ad-Dimasqi al-Jazari. Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Yah ya al-Ku tubi, known as al-Watwat, Muhammad b. Ahma d b. Ha mmM , Ab u Bisr ad-Dawlabi. * Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-Muqaddami,'^ the author of the  Name s and Patr ony mics of Had it Scholars. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Buhari, Gun jar, the hadit   expert. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Farisi. 1

His work is repeatedly quoted in the

 M u r u j,   and

he appears as a transmitter in at-

Tabari and the K i t d b a l - A g d n i .   Since an-Nawfali’s k u n y a h   is Abu 1-Hasan  [ M u r u j , V , 4 Paris ed. = II, 51, Cairo 1346), is he identical with Abu 1-Hasan an-Nawfali, an authority  on western history, quoted by E. L e v i - P r o v e n 5 a l , Islam d’Occident,   15 f. (Paris 1948)? “ D. ca. 215/830-31 (cf. G A L ,   I, 140!). ^ D. 289/902 (cf.

G A L S u p p le m en t    I,

217). The

nisbah   “al-Ba sri”

in the

I H d n   is

almost

certainly incorrect. An unpublished doctoral dissertation on the Qisas al-anbiyd^   ascribed to 'Umarah was presented by I. B e n - D o r to the University of Rome in 1927. Cf. G. L e v i D E L LA V i d a , in Collectanea Vaticana,   II , 167 f. (Citta del Vaticano 1962,  S tu di e Te st i , 219-20). ^ D. 255/869 (cf.

G A L ,   I, 152 f.). G A L ,   I, 106 f.;

5 D. around 224/838 (cf.

wdrtersammlungen,   57

R. Sellheim, ff. [The Hag ue 1954]).

Die klassisch-arabischen Sprich-

D. 157/773-74, or before 170/786-87  [ F ih r i st ,   136 f., Cairo 1348 = XVI I, 41-43, Cairo = V I, 220-22 M a r g o l io u t h ; Ibn Hajar, a d - D u r i , Ba ht ft naP at ‘■Urn at-taMh,   35 f., 215 -31 [B eirut i960]). ’  D. 301/914 (cf. G A L S u p p le m en t    I, 278). *

I r S d d , 

93 F l u g e l ;  Ya qut , IV, 4 9 2 f.;

L i s d n , 

507

Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Mahdi as-Sahid.^ Muhammad b. Abi 1-Azhar ^ who wrote two works on history, one of them entitled al-Harj wa-l-ahddt*   The afore-mentioned Sinan b. Tabit said about him (?) “ He undertook a task which did not belong to (157) his special field of learning and for which he was not qualified. He wrote a book in the form of an epistle to a secretary, a friend of his. He started out with a synopsis of the scholarly discussion about ethics and the soul and its three parts, the logical, irascible, and concupiscent soul. He made some remarks about politics, following Plato’s ten-book work on the subject, and about the duties of kings and wazirs. He then proceeded to give historical information which he supposed to be correct, al though he had not witnessed the events (he described). Into this he fitted the history  [ahbdr)  of al-Mu‘tadid bi-llah. He mentioned his connection with the caliph and the old days when he was to gether with him. He then treated each cahph going backward, contrary to the historical-chronological order and the custom of the historians. Even if he had written a good work on history in the proper manner, he would deserve blame for venturing out of his own field and for undertaking something outside his own profession.^ He should have concerned himself with his specialty, namely, Euclid, conic sections, the  M ij is ti [Almagest   of Ptolemy), and circular bodies (cylinders), and he should have investigated the opinions of Hippocrates,® Plato, and Aristotle, and he should have talked about astronomical problems and celestial phenomena, about the natural humors, proportions,® compositions, conclusions, propositions, operations, compound (medicines?), and about phys ics as contrasted with metaphysics, the substances, formations, measurements of forms, and other philosophical topics. He might 1 H is H i s t o r y    is quoted by T B ,   I, 99 (identity?); Ibn an-Najjar, D a y l T a M h B a g dd d, Paris ms. ar. 2131, fol. 76a (life of 'Ali b. Yaqtin b. Musa). He is not identical with either of  the two men mentioned by Ibn Hajar, L i s d n ,   V, 37, because his k u n y a h   is Abu 'Abdallah. 2 Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Mazyad al-Busanji who was thirty  [leg .   eighty?) years old in 313/925-26  [ Fi hr i st ,   211, Cairo 1348 = 147 f. F l u g e l ) . His work dealt with the history of  al-Musta'in and al-Mu'tazz. Cf. also  M u r u j,   VII , 160 Paris ed. = 11, 360 (Cairo 1346), and F . R o s e n t h a l , H u m o r i n E a r l y I s l a m ,   85, n. 7 (Leiden 1956). D e S l a n e assumed that this Ibn Abi 1-Azhar was identical with the Ibn al-Azhar whose history is quoted in the biography  of Ya'qub b. al-Layt as-Saffar in Ibn HaUikan, IV, 301 ff., but cf. above, p. 72 and p. 73, n. i. 3  Acco rding to the tex t of the I H d n ,   the following criticism would refer to the work of  Ibn Abi 1-Azhar. According to the text of the  M u r u j  which, however, is not as clear as one might wish, it would refer to the work of Sinan. This alone is possible.

* I H d n \ m a ^ dm h i ; M u r u j : m a h a n at i h t. '• Or Socrates? • I H d n : w a - s - sa b ab ;

M u r u j : w a -n i s a b.

5o8

TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW I’ S I ‘ l  A n

thus have avoided failure and done something for which he was professionally better qualified. However, the person who realizes his own limitations and knows where mistakes come in does not exist and cannot be found.” * Muhammad b. Ishaq b. al-‘AbbS.s, Abu ‘Abdallah al-Fakihi. Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Muhammad b. Hilal b. al-Muhassin as-Sabi* al-Katib. Muhammad b. Ishaq * b. Yasar, the author of the  Raids . Muhammad b. Jarir, Abu Ja'far at-Tabari. Al-Mas‘udi said about (at-Tabari's)  His tory   that “it excels all other works in bril liance and substance, as it includes all different kinds of historical information, comprises a great variety of memorable data, and contains all sorts of knowledge. It is an extremely useful work.” (Al-Mas‘udi) continued : “ This is to be expected, since its author  wa s th e mo st ou tst an din g ju ris t an d div ine of his time , and he was in the possession of all the knowledge of the jurists of the main cities and of the experts in traditions.” * Muhammad b. al-Harit at-Taglibi, the author of the  Ah ldq al-muluk   and other works.* Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. Suwar (158), known as Ibn Uht ‘Isa b. Farruhansah.^ Al-Mas‘udi referred to him as having collected a great amount of information about events and happenings in pre-Islamic and Islamic times. His work ends with the year 320/ 932.* Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. ‘AbdallS-h b. Ibrahim, Abu §uj^‘ al-Bagdadi. Muhammad b. Halaf b. Hayy^n b. Sadaqah, Judge Abu Bakr ad-Dabbi, known as W ak i‘, * the author of the  Ahb dr al-qud ah; ar-Ramy wa-n-niddl)  and al-Makdyil wa4 -mawdzin.  This is a specimen of his poetry:  Wh en stu de nts come and wa nt some da y to lea rn Something to be immortalized in books, rU meet them eagerly and full of zeal, My ear my inkwell, and the pad my heart.^ 1 b. Farru^angah reached the height of his official career under al-Mu'tazz in 252/866. * The book titles and the verses are derived from, TB ,  V, 237. The first verse is transmitted in different forms indicating disapproval of written knowledge to be translated; “ When students come who have no knowledge except what is immortalized in books.” The  Kit db al-Agdnt,  XII, 138 f. (Bulaq 1285), quotes the verses as belonging to Muhammad b. BaSir ar-Riya 5i. However, they are attributed to Abu 'Ali al-Basir in Abu Hil41  al-'Askari, al-

509

Muhammad b. Halaf b. al-Marzuban, Abii Bakr, the a.uthor of  Fa dl al-ki ldh ‘■aidk atir man lahisa at-tiydb;   the  Hd wi Ji ‘■ulum al~ Qur^’dn,  and other works mentioned above,^ such as the  Passi onate  Inam orati   and the  Poets. Muhammad b. Halaf al-Hasimi.^ * Muhammad b. Dawud b. al-Jarrah, Abu ‘Abdallah al-Katib, the paternal uncle of the wazir ‘Ali b. ‘Isa. According to al-Hatib, he was acquainted with general history  [ayydm an-nds)  and the history {ahbdr)  of caliphs and wazirs. He is the author of well-known  wo rks on the se subjects.® Muhammad b. Zakariya’, Abu Bakr ar-R^zi. * Muhammad b. Zakariya’ al-Gallabi al-Basri. * Muhammad b. Abi Sari, Abu Ja'far.^ * Muhammad b. Salamah b. Ja‘far al-Quda‘i. Muhammad b. Sallam al-Jumahi. * Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Minqari al-Jawhari.® * Muhammad b. Sakir, Salah-ad-din ad-Dimasqi al-Kutubi. Muhammad Muhammad Muhammad Muhammad

b. Salih b. an-Nattah. * b. ‘A ’id al-Qurasi ad-Dimasqi al-Katib. b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahim b. ‘Ali b. al-Furat. b. ‘Abdallah (‘Ubaydallah) b. ‘Amr b. ‘Utbah al-

‘Utbi.6 Muhammad b. ‘Abdallah, Abu 1-Walid al-Azraqi. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-al-Malik al-Hamadani. Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. al-Hasan ^ al-‘Alawi ad-Dinawari. * His  wo rk end ed wi th the ca lip ha te of al- Mu ‘ta did . It (goes) fro m the  bi rth of the Pr op he t to his de ath and from the re to the ca lip ha te of al-Mu‘tadid bi-Uah. It includes the events and happenings of those days.  Ila tt ^ald talab al -Hlm,  Ms. Hamidiye 1464, fol. 6oa (in Istanbul), and al-Marzubani,  Mu^j am aS-Su’^ard^,  314 (Cairo 1354) = 185 'A   b d - a s -S a t t a r A . F a r r a j (Cairo 1379/1960). Cf. also al-Bayhaqi, al-Mahdsin wa-l-masdwt, 16 S c h w a l l y   (Giessen 1902). 1  IHdn,   108 and 103, above, pp. 433 and 423. *  Mu ruj :  Halid. A transmitter on the authority of Malik, named Muhammad b. H^lid al-Hasimi, is mentioned by Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   V, 153 f.? ' s TB ,  V, 255. *  Muhammad b. Sahl b. Bassam, an authority of Ibn al-Marzuban {TB,  V, 314)? But there was also a M uhammad b. al-Mutaw akkil b. A bi s-Sari al-'AsqalanJ who died in 282/89596 (as-Sam'ani,  Ans db,   fol. 390a)? ®He was the authority of a man who died in 329/940-41, cf. TB ,  IX , 3873, and an oral source of al-Mas'udi. * D. 228/842-43 {TB,  II, 324 ff., where the name of his father is indicated to be ‘Ubaydallah).  IHdn   has 'Um ar, instead of ‘ Arm:. ’  M ur uj : a l -H u s a yn .

510

Muhammad b. ‘All, Abu Suja‘ ad-Dahhin.^ Muhammad b. ‘Umar a l-Waqidi. * Muhammad b. Mahmud, Muhibb-ad-din b. an-Najjar. Muhamm ad b. al-Hay tam b. (159) Sabab ah al-Huras4ni. * Muhammad b, Yahya b. ‘Abdallah b. al-‘Abbas as-Suli. AlMas‘udi said about him: “ He possessed substantial knowledge and considerable learning. He produced ma ny and good wo rks.” * Muhammad b, Ya zid al-Azdi al-Mubarrad. * Muhammad b. Yusuf, Abu ‘Umar al-Kindi. Ma‘mar b. al-Mutanna, Abu ‘Ubayda h. * Musa b. Muhammad b. Ahmad b. ‘Abdallah al-Yunini.  An -N ad r b. Suma yl.^ * Hilal b. al-Muhassin b. Ibrahim b. HilM, Abu 1-Husayn as-S&,bi’.  A l-H ay ta m b. ‘A di at -T a’ i. *  W ati m ah b. Mus a b. al- Fu ra t b. al-W assa *. *  W ah b b. Mu na bb ih .*

 A bu ‘A ll b. al- Ba sri.  Ab u ‘U ma r as- Sa da fi al- Qu rtu bi.  A bu ‘U ma r al -K in di : Mu ha mm ad b. Yu su f.  A bu ‘Is a b. al-M unaj jim.^ Al -M as ‘ud i said th at (Ibn al-M una j jim ’s)  History used the information provided by the Torah and other information about the history of prophets and kings. *  A bu Ka mi l. Ibn Abi 1-Azhar: Under Muhammad. Ibn Abi d-dunya:* Under ‘Abdallah b. Muhammad b. ‘Ubayd. Ibn ‘A ’id:* Under Muhammad. Ibn ‘Abbas: Under.^ Ibn Qani‘. Ibnal-Kalbi:* Under.^ Ibn Miskawayh. Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ :* Under ‘Abdallah. Ibn Wadih: Under.® Ibn al-Wassa’ :* I believe that this is Watimah. Ibn Yunus: Under ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ahmad b. Yunus.

 Y ah ya b. al-M ub§.r ak b. al- Mu gira h al-Yazidi .® *  Y a ‘q ub b. Su fya n al-F asa wi.  Yu su f b. Ibrah im,^ the au tho r of the  His tory {ahbdr) of Ibra him b. al-Mahdi   and other works.*  Yi js uf b. Ta grib ird i.  Yu su f b. Qiz oglu , Si bt b. al- Ja wz i.  A bu Ish aq b. Su lay ma n al-H asim i.

 A l-A sm a‘ i: ‘A bd -a l-M ali k b. Qu ray b.  Al -U ma wi : S a ‘id b. Yahy S,.  A r- R iy a si :* Un der al -‘A bb as b. Fa ra j.  A s- Su li: * Un de r Mu ham ma d b. Ya hy a.  A l- ‘U tb i: * Un der Mu ham ma d b. ‘A bd al lah b. ‘A m r b. ‘U tba h.

 A bu Bi sr a d- D aw la bi ; * Unde r M uh am ma d b. A hm ad b . Ha mm ad.  A bu Ba kr b. A bi ‘Ab da lla h al-M alik i.  A bu Ba kr b. H ay ya n : Mu ham ma d b. H al af . *

 A l-F ay yu m i:  Al- Mis ri, the au tho r of th e  Zuhra t al-'-uyun wa-ja W al- qul ub*   A l- Y az id i: * Un de r (i6o ) Ya hy ^ b. al- Mu ba rak b. al-M ugir ah.

 A bu B ak r b. Ah ma d b. Muh amm ad, Ta qi- ad -di n b. Qa di Suh bah .  A bu Ha ssa n az -Z iya di.  A bu s-S^’ ib al-M ahz umi.

 A l- Y u su fi :

 A bu ‘A bd all ah b. H ar it— (Ab u Ish aq) ar -R aq iq al- Kat ib.^

1 D. 590/1193-94 (Hajji Halifah,  Ka sf az-zu nun,   II, 102 F l u g e l ). ^ D. 204/820, or 203 (cf. G A L ,  I, 102; Yaqut,  Irsd d,  X IX, 243, Cairo = Ma

511

TRANSLATION

 A S -S A H lw t’ s I ‘ l  A n

r g o l i o u t h

VII, 218 ff.

).

3 D. 202/817-18 (cf. G A L , I ,  109). * Apparently, Ibn ad-Dayah, the father of the well-known author (Ahmad b. Yusuf) Ibu ad-Dayah, for whose dates, cf. above, p. 409, n. 3. Yusuf’s close ties to Ibrahim b. alMahdi are known from the biography of his son. His  His tory {ahbdr) of Phy sic ian s  (identical  wit h the one cite d amo ng the work s of his son in GAL Supplement   I, 229 ?) is quot ed by Ibn Hawqal, I, 1 2 4 K   r a m e r s (Leiden 1938-39); F. G a b r i e l i , in  RSO ,  XX XV I, 246 (1961), and it was presumably the source of al-Qifti and Ibn Abi Usaybi'ah wherever they quote  Yu su f b. Ibra him . Cf.  E l,   2nd ed., s.v.  Ibn al-Daya. ^ These are two authors who were made by a s-Sahawi into one. In the list of patro-

(d. Works on dates of death) Some restricted themselves to the dates of death

{wafaydt).

nymics, as-Sahawi made use of 'ly ad ’s enumeration of his predecessors in the  Ma ddr ik, cf.  IHdn ,  lo i, above, p. 418 f. There, the two are clearly distinguished. 1 A h m a d b. ' A l i b . Y a h y a {Fihrist,  207, Cairo 1348 = 144 F l i j g e l ;  Y aq ut ,  IrSdd, III, 243 f., Cairo = I, 229 M a r g o l i o u t h ). His brother H arm died in 288/900-1. No exact dates about Abu 'Isa seem to be available. His work was extensively used by Abu 1-Fida’ in his pre-Islamic history. The title of the work was  Kit db al-B ayd n ^an ta^rih sin t zamdn al-'-dlam '^ald sabil al-hu jjah wa-l-burhdn,  and it is described as a small {latif)  volume on ancient chronology (at-tawdrih al-qadimah),  cf. Abu 1-Fida’,  His tori a Ante isla mica , 2 F l e i s c h e r (Leipzig 1831). The rhymed title which in this form is not known to the Fih ris t  may be a later addition. ^ Both men, the former apparently the famous transmitter, and the other the younger al-Kalbi, are not included in the preceding list. ®Apparen tly, Ahmad b. Abi Ya'^qub al-Ya 'qubi. As Ibn Wadih, he is mentioned IHdn, 1 6 2 ,  belo w, p. 515 .

512

 AS-S AHA Wt' s I ‘ l  A n

In the introduction of his  H ist or y}  ad-Dahabi said: “T he ancients did not bother with the proper fixation of the (dates of death). They rehed upon their memory. Therefore, the dates of death of many prominent men around Muhammad and subsequent (gener ations) un til close to the time of as-Sa fi‘i are lost. The more recent scholars then concerned themselves with the fixation of the dates of death of (religious) scholars and other (persons). They went so far as to establish (the dates of death) of a number of persons  who , as f ar as our k now led ge of th em goes, are (pr act ica lly) unk now n {majhul). This is the reason why the dates of death of many (practi cally) unknown (individuals) are preserved, whereas those of cer tain well-known religious leaders are not known.”  Au th or s of (wor ks of thi s typ e) are  A bu 1-Husayn ‘Abd-al-Baqi b. Q§,ni' al-Bagdadi, the hadit   expert,  who sto ppe d wr iti ng wi th the ye ar 346/957-58.  Ab u Mu ham ma d— and A bu Su lay ma n— (‘A bd alla h) b. Ah ma d  b. R ab i'a h b. Za br al -Ba gda di ad- Di ma sqi , the jud ge of Egy pt,^  who beg an his wo rk wit h the hi jra h an d sto ppe d w ith the ye ar 338/949-50(The reliability of) the two (authors) is suspect. Successive supplements to them were written by   A bu Mu ha mm ad ‘A bd -a l-‘A zi z b. Ah ma d al- Kin an i.  A bu Mu ha mm ad Hi ba tal lah b. Ah ma d al -A kfa ni who tre ate d about twenty years.  A bu 1-Hasan ‘Ali b. al-Mufaddal, the hadit   expert.^ Zaki-ad-din al-Mundiri, the hadit   expert, at-Takmilah li-wafaydt  an-naqalah,  a large, accurate, and very instructive work. The sarif   Tzz-ad-din Abu 1-Qasim Ahmad b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahm an al-Husayni.^

^ C f .  His tory of Isla m,   I, 17 (Cairo 1367). ^  A bu M uh am m ad ‘A bd al la h b. A hm ad , d. 32 9/D ec em be r 940 {TB, IX , 386 f.) (Jan. 941, a c c o r d i n g t o t h e  Raf^ al-isr ). H i s s o n A b u S u l a y m a n M u h a m m a d b . ‘ A b d a l l a h ( c f . G A L , I, 167) was born, as he states in his annalistic  His tory, in 298/910-11, and he died in 377/987, c f . I b n H a j a r ,  Raf^ al-is r, 2 7 1 H a m i d ' A b d - a l - M a j i d a n d I b r A h im a l - I b y a r i (C a ir o 1957-61).

Ms. Leiden has ‘• Abdallah, instead of “and Ab u Sulaym an.” Th is may be the original text. In this case, the statement that the reliability of “ the two” is suspect would refer to ‘Abdallah, who, according to TB ,  IX , 387, was not considered reliable, and Ibn Qan i'  who se on ly dis qu alif ica tio n wou ld be the fac t th at he was accu sed of “ con fus ion ” in the last years of his life {TB,  X I, 89). 3 D. 611/1214 (cf. G A L ,  I, 366 f.). *  His Wafaydt   were repeatedly quoted by Ibn Rafi^,  Munta hab al-muhtdr , Ta^rih ^ulamd^  Bagd ad   (Bagdad 1357/1938).

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The hadit   scholar §ihab-ad-din Abu 1-Husayn Ahmad b, Aybak ad-Dimyati whose (work) ended with the year 749/1348-49. Zayn-ad-din al-‘Iraqi, from (749/1348-49) to the year (7)62/136061. (Zayn-ad-din’s) son, Wali-ad-din Abu Zur‘ah,i from (762/ 1360-61)— the year in which he was bom— to the year of his death. However, his autograph copy which I have come across goes down to the year (7)87/1385-86 and has (only) a few scattered pages (for the time) after that year. The hadit   expert Taqi-ad-din b. Rafi‘ wrote a very instructive  wo rk on da tes of dea th. I arr an ged it.^ It is a sup ple me nt to the dates of death of the  His tory   of the hadit   expert ‘Alam-ad-din al-Birzali. (Ibn Rafik’s) work stopped with the beginning of the  ye ar (7)7 3/137 1-72 . Sih ab -ad -di n b. Hi jji wro te a sup ple me nt to it. The  Inhd^ al-gumr  of Ibn Hajar which began with the very same  ye ar (77 3/13 71-7 2)— the ye ar in wh ich Ib n H aj ar wa s bo m — m ay pass, according to (Ibn Hajar himself), as a supplement to Ibn Rafi‘ as far as the dates of death are concerned.^ I have written a substantial work on (dates of death) (161) which comprises the eighth and ninth centuries, as-Sifd^ min al-alam. I hope that its publication will be easy and successful.  A bu ‘Ab da lla h Mu ham ma d b. A bi 1-Jawad Qaysar al-Misri alQattan’s two-volume  Kit db Iltiq dt al-jawdh ir wa-d-durar min ma'■ddin at-tawdrih wa- s-siyar   contains mostly dates of death.  An oth er wo rk on th e da te s of de ath wa s wr itt en b y Ab u 1-Qasim ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Mandah. Ad-Dahabi said: “And I have not seen a more comprehensive (work) than that (of Ibn Mandah].” In general, the more recent supplements are more extensive and more instructive (than the older ones). The work of Ibn Zabr (being the oldest one, as was just mentioned) is the most povertystricken of them all.  A bu Ba kr b. Ta rh an sai d: “ I he ard Ab u ‘A bd al lah — Mu ham ma d  b. A bi Na sr Fu tu h b. ‘A bd all ah — al- Hu ma yd i— th at is, the aut ho r of al-Jam'- bayn as-Sahihayn— say: ‘T hree (kinds of) works of the ^ Ahmad b. 'Abd-ar-Ra him, 762-826/1361-1423 (cf, G A L ,  II, 66 f.). Th e work is his  D ay l   to ad-Dahabi’s ^Ibar  and also contains events. The Alexandria manuscript, of which there is a modern (1354/1935) copy in the E gyptian Library, Ms. Cairo Ta ’rih 5615, conteiins the years 762-80. ^  Sic   Ms. Leiden. The text of the edition would have to be completed to: “he arranged it (alph abetically).” On Ibn Rafik’s Wafaydt,  cf. E . A  s h t o r , in  Scri pta Hiero solymi tana, IX , 24-27 (1961). ®Cf.  IHdn ,  150, above, p. 496, n. 2.

514

 AS -SA h  A  w  ! ’ s   I ‘ L A N

science of traditions should be carefully pondered; ^ (i) Works on unsound (traditions). The best work on this subject is (the *-Ilal  of) ad-Daraqutni. (2) Works on names of the identical or a similar consonant skeleton. The best work on this subject is (the  M u'‘ tal if  wa-l-muMaiif   of) the amir Ibn Makul^. And (3) works on the dates of death of the authorities. There exists no work on the subject’— that is, no exhaustive work.^— When I wanted to compile a work on (the dates of death), the amir (Ibn Makula) said to me; ‘Arrange it first chronologically, and then a lphab etically .' ” ®Th at is, in two separate works. Both may contain the complete information, or only one of them. (In the latter case, the whole work) should fall into two parts, of which one should contain the complete in formation, and the other serve as an index. Under ^ayn, for instance,  we wo uld fin d: ‘ ‘Ikr imah, ^ the clie nt of Ib n ‘A bb as : Un de r such and-such a class of the men of the second generation.’ This would enable the student easily to find information about a transmitter,  wh eth er he kno ws his class or his nam e. A d- D ah ab i’s pro ced ure (in the  His tory of Islam )  shows, however, that (he wrongly took the expression “two parts” ) to mean that each class should have two parts, of which one would contain the alphabetically arranged names, and the other the events. He therefore added— after he had quoted al-Humaydi’s just mentioned remarks in al-Humaydi’s  bio gra ph y in the  Hist ory of Isla m   and after he had reported Ibn Tarhan’s statement that his teacher al-Humaydi was occupied  wi th the  fam^ bayn as-S ahih ayn   until his death and thus had no time for the planned (work on dates of death)— “This work of ours (that is, the  His tory of Islam ) is the happy solution.”®However (notwithstanding ad-Dahabi), the afore-mentioned explanation (of the expression “ two parts” ) evidently is the correct one.

* Ibn as-Salah, Yaqu t, and ad-Dahabl add taqdim (at-tahammum): “in the first place.” ^ Al -H um ay di’ s sta tem ent is quo ted up to this poi nt by Ibn as-S alah ,  Muq addi mah, ch. 60, p. 382 M. R  a g i b a t -T a b b a h (Aleppo 1350/1931). ®From the beginning of this paragraph to this point, the report of Ibn Tarhan, who was a pupil of al-Humaydi, was quoted by as-Sahawi from ad-Dahabi, Ta^rih al-Isldm, anno  488 (Ms. ar. Yale University L-612 [Nemoy 1176], fol. 296b). The words in parentheses are addi tions by as-Sahawi. The quotation from ad-Dahabi is resumed near the end of the paragraph (below, n. 6). Cf. also the quotation of al-Humaydi’s statement in Yaqut,  IrSdd,  XVIII, 284 (Cairo = V II, 59 M a r g o l i o u t h ). ^ D. 107/725-26, or 104/722-23 (al-Buhari, T a \ i h ,  IV, i, 49). ®Cf. also Yaq
TRANSLATION

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(e. Miscellaneous historical works. Travels)  A rec en t (aut hor) ga ve the fol low ing su mm ar y (cla ssif icat ion of historical writers); “ History was written in the second century  b y al -L ay t,i (162) an d bef ore him (?), b y Ibn S a‘ d in the Tabaqdt; in the third century by A hmad (b. Hanbal) and the two authorities (al-Buhari and Muslim), and an-Nasa’i; in the fourth century by at-Tabari and Ibn ‘Adi; in the fifth century by al-Hatib and §ayh  A bi i Ish&,q a s-§ ir§ ,zi; in the six th ce nt ur y b y Ib n ‘A sa ki r an d Ibn al-Jawzi; in the seventh century by Ibn Hallikan and al-Mimdiri; in the eighth century by al-Mizzi and ad-Dahabi; and in the ninth century by Ibn Hajar and al-‘Ayni, and countless  others.” ^ [Authors who wrote special works on weak and rejected (trans mitters of traditions) were Ibn Mahdi;^ al-Buhari; an-Nasa’i; Ibn ‘A di : Ibn Hibb an; and many others. The last of them was ad-Dahabi in the  M izd n al-iHid dl,  and, then, Ibn Hajar in the  Li sdn al- Mi zd n.‘^\ Ibn al-Jawzi® said: “ I have noticed that historians follow different purposes. Some restrict themselves to the story of the beginning (of Creation). Others restrict themselves to the story of kings and caliphs.  Ha dit   scholars prefer the story  of (religious) scholars.  As ce tic s lov e the stor ies of piou s men. Li tte ra te ur s are inc line d toward experts in the Arabic language and lore as well as poets. It is known that everything is worth studying, and rejected (histor ical information) still remains desirable.” Ibn Abi d-dam made a similar statement and mentioned the following works: The  Magd zi   of Ibn ‘Uqbah; the  Hist orie s  of Abu Ja‘far at-Tabari, al-Hatib, Sayf, and Ibn Wadih; the  Ka m il  of  A bu 1-‘Abbas al-Mubarrad; the *^Iqd  of Ibn ‘Abdrabbih; the  Ma *^drif^ of Ibn Qutaybah; and the  H ily ah   of Abu Nu‘aym. None of these authors missed the object he had in mind, in spite of the ^ This seems to be al-Layt b. Sa'd who, however, was earlier than Ibn Sa'd. ^ The author of the statem ent, whoever he was, does not seem to have been well informed about the early centuries. ®'Abd ar-Rahman b. Mahdi, d. 198/813-14 {TB,  X , 240 ff.). * The paragraph is out of order in the context. ®The quotation corresponds quite closely to the one quoted in the name of Sibt b. alJawzi in  IHdn ,  26, above, p. 302. Since the original sources are not available, it is difficult to decide whether both authors expressed themselves in the same vein or whether one of as-Sahawi’s attributions is not correct. • Ms. Leiden: ma^dnt.  Ibn Qutaybah’s  Kit db al-Ma^d nt   was published in Hyderabad 1368-69/1949-50. The mistake of reading ma^dni   for ma^drif   may be one of as-Sahawi’ s original text. A new edition of the  Kitd b al-M a^d rif   was published by T a r w a t ‘ U k a § a h (Cairo i960).

5i 6

 AS -S AH AW t’ s I ‘L AN

fact tha t (these books) stopped with the death of their authors— that is, there were many more years to come after their death— and a lot o f new problems similar to those trea ted b y them arose after they (had gone). I say: There is also much that escaped them  wh ich th ey did not men tion. There were also historians who combined in their works the choicest historical information with the best liked poems. Such  wo rks are the Tadkirah al-Hamduniyah;  Ibn Sa'id,  Rayh dnat  al-adab;  Ibn ‘Abdrabbih, al-^Iqd\  at-Tifasi,  Fa st al-hitdb;   and al-Abi,  Nat r ad-durar.^ In this connection, instructive works are the Travels {Rihlah) of Abu 1-Husayn Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Jubayr al-Kinani;^  A bu ‘A bd all ah Mu ham ma d b. ‘U ma r b. Ru sa yd ^— wi th wh ich the  Nid dr   of Abu Hay yan m ay be compared^— ; (163) and ‘Alamad-din al-Qasim b. Yusuf at-Tujibi.^ (At-Tujibi’s work) consists of three volumes, in which he followed the example of his predecessor (Ibn Rusayd) who had traveled about ten years earlier than he. Going beyond Ibn Rusayd, (at-Tujibi) added the biographies of his authorities in the East. (Ibn Rusayd’s work is called Travels.) It fills six volumes full of much instru ctive (information). I h ave studied and used them.® ( x i l l — T H E C H I EF R E P R E SE N T A T I V E S O F PE R S O N A L I T Y   c r i t ic i s m

)

The critical discussion of persons (connected with the science of traditions) has been cultivated from the period of the men around Muhammad on by an uncountable number of (scholars who were) guiding stars and lamps in the darkness whose light helped to repel perdition.’ In the introduction of the  Ka m il,   Ibn ‘Adi enumerated ^ C f .  IHan,   30, a bove , p. 307 f. ^ D. 614/1217 (cf. G A L ,  I, 478). ®D. 721/1321 (cf. G A L ,  II, 245 f.; M. a l - F A . s 1, in.  Revue de I’In stit ut des Ma nusc rits  Arabe s,  V, 31-42 [1959]). ‘ Cf. above, p. 454, n. 2. ®According to ad-Dahabi, al-Mu'-jam as-sagtr,  which is quoted in a footnote to the edition of Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,  III, 240, he lived until 730/1329-30. For his work, cf. also Ibn Hajar,  Dur ar,  III, 200, 263. * A s - Sa h a w i c on f la t e d th e i nf o rm a t io n a b o ut t h e Travels  of Ibn Rusayd and at-Tujibi  whi ch he fou nd in Ibn Ha jar ,  Dura r,  IV, ii i, and III, 240. He also took over the last sen tence in which Ibn H a j ar is speaking. The text of the  IHan says that it was at-Tujibi ’s ac count of his authorities in the East which filled six volumes. ’’ Huddn-raddn,  cf., for instance, Yaqut,  Irsd d,  I, 94 (Cairo = I, 25 M arg olio uth ); Ibn Zulaq,  Ahbd r Sibawa yh al-M isrt ,  31 (Cairo 1352/1933).

TRANSLATION

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many of them down to his own time. The men around Muhammad  wh om he cit ed wer e ‘U ma r, ‘A li, Ib n ‘A bb as , ‘A bd al lah b. Sala m, ‘Ubadah b. as-Samit, Anas, and ‘A ’isah. A ccording to Ibn ‘Adi, all of them marked as liars those who do not consider them truthful. (Ibn ‘Adi further) enumerated a number of men of the second generation, such as as-§a‘bi, Ibn Sirin, Sa‘id b. al-Musayyab, and Sa‘id b. Jubayr.i In comparison with later (scholars), there is little (to be said) about them, because there was little weakness in their immediate authorities. Most of (those authorities) were absolutely trustworthy men around Muhammad, and, if they did not belong to the men around Muhammad, they were mostly reliable anyhow. In the first period {garn)  which ended with the men around Muhammad and the oldest (group) of the second generation, there is hardly a weak (transmitter) to be found, except in individual instances, such as al-Harit a l-A ‘war ^ and al-Muhtar al-Kaddab.®  Wh en the firs t per iod {qarn)  had passed and the second period  beg an, the re wer e in the beg inn ing some we ak tra nsm itte rs am ong the members of the middle (group) of the second generation. As a rule, they were considered weak with regard to the manner and accuracy of their transmission of traditions. They were observed to ascribe traditions of the men around Muhammad to the Prophet himself, to transmit many traditions (ascribed to the Prophet) on the authority of the oldest group of the second generation, and to commit errors. An example is Abu Harun al-‘Abdi. ^  Wh en, wi th the ir las t rep res en tat ive , the per iod of the men of the second generation came < to its close > in the one hundred and fifties, a group of religious leaders entered into personality criticism. Abu Hanifah said; “ I have not seen a greater liar than Jabir al-J u‘fi.” ®Al- A‘mas declared a number of transmitters to  be we ak, and oth ers to be reli abl e. Su ‘ba h ®loo ke d into the pers on alities. He was very correct and would not transmit (traditions) from any but a reliable (transmitter). The same applied to Malik. 1 D. 94/712-13 (Ibn S a ' d , Tabaqdt,  VI, 178-87  S a c h a u and others; al-Buhari, Ta^rth II, I, 422). “ Al-Harit b. '^Abdallah, d. about 65/684-85 (al-Buljari, T a M h ,  I, 2, 271; Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  II, 145-47). 2 Al-Muh tar b. Abi 'Ub ayd, d. 67/686-87 (Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,   V, 6 f.). * ‘Umarah b. Juwayn, d. 134/751-52 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdtb,  VII , 412 f.). * Jabir b. Yazid , d. 128/745-46 (al-Buhari, T a M h ,  I, 2, 210). Abu Hanifah’s remark  was cit ed in conn ecti on wit h the  fatwd s  published by F. S a y y i d , in  Revue de I'Ins titu t des  Man uscr its Arab es,  II, 166 (1375/1956). * Su'bah b. al-Hajja j, d. 160/776-77 {TB,  IX , 255 ff.).

5i 8

as

- s a h  A  w  ! ’ s

i *l  A n

In that time, those whose statements were acceptable were Ma‘mar.1 Hisam ad-Dastuw^’i.^  A l- A w za ‘i.  A t-Tawri. Ibn al-Majisun .3 Hammad b. Salamah.**  A l- La yt b. Sa 'd , an d othe rs. The next class included men such as Ibn al-Mubarak. Husaym.®  A bu Ish aq al- Fa za ri.  A l-M u‘ af a (164) b. ‘I mra n al-Mawsili.® Bisr b. al-Mufaddal.^ Ibn ‘Uyaynah, and others.  An ot he r clas s in the ir per iod inc lud ed men such as Ibn ‘Ulayyah. Ibn Wahb. And  W ak i'. In their period, the two leading hadit   authorities, Yahya b. Sa‘id al-Qattan and Ibn Mahdi, also devoted themselves to the criticism of personahties. Those whom they considered unreliable have hardly a chance to clear themselves, and those whom they considered reliable are generally acceptable. The few about whom they disagreed are left to individual judgment. The (scholars) after them whose statements were Hstened to were Our religious leader, as-§afi‘i.  Y az id b. Harun.®  A bu Da wu d at-T ayal isi.^ » Ma'm ar b. RaSid, d. 153/770 (al-Buh^ri, T a M h , IV, i, 378  L).   Cf. N.  A  b b o t t ,  St ud i es 64 ff. (Chicago 1957), and M. J. K  i s t e r , in  A r ch i v Or ie nt dl ni , XX XI I, 233-36 (1964). K  i s t e r denies Ma'mar’s reputed authorship of the text of the papjTus published by N.  A  b b o t t and thinks instead of 'Abdallah b. Lahi'ah (above, p. 395, n. i) as its author.

i n A r a b i c L i te r ar y P a p y r i I ,

Hi§am, b. Abi 'Abdaimh, d. 154/771, or 151, or 153 (al-Butiari, T a M h , IV, 2, 198). ®'Abd-al-'Aziz b. ‘Abdaliah, d. 164/780-81  [ T B , X, 436 fi.). *  D. 167/783-84, or 169 (Y^qut, I r S d d , X, 258, C a i r o = IV, 135 M a r g o l i o u t h ). Cf.  A . J . A  r b e r r y ,  in The Islamic Quarterly, III, 20 (1957). 5 HuSaynx b. BaSir, d. 183/799 (al-Bubari, T a M h , IV, 2, 242; T B , XIV, 85 ff.). « D. 184/800-1, or 185, or 186 ( T B , X I I I , 2 26 k ) . ^ D. 187/803 (al-Bu hM , T a M h , I, 2, 84). * Appa rently, as-Sulami, d. 206/821 (al-Buhari, T a M h , IV, 2, 368; T B , XIV , 337 ff.; G A L S u p p l em e n t   I, 332). * Sulaym an b. Dawu d, d. 203/818-19, or 204 (cf. G A L S u p p l em e n t   I, 257; T B , IX , 24 ff.).

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‘Abd-ar-Razz&,q.  Al- Far yab i.^  A bu ‘A sim an-Na bil,^ an d othe rs. The next class included men such as  Al -H um ay di ®  A l- Q a‘ nab i.  A bu ‘U ba yd.  Y a h ya b. Ya hy ^. * An d  A bu 1-Walid at-Tayalisi.® Hereafter, the composition of systematical works on personality criticism and defects (in traditions) started. It was explained who  wa s rel iab le an d ve ry cor rec t, lik e a pil lar ; wh o was reli able , lik e an able-bodied young man; who was “soft,” like someone with a headache, who contains himself and therefore is reckoned among those on the way to recuperation; who was to be described as a person with a fever leaning toward reco very; who was to be described as a thoroughly ill person; and again, who was to be described as an ill person whose strength was failing and who was about to die— that is, the person whose traditions are invalid.®  Af te r the afo re- me ntio ned (scho lars), pe rso na lit y cri tici sm wa s in the hands of Ya hy a b. Ma‘in who was consulted about personali ties by several hadit   experts. His opinions and the expressions he used with regard to certain personalities therefore varied, exactly as there were variations in the judgment of jurists which led to the existence of divergent statements and views. The judgment of those  ju ris ts on leg al pro blem s (was give n) in the sam e ind epe nde nt wa y as that of Ibn Ma‘in on personalities.  Ah ma d b. Ha nb al bel ong ed to the clas s of Ib n Ma 'in. Se ve ral of his pupils consulted him about personalities. He spoke about them with justice and fairness, culture and austerity. Other discussions of personality criticism were by   A bu ‘A bd al lah Mu ham ma d b. S a‘ d, the se cre tar y of al- W aq idi , in his Tahaqdt.  (Ibn Sard’s) remarks are good and acceptable.  A bu H ay ta m ah Zu ha yr b. H ar b, ’ who se num erou s rem ark s ‘ Muhamm ad b. YUsuf, d. 212/827 (al-BuljM , T a M h , I, i, 2641.). * Ad-D ahhak b. MaWad, d. 211/826-27, or 213 (Ibn Hajar, Tahdib, IV, 450-53). * ‘A bdaliah b. az-Zubayr, d. 2T9/834 (Ibn Sa'd, Tahaqdt,  V, 368 S a c h a u and others). *   This is Abu Zakariya^ an-Nisaburi, d. 226/840 (al-Buhari, T a M h , IV, 2, 310), rather than Ibn Katir al-Andalusi, d. 234/849 or 236 (Ibn liajar, Tahdtb, XI , 300 f.). ‘ His im b. 'Abd -al-Malik, d. 227/841-42, or 226 (al-Buhari, T a M h , IV, 2, 195). * S o u rc e ? ’ D. 234/849, or 232 { T B ,  V II I, 482 ff. ). Cf. the edi tio n of his K itdb al-'-Ilm  by M. N.

520

a s

-s

a h

A w ! ’s

i ‘l

TRANSLATION

An

521

 wer e tra ns mi tte d on his au th or ity by his son Ah ma d an d othe rs.  A bu J a ‘fa r ‘A bd al lah b. Mu ha mm ad an -N uf ay li/ ihehadit   expert of the Jazirah, than whom Abu Dawud, as he said, had seen no greater hadit   expert.

Muslim.  A bu Da wu d as- Siji stan i.

‘Ali b. al-Madini who wrote many works on defective (traditions,  Hlal)  and on personahties.

 A fte r the m, the re wer e ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Yusuf b. Hiras al-Bagdac^ who wrote a

Muhammad b. ‘Abdallah b. Nu mayr ^who was called by Ahm ad (b. Hanbal) the pearl of the ‘Iraq.  A bu Ba kr b. A bi Sa yb ah , the au tho r of the  Mu sna d,   whose knowledge of traditions was miraculous and who resembled Ahmad in his learning. ‘Ubaydallah b. ‘Umar (165) al-Qawariri,® who, according to SMih Jazarah,^ was the person best acquainted of all he had seen  wi th th e tra dit io ns of the Bas ria ns. Ishaq b. Rahawayh, the religious leader of Hurasan.  A bu J a ‘fa r Mu ham ma d b. ‘A bd all ah b. ‘A mm ar al-M awsi] i, the hadit   expert,® who has good remarks on personality criticism.  Ah m ad b. Sa lih at- Ta ba ri, th e hadit   expert of Egypt, like  wh om the re we re few. An d Harun b. ‘Abd allah al-Hammal.® All these scholars were leading representatives of personality criticism. The next, immediately following class included men such as Ish^q al-Kawsaj.'^  Ad-Darimi.®  Ad -D uh li .9  Al- Bu ha ri. An d  A l- ‘I jli , the hadit   expert, who settled in the Magrib.  A fte r them , the re were  A bu Zu r'a h ar -R az i.  A bu Ha tim ar- Ra zi. - A  l b a n i ,  Rasd^il arba^,  103-49 (Damascus, n. y. [1385/1966]). ^  Sic leg.,  d. 234/848, cf. Ibn al-'Imad,  Sadardt,   II, 81 (Cairo 1350-51). ®He is mentioned, without a date, in al-Buhari, T a M h ,  I, i, 144; TB ,  V, 429; Ibn Abi Hatim ar-Razi, Taqdimat al-ma^rifak, 320 (Hyderabad 1371/1952), and idem, al-Jarh wa-t-ta^dtl.  III, 2, 307 (Hyderabad 1360-73/1941-53). Ibn Abi Hatim quotes the statement attributed to Ibn Hanbal in both places. According to ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  8th tab., no. 26  W tJ ST EN FE LD , Ibu Numayr died in 234/849. 3 D. 235/850 (Ibn Abi Hatim, al-Jarh wa-t-ta^dtl,  II, 2, 327 f.; TB ,  X , 320 ff.). * Salih b. M uhammad, d. 293/906, or 294 {TB,  IX , 322-28). “ D. 242/856-57 {TB,  V , 416 ff.). « D. 243/857-58, or 249/863 {TB,  X IV, 22 f.). ’ Ishaq b. Mansur, d. 251/865 {TB,  V I, 362 ff.). ®'Abdallah b. 'Abd -ar-Rahm an, d. 255/869 {GAL,  I, 163). * Muhamm ad b. Yah ya, d. 258/872, or 252, 256, 257 {TB,  III, 415-20).

Baqi b. MaMad.^  A bu Zu r'a h ad- Di ma sqi , and othe rs.

 br isk wo rk on pe rso na lity cri tici sm lik e A bu Ha tim . Ibrahim b. Ishaq al-Harbi.^ Muhammad b. Waddah al-Andalusi, the hadit   expert of Cordoba.^  A bu Ba kr b. A bi ‘As im. ‘Abdallah b. Ahmad.* Salih Jazarah.  A bu B ak r al-Bazzar.®  A bu J a ‘fa r Mu ham ma d b. ‘U tm an b. A bi Sa yb ah , a we ak (tra ns mitter himself), yet, a leading representative of (personality criti cism). And Muhammad b. Nasr al-Marwazi.®  A fte r the m, the re wer e  A bu B ak r al- Fa ry ab i.  A l-B ar di ji. ’^  An -Na sa" i.  A bu Y a ‘la.  Al -H as an b. Sufyan.® Ibn Huzaymah.® Ibn Jarir at-Tabari.  Ad -D aw lab i.  A bu ‘A ru ba h al- Ha rra ni.  A bu 1-Hasan Ahmad b. ‘Umayr b. Jawsa’.i®And  Ab u J a ‘fa r al -‘ U qa yli . The next class included men such as Ibn Abi Hatim.

a l

1 D. 276/889 (cf. G A L ,  I, 164). * D. 285/January 899 {TB,  V I, 27 ff.). ®D. 287/900, or 286 (cf. P o n s B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo,   49; GAL Supplement   II, 978, no. 64, referring to Ms. Princeton 2070 = 969 H). *   Apparently, the son of Ibn Hanbal, d. 290/903 (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   XI, 96 f.). ‘ Ah mad b. 'Am r, d. 291/903-4, or 292 (cf. GAL Supplement,  I, 258). * D. 294/906-7 (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 258, 305). ’ Ahmad b. Harun, d. 301/914, or two years later (cf. GAL Supplement   I, 949). * D. 303/916 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m,   VI, 132-36). » Muhammad b. Ishaq, d. 311/924, or 310 (cf. G A L ,  I, 193; Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m,  V I, 184-86 ; al -Y af i'i ,  Mir^dt al-ja ndn, anno  310). D. 320/932 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  VI, 242).

522

as

-s

TRANSLATION

a h a w  ! ’ s i ‘ l  A n

 A bu Ta lib Ah m ad b. Nas r al -B ag da di / 2ihadit   expert and the teacher of ad-D^raqutni. Ibn ‘Uqdah. ‘Abd-al-B&.qi b. Qani*.  A fte r the m, the re were  A bu S a‘ id b. Yu nu s.  A bu Ha tim b. Hi bb an al- Bu sti.  At- Ta ba r^ ni. An d Ibn ‘Adi al-Jurjani whose work on  Per sona litie s  is the final (authority) on negative personaHty criticism.  A fte r the m, the re were  A bu ‘A ll al- Hu sa yn b. Mu ham ma d al- Ma sar ji an -N isa bu ii ^ who  wro te a  Mu sna d mu'-allal   in 1300 fascicles.  A bu s-S ay h b. Hib ban .  A bu Ba kr al -I sm a‘ ili.  A bu Ah ma d al-H akim .^ An d  Ad -D ar aq ut ni who wro te the de fin iti ve wo rk on the kno wle dge of defects (in traditions,  Hlal).  A fte r the m, the re were  A bu ‘A bd al lah b. Mand ah.  A bu ‘A bd al lah al- Ha kim .  Ab u Na sr al- Ka la ba di .  A bu 1-Mutarrif ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Futays (166), the judge of Cordoba, who wrote the five-volume  D aW il as-sun nah   in praise {faddHl)  of the men around Muhammad. ‘Abd-al-Gani b. Sa‘id.  A bu Ba kr b. Ma rda wa yh al-Is bah ^ni. A nd Tammam ar-Razi.  A fte r the m, the re were  A bu 1-Fath Muhammad b. Abi 1-Fawaris al-BagdMi.^  A bu Ba kr al- Ba rqa ni.  A bu H ati m (?) al -‘A bdawi® on who se au th or ity ten pers ons wro te 10,000 fascicles. Halaf b. Muhammad al-Wasiti.®  A bu M as' ud ad-Di masqi .^ 1 D. 323/935 {TB,  V, 182 f.). “ D. 365/976 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Munt azam ,  VI I, 8i ; as- Sam 'au i,  Ans db, fol. 502a). 3 Muhammad b. Muhammad, d. 378/988 (Ibn al-'Imad,  Sadardt , III, 93). * Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad, d. 412/1022 (Ibn al-Jawzi, Mun tazam ,  V II I, 5 f .). ®Apparently, Abu Hazim 'Umar b. Ahmad, d. 417/1026 {TB, XI, 272 f.). « D. 401/1010-11 (cf. GAL Supplement  I, 281). ’ Ibrahim b. Muhammad, d. 400/1010 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz, 13th tab., no. 47

523

 A bu 1-Fadl al-Falaki ^ who wrote the  Kit dh at-Tabaqdt   in a thousand fascicles.  Ab u 1-Qasim Hamzah as-Sahmi.  Ab u Y a' q u b al- Qa rra b al-H arawi .^ An d  A bu Da rr al- Ha raw i.  Af te r them , the re wer e  Ab u Mu ha mm ad al- Ha sa n b. Mu ham ma d al- Ha lla l al- Ba gda di. *  Ab u ‘A bd al lah as-S uri. ^  Ab u Sa ‘d as- Sam ma n. ®An d  A bu Y a ‘14  al-Halili.  A fte r the m, the re wer e Ibn ‘Abd-al-Barr al-Andalusi. Ibn Hazm al-Andalusi.  A l-B ay ha qi . An d  Al -H at ib.  Af te r the m, the re were  A bu 1-Qasim Sa‘d b. Muhammad az-Zanjani.® §ayh-al-Islam al-Ansari.  A bu Sal ih al- Mu ’a ddin . Ibn Makula.  A bu 1-Walid al-Baji, a very learned man and great authority,  who wr ote on pe rso na lity criti cism .  A bu ‘A bd all ah al- Hu ma yd i. An d Ibn Mufawwaz al-Ma‘afiri as-Satibi.'^ Then, there were  A bu 1-Fadl b. Tahir al-Maqdisi. §uja‘ b. Faris ad-Duhli.^  Al -M u’ tam an b. Ah m ad b. ‘A li as-Saji.® Sirawayh ad-Daylami. And  W  u

s t e n f e l d

).

^ 'All b. al-Husay n, d. 429/1038, cf. as-Sam'ani,  Ans db, fol. 43ia-b. ‘Alt’s grandfather died in 384/995, His  Kit db al-A lqdb is quoted by as-Sam'ani,  Ans db, fols. 420a, 483a, 484b. 2 Ish 4 q b. Ya'qub (cf. GAL Supplement  I, 619). For a reference to his History, cf. Ibn Rajab,  Da yl tabaqdt al-H andb ilah, I, 65 a d - D a h h A n and L a o u s t (Damascus 1370/

1951)* 352-439/963-1047  [TB ,  V II , 425).

*   Muham mad b. 'AH, d. 441/1049 (cf. GAL Supplement  I, 281). * Isma 'il b. 'Ali, d. 445/1053-54 (Ibn al-'Imad ,  Sadard t,  III, 273). « Sa'd b. 'A ll b. Muhammad, d. 471/1098-99 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  V II I, 320; asSam'ani,  Ans db, fol. 279a). ’’   Tahir b. Mufaww az, d. 484/1091 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz, 15th tab., no. 10  W O s te n fe ld ) .

* D. 507/1113 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun taza m, IX, 176). He had begun to write a supplement to the  His tory of Bagdd d, cf. also as-Sam'ani,  Ans db, fols. 73a-b, 335a. “ D. 507/1113 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam , I X , 1 79 ^-; Ibn Hajar,  Lis dn,  V I, 109 f.). He

52 4

a s

-s

a h

 A  w

i ’s

i ‘ l  A n

 A bu ‘A li al- Ca ssa ni. i  A fte r the m, the re were  A bu 1-Fadl b. Nasir as-Salami.^ Judge ‘lyad.  As -Si lafi .  A bu Musa al-M adin i.  A bu 1-Qasim b. ‘Asakir. And Ibn Baskuwal.  A fte r the m, the re were ‘Abd-al-Haqq al-Isbili.^ Ibn al-Jawzi.  Ab u ‘A bd all ah b. al- Fa hh ar al- Ma laq i> An d  A bu 1-Qasim as-Suhayli.  A ft er the m, the re wer e  A bu Ba kr al-Hazimi.® ‘Abd-al-Cani al-Maqdisi.  Ar-Ruha wi.® An d Ibn Mufaddal al-Maqdisi.  A fte r the m, the re were  A bu 1-Hasan b. al-Qattan.’ Ibn al-Anmati.® Ibn Nuqtah. Ibn ad-Dubayti. Ibn Halil ad-Dimasqi.®  A bu Ba kr b. Ha lfu n al-Azdi.^® A nd Ibn an-Najjar. Then, there were  was the cop yis t of the Ch icag o m anu scr ipt of al -B ag aw i’s  Mu'-j am as -sahdbah  (above, p. 405, n. 3).

^ Al-H usayn b. M uhamrnad, d. 498/1105 (cf. G A L ,  I, 368). ^ Muhammad b. Nasir, d. 5 5 0 / 1 1 5 5 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  i6th tab.,  no. i  W u s t e n f e l d ) . He is often quoted by Ibn al-Jawzi as one of his authorities (cf.  Mun taza m, index to Vol. IX , p. 18); Yaqut,  Mu^jam   (cf.  W u s t e n f e l d ’s index), s.v.  Kamad b. Nasir. Cf. S. A. B o n e b a k k e r , in  Bib lioth eca Orie ntalis ,  X X II, 246, n. 3 (1965). ®‘Abd -al-Haqq b. ‘Abd-ar -Rahman , d. 581/1185 (cf. G A L ,  I, 371). ‘ Muham mad b. Ibrahim , d. 590/1194 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  17th tab.,  no. 6  W  u s t e n f e l d ).

‘ Muhamm ad b. Musa, d. 584/1188 (cf. G A L ,  I, 356). « 'Abd-a l-Qadir b. <^Abdallah, d. 612/1215-16 (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   X III, 69). ’ 'Ali b. Muhammad, d. 628/1231 (ad-Dahabi, Tabaqdt al-huffdz,  i8th tab.,  no. 10). ®Isma'il b. 'Abdallah, d. 619/1222 (as-Suyuti,  Hu sn al-mu hddara h,  I, 200, Cairo 1299). • Yus uf b. Halil, d. 648/1250 (ad-Dahabi, op. cit.,  i 8 t h tab.,  no. 12;  A . J.  A  r b e r r y ,  in The Islamic Quarterly,  III, 22 [1956]). Muhammad  b. Isma'il, d. 6 3 6 / 1 2 3 9 ( c f . GAL Supplement  I, 2 9 8 ; P o n s  B o i g u e s ,  Ens ayo , 284).

525

TRANSLATION

Zaki-ad-din al-Mundiri.  A bu ‘A bd al lah al-Bi rzali .^  As- Sar ifin i.  Ar -R as id (Ra sid- ad- din) al -‘ A tta r. Ibn as-Salah. Ibn al-Abbar. Ibn al-‘Adim.  Ab u Sam ah.  Ab u 1-Baqa’ HMid b. Yusuf an-Nabulusi.^ And Ibn as-Sabuni.^  A fte r them , the re were  Ad -D im ya ti. Ibn az-Zahiri. §araf-ad-din al-Maydumi.^ Ibn Daqiq-al-‘id. Ibn Farah. ^ U ba yd al- Is‘ irdi.® (167) Sa‘d-ad-din al-Hariti. Ibn Taymiyah.  Al- Miz zi. Qutb-ad-din al-Halabi. Ibn Sayyid-an-nas. Taj-ad-din b. Maktum. Ibn al-Birzali. §ams-ad-din al-Jazari ad-Dimasqi.  A bu ‘A bd all ah b. A yb a k as- Sar uji. Kamal-ad-din Ja‘far al-Udfuwi.  Ad -D ah ab i.  Ab u 1-Husayn b. Aybak ad-Dimyati. §ihab-ad-din b. Fadlallah. Najm-ad-din Abu 1-Hayr ad-Dihli al-Bagdadi.  A l- ‘A la ’i. 1 

Muhammad b. Yusuf, d. 636/1239 (Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,  X I I I ,

1 5 3 > E.I, 

2nd ed.,

s.

v.

al-Birzali). 2 D. 663/1265 (Ibn RafiS  Mun tahab al-muht dr, Ta M h ^ulamd^ Bagd dd, 50 f.). ®Abu Hanud Muhammad b. 'Ali, d. 680/1282 (ad-Dahabi, op. cit.,  19th tab.,  no. 12; Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 106, 411). His Takmilat Ikmdl al-Ikmdl   was edited by M u s t a f a J a w a d (Bagdad 1 3 7 7 / 1 9 5 7 ) . The Takmilah  is a supplement to Ibn Nuqtah’s (above, p. 4 4 7 , n. 5)  Ikm dl al-Ik md l,  a supplement to Ibn Makula’s  Ikm dl. « Muhammad b. Ibrahim, d. 683/1284 (as-Suyuti,  Bug yah,   5, Cairo 1326). ®Ahmad b. Farah, d. 699/1300  [G AL ,  I, 372). « 'Uba yd b. Muhammad, d. 692/1293 (ad-Dahabi, op. cit.,  20th tab.,  no. 6). His son  Ah ma d die d in 732/133 2 (Ibn H aja r,  Dura r, I,

197

f-)-

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TRANSLATION

 AS -S AH AW i’ S I‘ l  A n

 we re sev ere an d ve ry cor rec t in the ir req uir em ent s for rel ia bil ity . They impugned (the reliability of) a transmitter on account of two or three errors. If one of them considered an individual reliable, stick to what he said and consider (that individual) reliable. On the other hand, if he considered a person weak, look whether some one else agreed with his opinion. If so, no sensible man would consider that person reliable. He is definitely weak. If, however, someone considers him reliable, he is one of those to whom the following statement applies: ‘Negative criticism in his case is acceptable only if it is accompanied by an explanation.’ That is, Ibn Ma‘in’s statement, for instance, that he is weak is not sufficient (under the circumstances), unless the reason of his weakness is explained. Al-Buhari, or someone else, might come and consider

Mugultay.  As -Sa fad i. The sarif  al-Husayni ad-Dimasqi. Taqi-ad-din b. Rafi‘. Lisan-ad-din b. al-Hatib.  A bu 1-Asbag b. Sahl. Zayn-ad-din al-‘Iraqi. §ihab-ad-din b. Hijji. Salah-ad-din al-Aqfahsi.  W ali -ad -di n al -‘ Ira qi. The sarif   Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi, Burhan-ad-din al-Halabi. ‘Ala ’-ad-din b. Hatib-an-Nasiriyah, Ibn Hajar.  A l- ‘A yn i. ‘Izz-ad-din al-Kinani. Najm-ad-din b. Fahd. Ibn Abi ‘Udaybah.^ And  A l- B iq a‘ i. Th e la tte r two are of the sam e (ran k and time ). Th ose  be low (late r tha n) the m are ve ry infer ior.  A t all time s, the re wer e also oth er re pre se nta tiv es of pe rso na lity

(the same person) reliable. In these cases, opinions differ as to  wh eth er tra dit ion s of such a pers on sho uld be con sid ere d we ak or sound. It was therefore said by ad-Dah abi, that (i68) perfectly thorough critic of personahties: “ It never happened that two— that is, two of the same class— competen t representatives of persona hty criticism agreed on considering a weak transmitter reliable or on considering a reliable transmitter weak.” An-Nasa^i therefore followed the rule that no (one’s) tradition was to be rejected, unless all were agreed upon its (his) rejection. That is, each class of critics of personalities had one who was very strict, and one who was medium strict. In the first class, there were Su'bah and at-Tawri,  wi th Su 'b ah be ing the str ict er one of the tw o; in th e seco nd class, there were Yahya al-Qattan and Ibn Mahdi, with Yahya being the stricter one; in the third class, there were Ibn Ma'in and Ahmad (b. Hanbal), with Ibn Ma‘in being the stricter one; and in the fourth class, there were Abu Hatim and al-Buhari, with Abu Hatim being the stricter one. Now, an-Nasa’i said: ‘No one is to be rejected, as far as I am concerned, unless all are agreed upon his rejection.’ If, for instance, Ibn Mahdi considered (a transmitter) reliable and alQat tan considered him weak , he must not be rejected, since it is known how very strict Yahya (al-Qattan) and his like were in their criticism. The afore-mentioned exposition was approved by Ibn Hajar.

criticism who declared (transmitters) to be either feeble or sound. Those of an earlier age are more near ly correct and less sub ject to censure than the more recent ones. (Still,) the greater part (of the relevant information) remains unknown. This writer (asSahawi) is the author of many works on the subject. He has not, however, fully devoted himself to it, and he has not revealed all his information about the shortcomings of hadit   scholars and transmitters.  A d- Da ha bi dis ting uis hed se ver al cat ego rie s of tho se wh o cr iti  cally discussed personalities. “ There were those, such as Ibn Ma'in and Abu Hatim, who discussed all transmitters. There were others, such as Malik and Su'bah, who discussed a large number of trans mitters. And there were, again, others, such as Ibn 'Uyaynah and as-§afi‘i, who discussed individual persons." (Ad-D ahabi continu ed ?:) Each categ ory, in turn, has three subdivisions, (i) Some (representatives of personality criticism) * A h m a d b. M u h am m a d b . ' U m a r , 8 i 9 -8 5 6 / i4 i 6 (i 7 )- 5 2 {Daw^, II, 162 f.). Cf. H. R i t t e in Oriens, I, 386 (1948), who mentions manuscripts of the author’s historical works; 'A   b b a s a l -' A  z z a w i , at-Ta^rif bi-l-mu^arrihtn, I, 236-38.

527

(2) Others, such as at-Tirmidi and al-Hakim, were lenient. r

,

I would include here Ibn Hazm who said that at-Tirmidi, the author of the Jd m i\   A b u 1-Qasim a l-Bagawi, Ism a'il b. Muhammad

52 8

TRANSLATION

 AS-S AHAW !’ s   I‘LAN

as-Saffar/ Abu 1-‘Abbas al-Asamm,^ and other famous scholars  wer e (pr act ica lly) unk now n {majhul).^ (3) Others, ‘Adi followed a They all have and I hope that

finally, such as Ahm ad (?), ad-Da raqutni, and Ibn middle course. merited well in behalf of Islam and the Muslims, they will find the divine reward.

 An add iti on al no te : A stu den t of the dat es of de ath (of p rom ine nt men) was told the following verse: He always loved to note the date of someone’s death. One morn, then, he himself among the dead was noted.^  Ad -D ah abi said (169):  A stu den t of tra diti ons who lea ves free  A pla ce to add the dea th of a man like me— That student is not fair to me, for I  W an t him to liv e, and he wan ts me to die.^ Zayn-ad-din al-'Iraqi took over (the idea and the first hemistich) in the following  ve rs es :  A stu den t of trad itio ns hop es to see Me dead and to live in comfort after me. This is not fair, because I wish him here To stay, while he wants me to disappear.  Wh en Sal ah- ad- din IJal il as- Safa di saw the ver ses of his tea che r ad- Da ha bi, he addressed (ad-Dahabi) in the following verses in which he pretended to have before him (ad-Dahabi’s verses) in the handwriting of ad-Dahabi written upon something  bel ong ing to him :  Y ou r fri end does not wish {murdd)  that such an event should happen. Stay on like the sun that rises up high in heaven. It’s my good luck that you should live for ever.  Yo u nev er are dul l or bor ing whe n yo u dic tate .  As -Sa fad i sai d: (Ad -Da hab i) like d my use of the expr essi on “ Yo ur frie nd Qmltluka).'’  It is an allusion to the verse: Have someone disembarrass you of your friend from the Miurad . . .® 1 D . 3 41 /9 52 , c f . I b a H aj a r,  Lis dn,   I, 432, where Ibn Hazm’s opinion concerning him is mentioned. * Muhammad b. Ya'q ub, d. 346/957 (Ibn al-Jawzi,  Mun tazam ,  V I, 386 f.). ’ The sense, it seems, requires that this sentence should go with the previous category. *  The verse, with slight variations, is often quoted with reference to various scholars, cf., for instance, as-Suli,  Adab al-kuUdb, 1 8 4 (Cairo 1 3 4 1 ) ; al-Qifti,  Inbd h,  II, 1 5 9 (Cairo 1 3 6 9 - 7 4 / 1 9 5 0 - 5 5 ) (Ibn Yunus); Yaqut,  IrSdd,   V I I , 2 2 6 (Cairo = III, 7 M a r g o l i o u t h ) (Ibn Zulaq); Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   X I I I , 2 5 1 (Abu Samah, or al-Birzali ?), XIII , 28 (Ibn alJawzi). It is also found as a fly-leaf notation in historical manuscripts, cf. the Phot. Cairo Ta’rih 4 7 6 7 of Ibn Hajar,  Da yl '■aid ad-Du rar al-kd minah .  Cf. above, p. 55 . 5 Cf. as-S 3.faidi, Nakt al-himydn,  243 (Cairo 132 9/1911); also below, a nd, for the last ha lf  vers e, Ibn al-A tir ,  Kd mi l,  V, 35 (Cairo 1301). “ Th is is a famous hemistich from a poem of the seventh-century poet ‘A mr b. Ma'dikarib (cf.  Ag dni,   XIV, 34, Bulaq 1285) said to have been addressed to Ubayy (or Qays b. Maksuh) al-Mxuradi. In combination with the last hemistich of the verses quoted here in the name of ad-Dahabi, this verse was allegedly recited by ‘Ali b. Abi Talib when he noted his impending doom (cf.  Agd nt, loc. ci t. ; I b n S a ' d , Tabaqdt,  III, i, 22 and notes, p. 10; al-Mubarrad,  Kd mi l,

529

and, in addition, it recalls (my) name yalil.^  Al -B irz ali he ard the reh gio us lead er and Sa fi' ite jur ist Bad r-a d-d in 'A bd -al -L ati f b. Muhammad b. Muhammad a l-Hamawi “ recite the following excellent verses:  A stu den t of tra dit ion s, wis hin g to tran sm it Traditions when at last this world I’ve quit.  W oul d plea se me, if he ’d pr ay for me. So, I  W ant him to be ali ve whe n I mu st die. If kindly he says prayers for my sake. Inaudible reply the heav’nly angels make.

I am asking God to protect us from our own badness and the maliciousness of our tongues, to pacify our adversaries in their attitude toward us, to cleanse our corrupt hearts and intentions, to improve our actions to the very end of our careers, and, especially, (to favor us) with a blessed end and the preservatio n of our senses in good health. Amen. The author (of the work) said; (Here, the work) ends. Although I did not completely achieve my purpose, (it was clean-copied and) the clean copy finished in Mecca in Rabi‘ I or II of the year 897/ January-February 1492. The author and writer of this is Mu hammad b. ‘Abd-ar-Rahman as-Sahawi as-§afi‘i. 550 Wrig ht, Leipzig 1864;  Lis dn al-'-Arab,   VI, 222, Bulaq 1300-8; Ibn at-Tiqtaqa,  Fah rt, 121 A hlw ard t, Gotha i860). It was further put into the mouth of 'Ubaydallah b. ZiyM , (ad-Dinawari, al-Ahbdr at-tiwdl,  216, Cairo, n.y. = 251 Gu irg ass , Leiden 1888; Ibn al-Atir,  Kd mi l,  IV, 14, anno  60; Ibn Katir,  Bid dya h,   VIII, 154); of as-Saffah (al-Ya'qubi,  His tory, III, 97, Najaf 1358 = II, 432 H o u t s m a ; al-Azdi, ad-Duwal al-munqati^ah,  see above, p. 297, n. 3, beginning of as-Saffah’s reign); and of ar-Rasid (at-Tabar i, Ta^rth,  III, 690 anno  187; Ibn al-Atir,  Kd mi l,  VI, 72; al-Bayhaqi, al-Malidsin wa-l-masdwt,  547 S c h w a l l y ,  Giessen 190 2; Ibn “^Abdrabbih, "^Iqd,  I, 133, Cairo 1305; Abu Ahmad al-‘Askari,  Ma sun ,  214 'Abd -as-S alam M. Har un , Kuw ait i960). (Cf. also the references in A. Sa qr ’s edition of  Ab u 1-Faraj al-Isbahani,  Maq dtil at- Tdli bty in,  31, 99, 176, Cairo 1368/1949). 1 The verses of ad-Dahabi and as-Safad i’s reply were quoted by as-SaJjawi from Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II I, 337 f. 2 Is he identical with 'Abd -al-Lati f b. Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Hamawi, d. 710/1310II (Ibn Hajar,  Dura r,  II, 409)?

Rosenthal,

History of Muslim Historiography 

34

TRANSLATION

531

2— T R A N S L A T IO N (204) History is the knowledge of the conditions of (national or religious) groups, their countries, laws and customs, the crafts practiced by their individual members, their genealogies and dates

CHAPTER TWELVE

t

 A s

k  O p r u z  A d e h

o n

h i st o r io g r a ph y  

and others. 1 The purpose of it is to became acquainted with the conditions

I — I N TR O D U C T IO N The sixteenth-century historian, TaskopriizMeh (d. 968/1561), is the author of a large and badly organized encyclopedia, entitled  Mi ftdh as-sa*-ddah.  Its sections on history may be considered a late reflex of the research on historiography which had found literary expression in the monographs of al-Kafiyaji and as-Sahawi. For this reason, Taskopruzadeh’s remarks may find a place here. In themselves they are unimportant. They are an indication of the decay of the living acquaintance with the great literary tradition of Islam. It should, however, be noted that during Taskopruzadeh’s lifetime, a reawakening of the interest in and the occupation with history was beginning to make itself felt among the Ottoman Turks. Taskopriizadeh deals with history on two occasions in his work. This appears to be the result of the ambiguous position which histo riography has always occupied in Mushm learning. In the one case, the author considers historical works in connection with adab  works.^ Th e mor e int ere stin g disc ussi on is th at of hi sto ry as one of the functions of language.^  A ce nt ur y lat er, H aj ji Ha lifa h (d. 1067/16 57) de vo te d a long section of his great bibliographical dictionary to historiography.® He quotes the introductory paragraph of Taskopruzadeh’s treat ment of history but rejects his dichotomy of historiography and sub division of historical works. His remarks are prefaced by a definition of the word ta^rih.  Reference is made to the author's  Fad laka h, apparently his lost ^ Fadl akat aqwdl al-ahydr f i Him at-ta^rih wa-lahbdr,  which might have contained valuable remarks on histo riography. '  M if tdl} , as- sa^ ddah , I, 232-35 (Hyderabad 1329-56). • Op. cit., I, 204-19. “

K a S f a z -z u n u n , II, 95-170 F l C g G A L S u p p le m en t , II, 636.

* C f.

e l

; I, 211-333  Y  a

l t k a y a

of death, etc. The object of history is the conditions of the individuals of the past, such as prophets, saints, scholars, sages, poets, kings, sultans,

-B

e l g e

(Istanbul 1941-43).

of the past. The usefulness of history is (the opportunity that it affords) to leam from those conditions, to seek advice in them, and to form the habit of experience through acquaintance with the vi cissitudes of time. This will serve as a protection against damages similar to those reported (from the past) and as a means to produce similar benefits. History has been said to constitute an additional life for (its) students and (to give) in its domain enjoyment of profits  wh ich (othe rwise ) com e (only) to trav ele rs.  Am on g the bo ok on hi sto ry, the re are The  Hist ory   of Ibn Katir .. (205). ..^ The  Hist ory   of at-T ab ari.. (206).. The history of Ibn al-Atir al-Jazari, entitled al-Kdmil,  a fine  b o o k .. (20 7) .. The h istory of Ibn al-Jawz i, several volum es . . . (entitled) al Mun taza m f t tawdrih al-umam,   a larg e wor k . . (208) .. The  Mir^dt az-zamdn   of Sibt b. al-Jaw zi . . . Ibn Hallika n said: “ I have seen the  Mir^dt az-zamdn  in his handwriting in forty vol1 Taskopriizadeh is quoted in part by SaCaqlizadeh (cf. G A L , II, 370) who wrote his in 1128/1716 (cf. the Istanbul m,anuscript, Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2682, fol. 46a; the manuscript is dated, on fol. 63b, ‘in 1144/1732). Sacaqlizadeh does not mention histo ry in the brief enumeration of the sciences at the beginning of his work, but later on he refers to Him at-ta^rth (fols. 31a ff.). He quotes al-Ju rjani from his commentary on as-Sakkaki’s  M i ft dh to the effect that history forms part of conversational knowledge {muhddardi). 'Ali al-Qari’s Gloss to the Commentary on the Nuhabah {oi  Ibn Hajar, cf. G A L , I, 359) is quote d as definin g “ta^rih as making known the time of events.” Sacaqlizadeh adds that works containing stories are called historical  wor ks, bec ause th ey con tain an ind icat ion of the time whe n the stor ies too k plac e. His tori es of transmitters are needed by hadtt  scholars. Stories about prophets and pious men are instructive. Other stories, such as those about raids, inspire courage. Others, again, are pleasant to listen to, such as, for instance, the  Sd hn dm ah . ^ Here as well as in the other passages omitted in the translation, Taskopriizadeh has  bio gra ph ica l det ails.

Tarttb al-^ulum

53 2

TASKOPRUZADEH ON HISTORIOGRAPHY 

umes.” 1 I say : I have seen it in eight volumes, but th ey were big ones in a small handwriting. The  His tory   of .. (209) .. Ibn Hallikan . .. I have seen it in five  vol um es in the au th or ’s own ha ndw riti ng. The  His tory   of Ibn Hajar, in two volumes, and another history  by him ,  Inhd'' al-gumr f i anhd^ al-'^umr,  in two volumes. He also  wro te ad-Durar al-kdm inah fi a'-ydn al-mi^ah at-tdminah  . . (2 10). . The  Hist ory   of Salah-ad-din as-Safadi, in his own handwriting, more than fifty volumes.... The  His tory   of Jalal-ad-din as-Suyuti, in three volumes. He also  wr ote the Classes of the Grammarians,  in two volumes, etc. The  Hist ory   of al-Hatib al-Bagdadi, in ten volumes.. . . The  Supp leme nt   to the  Histo ry of Bagddd  by . .. Ibn an-Najjar .. (211) . . It comes in thirty volu mes .. .. The history of Abia Sa‘d as-Sam‘a n i.. . (that is), the  Supp leme nt  to the  His tory of Bagddd   by Abu Bakr [b.] al-Hatib, in fifteen  vol um es; the  Hist ory of Marw,   in more than twenty volumes; further, the  Ans dh,   about eight volumes, which was abridged and corrected by ‘Izz-ad-din (b. al-Atir) in three volumes. . . The  Supp leme nt   to the  Hist ory {of Bagddd)  by ad-Dubayti .. (212) . . He also wro te a  Hist ory of Wd sit . .. . One of the greatest histories is the historical work of ad-Dahabi  wh ich cons ists of thre e bo oks : Th e Great History,  the medium one, entitled al-'-Ihar',^ and the small one, entitled  Duw al a l-Is ldm . . . The  Kit db al-Bdri^ {fi ahhdr as-su'-ard^ al-muwalladin )   of Harun  b. ‘A li b — al -M un a jji m .. (213) . ., the Yatimat ad-dahr of at- Ta ‘Mi bi . . . , the  Dum yat al-Qasr of al-Ba harzi .. (214) the  Zi na t  ad-dahr  of al-H azir i . . ., th e Ta^rih haridat al-qasr wa-jaridat al'■asr of the Tm M al-Isbahani .. (215) a supplement to the  Zi na t ad-dahr  of al-Haziri, in ten volumes. . . . He also wrote  Kit dh al-Bar q as-Sa'^mi,  in seven volumes, a historical work; al-Fath al-Qussi fi l-fath al-Qudsi,   in two volumes; and as-Sayl ^ald addayl,  a supplement to the  Hari dat al-q asr.  .. .^ The  Hist ory   of Chief Judge al-‘Ayni, said to consist of sixty  vol um es .. (216) .. The  Hist ory  of the hadit   expert Ibn ‘Asakir, in fifty-seven vol umes. . . . He composed useful works. He com posed the Great  1 Ibn * Ed. ®The (life of

IJallikan, IV, 122 f. trans. D e S l a n e . S . a l -M u n a j j i d (Kuwait i960-).  Say l   is quoted by Ibn al-^Adim,  Bug yat at-talab,  Paris ms. ar. 2138, fol. 147b al-Asraf b. al-A'azz).

TRANSLATION

533

 Hist ory of Dam ascus ,  in eighty volumes in his own handwriting, an astonishing work. It has been said that he perhaps collected (the material for) it when he first began to think. Otherwise a life time wo uld not be sufficient to work it up. (217). . . .^ The  His tory of Egy pt   by Abu Sa‘id ‘Abd-ar-Rahman b. Ahmad . . . . He compiled two histories of Egypt, a large one concerned  wi th the Eg yp tia ns the mse lve s and a sma ll one con cer ned wit h the foreigners (who came to Egypt). Supplements to both of them were  wr itt en b y Ab u 1-Qasim Yahya b. ‘Ali al-Hadrami (b. at-Tahhan) ....  A ve ry acc ura te, good , st yl is tic al ly ve ry at tr ac tiv e, and, bec aus e it stresses the important things, very useful history is the  Histo ry of al-Yaf i‘i, in two large volumes . . . . (218) Historical works are innumerable. However, if one has those  wh ich I ha ve me ntio ned , it is all th at is nec ess ary . If one desire s to go deeper into historical studies, there are (A list of thirty-six titles, comprising world histories, histories of scholars, sages, and, in particular, histories of cities and countries.) The historical works in the (219) Persian language are innumer able. Because the (material) mentioned is sufficient, it is super fluous for us to mention them. (232) The stories of pious men are one of th e branches of history and conversational knowledge. A group (of scholars) occupied themselves with the conditions of pious and good men and wrote monographs on them. The object, goal, and purpose of this branch of history are obvious. Its usefulness is clearly of the greatest. Ibn al-Jawzi wrote on this subject the  Kit dh Safwat as-safwah,   and al Y M i' i the  Kitd h Rawd ar-rayd hin f i hikd ydt al-ahrdr wa-s-sd lihin, and (there are) other books. The historical information about the prophets is one of the  bra nch es of his tor y. Sch ola rs occ upi ed the ms elv es wi th thi s wo rth   whi le sub je ct and wro te sys tem ati c mo nog rap hs on it (233), for instance, the Qisas al-anhiyd'^  by Ibn al-Jawzi, etc. The raids and the works on the biography of Muhammad also are a branch of history. Scholars wrote many books on the subject. 1 Cf. Ibn Hallikan, II, 253 trans.

De

Slane.

534

TRANSLATION

TASKOPRUZADEH ON HISTORIOGRAPHY 

for instance, the  Sira h  of Ibn Hisam, the  Sir ah  of Ibn Ishaq, the  Sir ah of Mugultay, etc. The object of these two branches of learning, their usefulness, goal, and purpose are clear to everybody. The history of the caliphs is also a branch of history. Some (scholar)s wrote monograph(s) on the histor y of the four caliphs, Ab u Bakr, ‘Umar, ‘Utman, and ‘All. They deserve all attention. Others combined the history of the Umayyads and the ‘Abbasids with the four caliphs, because it is so very instructive. In this field, there exist great works which are well known to thorough scholars, for instance, the Tuh fat az-zurafd^ f i tawdrih al-hulafd\^ (The classes of Qur’an readers are not described as a branch of history, though certainly considered to be one.)

535

The classes of grammarians. Many (scholars) wrote on them, such as Yaqut al-Hamawi, Majd-ad-din as-§irazi,i Salah-ad-din as-Safadi, Jalal-ad-din as-Suyuti, and (there are) other books. (235) The classes of the sages. Many occupied themselves with this subject, among them [as-]Sa'id, a well-known sage, who wrote < . . . > ^ th e  Kit dh Sin wdn al-hikm ah  on the subject. I saw it in my early manhood, but I have forgotten the name of the author. It is an interesting {latif)  book. The classes of physicians. Scholars wrote on this subject. I have seen a book on the subject, entitled "-Uyun al-anhd^ f i tabaqdt  al-atibhd^  (by Ibn Abi Usaybi^ah).  A ll the se me ntio ned clas s wo rks are bra nch es of his tor y. Th eir respective object, goal, purpose, and usefulness are obvious to the student of these disciplines.

The classes of Qur’an interpreters are a branch of history in which there exist great works. The classes of hadit   scholars, a branch of history in which there exist great works. (234)

1 Al-Firuz&badi, whose B u l g a h is meant here, cf.  IHdn ,  103, above, p. 423. * In  M i ft dh as-s a^d dah , I, 218, Sa'id b. Ahmad al-Andalusi’s Ta^Hh al-hukamd^ (that is, the Tabaqdt al-umam) and an anonymous Ta^rih sinwdn al-hikmah (that is, the famous work of Abu Sulayman Muhammad b. Tahir as-SijistSni and its Tatimmah  by al- Ba yh aqi ) are listed as separate works. Here, they appear to have been conflated by the author. H&jji  ya li fa h ’s inf orm atio n (cf. G A L S u p pl em e n t   I, 586) was certainly derived from JaSkopriizadeh.

(The biographies of the men around Muhammad and the second generation are not described as a branch of history.) The classes of §afi‘ites. Ibn as-Subki wrote the Tabaqdt al-kuhrd  and as-sugrd,  a painstaking, very comprehensive compilation of all Safi'ites. (as-Subki’s work? ^) contains so many useful aspects as can hardly be found in a book. The classes of Hanafites. Scholars wrote works on them, such as al-Jawdhir al-mudiyah fi tabaqdt al-Hanafiy ah   (by ‘Abd-al-Qadir al-Qurasi), and the  Muhta sar   of Qasim b. Qutlubuga, entitled Ta j  at-tardjim.^  This is enough on this cha pter. (Those book s ?^) contain important material. The classes of Malikites. The object and layout of works on them are known from the preceding class works. The classes of Hanbalites are also defined through the preceding remarks. No author of Tabaqdt   of Malikites and Hanbalites is known to us. (However,) the good scholars of this juridical school may not have neglected to write such works. I . e . , al-Ba'uni’s versified history! * Or rather: “the subject.” * New edition Bagdad 1962. 1

PART THREE

539

 A R A B I C

TEXTS

1 a. Ibn Farigun,  Jawdmi^ al-Hdum (above, p. 52)

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aJ j U*

Aa^L jJ! Li^cJw
0;

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S

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‘t^ jA

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l)->^

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(1) ?

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587

586

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4i J4J

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j

c-_j

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(3 ) C f.

^j^j)l u^Iaall

(j

”

 As -Sa ha wi , al-Jawdhir wa-d-durar* 

(Alger 1904 ).

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l5

C-«^lJ

i3 1jj l^Ip

B u g y a h   no. 93   Bel

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in marg.

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in marg. 

(3)  K y \ j .

(6) Sic,   Cf.  D aw ’, III , 146, 11. 21-22.

(4) A (7) A > K •

•

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deest.

in marg.

Jl (4 — 4 ) P

in marg.

(8— 8) P

deesi.

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D i b d j , 228   (Fes 1316 )

admits

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V deest.

or

.

59 2

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deest.

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T B ,   II, 73 .

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marginal note C-6.

(2) P

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in marg.

(5 ) as-Sam'^ ani,  A n sc V ) , 12  b ; (j -J -L

(4 ) A i n s e r ts h e re P ’ s (6— 6)

I* in marg.

8

595

594

^c.

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598 t

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in marg.

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in marg.

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(3) A

 y \

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1356 / 1937 ), from Ibn Abi 1-Mansur’s

^ L * j] l Ji?“l

<^L_«i«a)
JUII ^ 1 ( 1) P + an erasure of one or two words.

jWlj

( 1)

T u h f a t a l - a h b d b , 39 4   (Cairo

(8— 8) P

in marg.

(9 — 9 ) P

 X L ^ '^   ^ Flugel,

 V I, 301 (H—

P

a l-H atib , (3 — 3 )

has

in marg.

(7 — 7 ) P

I h d t a h , 92  

F deest.

deest; ^>yr '.

A .jsr

(Cairo 1319 ); Hajji Halifah,

(4 — 4 ) P Cf.

deest.

(5 — 5 )

D u r a r ,   I I , 20 .

1? deest.

601

600 Ju— P

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in marg.

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l

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602

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(2—2) P i n m a r g .

(cl. 617).

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(3—3) A in niarg,\ P  dees t. (6—6) P  deest.

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605

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(4 — 4 ) P in niarg. (8 — 8) A  dee^t.

mJjjII

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History of Muslim Historiography

(9—9)

( s e e t h e f o l lo w i n g p a g e ) 39

61 0

(II,-

17

 As-Si Jafi,  Mu'-jam

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

( a b o v e , p . 47 1 , n. 6)

O', 

.

J>- JrJC

^

^ •J^j

<1/

J o b * ^ 6 *^J®

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The following index contains all proper names mentioned in the preceding pages. Italicized numbers preceded by I H d n   refer to the edition of the I H d n   (Damascus 1349). They concern proper names from the passage omitted in the English translation (cf. above, p. 265). In the alphabetization, no distinction has been made between different Arabic sounds. Thus, s, s, and  s   are all treated like one and the same letter. The words a. (for abu),   b. (for ibn),  bint, and the definite article al- are disregarde d in the alpha betic order. The abbrevia tions of  proper names are more or less the same as those employed in G A L ,   that is; A. = Ahmad, ‘^AI. = 'Abdall ah, 'Ar. = 'Abd-ar-R ahman , H. = Hasan, Hu. = Husayn, Ibr. = Ibrahim, Ism. = Isma'il, M. = Muhamm ad, Q. = Qasim, Su. = Sulay man ,‘^U. = ‘^Umar, Ya. = Yahya,

an d   Yu.

= Yusuf.  Where the names of contem porary Near Easte rn scholars are id entica l with medi eval proper names and are not cited in a Latin transliteration of their own, they are always listed at the end of the entries for a given name. For instance, 'Abd-al-‘-Aziz Ahmad is listed after all the other  Ahmad s. 'Al. b. 'Abd-az- Zahir 119,

128, 155 f., 412,

596  Aaron (Harun) 288, 389, 580

'Al. b. 'Adi, a. A. al-Jurjani 361, 393, 401,

 b. bint al-A 'azz ; 'Ar. b. 'Abd -al-W ahha b, Taqt-ad-dm  b. bint al-A 'azz ; ‘^Abd-al-Wahhab b. Hala f   Aba ga b. Hulag u 178  Aban b. ‘^Abd-al-Harnid al- Lah iqi 180

45 3 , 515-517 , 522, 528, 'Al. b. A. al-Bisbisi 428

 Aba n b. Yaz id al-'^Attar 376 al-Abarquhi: A. b. Ishaq, a. 1-M a‘^Mi  b. *^Abbad; Ism. b. 'Ab bad , as-Sahi b al-'Abbadi: M. b. A., a. 'Asim al-'^Abbadi, A. M. 356  b. al-A bba r; M, b. 'Al.  b. 'Ab bas : 'Al. al-'Abbas b. 'Abd-al-Muttalib 282, 360, 408 (?), 589 al-'Abbas b. 'Ali b. Rasul: al-Afdal al-'Abbas b. (al-)Faraj ar-Riyasi 504, 511 al-'Abbas b. M. al-Andalusi 504 al-'Abbas b. M. al-Ansari 429 (al-)'Abbas b. M. ad-Duri 446, 449 al-'Abb as (?) b. M., a. 1-Q. as-Sabti 399, 588 al-'Abbas b. Mus'ab b. Bisr 477 'Abbas, Ihsan 36, 113, 466 V   Abb ott, N. XI V, 82, 87, 130 f., 394, 431,

* H e r e f o l l o w t h e c o n cl u d i n g w o r d s o f t h e w h o l e w o r k , a n d t h e s u b s c r i p t i o n w h i c h i n P , a n d s i m i l a r l y in A , r u n s a s f o l lo w s :

^yJ 4j  A _ fU

(3

 JL( J

^ —5 <‘i JijA  Jls

- jr^

ifry j

J

j-^1

o'

, . . .

^i/l\

IHdn 141

'Al. b. A. b. Hanbal 521, 601 'Al. b. A., a. M. al-Fargam 82, 478 'Al. b. A., a. M. b. Zabr 512 f., 603 'Al. b. A., a. 1-Q. al-Ka'bi al-Balhi 430, 467 'Al. b. A., Muwaffaq-ad-din b. Qudamah 359, 601, 605 'Al. b. A. b. Sulaym al-Aswtoi 106 'Al. b. A., a. 'U. ad-Dimashqi 590 f., 'Al. b. A. az-Zarandi 349 'Al. b. 'All b. Hadidah 403 'Al. b. 'All, a. M. b. al-Jarud 407, 438 'Al. b. 'All b. Suwayd at-Takriti 465 'Al. b. 'Amir 581 'Al. b. 'Amr 495 'Al. b. As'ad, 'Afif-ad-din al-Yafi'i 148, 308, 429 f., 485, 497, 500, 521, 533, 589 'Al. b. 'Awn /'/aw i j g 'Al. b. a. 1-I3 arakat al-Akrarn, a. Bakr 607

'Al. b. Buraydah 295 'Al. b. al-Fadl al-Lahmi 272 'Al. b. Fadlallah al-Wassaf 121 a. 'Al. b. Hanimad as-Sabti: b. Hamniad 504, 518 'Al. b. al-Hu. b. Sa'd al-Katib 409 f., 504 'Abd b. A., a. Darr al-Harawi 453, 523, 591 'Al. b. Ja'far b. Durustawayh 378, 400 'Al. ( = 'Al. b. 'Abbas ?) 334, 341 'Al. b. Ja'far al-Madiiii 363 'Al. b. 'Abbas 284, 287, 324, 382 f., 385, 511, 514, 517, 565, 568, 570, 574, 579, 589 f. 'Al. b. Katir 581, /'/aw i j 6 'Al. b. Lahi'ah 395, 504, 518, I H d n 1 3 8 'Al. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz al-Yuniiii 602 'Al. b. Mahfuz: 'Al. b. M. b. Mahfuz 'Al. b. 'Abd-al-Hakam 590 a. 'Al. al-Maliki 608 f. 'Al. b. 'Abd-al-Malik al-Marjani 476 'Al. b. Maslainah al-Qa'nabi 379, 519 'Al. b. 'Ar. ad-Darimi 520, /'/aw 142 'Al. b. Mas'ud 278, 578, I H d n 1 39 'Al. b. 'Ar. az-Zuhri 599

6i 2

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

^Al. b. Maymun al-Qaddah 275 'Al. b. al-Mubarak 333, 335, 341, 518, 5 oi, iHdn 142 (?) 'Al. b. M. b. 'Al. b. M. b. Farhun 604 ‘Al. b. M., ‘^Afif-ad-din al-Matari 43 (?), 415, 442 , 476, 505 'Al. b. M. b. ‘All b. A. 439 ‘AI. b. M. b. a. l-'A ww am as-Sa*^di 590 ‘^Al. b. M., a. Bakr b. a. d-dunya 399 f., 408, 429, 432 f., 505, 511, 601 ‘^Al. b. M., a. Bakr al-M 41iki 392, 419, 426, 460, 473 f., 510 '^Al. b. M., a. Bakr b. a. Saybah 361, 392, 395 , 501, 520 ‘Al. b. M. al-Bakri 486 f. ‘Al. b. M. ad-Dinawari  IHdn 14 1 ‘Al. b. M. b. a. Dulaym al-Qurtubi 417 f. ‘Al. b. M. b. Farhun 309, 311, 476, 604 ‘Al. b. M. al-Harawi al-Ansari 361, 523, 594, 601 'Al. b. M. al-H^riti 449, 464, 590 'Al. b. M. b. Har^n at-Ta’ i 601 'Al. b. M., a. Ja'^far aii-Nufayli 520 'Al. (b. M.) b. Mahfuz al-Balawi 504 'Al. b. M. b. Mandawayh as-Suruti 594 'Al. b. M. b. al-Muhandis 417 'Al. b. M. al-Musnadi (!)  IHan 142 'Al. b. M., a. 1-Q. al-Bagawi 405, 524, 527 'Al. b. M. b. as-Sarqi  IHdn 14 1 'Al. b. M ., a. s-Sayh b. H ibban 168, 361, 396, 400, 402, 453, 459, 501, 522 'Al. b. M. b. 'Umar ah b. al-Qaddah 96 'Al. b. M., a. 1-Walid al-Faradi i68, 171, 393, 400, 418 f., 460, 474, 504, 599, 609 'Al. b. M. b. YazdM , a. Salih 73 'Al. b. (al-)Muharrir 341 'Al. b. al-Muqaffa' 187, 505, 511 'Al. b. Musa as-Salami 322 ‘^Al. b. Muslim b. Qutaybah 50, 323, 355, 401, 423, 505, 515, 588, IHdn 14 1 “^Al. b. al-Mu'^tazz 182-18 5, 272, 4 11, 424, 500 'Al. b. a. Najih  I'^ldn 136 “^Al. b. an- Nas ir 599 “^Al. b. Qay s, a. Musa al-A s‘ar i 251, 380, 551, 567,  IHdn 139 “^Al. b. Qay s, au-N abigah a l-Ja 'di 387 ‘^Al. al-Qutrubulli 73 ‘Al. b. Sa 'd b. a. Jamrah 601 'Al. b. Sahl al-Quda^i 420 'Al. b. Salam 335, 517 “^Al. b. Su., a. B akr b. a. Da wud 363, 404 “^Al. b. Suway d(ah) a t-Ta krit i: 'A l. b. '^Ali  b. Su wa yd (Al. ?) b. Ta^us b. Kaysan  IHdn 140 'Al. b. 'Ubaydallah b. a. Mulaykah  IHdn 136 '^Al. b. U bay y  IHdn 143  H\l.  b. 'U. fb. Hafs ?)  IHdn 136 ^\ 1. b. 'U. b. al-Hattab 287, 351, 359 . 363 'Al. b. Unays 191 f. “^Al. b. Wah b 518, 592 , 601,  IHdn 138

'Al. b. Waqid, a. Raja’  IHdn 142 'Al. b. Yu, b. Hisam 245, 314, 456 'Al. b. Yu., a. M. al-Jurjaiu 415, 584, 593 f. 'Al. b. Yu., a. 1-Q. b. Ridwan 118 'Al. b. Yu. b. Yunus al-Urm,awi 602 'Al. b. a. Zayd 'Ar. al-Maliki 591, 601 'Al. b. Z iyM b. Sam'an 439 'Al. b. az-Zubayr 283, 382, 406 'Al. b. az-Zubayr al-Humaydi 519,  IHdn 136 'Abd-al-A'la b. Mushir, a. Mushir  IHdn 138 'Abd-al-'Azim b. 'Abd-al-Qawi, Zaki-ad-din al-Mundiri 45, 441, 452, 460, 512, 515, 525 'Abd -al-'A ziz b. 'Al. (b.) al-Majisun 518 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'Al al-Uwaysi 281 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'Abd-as-Salam, 'Izz-ad-din as-Sulami 334, 341, 346 f., 602 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. A., 'Izz-ad-din ad-Dirmi

398, 603 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. A. al-Kinani 512 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. A. b. 'Utman, 'Izz-ad-din. al-Hakkari 602 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. a. Hazim (Salamah) 379 'Abd-al-Aziz b. Mahmud b. al-Ahdar 433 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. M., a. Hasim al-Hasimi al-'Abbasi 602 'Abd -al-'A ziz b. M., 'Izz-ad-din a. 'U. b. Jam a'ah 331, 397, 424 f. 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. M. an-Nahsabi 471, 610 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. Musa b. Nusayr 119 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. Saddad, a. l-'Arab (a, Garib ?) 473 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'U., 'Izz-ad-din b. Fahd 421 (?), 482 'Abd-al-Badi', Lutfi 5 'Abd-al-Baqi b. 'Abd-al-Majid al-Yamani 485, 500, 504 'Abd-al-Baqi b. Qani', a. 1-Hu. 405, 511 f., 522  b. 'Ab d- al- Ba rr : A. b. M., a. 'Ab d-a l-M ali k  b. 'A bd -al -B arr ; Yu . b. 'A L, a. 'U . 'Abd-al-Basit ('U.) b. M., Zayn-ad-din (az-Zayni) b. Zuhayrah 413 'Abd-al-Basit b. Musa al-'Almawi 337, 352, 418 'Abd-al-6affar b. A. al-Qusi 425 'Abd-al-6afir (Gaffar) b. Hu. al-Alma'i 473 'Abd-al-GMir b. Ism. 483 'Abd-al-( 5 ari b. 'Abd-al-VVahid al-Jamma'ili al-Maqdisi 275 f., 278, 341, 396, 406, 447 f., 524, 587, 590, 603 'Abd-al-Gani b. M. b. Taymiyah 466 'Abd-al-Gani b. Sa'id 427, 448, 450, 522, 609  b. 'A bd -al -H ad i: M. b. A.  b. 'Ab d- al- Ha kam : 'A l.  b. 'A bd -al -H ak am : 'A r. b. 'A l.  b. 'Ab d-a l-H am id: M. b. 'A bd -al -H am id  b. 'Al . 'Abd-al-Hamid b. 'Al. b. Usamah al-Kufi 98 'Abd-al-Hamid al-Katib 52 'Abd-al-Haqq b. 'Ar. al-Isbili 524 'Abd-al-Haqq b. Ibr. b. Sab'in 304, 329

'Abd-al-H ayy b. A. b. al-'IniM 55, 272, 405, 430, 463, 466, 471, 520, 522 f., 602 'Abd-al-Hayy b. ad-Dahhak al-Gardizi 321 'Abd-al-Jabbar b. 'Al. al-Hawlani 168, 468 'Abd-al-Jabbar b. a. Bakr b. Hamdis 466 ‘Abd-al-Jabbar b. M. al-Haraqi 384 'Abd-al-Jabbar al-Mutanabbi 115, 184 f. 'Abd-el-Jalil, J.-M. 84  b. 'Ab d- al- Ka ri m 472 'Abd-al-Karim b. 'Abd-an-Nur, Qutb-ad-din al-Halabi 396, 442, 452 , 476, 478, 525, 587 'Abd-al-Karim b. 'Ar. al-Qalqasandi 440 'Abd-al-Karim b. Hawazin al-Qusayri 425 f. 'Abd-al-Karim b. M., a. 1-Q. ar-Rafi'i 44, 127, 169, 243, 279 (?), 298, 459, 472 f., 483, 603 'Abd-al-Karim b. M., a. Sa'd (b.) as-Sam'ani 42 f., 73 , 275, 277, 286, 311, 339 t ,   362, 379, 392 f., 408, 418, 431, 445, 451, 453   f-, 457-459, 461-467, 469-471, 47 3 , 47 5 , 47 7 , 482-484, 509, 522 f., 532, 593 'Abd-al-Latif b. M. al-Hamawi 529 'Abd-al-Majid b. 'Abdun 181 'Abd-al-Majid, 'Abd-al-'Aziz 312 'Abd-al-Majid, Hamid 185, 371, 426, 512  b. 'Ab d- al- M ali k; M. b. M. b. 'Ab d-a l-M ali k al-Marrakusi 'Abd-al-Malik b. 'Al. b. Badrun 32, 181 'Abd-al-Malik b. 'AL, Imam al-Haramayn

374 'Abd-al-Malik b. 'Abd-al-'Aiz b. Jurayj 379,  IHdn 136 'Abd-al-Malik al-Bagawi 417 'Abd-al-Malik b. Habib 46, 275, 395 (?), 47 9 , 591,  IHdn 140 'Abd-al-Malik b. Hisam 29, 50, 187, 282, 316, 33 5 , 361, 394 , 398, 411, 456, 53 4 , 586 f. 'Abd-al-Malik b. Marwan 50, 68 f., 116, 123, 413,  IHdn 138 'Abd-al-Malik b. M., a. Sa'd an-Nisaburi 402, 588 'Abd-al-Malik b. M. at-Ta'alibi 92, 114, 142, 174, 177, 179, 272, 321-323, 35 5 , 390, 414, 422, 459, 469, 503, 532 'Abd-al-Malik b. Qura>b al-Asma'i 50, 58, 187, 271, 379, 505, 511, 603 'Abd-al-Malik b. SMih 122 'Abd-al-Muhsin b. 'Utman b. Cana’im alHatib 465, 593 'Abd-al-M u'izz

M., a. Rawh

al-Harawi

 IHdn 142 'Abd-al-M uW n b. Plalaf, §araf-ad-din adDim yati 328, 396, 403, 44 i, 452 , 45 4 , 525, 581 f., 587, 599  b. 'Ab d-a l-M un 'im al- Hi my ari n o , 487 'Abd-al-Muttalib 433 'Abd-al-Qadir b. 'Al. b. al-'Aydarus 57, 85 f., 126 'Abd-al-Qadir b. 'AL al-Jil 4 ni 439, 598, 603 ‘Abd-al-Qadir b. 'AL ar-Ruhawi 524, 601

613

'Abd-al-Qadir b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. Fahd 480 'Abd-al-Qadir b. M., Muhyi-ad-din al-Qurasi al-Hanafi 310, 417, 423, 442 f., 445, 448 f., 454, 468, 482, 534, 590 'Abd-al-Qahir b. 'AL, a. n-Najib as-Suhra war di 415, 584 'Abd-al-Qahir b. 'Abd-al-Gani b. Taymiyah 466 'Abd-al-Qahir b. 'Ar. al-Jurjani 348 'Abd-al-Qahir b. Tahir al-Bagdadi 430 'Abd-al-Quddus b. al-Hajjaj, a. 1-Mugirah  IHdn 139  b. 'A bd ra bbi h; A. b. M. 'Abd-ar-Rahim b. ‘Abd-al-Karim, a. 1Muzaff ar (b.) as-Sam'& ni 431 'Abd-ar-R ahim b. 'A li, al-Qa^i al-Fadil al-Baysani 127, 175 'Abd-ar-Rahim b. al-H. al-Isnawi (al-Isna’i) 415, 442, 602 'Abd-ar-Rahim b. al-Hu., Zayn-ad-din al'Ira qi 398 f., 405, 436, 447, 513, 526, 528, 587 f., 602, 607 'Abd-ar-R ahim b. Ibr. b. al-B^rizi 88, 277, 386 f. ‘A r. I ll (an-Nasir of Spain) 80, 184 a . 'A r . ; ' A r , b . Y a z i d 'Ar. b. 'AL b. 'Abd-al-Hakam 162 f., 477, 504 'Ar. b. 'AL as-Suhayli 360, 394, 397, 524, 587 'Ar. b. 'Abd-al-Jabbar, a. Nasr al-Fami 483 'Ar. b. 'Abd-ar-Razzaq b. Makanis 425 'Ar. b. 'Abd-al-Wahhab, Taqi-ad-din b. bint al-A'azz 366 'Ar, b. A., 'Adud-ad-din al-lji 202, 220 f., 244, 456 (?)

'Ar. b. A. b. Baqi b. Mahlad 599 'Ar. b. A., a. Sa'id b. Yunus 55, 168, 171, 393, 408, 418, 441, 450, 47 7 , 504, 511, 522, 528, 533 'Ar. b. A., Zayn-ad-din b. Rajab 82, 283, 420, 427, 443. 462, 483, 502, 523 'Ar. b. 'All b. ad-Dayba' 157, 159, 286, 330 'Ar. b. 'Ali, a. 1-Faraj b. al-Jawzi 34, 41, 46, 67, 72, 82-85, 93, 109, 119, 125, 127, 143 f., 146, 201, 204, 243, 256, 272, 279 f., 283, 295 f., 317, 321, 324, 332, 345, 354 f., 375, 385, 394 f-, 399-402, 408, 414, 420 f., 424-429, 436, 439, 453 f., 458, 470 t , 47 3 , 481, 490 f., 501-503, 515, 521-524, 528, 531, 533 , 588-590, 593 f., 596 f., 599 f-, 604, 607 'Ar. b. 'Am r al-Aw za'i 157, 362, 395, 518, 591, 602 'Ar. b. 'Amr, a. Zur'ah ad-Dima§qi 72, 282, 392, 450, 501, 520 'Ar. b. 'Aw f 383, 589 ‘Ar. b. al-Awza'i, a. Sa'id 591 'Ar. b. a. Bakr, JaUl-ad-din as-Suyuti 27, 44, 49, 71, 86, 131, 156, 163, 184 f., 277, 298,

6i 4

378, 411 f., 422, 434, 436, 441, 452, 475 f., 'Abd-as-Salam b. Yu. ad-Dimasqi 424 524 i. ,  532, 53 5 , 609 “^Abd-as-Samad b. 'Ab d-al-Wah hab, a. 1*^Ar. b. Bisr  I'^ldn 14 1  Yu iim b. 'As ak ir 401, 475 'Ar. b. al-Fayd, a. 1-Aswad 400 'Abd-as-Samad b. 'Abd-al-Warit b. Sa'id “^Ar. b. Fut ay s: “^Ar. b. M. b. Fu tay s (Sa‘^d) 405 'Ar. b. al-Hakara 327 ‘^Abd-as-Samad b. Sa 4 d, a. 1-Q. al-Himsi 'Ar. b. H. al-Jabarti 378 405, 467 “•Ar. b. Has irn  I^-ldn 1 41  b. 'Abd-a s-Sam i'^: Su. b. 'A li 'Ar. b. a. Hatiin (M.) b. Idris at-Taruimi 'Abd-as-Sami' b. 'Abd-as-Samad al-Hasimi ar-Razi 95, 393, 4:8, 437, 439 . 445 , 448, (= b. '^Abd-as-Sami'^ al-H atib an-N assa450, 480 f., 520 f., 593 f.  bah ?) 98 'Ar. b. Ibr., Duhaym  IHd n 138 'Abd-as-Sayyid b. M., a. Nasr b. as-Sabbag 'Ar. b. 'Isa, a. M. al-Buzuri 607 280 'Ar. b. Ism., a. Samah 83, 151, 178, 304, 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. 'Al., Abu Nasr b. al353 , 39 3 , 412, 45 5 , 458, 468, 491 f., 504, Jayyar 591 525, 528, 582 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. A., a. 1-Mugirah 150 'Ar. b. Mahdi 515, 518, 527 <^Abd-al-Wahhab b. <^Ali, Taj-a d-d in as-Su bki 'Ar. b. Maki b. ‘^Utman as-Sari'i: 'Ar. b, 43 , 62, 65, 347 f., 353 , 364, 370-375, 'Utman 401, 414-416, 439 , 442 f., 45 7 , 468, 47 5 , 47 7 , 'Ar . b. Marzuq, a. 1-Mutarrif al-Qanazi^ 602 483, 534 , 603 ‘■Ar. b. M u'aw iyah (of Spain) 461 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. Halaf b. bint al-A'azz 603 'Ar. b. M. al-Bistami 40, 249 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. M. al-Ftoii 414, 417, 584 'Ar. b. M. al-Furani 430 'Abd-al-W ahhab b. M. b. Mandah 283, 400 'Ar. b. M. b. Futays, a. 1-Mutarrif al-Magribi 'Abd-al-W ahid b. 'All al-Marrakusi 82, no , 401, 522, 588 477 'Ar. b. M. al-Idrisi al-Astara badi 168, 458, 470 'Abd-al-Wahid b. M., a. 'Ubayd al-Juzajani 'Ar . b. M ., a. 1-Q. al-Labidi (Lubaydi) (Ibn 600 Farhun,  Dib dj,  152 [Cairo 1351]) 608 ‘■Abd-al-Wahid b. Siyah as-Sirazi 425 'Ar. b. M., a. 1-Q. b. Mandah 165, 400, 475, 'Abd-Y asu' b. Bahrez 79 481, 513, 590, 599  b. 'Ab d- az- Za hi r; 'A l. b. 'Ab d-a z-Z ah ir ■^Ar. b. M ., a. 1-Q. b. Rasiq 473 f. 'Abdan (b. M. al-Marwazi) 404, 416 'Ar. b. M. b. Qudamah 602 'Abdan b. 'Utman  IHdn 142 ‘Ar. b. M., Wali-ad-din b. Haldun XIV, 15, al-'Abdari; M. b. M. b. al-Hajj 32 f., 41, 44, 49, 52, 54, 60, 81, 98, 112 f., al-'Abdawi, a. Hatim (?) 522 {see also 'U . 116-119, 121, 127, 190, 201-203, 220,  b. A. , a. Hazi m) 241 f., 245, 253, 257, 311, 316, 320, 370,  Ab d-e l-K ad er, A. H. 325 407, 438, 487, 497 f., 504 al-'Abdi; M. b. 'Ali 'Ar. b. M., a. Zayd al-Ansari al-Qayrawani al-'Abdi; 'Umarah b. Juwayn, a. Harun  b. ad -D abb ag 306, 460 (?), 473 f. al-'Abdi: Ya. b. ar-Rabi' '•Ar. b. Najm, Nasih-ad-din b. al-Hanbali al-Abi: Mansur b. al-Hu., a. Sa'd 426 f.  b. 'A bd iin : ‘A bd- al-M ajid 'Ar . b. (al-)Q. 592, 602,  IHdn 138, 140  Ab el (Ha bil) 183, 569 'Ar. b. ^U., Jalal-ad-din al-BuIqini 283 (?), 'Abid ('Ubayd) b. Husayn ar-Ra*^i 323 328, 402, 602, 604 “^Abid C^Ubayd) b. Sar ya h 50, 64, 187 'Ar . b. "^U. al-Jaw bari 390 'Abidin, a. 1-Yusr 216 'Ar. b. 'U ., Majd-ad-din b. al-'Adiru 442 al-Abiwardi; M. b. A,, a. I-Muzaffar 'Ar. b. ‘U. al-Qibabi 452 al-Abnasi: Ibr. b. Hajjaj, Burhan-ad-din *^Ar. b. 'Utn ian b. Mak i as-S M 'i 427  Ab rah am (Ibr. ) 26, 149, 257, 285, 288-290, 'Ar. b. Yazid, a. 'Ar.  IHdn 136  __i9, 385, 559 , 563, 579 , 589 3 'Ar. b. Yu. b. Hiras 365, 521 al-Aburi: M. b. al-Hu. 'Abd-ar-Razzaq:'Abd-ar-Razzaqb. Hammam  Ad am 39, 58, 149, 256, 261, 284, 296, 385-387, 'Abd-ar-Razzaq b. A. b. al-Fuwati 58, 83, 561-563, 565-569, 572 86, 98, 176, 348, 397, 410 f., 414, 423 f.,  b. Ad am ; A. b. M. b. 'U ba yd b. Ad am al431, 441, 451, 457 f., 460, 462, 468, 470, 'Asqalani

473, 4 9 2 ,

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

504

'Abd-ar-Razzaq

b.

Hainmam

as-San‘ani

394, 519, 588, 602,  I^ldn 140

'Abd-ar-Razzaq b. Rizq-Allah ar-Ras'ani 58  b. ‘^Abd- as-Sala m: ‘A bd -a l-'A ziz b. ‘A bd-a sSalam, 'Izz-ad-din

 Ad am al- 'As qal ani 471  b. al- Ad am i: 'A li b. M., Sadr -ad- din  b. 'A di : 'A l. b. 'A di , a. a ’.  b. 'A di : al- Ha yta m al-'Adid li-din-Allah 175, 407  b. al- 'A di m: 'A r. b. 'U ., Maj d-ad -din

 b. al- 'A di m: A. b. Hi bat alla h  b. al- 'A dim : 'U . b. A. , a. 1-Q. Kamal-ad-din  b. a. Ja rad ah 'Adnan 387 'Adud-ad-dawlah 124, 177, 411, 488, 596 'Adud-ad-din 456 {see also  'Ar. b. A.) al-Afdal (al-'A bbas b. 'Ali b. Rasul) 56, 485 al-Afgani, Sa'id 259, 492  b. 'A fi f: A. b. M. , a. 'U .  b. 'Af if- ad -di n: M. b . M. b . as- Say yid 'Af if- ad din 'Afif-ad-din al-Matari: 'Al. b. M.  Agd nt:   'Ali b. al-Hu., a. 1-Faraj al-Isbahani  Ag api us (Ma hbu b b. Qu sta nti n al-M anbi ji) 77 f., 108, 137 f.  Ah asu eru s 50 al-Ahdal: al-Hu. b. 'Ar.  b. al- Ah da r: 'A bd -a l-' Az iz b. Ma hmu d  Ah lw ard t, VV. 49, 51, 56, 58, 188, 246, 529  A. b. 'A l. , a. l-'A la^ al- Ma 'ar ri 73, 210, 235,  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.

256, 597 b. 'A l. b. 'Am ira h 155 b. 'A l. al- Bar qi 501 b. 'A l. al- Far gan i 82 b. 'A l. al- Fir abr i 595 b. 'A l. , a. 1-H. al-Bakri 191 b. 'A l. al -'I jli 435, 439, 520 b. 'A l. , Mu hibb -ad-d in at- Ta bar i 397, 406,

434 , 587

 A. b. 'A l. , a. Nu 'ay m al-I sba ha ni 160, i 58   f., 2 4 3 , 259, 361, 393, 400, 402, 404 f-, 426, 441, 448, 453 , 459 , 498, 515, 588, 597 , 600  A. b. 'A l. al- Qu tru bu lli 73  A. b. 'A l. ar- Ra zi 335, 471 , 484, 486  A. b. 'A l. b. Sal( l)am 139  A . b. 'A L, §ih ab-a d-d in al- Aw ha di 479  A. b. 'Ab d-a l-H ali m, Taq i-ad -di n b. Ta ymiyah 355, 376, 378, 493, 525, 598,  IHdn  A.

138 b.

'Ab d-a l-M alik , a. Sal ih

al-M u’ add in

477 , 523

 A. b. 'Ab d- al- M u’ min as-S aris i 272  A. b. 'Ab d-a l-Q ad ir, Taj -ad -d in b. Maktum , 421 f., 4 4 1 , 5 2 5  A. b. 'Ab d-a r-R ah im , Wa li-a d-d in a. Zu r'a h (b.) al-'Iraqi 513, 526, 602  A. b. 'A r. al-Q asr i 591  A. b. 'A r. b. Mu zahi r 419 , 471  A. b. 'Ab d-a l-W ah ha b an- Nu wa yri 32, 39, 52, 177, 33 ^ 485, 497 , 502  A. b. 'A bd -al -W ar it b. Ha lif ah 444  A. b. 'Ab da h ad -Da bbi 365  A. b. A. b. 'A bd -a l-L at if as- Sar ji al- Ya ma ni {GAL Supplement   II, 254) 52, 426, 476  A. b. A. al- Gu bri ni 86, 461  A. b. A. b. al-H u. b. a. 1-Mansur al-Azdi 426  A. b. 'A li, a. l-' Ab ba s al-M ayu raq i 165, 304, 325, 481 f.  A. b. 'A li b. Ba bah 52  A. b. 'A ll, a. Ba kr

al- Ha tib

al-B agd ad i

615

{includes Ta^rih Bagdad)  14, 43, 45, 48, 55, 60, 62, 69, 72 f., 87, 96, 99, 102, 113, 122, 124, 127 f., 166, 169, 183, 201, 250, 258, 272, 275-279, 281, 285, 295, 304 f., 310 f., 324, 326 f., 331, 333 f., 340-343, 345 f., 350, 354 f., 358, 361-363, 366, 368, 37 4 , 379   f., 393 , 395 , 399 , 40i f., 404-406, 410, 416, 429, 431-435, 437 , 439   f-, 446, 448-450, 45 3 , 461-464, 471, 47 3 , 476 f., 482 f., 498, 501, 504 f., 507-509, 512, 515, 517-523, 532, 592  A. b. 'A li, a. Ba kr b. M anj awa yh 447  A. b. 'A li b. Ha jar 41, 44 f., 53 f. , 86, 106, 127, 155, 163, 185, 201, 258, 264, 267, 269, 275-278, 280-282, 291 f., 306, 309, 311, 325, 327 f., 338 f., 341, 343   f’, 346, 348-350, 352-357, 359, 361-363, 365 370 f., 374 376, 379-381, 388, 391, 394-401, 403-408, 414-417, 420-422, 424-431, 434-438, 440-443. 44 5 -44 7 , 449   f-, 452, 45 4 , 456-458, 460-465, 467, 471-473, 475-479, 482 f., 485, 491-493, 496-500, 503-507, 509, 512 f., 515-517, 519, 523, 525 f-, 528 f., 531 f., 582 f., 587, 589, 592, 595, 597, 599, 603-605, 610  A. b. 'A li b. Ha tim ah 477  A. b. 'A li b. 'In ab ah 98, 434, 475  A. b. 'A ll, a. 'Is a b. al-M una jjim 72, 79, 91,

511

 A. b. 'A li b. Mus a 439  A. b. 'A li b. al-M utan na, a. Y a' la al-M aws ili

45 3 , 521  A. b. 'A li b. an- Naj a§i 432  A. b. 'A li an-Nasa^ i 361, 436, 438, 447, 515 , 521, 527, 595  A. b. 'A li ar -R ifa 'i 598  A. b. 'A ll, Siha b-ad -din al-Q alqa san di 52, 191, 261, 296, 311, 434  A. b. 'A ll, Taq i-ad -di n al-M aqri zi 10, 15, 41, 44, 55, 63, 70, 81, 85, 109, 124, 126-128, 147, 149, 155 f., 171, 175, 181, 246, 249, 280, 315-3 17, 321, 328 f., 356, 367, 378, 397, 406-409, 411, 414, 425, 429, 434   f-, 442, 454 f-, 462, 469, 477-479, 498 f., 502  A. b. 'A mr , a. Ba kr b. a. 'As im 403, 521  A. b. 'A m r, a. Ba kr al- Ba zza r 521 a. A. (b.) al-'Assal: M. b. A.  A. b. Ay ba k, a. I-H u. ad -D im yat i 442, 513 ,  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.

525 b. Ba ht iya r b. al-M and a’ i al-W asi ti 427 b. Bu da yl 276 b. Da wu d ad- Din awa ri 87, 92, 133, 529 b. al- Fa dl al- Ba tir qan i 420 b. al- Fa dl an -N u'a ym i 160 b. Far ah 525 b. Far is, a. 1-Hu. 316, 333, 396, 399, 401,

 A.  A.  A.  A.

587 f., 607 b. al- Fu ra t, a. Ma s'u d ar- Raz i 598 b. Haf s  Pl dn 142 b. Ha lid 602 b. Ila lil , S iha b-ad -din b. al-L ubu di 2 83, 428

6 i6  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.  A.

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

b. Ha nb al: A. b. M. b. Ha nb al b. Har un al- Ba rd iji 521 b. Ha run , a. 'U . b, ‘A t 461 b. a. 1-tIayr al-Yamani as-Sayyad 597 b. a. Ha yta ma h: A. b. Zu hay r b. Hi bat all ah b, al- 'Ad im 544 b. H ijji , §ih ab-a d-d in 496, 513 , 526, 583 b. Hu ma yd b. a. l-'A ja^ iz 156 b. al- Hu ., al -B ad i' al-H am ada ni 296 b. al- Hu ., a. Ba kr al- Ba yh aq i 365, 392, 400, 403, 456, 523, 588, 592, 594, 597  A. b. al-H u., a. 1-Hu. al-Ahwazi 173  A. b. al- Hu ., §ih ab- ad- din b. Ras lan 398, 587  A. b. Ibr ., a. Ba kr al- Ism a'i li 453, 522,  IHdn 14 1

 A. b. M. al-B asa m 163, 483  A. b. M. b. al-F aqi h 52  A. b. M, b. IJal lika n 53, 82-84, 175 , 177 , 283, 292, 315. 343 , 381, 393 , 397 , 400, 412, 423, 45 9 , 462, 4 7 3 , 47 7 , 483, 4 8 5 , 496, 499 f - , 502, 507, 515, 531 -553 ,_594  A. b. M., a. Ham id b. as-S arqi  IHdn 14 1  A. b. M. b. Ha nba l 85, 261 , 274, 276, 290, 333 , 341, 352, 358, 360 f., 381, 392 f-, 416, 449 , 5 1 5 , 5 1 9 f-, 5 2 7 , 528 (?), 5 7 3 , 446, 593 f., 602  A. b. M. al-H anq ani 502  A. b. M. b. H. b. al' Ga mm ar 598  A. b. M. b. 'is a 168, 467  A. b. M. b. Ish aq, a. Ba kr b. as-S ani ad A. b. Ibr ., 'Izz -ad -dm al- Ki na ni al-H anb ali Dinawari  IHdn 14 1 44, 163, 307, 320, 325, 334, 341, 343.  A. b. M., 'Izz -ad -dl n al- Hu say ni 512 345-348, 350 f., 420, 428, 526  A. b. M., Jam al-a d-d in b. az-Z ahi ri 401, 442,  A. b. Ibr ., a. Ja 'fa r b. az- Zu bay r 460 462, 525  A. b. Ibr. al- Jaz zar 54, 171  A. b. M. al-M ama ni 461  A. b. Ibr. b. S ib i', §ar af-a d-d in al-F aza rt 582  A. b. M. al-M aqq ari 150, 155 , 160, 181 , 261,  A. b. Ibr ., Sib t b. al- 'A jar ni 170, 461, 462 (?), 419, 457, 460, 462, 472, 482 467, 483  A. b. M. al-M arz uqi 86, 378, 387  A. b. 'Im ad , Sih ab-a d-d in b. 'Im 4 d-ad-din  A. b. M. b. Ma tbu t ar-Ra^s 598 al-Aqfahsi 398, 587  A. b. M. b. M att aw ayh 444  A. b. 'Is a; A. b. M. b. 'Is a  A. b. M. al-M ayd ani 215  A. b. 'Is a, Kam al- ad- din b. al- Qa lyu bi  A. b. M. b. Mufr ih (?) al- Isb ili al- 'As sab 599 al-'Asqalani 605  A. b. M. b. al-M uha nna, Jam al-a d-d in a.  A. b. Ish aq, a. 1-Ma'Mi al-Abarquhi 442 1-Fadl 97 f.  A. b. Ism. b. 'A ll 154, 545  A. b. M. b. Muh riz 341  A. b. Ism. al- Ibs iti al- W a'i z 397  A. b. M. b. al-M una yy ir 402, 588  A. b. Ja 'fa r Jah zah 174, 609  A. b. M., Naj m- ad- din b. Sas ra 582  A. b. Ja 'fa r b. al-M una di 277 f., 444  A. b. M., a. Nas r al- Ka lab ad i 447, 522  A. b. Mar wan, a. Ba kr ad- Din aw ari 591  A. b. M. al-Q adis i 83  A. b. Mas lama h b . Wad d^h , a. Ja 'fa r 313  A. b. M. b. al-Q udu ri 417  A. b. al-M u'a dd al (Mu 'add al) 591  A. b. M. b. a. r- Ra bi ' 38, 46  A. b. al- Mu 'all a ad- Dim asq l 469  A. b. M. b. ar -R af' ah 315  A. b. M., a. l-' Ab ba s an- Nas aw i 425  A. b. M. b. Rusd (irah ) (?), a. Ja 'fa r 591  A. b. M., a. l-' Ab ba s b. 'U qd ah 431, 450, 522,  A. b. M., a. Sa 'id b. al- A' ra bi 165, 425, 481  IHdn i3 g  A. b. M. b. Say h 183  A. b. M. b. 'Ab d- al- Ka rim b. 'Ata ^lla h,  A. b. M., §ih ab-a d-d in al- 'A qa bi 453 Taj-ad-din 598, 608  A. b. M. as- Sila fi 272, 441, 451 , 461 , 471 ,  A. b. M., a. 'Ab d-a l-M ali k b . 'Ab d-a l-B arr 419 475 , 478, 484, 524, 590, 593 , 597 f-, 600,  A. b. M. b. 'Ab dr abb ih 49, 67, 184, 308, 605, 610,  IHdn 138 515 f-, 529  A. b. M. at- Tah aw i 448, 590  A. b. M. b. 'A r. , a. l-' Ab ba s al- Bas ir al-B a A. b. M, at -T a'l ab i 288-290, 404, 432, 566, lansi 598 568  A. b. M. b. 'A ll b. a. 1-Mansur al-Azdi 426  A. b. M., Taq i-ad -di n as-§ um unn i 453  A. b. M., a. 'A ll (b.) Mi ska wa yh 46 f., 54, 92,  A. b. M. b. 'U ba yd b. Ad am al- 'A sqa lan i 471 108, I I I f . , 141 f., 173, 180, 182, 243, 292,  A. b. M. b. a. 'U da yb ah 526 308, 321, 327, 489, 511  A. b. M. b. 'U . b. Ab an al- Lu bna ni 594  A . b. M., a. 'A ll ar- Ru da bar i 609  A. b. M., a. 'U . b. 'A fi f 419  A. b. M. al- An bar i 183  A. b. M., a. 'U . at- Ta lam an ki 591  A. b. M. b. 'Ar abg ah 412  A. b. M. b. 'U . al- Ya ma ni 354  A. b. M. al-A rra j^n i 330  A. b. M. b. Ya sin (Sa 'id ?), a . Is haq al-H add ad  A. b. M. aI-A §'ar i 324 al-Harawi 167, 483 (d. 334/945-46 !)  A. b. M., a. Ba kr al-B arqs lni 446, 522  A. b. M. b. Yu nu s, a. Ish aq al- Ba zza z 483  A. b. M., a. Ba kr ar- Ra zi 97, 153, 160, 408,  A. b. Muh anna al -'U ba yd ali 414 419, 43 5 , 461, 472, 474  A. b. Musd, a. Ba kr b. Ma rda way h 160, 459,  A. b. M., a. Ba kr al- Yaq tinJ 591 522

 A. b. Mu staf a, Ta sko pr iiz M eh V II I, 27, 46, 310, 365, 477 , 530-535  A. b. Mu tarr if, a. 1-Fath al-Kinani 321  A. b. Na jda h al- Ha raw i  IHdn 142  A. b. Nas r ad- Da wu di 278  A. b. Na sr ar -R uy an i 352  A. b. Nas r, a. TM ib al- Ba gd M i 522  A. b. Nas r b. Zi yM al-H am ada ni 278  A. b. al-Q . Kan nun , a. l- 'A ys 50  A. b. al-Q . b. a. Us ay bi 'ah 32, 47, 54, 79-81 , 94, 122, 147, 184, 272, 429, 453 , 463, 510,

535  A. b. Sah l, a. Za yd al- Ba lhi 32, 34, 105, 467, 482  A. b. Sa 'id , a. l-'A bb as al- Ma 'da ni 168, 477  A. b. Sa 'id b. Ha zm, a. 'U . as- Sad afi 419 , 502,

511

 A. b. S^li h al-M isri (b.) at- Ta bar i 371 , 374, 520  A. b. Sal ih b. Sa fi' al-J ili 502  A. b. Sa yy ar 168, 416, 477  A. b. Su. , Mu hyi -ad- din al- Ya ma ni al-H usa yni 598 b. a. Tah ir Ta yf ur 81, 122, 135 , 143, 152 f., 408, 462, 471 (?), 502  A. b. at -T ay yi b as- Sara hsi 153 , 174, 542  A. b. Tu gan al- Ba yt ar 545  A. b. Tu lun 44, 41 1, 416 f., 596  A, b. 'U ba yd al- Is'i rd i 525  A. b. 'U ., a. l-'A bb as al- 'U dr i 487, 590 (?)  A. b. 'U . al-M uza jjad 57  A. b. 'U . b. Su ray j 279, 416  A. b. 'U m ay r b. Jaw sa’ 521  A. b. Wa^ ih 591  A. b, Y a. al- Ba lad ur i 54, 67, 90, 96, 99 f., 107, 119, 149, 180, 383, 486, 502  A. b. Ya . ad -D abb i 378, 460, 465  A. b. Y a. b. Fad lall ah al- 'U ma ri 434, 454,

 b. 'A ’id ; M.  b. 'A ’is ah; 'U ba yd all ah b. M. 'A ’isah bint 'Al. at-Tabari, Um m-al-huda 434 'A ’isah bint a. Ba kr 274, 277, 290, 359 f., 517, 572  b. a. l- 'A ja ’iz ; A. b. Hu ma yd al-'Ajjaj 549  b. 'A jla n (M. ?)  IHdn 136 al-Ajurri; M. b. 'Ali, a. 'Ubayd al-Ajurri; M. b. al-Hu., a. Bakr al-Akfani; Hibatallah b. A. (b.) al-Akfani; M. b. Ibr,  Al Ya sin , M. H. 58, 174, 332 al-'AlaM ?) 443  b. al- 'A la^ a. 'Am r a. l-'Ala’ al-'Attar al-Hamadant; al-H. b. A. a. I-'Ala’ al-Ma'arri; A. b. 'Al. 'Al a’ -ad-din, grandson of 'Al. al-Urmaw i 602 al-'Ala’i; Halil b. Kaykaldi 'Alam-al-huda; M. b. M. al-Albani, M. N, 519 f.  Al exa nd er {also Du 1-qarnayn) 26, 47, 51, 114, 117, 126, 138, 140, 155, 261, 545, 552,

 A.

486, 525  A. b. Y a. b. a. Ha jal ah 369, 604  A. b. Ya . b. al- Mu najj im 122  A. b. Y a'q ub al-M isri; A. b. a. Y a'q ub al Y a'q ub i (?)  A. b. a. Y a'q ub al -Y a'q ub i 16, 64, 67, 78, 87, 90, 92, 106, 108 f.. I l l , 119, 124, 132-134, 136, 409, 502, 511, 515, 529  A. b. Yu . b. al- Az raq 152 , 154, 462, 467, 482  A. b. Yu . b. ad- Da ya h 409, 510  A. b. Yu . an- Nis abu ri  IHdn 14 1  A. b. Yu . at- T^ M i 308, 516  A. b. Zu hay r, a. Ba kr b. a. Ha yt am ah 12, 62, 72, 382, 392, 396, 406, 437 , 448 f., 520, 587, 597  Ah ma d, 'A bd -al -'A ziz 355  Ah ma d, M. H. 431  Ah me dal i, A. 427 al-Ahnaf b. Qays 590 al-Ahwdni, 'Abd-al-'Aziz M. 441, 487 al-Ahwani, A. F. 46 al-Ahwazi; A. b. al-Hu., a. 1-Hu.

617

563, 576 f. 'Ali; 'Ali b. a. Talib 'Ali (grandson of 'U. b. al-Farid) 604 'All b. 'Al. al-6uzuli 322 'Ali b. 'Al., a. 1-H. (Hu.) b. Jahdam 427 'Ali b. 'AL, a. 1-H. as-Sadili 608 'Al l b. 'A l. b. al-Ma dini 363, 404, 438, 446, 520 'Ali b. 'Al. b. Mahbub at-Tara bulusi 471 'Ali b. 'A L, Nur-ad-din as-Samhudi 476 'Ali b. 'AL b. a. s-Surur as-Saruji; 'Ali b. M.  b. a. s-Su rur 'Ali b. 'Al. b. a. t-Tayyib 45 'All b. 'Al. b. a. Zar' 50, ii6, 127, 312, 472 'Ali b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz al-Jurjani 272 'Ali b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz al-Katib 470 'Ali b. 'Abd-al-Kafi, Taqi-ad-din as-Subki 62, 372, 603 'Ali b. 'Ar. al-Yazuri; al-H. b. 'Ali b. 'Ar. 'Ali b. A. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid b. al-Buh M 349 'Ali b. A. b. 'Ali al-Mu 'addid (al-Mufassis, al-Mufaddid ?) 6oo 'Al i b. A. b. Hazm 29, 36 f., 112 f., 150, 311, 316, 333 f., 347, 355, 396, 430, 45 7 , 462, 523, 527 f., 587, 603 'All b. A., a. 1-Hu. as-Sallami; al-Hu. b. A., a. 'Ali as-Sallami 'A li b. a. 'Ali al-Am idi 221, 246, 254, 374 , 476 'Ali b. 'A li, Sadr-ad-din al-Hanafi 496 'Ali b. Anjab a1-H&zin, Taj-ad-din b. as-S 4 'i 55 f., 58, 83, 97, 305, 410, 413, 424, 427, 462 f., 469, 491, 505 'Al i b. 'Aq il, a. l-Wafa^* al-Faq ih 41, 463 'Ali b. Badr at-Tinnisi 593 'All b. a. Bakr, Nur-ad-din al-Haytami

370, 435 , 439

6 i8

a. 'All al-Basir 508 ‘■All b. B ass am 184 , 300, 317 , 326, 462, 466 'Ali b. Daw M b. as-Sayrafi al-Jawhari 84, 156, 247 f., 357 ■^Alib. al-F adl b. T ahi r al- Balh i 463 f•^Ali b. (a.) 1-Fath; 'A ll b. al-H. b. al-Fath  b. al-M uta ww aq a. ‘AH al-Cassani: al-Hu. b. M. ‘^Ali b. al-Hakam 431 ^Ali b. Hamzah al-Isbaham 459 ‘All b. Hamzah al-Kisa^i 314 ‘All b. al-H. b. ‘A li b. FudM al-Kufi 431 ‘All b. al-H. b. ‘Allan al-Harrani 466 ‘All b. al-H. al-Baharzi 49, 423, 532 ‘All b. al-H. b. al-Fath b. al-Mutawwaq 413, 505 ‘All b. al-H, b. Fihr 450, 591 ‘All b. al-H. b. al-Masitah 413, 505 ‘All b. al-H., Muwaffaq-ad-din al-Hazraji 312, 396, 443 , 485 ‘All b. al-H., a. 1-Q. b. ‘Asakir  [includes Ta?Hh Dimasq)  43, 123, 163, 169, 272, 276, 34 5 , 352, 378 i., 393, 39^, 404, 429, 441, 447 f., 451, 45 4 , 468, 473 , 483, 515, 524, 532, 587, 593 , 603 ‘Ali b. al-H., a. 1-Q. al-Wazir 279 ‘All b. al-H. b. Saqiq al-Marwazi  IHdn 142 ‘A ll b. H., Sayf-ad-dm b. ‘ Izz-ad-dm alIsfahsalar 53 ‘Ali b. Hibatallah b. Makiila 448, 473, 514, 523, 525

‘Ali b. al-Hu., a. 1-Fadl al-Falaki 523 ‘Ali b. al-Hu., a. 1-Faraj al-Isbahani {includes  Agdn i)  50, 84, 291, 293, 300, 327, 350, 387 f., 425, 428, 432, 434, 446, 497, 508, 528, 609 ‘Ali b. al-Hu. al-Mas‘udi 10, 42, 50, 54, 59, 65, 67, 81, 88 f,, 96, 108 f., I ll , 114, 123, 127, 135-137, 176, 183, 187, 266  f., 272, 290 f., 324, 3 78, 386 f., 408 -413, 429, 432, 458, 482, 487, 489 f-, 501-5 11 ‘Ali b. al-Hu. b. Mvisa al-Murtada 432 ‘Ali b. al-Hu, az-Zarrad ad-Daylami 596 ‘All b, Ibr,, ‘Ala’-ad-din b, al-‘Attar 452, 607 ‘All b, Ibr, al-Yamaiii al-Hanafi 269 ‘Ali b. ‘Isa al-Wazir 122, 503, 509 ‘All b. Ism., a, 1-H. al-As‘ari 429, 548, 603 ‘Ali b. Ism. b. Sidah 85, 543 ‘Ali b. Ja‘far b. al-Qatta‘ 466, 470 ‘All b. al-Jahm 183, 185, 256 ‘A li b. (a. l-)Mansur al-M aliki: ‘AH b. Zafir al-Azdi ‘Ali b. Mansur b. al-Qarih 73 ‘Ali b. Mas‘ud b. Nafis al-Mawsili 581 (?) ‘All b. al-Mufaddal, a. 1-H. al-Maqdisi 512, 524 ‘A li b. M. b. ‘Al. b, Hnwn (Hanun) at-Tabari

78

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES ‘All b. M., ‘Ala^-ad-din al-Bagdadi al-Hazin 397 ‘Ali b. M. b. Farhuii 604 ‘Ali b. M. al-Fayyumi 499 ‘Ali b. M., a. 1-H. b. al-Qattan 524 ‘Ali b. M. b. Hatib au-Nasiriyah 126, 170, 44 5 , 4 5 2 , 455 , 4 6 7 , 4 7 2 , 4 7 8 , 526, 583 ‘All b. M., a. Hayyan at-Tawhidi 36, 51 f., 105, 322, 348, 350, 368 ‘All b. M., ‘ Izz-ad-din b. al-Atir 45, 53, 55, 58, 64, 100, 108, 112, 127, 146 f., 154, 243, 275, 298 f., 307, 321, 336 f., 339, 365, 387, 393 , 405, 448, 482, 491, 506, 528 f., 531 f‘Ali b. M. al-Jurjani 531 ‘Ali b. M. b. Kas, a. 1-Q. 590 ‘A ll b. M. al-Mada^ini 69 f., 89, 104, 127 , 429, 506 ‘All b. M. al-Mawardi 258 f., 365, 401 f., 413, 588 ‘Ali b. M. au-Nawfali 506 ‘All b. M. al-Qabisi 46, 608 ‘Ali b. M. ar-Ru‘ayni 396, 465 ‘Ali b. M. b. as-Sabbag 433 ‘All b. M., Sadr-ad-diii b. al-Adami 344 ‘Ali b. M. b. Suja‘ ar-Raba‘i 469 ‘Ali b. M. b. a. s-Surur as-Saruji 408 ‘Ali b. M. at-TanMisi /‘Mn 141 ‘Ali b. M. at-Taiiuhi 272 ‘All b. M., b. at-Tayyib al-Jullabi 484 ‘Ali b. M. b. ‘liba yd b. al-Ku fi 482 ‘Ali b. M. al-Yiinini 491 ‘Ali b. M., Zahir-ad-din al-Kazaruni 397, 410, 497, 506 ‘Ali b. Mujahid ar-Razi 394, 410, 505 ‘All b. Munjib b. as-Sayrafi 413 ‘A li b. Musa b. Sa‘ id 86, 97, 308, 460, 473, 47 9 , 516 ‘All b. Nasr, Sa‘d-ad-din al-Isfarayini 480 ‘Ali al-Qari (Qari^): ‘Ali b. Sultan al-Qari ‘Ali b. a. 1-Q. b. Qufl ad-Dimyati 604 ‘Ali b. Rabban at-Tabari 47 ‘Ali b. Rid wan 171 ‘Ali b. as-Sari al-Karhi 124 ‘Ali b. Sultan al-Qari 531 ‘All b. a, Talib 38, 63, 99, 133 f,, 136, 190-193, 235, 254, 278 f,, 285, 324, 332, 348, 352, 355 , 359   f-, 382 f., 406 f., 433 , 5 i 7 , 528, 534 , 55 5 , 573 i-, 576 , 589 ‘Ali b. ‘Ubaydallah b. Babawayh 431 ‘Ali b. ‘ Ubaydallah, a. 1-H. b. az-Zaguni 82 f. ‘All b. ‘ U. ad-Dar aqutm 334, 363, 418, 436 f., 439, 446-450, 514, 522, 528, 592 f., ‘All b. ‘ U., a. 1-H. b. as-Sabbag 458 ‘A li b. ‘U tman at-Turkmani 397 ‘All b. Ya. al-Munajiim 110 ‘Ali b, Yu. al-Qifti 32, 5 4 , 59 , 73 , 78 , 80 f., 83, 158-160, 285 f., 348, 381, 404, 411, 422, 45 9 , 469, 477 , 483, 510, 528

‘A ll b. ZMir al-Azdi 174, 297, 404, 410 f., 432, 462, 529 426, ‘Ali b. Zayd al-Bayhaqi 49, 84, 161, 174, 254, 285, 295, 321, 343 , 414 f,, 423, 45 7 , 461, 463, 465, 467 f,, 483, 535, 584 al-‘Ali, Salih A. VUI a. l-‘Aliyah (Rufay‘)  I ‘l dn J39 al-‘Allamah al-Hilli: H. b. Yu.  b. ‘A lla n; ‘ Al i b. al-H . al-Alma‘i: ‘Abd-al-Gafir (Gaffar) b, Hu. al-‘Almawi: ‘A bd-al-Basit b. Musa  Al p Ar slan 120, 178  b. ‘A lqa ina h; M. b. al- Ha laf  ‘Alqam ah (b. Qays an-Naha ‘i ?)  IHdn 139  b. ‘A lqa ma h: Tam ma m b. ‘ Am ir ‘Alqamah b. Di Jadan 158  Alt am ira , R, X IV  al-‘Aluji, ‘Abd-al-Hamid 295  b. al- Am ana h; M. b. M., Mu hib b-ad -din  Am ar, E. 246, 396, 405, 457, 465, 473  Am ari , M. 462, 470 al-A‘mas; Su, b. Mihran  Am edr oz, H. F. i i i f., 462 al-Amidi; ‘Ali b. a. ‘Ali al-Amidi: al-H. b. Bisr al-‘Amili: M. b. Hu., Baha’-ad-din al-Amin 49  b, al-A mi n, a, Ish aq 405 al-Amini: ‘ U, b. al-Hajib, ‘Izz-ad-din

 b. ‘ Am ir; ‘A l. ‘Amir b. Hafs; Suhaym ‘Am ir b. Sarahil as-Sa‘bi 63, 187, 324, 380,

^385, 517, 591

‘Amir  b. ‘Umayr 565 ‘Amir, ‘Abd-al-Mun‘ini 133  b. ‘A mi rah ; A. b, ‘A l. al-‘Ainiri: M. b. Yu., a. I-H.  b. ‘A inm ar; His am b. ‘ Am mar  b. ‘A mm ar: M. b, ‘A l.  b. ‘A mm ar; M, b. ‘A mm ar ‘Ammar b. Yasir 590,  IHdn 13Q a. ‘Amr b. al-‘Ala^ 210, 295 f., 581 f. ‘Amr b. ‘Ali, a. Hafs al-Fallas 392, 436, 501 ‘Amr b, al-‘As 495, 579,  IHdn 137 f. ‘Am r b. Bahr al-Jahiz 36, 49, 64 f., 100, 162, 259, 305, 324, 35 5 , 391, 435 , 498, 501, 506 ‘Amr b. Dinar 381 f. a. ‘Amr b. Hafs 346 ‘Amr b. Jumay‘ al-Azdi 453 ‘Amr b. al-Harit (al-Misri)  IH dn 138 ‘A^ir b. Ma‘dikarib 528 a. ‘Amr b. al-Murabit: M. b. ‘U tman ‘Amr b. Rafi‘  I'-ld n 14 1 ‘Amr b. Su‘ayb 450 ‘Amr b. ‘ Utman, Sibawayh 314 al-Arnuli: M, b, Mahmud  An as b. Mal ik 369, 379, 394, 51 7,  IH dn J39  An aw ati , G. C. 484 al-‘Anazi: al-H. b. ‘Ulayl al-‘A nazi: M. b. (al-) ^lutanna

619

al-Aubiiri; A. b. M.  And ron icus 78 f.  An ianu s 79  b. Au jab ; ‘.Aili  b. al- An ma ti; Ism. b. ‘A l. al-Ansari: al-‘Abbas b. M. al-Ansari; ‘Al. b. M. al-Harawi al-Ansari; ‘Ar. b. M., a. Zayd al-Ansari; Sa‘id b. Aws, a. Zayd al-Antaki: Ya. b. Sa‘ld ‘Antar 47, 188 al-‘Antari (a. 1-Mu^ayyad al-Jazari) 47  An t una, M. M. 70, 87  AnCi sarwan 36, 52, 11 7, 319, 386, 539 f., 552, 579 aI-‘Aqabi: A. b. M., Sihab-ad-din al-Aqfahsi: A, b. ‘Imad al-Aqfahsi: Halil b. M., Salah-ad-din  b. ‘A qiI: ‘A li ”  b. ‘ Aq il; M. ‘Aqil b. Sarija, Qutb-ad-din 606 al-Aqsahri: M. b. A. b. Amin a. l-‘Arab: ‘Abd-al-‘Aziz b, Saddad a, l-‘Arab: M. b. A, a. l-‘Arab as-Sinhaji 473 a. l-‘Arab as-Siqilli (?) 473  b. ‘A rab i: M. b. ‘A li  b. al- ‘A rab i: M. b. ‘A l., a, Bak r al-‘Arabi: M. b. ‘U., Jamal-ad-din al-‘Arabi; ‘U. b. M. b. Mas‘ud  b. al -A ‘r abi; A. b. M., a. Sa ‘i d  b. ‘A rab sah ; A. b. M,  Ar ber ry , A, J. 263, 398, 402, 405, 424 f., 518, 524  Ar das ir (b. Ba bak , Ba bak an)

36, 52,

180,

386, 539 f.  Arev 'alo, F. 15 ‘Arib b. Sa‘d al-Qurtubi 82 al-‘Arini, as-Sayyid al-Baz X IV   Ar ist otl e 52, 1x7, 133, 138, 155 , 246, 257, 507 al-Armanazi: 6ay t b. ‘Ali al-ArraJani; A. b. M,  b. Ars ljln; Mah mud b. M. a. ‘Arubah: aFHu, b, M, b, Mawdud al-A‘sa 261, 324, 572  As ‘a b at-tdmi'- 599  As ad b. Ha md awa yh al-W ara tin i 473  As ‘ ad b. al- Hu tay r, a. 1-Makarim 596  A s‘ ad b. al-M uha dda b b. Mam mat i 116  As ‘ ad Tu bb a‘ 158 al-.\sadi; al-Hu. b. A. b. al-Hu., a. ‘Al.  b. ‘A sa ’ir ;  M.  b. ‘Ali al-Asajj; ‘Utman b. al-Hattab, a. d-dunya  b. ‘ Asa kir ; ‘. A.bd-as- Samad b. ‘A bd- al W'ahh ab, a. 1-Yumn  b, ‘A sak ir; ‘A li b. al-H ., a. 1-Q.  b. ‘A sak ir; ahQ , b, ‘A li al-Asamrn; M, b. Ya ‘qub, a. l-‘Abb as al-Asamm; Safwan al-As‘ari; ‘Al. b. Qays, a. Musa

620

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-As'ari: A. b. M. al-As‘ ari: 'Ali b. Ism., a. 1-H.  As bag b. 'A li (al- 'Ab b^s ?) b. Hisd in b. a. l-'^Abbas 474 a. 1-Asbag b. Sahl 526  b. As ba t (Sib at); Ha mz ah b. A.  b. al-A sfa r 465  Ash ab (Mis kin b. ‘A bd -al -‘ Azi z) 592  As hto r, E. X IV , 496-498, 513 'Asim (Qur’an reader) 5S2  b. a. ‘^Asim;  A. b. 'Am r, a. Ba kr  b. ‘Asim: a. Ya. b. a. Bakr a. ‘^Asim al-'AbbMi; M. b. A. a. 'Asim an-Nabtl: ad-Dahhak b. Mahlad  Asi n Pal acio s, M. 36, 334 al-Asja'i: Sa'id b. ^Isa  b. 'A sk ar : M. b. 'A ll b. Hi dr 'Askar (b. M.) b. al-Hu.: a. Turab an-Nahsabi al-'Askari; al-H. b. 'AL, a. A. al-'Askari: al-H. b. 'Al., a. Hilal  As lam b. Sah l, Ba hs al al-W ^si ti 94, 166 f ., 484 al-Asma'i: 'Abd-al-Malik b. Qurayb al-'Asqalani: Adam al-'Asqalani: A. b. 'All b. Hajar al-'Asqalani: A. b. M. b 'Uba yd b. Adam al-'Asqalaiii: 'Isa b. A. al-'Asqalani: M. b. H. b. Qutaybah al-'Asqalani: M. b. 'Ubayd b. Adam al-'Asqalani: Yu b. Sahin al-Asraf: Barsbay  al-Asraf: InM al-Asraf; Ism. b. al-'Abbas al-Asraf; Qa’itbay al-'Assab; A. b. M. b. Mufrih (b.) al-'Assal: M. b. A., a. A. al-'Assal; M. b. Sa'd, a. 1-Barakat al-Astar, Salih 312 al-Astarabadi: 'Ar. b. M. al-Idrisi a. 1-Aswad: 'Ar. b. al-Fayd a. 1-Aswad 395 a. 1-Aswad ad-Du’ali (Zalim b. 'Amr) 332 al-Aswad (b. Yazid an-Naha'i)  IHdn ij g al-Aswani: 'Al. b. A. b. Sulaym  b. 'At:  A. b. Ha run , a. 'U .  b. 'A ta ’ ; b. 'A ta ’l lah 'A ta ’ b. M. al-Juwayni 37, 54, 124, 176, 453 'A ta ’ (b. a. Rabah Aslam)  IHdn 136 a. l-'Atilhiyah 609  b. 'A ta ’ll ah ; A. b. M. b. 'Ab d- al- Ka rim  b. 'A ta ’ll ah : M. b. 'A ta ’( mh ), §am s-ad -din al-Ataribi: Hamdan b. 'Abd-ar-Rahim  At es, A. r48 'Atiq b. Halaf at-Tujibi 473 f.  b. al- At ir: 'A ll b. M., 'Izz- ad- din  b. al- At ir: Ism. b. A.  b. al- At ir: al-M uba rak b. M., Maj d-ad -din  b. al- At ir: Nas ral lah b. M., D iy a’ -ad-di n 'Atiyah, 'Aziz Suryal 116 'Attab b. Asid 281 f. al-'Attar; Aban b. Yazid

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

 b. al -'A tta r: 'A li b. Ibr ., 'A la ’-a d-d in al-'Attar; al-H. b. A., a. l-'Ala’ al-'Attar: M. b. 'Al. b. al-Haytam al-'Attar; Ya. b. 'Ali, Rasid(-ad-din)  b. al- 'A tu b! (?) 471 'Awad, B. 'A .: 'Iwad a. 'Awanah; Ya 'qub b. Ishaq 'Awanah b. al-Hakam 73, 89 f., 104 al'Awhadi; A. b. 'Al., Sihab-ad-din  b, 'A w n: 'A l. 'Awn, 'Abd-ar-Ra’iif 432 'Awwad, K. 5, 128, 166 'Awwad, M. 153, 173, 500  b. al- Aw za' i: 'A r. al-Awza'i: 'Ar. b. 'Amr  Ay ad , Ka mi l X IV   Ay alo n, D. 53  b. Ay ba k: A.  b. Ay ba k: M. b. 'A li  b. al- 'A yd ar us : 'Ab d-a l-Q ad ir b. 'A l. a. l-'Ay ni’ 609 al-'Ayni: Mahmud b. A. a. l-'Ays: A. b. al-Q. Kannun  b. 'A yy as al- Qa tta n; Ya .  Ay yu b b. M., as-S alih b. al- Ka m il 489  Ay yu b as- Sah tiy ani 367,  I^ldn 139  Ay yu b b. Zay d (!) b. (al- )Qi rriy ah 187 ,  I^ldn 13 7  al-'Ayzari: M. b. M. b. al-^idr al-Azdi: A. b. A. b. al-Hu. b. a. 1-Mansur al-Azdi: A. b. M. b. 'Ali b. al-Hu. al-Azdi; 'Ali b.  ZMir al-Azdi; al-Hu. b. 'A li b. a. 1-Mansur al-Azdi: Ibr. b. al-Hu. b. 'Ali al-Azdi: M. b. 'Al. al-Azdi: M. b. A. b. al-Hu. al-Azdi; M. b. al-Hu., a. 1-Fath al-Azdi: Yazid b. M., a. Zakariya’ al-Azdi; Zafir b. H. (al-Hu.)  b. al- Az ha r; Ja 'fa r b. M.  b. a. 1-Azhar; M. b. A. b. Mazyad al-'Azimi; M. b. 'Ali al-'Aziz (of Egypt) 59  b. al- Az ra q: A. b. Yu .  b. al- Az ra q: 'U . al-Azraqi; M. b. 'Al. 'Azzam, 'Abd-al-VVahhab 424 al-'Azzawi, 'Abbas 5, 156, 408, 410, 440, 467, 493 , 526 B  b. Ba bah ; A. b. 'A li  b. Ba ba wa yh , a. 1-H. 431, 469 Babay 180 Babinger, F. XIV, 4, 7, 51, 140 al-Bablutti: Ya. b. 'Al. b. ad-Dahhak  Bacher, W. 139, 180 Bacon, Francis 179 Badawi, 'Ar. 52, 257, 327, 350, 352 al-Badi' al-Hamadani: A. b. al-Hu.

Badr-ad-din: Lu ’lu’  b. Ba dru n; 'Ab d-a l-M ali k b. 'A l. al-Bagawi; 'Al. b. M., a. 1-Q. al-Bagawi: 'Abd-al-Malik al-Bagdadi, a. 'A li 609 al-Bagdadi, a. 1-Barakat: H ibatallah al-Bagdadi, a. I-Q. 594 al-Baharzi; 'Ali b. al-H.  b. Ba hr ez: 'A bd -Y as u'  b. Ba hr ez: Ha bib Bahsal; Aslam b. Sahl a. I-Bahtari; Wahb b. Wahb al-Bajawi, 'Alt M. 404 al-Baji; Su. b. ^alaf, a. 1-Walid al-Bakka’i; Ziy 4 d b. 'AL a. Bakr 47, 383, 389, 406, 534, 573, 589 a. Bakr b. a. 'Al. : 'Al. b. M., a. Bakr alMaliki a. Bakr b. 'Al. (b.) ad-DawMari 109, 272, 287, 45 5 , 487 a. Bakr b. A., Taqi-ad-din b. Qadi Suhbah 317, 415, 458, 483, 492, 496, 510 Bakr b. 'Ali b. liijjah 52 Bakr b. 'Azrah (?) 599 Bakr b. a. Dawud; 'Al. b. Su. Bakr b. Fathun; M. b. Ilalaf  Bakr b. Hamsin 466 Bakr b. Hayyan: M. b. Halaf b. Hayyan, a. Bakr Waki' a. Bak r b. al-Hu., Zayn-ad-din al-Maragi

a. a. a. a. a. a.

452, 476, 503 a. Bakr al-Iiuwarizmi: M. b. al-'Abbas a. Bakr b. M., Taqi-ad-din al-Hisni 588 a. Bakr b. M., Taqi-ad-din al-Qalqasandi

439 fa. Bakr b. M. b. Yu ., Radi-ad-din (ar-Rida ?) 485 Bakr b. Munayyir (Munir, Munabbih) 342 a. Bakr b. Qiwam al-Balisi 608 a. Bakr b. Sadaqah 467 a. Bakr b. as-Sani: A. b. M. b. Ishaq a. Bakr b. a. Saybah: ' A l . b. M. a. Bakr as-Sibli 289 a. Bakr b. a. 'U. b. A. b. yalil as-Sakuni 604 f. a. Bakrah at-Taqafi; Nufay' b. al-Harit al-Bakri; 'Al. b. M. al-Bakri; A. b. 'Al., a. 1-H. al-Bakri; al-H. b. M., Sadr-ad-din al-Bakri, a. 'A li 439  b.'i Bal aba n, Say f-a d-d in as- Su 'iid i ( = 'A bd al-Latif b. Balaban, of.  Daw^,  I, 492; II, 406) 584 al-Baladi: Ibr. b. al-Haytam al-Baladuri: A. b. Ya. al-Balati (al-Bulayti); 'Utman b. 'Isa al-Balawi: 'Al. (b. M.) b. Mahfiiz al-Balawi: M. b. A., a. 'Amir al-Balhi: 'Al. b. A., a. 1-Q. al-Ka'bi al-Balhi: A. b. Sahl, a. Zayd

621

al-Balhi; 'Ali b al-Fadl b. Tahir al-Balhi; M. b. 'Aqil al-x\zhari al-Balhi; b. Tarhan al-Balisi; a. Bakr b. Qiwam al-Balisi; M. b. 'U. b. a. Bakr b. Qiwam al-Ballafiqi; M. b. M., a. 1-Barakat  b. al- Ba nn a’ ; al-H . b. A. , a. 'A li al-Banna’, Hasan 47  b. a. 1-Baqa’ 409 Baqi b. MaUad 521, 590, 599,  IHdn 140 al-Baqillani: M. b. at-Tayyib Baqiyah (b. al-Walid)  I^ldn 139 Bar Hebraeus 138 al-Baradi'i: Halaf b. (a.) 1-Q.  b. a. I-B ar aka t 469 a. 1-Barakat b. Kabar; b. Kabar al-Barda'i (Barda'i) 457 al-Bardiji; A. b. Harun  b. al- Ba riz i: 'Ab d-a r-R ah im b. Ibr. al-Barkani (Barnakani); M. b. A. b. Sahl Barmecides 140, 172, 314, 429 Barnes, H. A. XIV al-Barqani; A. b. M., a. Bakr al-Barqi, a. Bakr 501 (see also  A. b. 'Al. and  M. b. 'Al.) Barquq az-Zahir 412, 443, 498, 596 Barsbay al-Asraf 41, 282, 328, 331, 409, 412,

597 Barth, J. 11 Barthold, W. XV, r24, 145, 321 f., 470, 473 al-Bariidi, a. Mansur 404 al-Basani; A. b. M.  b. Bas ha n; M. b. A. al-Basir, a. l-'Abbas: A. b. M. b. 'Ar. al-Basir, a. 'Ali 508  b. Bas kuw al; Ha laf b. 'A bd- al- Ma lik  al-Basri: al-H. al-Basri (b.) al-Basri, a. 'Ali 419, 511  b. Bas sam ; 'A li b. Bas sai n Bassar b. Burd 327 Basset, R. 97, 181 BaStak an-Nasiri 425 al-Bastaki: M. b. Ibr., Badr-ad-din al-Batirqani; A. b. al-Fadl  b. Ba tis ; Ism. b. Hi bat all ah , 'Ima d-a d-d in al-BattM 47 al-Battani: M. b. Jabir Bauer, A. 176 Baumstark, A. 26, 76, 78 f., 151 al-Ba'rini: Ibr. b. A., Burhan-ad-din al-Ba'uni; M. b. A., Sams-ad-din al-Ba'iini; M. b. Yu., Baha’-ad-din Baur, F. C. 10 al'Bawardi; M. b. al-Mutanna Baybars al-Mansuri ad-Dawadar 56, 147, 408, 496 f., 503 Baybars az-Zahir 51, i88 f., 412, 596 al-Baydawi: M. b. M. al-Bayhaqi: A, b. al-Hu., a. Bakr al-Bayhaqi: 'Ali b. Zayd

85,

622

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Bayhaqi: Ibr. b. M. al-Bayhaqi: M. b. al-Hu., a. 1-Fadl al-B aysa ui: “^Abd-ar-Rahim b. '^Ali, al-Qadi al-Fadil al-B azza r; A. b. “^Amr, a. Bakr al-Ba zzar ; 'U. b. “^Ali, Siraj-ad- din al-Bazzaz; A. b. M. b. Yunus, a. Ishaq Beaurecueil, S. de 361 Becker, C, H. XV , lo i, 175, 181, 335, 434, 473 Bejkem 53 Bel, A. 190 Beige, K. R. 530 Bellamy, J. A. 83 Beil  Ac li ou r, F. 445 Ben-Dor, I. 506 Ben Shemesh, A. 117 Berge, M. 36 Berges, W. 48 Bergstriisser, G. 83, 322, 468 Bernheim, E, XIV al-Biqa'i; Ibr. b. ‘U Birge, J. K. 248 al-Birmawi; M. b. 'Abd-ad-DaHm al-Birunt: M. b. A. (b.) al-Birzali; M. b. Yu., a. 'Al. (b.) ai-liirzali: al-Q. b. M., 'Alam-ad-dm al-Bisbisi: 'Al, b. A. al-Biskri: Nasir b. A. Bisr b. Giyat al-Marisi 431 Bisr b. al-Harit al-Hafi 599 Bisr b. al-Mufaddal 518 al-Bistami: 'Ar. b. M.  b. al- Bit riq : Ya . b. al-H u. Blau, J. 314 Blochet, E. 142, 146 Bodiu, Jean XIV, 50, 113 Boer, T. J. de 194 Bolingbroke, H. St. J. g Bonebakker, S. A. 272, 524 Boyle, J. A. 124, 453 Brauulich, E. 387 Brinner, W. M. 157, 391, 451 Brockelmann, C. V, 4 f., 23, 147 , I54, 181, 261, 355, 453 (and GAL passim) Brooks, E. W. 76 f., 79 Browne, E. G. 116, 162, 177 Briinnow, R, 127, 365, 505 Brunschvig, R. 238, 396 Buchthal, H. 176  b. al- Bu ha ri: 'A li b. A. b. 'Ab d- al-W ah id al-Buhari; Ishaq b. Bisr, a. Hudayfah al-Buhjiri: M. b. A., Gunjar al-Buhari: M. b. Ism. al-Buhari: ]\r. b. i\L, ^Ala’-ad-din  b. Buhtisfi*:: 'U ba yd all ah b. Jib ril Buhtnassar (Xebuchadnezzar) 386  b. Bu htu r: Salih b. ^^li  b. Bu htu r: Sali h b. Ya . al-Buhturi, a. 'Ubadah 607  b. Bu ka yr : Yu nu s

al-Bulayti; 'Utman b. 'Isa al-Balati al-Bulqiiii; 'Ar. b. 'Ar. b. ‘^U., Jalal-ad-din al-B ulqiu i: Salih b. 'U ., ‘■Alarn-ad-din al-Bulqini: 'U. b. Raslan al-Bundari: al-Fath b. M. Buraydah b. Husayb al-Aslami 295,  IHdn 142 Burhan-ad-din al-Halabi: Ibr. b. M., Sibt b. al-'Ajami al-Busanji (Busanji ?): M. b. A. b. Mazyad  b. a. 1-Azhar al-Busauji; M. b. Ibr., a. ‘Al.  b. Bu tla n; al-M uht ar b. al-H . Butler, A. J. 76 Butrus ar-Rahib 138 al-Buwayti: Y’u. b. Ya. al-Buziiri: 'Ar. b. 'Isa, a. M.  b. al- Bu zu ri: Mah fiiz b. M a'tu q

Caesar 50 Caetani, L. 108, 127, 141, 281, 376, 405 Cahen, C. X V f., 64, 82 f., 138, 175, 177, 196, 397, 412, 431, 463, 465 f. Cain (Qabil) 183, 570 Canard, M. 49, 120, 170, 482 Cantineau, J. 19 Caqmaq az-ZMiir 412, 597 Casanova, P. 44 Casiri, M. 35 Caskel, W. XV, 19 f., 96 Cerulli, E. 119, 196 Chabot, J.-B. 76, 79 Cheikho, L. 47, 77, 121, 138 Chejne, A. G. 5, 120 Christensen, A. 75 Cicero 358 Cleopatra 386 Codera, F. 4, 155, 168, 312, 378, 400, 419, 459 , 4 f)i, 464, 472, 474 Colin, G. S. 477 Combe, E. 124 Constantine I 73, 418 Constantine VII 80 Conti Rossini, C. 12 f. Croce, B. 3, 9 Cyrillus of Alexandria 79 D ad-Dabayti: ad-Dubayti  b. ad -D abb ag: Yu . b. ‘A l., a. l-\Va lid  b. ad- I)ab bag al-A iis ari 460  [sie also  'Ar.  b. M., a. Zayd ) acl-Dabbi: A. b. 'Abdah ad-Dabbi: A. b. Ya.  b. Da bu qa : Ja 'fa r b. al-Q ., Rad i-ad -di n ad-Dahabi: M. b. A. Dahan, S. : ad-Dahhan, S.

623

ad-Dihqan; M. b. 'Ali b. al-Fadl ad-Dahhak b. Mahlad, a. 'Asim an-Nabil 519  b. Dih qan (?) 461 ad-Dahhaii: M. b. 'Ali, a. Suja'  b, Di hy ah ; 'U . b. al-H u., a. 1-Hattab ad-Dahhan (Dahan), S. 82, 156 f., 283, 412, Di'lij b. A. b. Di'lij 444 420, 427. 462, 469, 483, 486, 502, 523 Dilthey, W. 100  b. Da hh aq: Ibr. b. Yu . ad-I)in\asqi; 'Ar. b. 'Amr, a. Zur'ah  b. Da hja n (?) 461 ad-Dimasqi; 'Abd-as-Salam b. Yu.  b. a. d-d am : Ibr, b. 'A l. b. 'Ab d-a l-M un 'im ad-Dimasqi; A. b. al-Mu'alla ad-Damagani: M. b. 'Ali ad-Dimasqi; M. b. al-H., as-Sarif al-Husayni ad-Damagani: M. b. 'Isa ad-Dimasqi; M. b. 'Utman, a, Zur'ah ad-Damrawi: M. b. SMih b. Musa ad-Dimasqi; Yu. b. A., a. 1-Mahasin ad-Damsisi: Ya. b. M. ad-Dimyati; 'Abd-al-Mu^min b. Halaf, Sarafad-Dani; 'Utman b. Sa'id, a. 'Amr ad-dui Daniel (Daniyal) ii2 , 358 f. ad-Dimyati; A. b. Aybak, a. 1-Hu.  b. Da niy al; M. b. Da niy al ad-Dimyati; 'Ali b. a. 1-Q. b. Qufl ad-Daniyali 112 Dinar (father of Saliniah) 379  b. Da qiq -al -'id : M. b. 'A li, Taqi -ad- din ad-Dinaw'ari; 'Al. b. M. Daqiqi 180 ad-Dinawari: A. b. Dawrid Dara b. Dara (Darius) 386 ad-Dinawari; A. b. Marwan, a. Bakr ad-Daraqutni: 'A ll b. 'U. ad-Dinawari; A. b. M. b. Ishaq, a. Bakr ad-Darbandi, Mamsus 461 ad-Dinawari; M. b. 'Ali  b. Da rba s; ‘■Utman b. 'Is a Dindorf, G. (W.) 76 a. d-Darda^ ('Uwaymir b. Zayd) 324 Diodes 151 ad-Darimi: 'Al. b. 'Ar. Diocletian 125 f., 544 ad-Darimi; 'Utman b. Sa'id Dioscurides 80 f. Darmesteter, J. 115 ad-Dirini; 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. A., 'Izz-ad-din a. Darr: 'Abd b. A. Diya^-ad-din al-Maqdisi; M. b. 'Abd-ala. Darr; Mus'ab b. M. ’ Wahid a. Darr al-Cifari 562, 589 a. pkw(r)h al-Mawsili 482 ad-Darrab; al-H. b. Ism. D o d ge , B . V n i ad-Darrab; Ism. b. Ibr. al-Qarrab Dorn, B. 16, 162, 474 ad-Dastuwa^i; Hisam b. a. 'Al. Dozy, R. 82, 150, 155, 1 8 1 , 261, 457, 460, David (Dawud) 359, 385, 563 462, 477 (b.) ad-Dawa dari: a. Bakr b. 'Al. Droysen, J. G. 197 ad-Dawlabi; M. b. A., a. Bisr Du 1-Himmah 47 ad-Dawraq? 590 Du n-Nun al-Misri 600 Dawud; David Du 1-qarnayn; Alexander  b. a. Da wu d; 'A l. b. Su ., a. Ba kr ad-Du^ali; a. 1-Aswad a. Dawud; Su. b. al-As'at (b.) ad-Dubayti (Dabayti); M. b. Sa'id a. Dawud; Su. b. Dawud Dubler, C. E. 77, 196 Dawud b. 'Ali al-Isbahani 593 ad-Duguli; M. b. 'Ar., a. l-'Abb^s Dawud al-'Azab 600 ad-Duhli; M. b. A., a. t-Tahir Dawud b. al-Jarrah 503 ad-Duhli; M. b. Ya. ad-Dawiidi: A. b. Nasr ad-Duhli; Su ja' b. Faris  b. ad -D ay ah ; A. b. Yu . Duhaym; 'Ar. b. Ibr.  b. ad- Da yah ; Yu . b. Ibr.  b. Du ha yni : al-H .  b. ad -D ay ba '; 'A r. b. 'A li ad-Dujayl), 'Abd-al-Karim 332 Dayf, Sawqi 479  b. a. Du lay m; 'A l. b. M. ad-Daylami; .Sahrdar b. Sirawayh ad-Dunaysiri: 'U. b. al-Hidr ad-Uaylami: Sirawayh b. .Sahrdar Dunlop, D. M. 35  b. ad- Da yr i; Sa 'd b. M.  b. a. d-d un ya; 'A l. b. M., a. Bak r Dedering, S. 169, 259, 292, 361, 412, 414, a. d-dunya; 'Utman b. al-Hattab 42 453, 463, 465, 468  b. Du qni aq; Ibr. b. M. Denipf, A. 10  b. Du ray d; M. b, al-H . Derenbourg, H. 315 Duravd b. as-Sinunah 300 Dhorme, P. 11 ad-Dhri; (al-)'Abbas b. M.  b. a. p i'b : M. b. 'Ar . ad-Duri; M. b. Mahlad, a. '.M. Di'bil b. 'Ali al-Huza'i 600 ad-Dviri, '.\bd-al-'Aziz XV, 69 f., 89 f., 131, Dieterici, 1'. 34, 257 334 f., 381, 392 f., 39 5 , 506 Dietri ch, 50, 280  b. Du ru sta wa yh ; 'A l. b. Ja 'fa r ad-Dihli: Sa'id b. 'Al.

624

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES E

Eghbal, 'Abbas 162, 290 Elijah of Nisibis 48, 73, 79, 462, 503 Enger, R. 259, 413 Erman, A. 126 Ernst, H. 412 Ettinghausen, R. 176 Euclid 507 Eusebius 78 Eutychius (Sa'id b. Bitriq) 80, 137 f. Eve 183 F a. 1-FadaHl (?) 458 al-Fa dili 468 ( = Ibr. b. Dawu d, d. 692/ 1293 ?) al-Fadili; Ibr. b. DawM al-Fadlb. ‘Al. al-Harawi  IHdn 142 al-B'adl b. 'Abd-al-Muttalib, Taj-ad-din a. 1-Ma'ali al-HMimi 544 al-Fadl b. Duka yn, a. Nu 'aym 278, 380,  JHdn 14 1 al-Fadl b. Marwan b. Misarjis 51, 174 al-Fadl b. Musa  I'^ldn 14 2 a. 1-Fadl b. Nasir: M. b. Nasir a. I-Fadl b. Tahir: M. b. Jahir Fadlallah: Rasid-ad-din Fadlallah b. a. 1-Fahr 500  b. Fad lal lah al-‘ Um ari : A. b. Ya .  b. Fa hd ; <^Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'U ., 'Izz- ad- diu  b. Fah d; “^Abd- al-Qadi r b. 'Ab d- al- 'A ziz  b. Fah d: M. b. M., Taq i-ad -di n  b. Fa hd ; 'U . b. M,, Naj m-a d-d in  b. al- Fa hh ar; M. b. Ibr ., a. ‘A l. Fahr-ad-din Mubarak Sah 98 Fajjr-ad -din ar-R azi: M. b. ‘^U. al-Fakihi: M. b. Ishaq al-Falaki: 'AH b. al-Hu„ a. 1-Fadl al-Fallas: 'Amr b. 'All, a. Hafs al-Faini: 'Ar. b. 'Abd-al-Jabbar, a. Nasr al-Fami: 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. M.  b. al- Faq ih: A. b. M. al-Farabi: M. b. M. (b.) al-Faradi: 'Al. b. M., a. 1-Walid al-Faradi: Sadaqah b. al-Hu.  b. Fa rah ; A. a. 1-Faraj al-Isbaham; 'AU b. al-Hu. a. 1-Faraj b. al-Jawzi; 'Ar. b. 'All al-Faransis 178 al-Fargani; 'Al. b. A., a. M. al-Fargani: A. b. 'Al.  b. Far hun : 'A l. b. M. b. 'A l. b. M.  b. Far hu n; 'A l. b. M.  b. Far hii n; 'A li b. M.  b. Far hu n; Ibr. b. 'Al i, Bur han -ad- din  b. al-F ari d; 'U.  b. Far igu n 32, 34 f ., 38, 52, 145 Fariq, K. {^.) A. 396, 401  b. Far is; A. Faris, N. A. 125

al-Farisi: Ibr. b. Mahawayh al-Farisi: M. b. A.  b. al- Fa rra ’ ; Ism. b. 'A r. , 'Izz- ad- din  b. al- Fa rr a': M. b. M., b. a. Y a' la Farraj, 'Abd-as-Sattar A. 217, 326, 424, 509 al-Faruqi (?), Badr-ad-diu 441 f. al-Faryabi; Ja'far b. M., a. Bakr al-Faryabi: M. b. Yu. al-Fasawi: A. b. M., a. l-'Abbas an-Nasawi al-Fasawi: Ya'qub b. Sufyan al-Fasi: M. b. A., Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi; M, at-Tayyib al-Fasi, a. 'Imran 419 al-Fasi, M. 516 al-Fath b. Haqan 411 al-Fath b. M. al-Bundari 50, 120, 178, 470 al-Fath b. Musa b. Mismar 398, 587  b. Fa th un ; M. b. Ha laf , a. Ba kr  b. Fa th un ; Sa 'id Fatima h (daughter of the Prophet) 192, 360, 589 Fatimah bint Qays 346  b. a. 1-Fawaris: M, b. A, al-Fayyumi 499, 511 {see also  'Ali b. M.) al-Fazari; A. b. Ibr. b. Siba', Saraf-ad-din al-Fazari: Ibr. b. 'Ar. al-Fazari; Ibr. b. M., a. Ishaq Ferguson, C. A. 161 a. 1-Fida’ ; Ism. b. 'Ali  b. Fih r 450 (see also  'Ali b. al-H.)  Fih rist :  M. b. Ishaq b. an-Nadim Finhas b. Bata (?) al-'Ibram 139 Finkelstein, J. J. 11 al-Fiqi, M. Hamid 420, 431 al-Firabri; A. b. 'Al. al-Firabri; M. b. Yu. a. Firas 182 Firdawsi (includes  Sdhndmah)   178-180, 190,

531  b. al-F irk ah; Ibr. b. 'Ar . al-Firuzabadi: Ibr. b. 'Ali, a. Ishaq as-Slrazi al-F'iruzabadi; M. b. Ya'qiib Fischel, W. 141 Fischer, A. 314 Fleischer, H. L. 28, 72, 79, 511 Flint, R. XIV, 10 Fliigel, G. 50 f., 70, 72 f., 79, 89, 97, 104, 111, 121 f., 125, 127, 137, 139, 151, 162, 164, 168, r8o, 186, 201, 244, 272, 288, 308, 356, 381, 386, 392, 400-402, 404, 410 f., 413, 418, 424, 428 f., 432 f., 436, 450 f., 457, 461 f., 465-467, 474, 476, 478, 482, 484, 486, 488 f., 503 f., 506 f., 510 f., 530 Forrer, L. 4 Franke, H. in Freund, A. 151 Freytag, G. W. 28 Friedlander, I. XV  Frye, R. N. 116, 160, 163, 168, 458, 482 f., 486 Fuchs, F. 75

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Fudayl b. 'lyatj 604,  IHdn 136 Fuck, J. VIII, 332, 453 , 491 Funduq; 'Ali b. Zayd al-Bayhaqi al-Furahinani; M. b. 'Ali b. Hamzah  b. Fu rak : M. b. al-H . al-Fikani; 'Ar. b. M.  b. al- Fu ra t: A.  b. al- Fu ra t; M. b. 'Ab d-a r-R ah im  b. al- Fu ra t: Wa tim ah b. Musa Furlani, G. 79  b. Fu tay s; 'A r. b. M.  b. ai- Fu wa ti: 'Ab d- ar- Ra zza q b. A. G

625

Gottschalk, L. 15 Gottwald t, I. M. E. 73 f., 79, 90, 93, n o f., 124, 137, 160, 378, 386, 459 Graf, G. 78 f., 108, 137, 139, 151, 496 Gregorius, a. 1-Faraj: Bar Hebraeus Grohmann, A. 13, 122 Grundmann, H. 10, 31 Grunebaum, G. E. von XV, 35, 47, 123 f., 180, 235 Gryaznevich, P. A. 89, 119, 145, 282, 327, 387 al-Gubrini; A. b. A. Guest, R. 82, 175, 395 , 435 , 479 Guidi, I. XV , 76, 151 Guillaume, A. 393 Guirgass, W. F. 529 al-Gumri 49, 163, 185, 286, 546 Gunjar; 'Isa b. Musa Gunjar; M. b. A. al-Guzuli; 'Ali b. 'Al.

Gabrieli, F. XV , 470, 510  b. 6a di r; M. b. A. al-Gafiqi: M. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid, a. 1-Q. al-G^iqi: Sa'id b. Su. Galen 90  b. Ga lib 389 H a. (jalib: Humam b. al-Fadl al-Habbal; Ibr. b. Sa'id a. (b.) Cialih  al-Garuati 460  b. al-H abb az; Ism . b. Ibr ., Naj m-a d-d in al-Gallabi; al-Mufaddal b. Gassau 1-Fida' a. al-Gallabi; M. b. Zakariya^  b. Ha bib : 'Ab d-a l-M alik al-Gamri, a. Zayd 470  b. Ha bib : al-H . b. 'U . Garbers, K. 73  b. Ha bib ; M. Garcia Gomez, E. 181, 419 Habib b. Aws; a. Tammam al-Gardizi; 'Abd-al-Hayy b. ad-Dahhak Habib b. Bahrez 79 al-6ariq i (al-Fariqi, al-Faruqi ?), Badr-adHabil; Abel din 441 f.  b. al- Ha ^# ^; M. b. Y a. , a. 'A l. al-Garnati; a. (b.) 6alib al-Haddad; A. b. M. b. Yasin (Sa'id) al-6arnati; M. b. Ayyub b. Galib al-Haddad; M. b. Sa'id, a. Ishaq al-(jarnati: M. b. M. b. Juzayy al-Haddad: Sadaqah b. al-Hu. al-Garnati: Ya. b. M. b. Yu. al-Ansari Haddad, G. M. 5, 54 al-Garraqi (Garrafi), a. l-'Abbas 475 Haddam b. al-JahhM (JahhM) 191 f. al-6assani; al-Hu. b. M., a. 'Ali al-Hadi (b.) Ibr. b. al-Murtada al-Hasani 481 al-Cassani; M. b. 'All b. Hidr  b. Ha did ah: 'A l. b. 'A li al-6assani: Mutarrif b. 'Is& al-Hadrami: M. b. 'Al. Gayt b. 'All al-Armanazi 471 al-Hadrami; M. b. a. Bakr Gayt b. 'Ali as-Suri 471 Hafs b. 'AL  IHdn 14 1 al-Gazal: Ya. b. Hakaui a. Hafs al-Fallas: 'Amr b. 'Ali al-Gazzali: M. b. M. Hafs b. Giyat 277 Geoffrey of Viterbo 196  b. al-Ha^ im: M. b. A ., Muh ibb-ad -din Gerlach, E. 75 Haitsma, Aggaeus 290 Geyer, R. 324  b. a. Ha jala h 369, 604  [see also  A. b. Ya.) Gibb, H. A. R. XV, 64, 117, 120, 143, 147  b. Ha jar : A. b. 'A li al-Gifari; a. Darr  b. al-H aji b: 'U. Ginzel, F. K. 90  b. al-H aji b; 'U tm an b. 'U . (jirs-an-ni'mah: M. b. Hilal al-Hajiri, M. Taha 355 al-Gitrifi; M. b. A.  b. al- Ha jj; M. b. A ., a. 1-VValid Goeje, M. J. de 42, 52, 67, 96, 107 f., n o,  b. al- H ajj : M. b. M., a. 1-Barakat al-Ballafiqi 120, 122, 137, 176, 287, 378, 383, 386 f., 409  b. al- H ajj : M. b. M. b. al-H ajj al- 'Ab da ri Goitein, S. D. F. XV , 99 Goldzi her, I. X V, 3, 36, 75, 180 f., 305, 337,  b. (al- )Ha jjaj (poet) 609 al-Hajjaj b. Hisam 444 340, 360, 430, 495 Hajjaj b. Yii. (b. a. Mani') 395 Goliath (Jalut) 327 al-Hajjaj b. Yu. at-Taqafi 277, 369, 590 Golius, J. 28 Hajji Hah'fah: Mustafa b. 'Al. Gonzalez Palencia, A. 461 al-Hakam: M. b. 'Ali, Sams-ad-din a§Gottheil, R. 155 Sadili Gottschalk, H. L. 64, 397 40

626

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Hakam al-Mustansir (of Spain) 474 al-Hakam b. Nafi', a. 1-Yaman al-Himsi

 IHdn i 3g

(b.) al-Hamadani; M. b. 'Abd-al-Malik  al-Hamadani: Salih b. A. al-Hamawi: M. b. ‘Ali b. Barakat al-Hamawi: M. b. Salih b. W^sil al-Hamaysa^ 158 HamdallMi al-Mustawfi 180 Hamdan b. 'Abd-ar-Rahim al-Ataribi 62, 466 al-Hamdani: al-H. b. A.  b. al- Ha md ani : M. b. 'Ab d-a l-M ali k (b.) al-Hamadani  b. Ha md is: 'Ab d-a l-J abb ar b. a. Ba kr  b. Ha md iin : M. b. al-H . Hameed ud-Din XV 

al-Hakam b. ‘Utbah  I'^ldn ij g al-Hakami: ' Umar ah b. 'All al-Hakim (of Egypt) 63, 407, 462 al-Hakim; M. b. M., a. A. al-Hakim an-Nisaburi: M. b. ‘^AI. al-Hakim at-Tirmidi: M. b. 'Ali al-Hakkari; ‘■Abd-al-'-Aziz b. A. b. 'Utman, “•Izz-ad- din al-Halabi 281 al-Halabi, Burhan-ad-din; Ibr. b. M., Sibt  b. al- 'A jam i Hamid b. M., Iftihar-ad-din al-Huwarizmi al-Halabi, Qutb-ad-din: 'Abd-al-Karim b. 599 'Abd-an-Nur Hamidullah, M. 82, 119, 128, 413, 462, ^ialaf b. 'Abd-al-Malik b. Baskuwal 354, 478 f., 503 393 , 400, 403, 419, 460 f., 472, 4 7 4 , 5 2 4 ,  b. Ha mis : M. b. M. 590, 595 , 59 7 , 599-602, 604, 608 f.  b. Ham mad , a. 'A l. as- Sab ti 419 Halaf b. Ayyub I ’^ldn 142 HammM 'Ajrad 503 Halaf b. M. al-Wasiti 522 Hammad b. Hibatallah, a. t-Tana^ al-Harrani Halaf b. al-Q. (a. 1-Q. al-Baradi 4   ?) 601 466  b. ya ld un ; 'A r. b. M., Wal i-ad -din Hammad ar-Rawiyah 503  b. y:a ldu n; Ya . b. M. Hammad b. Salamah 518,  IHdn is g  b. Ha lfu n: M. b. Ism ., a. Ba kr Hammad b. Zayd 277,  IHdn 140 Halid b. Hisam al-Umawi 410, 503 al-Hammal; Harun b. 'Al. Halid b. Ma'dan 277 Hammam: al-Muqaddam b. ‘Amr Halid b. Sa'd al-Qurtubi 168 Hammam b. Munabbih  IHdn 140  jHalid b. Sa 'id 191 al-Hammani; Jabir b. Nuh Halid b. al-Walid 589 Hammer-Purgstall, J. 127 Halid b. Yu., a. 1-Baqa’ an-Nabulusi 525  b. Ham sin (?), a. Ba kr 466 al-y;alidiy 4 n (Sa*^id b. Has im and   M. b. Hamzah b. A. b, Sibat (Sbat, Asb 4 t) 157 Hasim) 154, 482 Hamzah b. A sad b. al-Qalanisi 147, 156 Palifah b. Hayyat, Sabbab al-'Usfuri 71, Hamzah b. al-Hu. (H) al-Isbahani (b.) 287, 378, 382, 392, 406, 448 f., 501, 503 al-Mu’addib 71, 73 f., 79, 90-93, 109-111, al-Halifah an-Nisaburi 483 116, 124, 136 f., 139, 160, 378, 386, 418,  b. Ha lil: Yu . b. Ha lil ad- Dim asqi 459 , 482 (?) al-Halil b. 'AL , a. Ya 4 a al-PIalili 438, 473 , 522 Hamzah b. Yu., a. 1-Q. as-Sahmi 160, 258, Halil b. Aybak, Salah-ad-din as-Safadi VI, 361, 432, 446, 458, 465, 523 51, 54-56, 82 f., lo i, 122, 163, 175, 185, al-Hanafi, Sams-ad-din 581 246, 265, 277, 292, 317, 327, 330, 332, 349,  b. Ha nba l: A. b. M. 372, 387, 396, 408, 4 1 2 - 4 1 4 , 4 2 4 f - , 430, Hanbal b. Ishaq 449 43 5 , 438, 442, 45 4 , 457   f-, 460, 462 f..  b. al- Ha nba li; ‘A r. b. Naj m, Nas ih- ad-d in 432, 465, 467 f., 470-472, 483, 485, 496, 501, al-Hanbali; A. b. Ibr., 'Izz-ad-din al-Kinani 526, 528 f., 532, 535, 582, 600  b. al-H anb ali : M. b. Ibr. al-Halil b. al-Haytam al-Hartami 432, 503 a. Hanifah (an-Nu'man b. Tabit) 85, 261, Halil b. Ishaq al-Maliki 602 311, 371, 449 , 464, 517, 57 3 , 590, 592 Halil b. Kay kaldi a l-'Ala ’i 374 f., 464, 525, al-Hanqani: A. b. M. 589, 603, 608  b. Han un at- Ta bar i: 'A li b. M. b. 'A l. Halil b. M., Salah-ad-din al-Aqfahsi 442, Hanzalah b. a. Sufyan  IHdn 136 452, 526 al-Hara’iti: M. b. Ja'far, a. Bakr al-Halili; al-Halil b. ‘Al., a. Ya 4 a al-Haraqi: 'Abd-al-Jabbar b. M. al-Halili; M. b. Ya'qub al-Harawi: 'Abd b. A., a. parr Halkin, A. S. 377 al-H araw i: “-Al. b. M. al-Harawi al-Hallaj: al-Hu. b. Mansur al-Haravvi: ‘■Abd-al-Mu'izz b. M., a. Rawh al-Hallal; al-H. b. M. al-Harawi: A. b. M. b. Yasin  b. H al lik an : A. b. M. al-Harawi: Ishaq b. Ya'qub al-Qarrab Halphen, L. 61 al-Harawi: M. b. 'Ata’ llah, §ams-ad-din al-Hamadani: A. b. al-Hu., al-Badi' al-Harawi: a. Rawh al-Harawi al-Hamadani; 'Imran b. M. al-Harawi: Sayf b. M.

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Harbi: Ibr. b. Ishaq Hardy, P. XV, 180  b. H ar it: M. b. Ha rit al-Q araw i al-Harit b. Asad al-Muhasibi 368, 599 al-Harit al-A'war 517 al-Harit b. al-H. b. Miskin, MuHaman-ad-din 603 al-Harit b. al-Jarud 121 al-Harit (b. M.) b. a. Usamah 128 al-Hariti: 'Al. b. M. al-Hariti: Mas'ud b. A., Sa'd-ad-din Hariz b. 'Utman  I^ldn ij g al-Harizi; Ibr. b. Ya'qub al-Jiizajani  b. Ha rm ah: Ibr. b. Har mah Harmalah b. al-Mundir 29 Harmalah b. Ya. 416 a l - H a r r a J i i ; 'Abd b. A., a . D a r r al-Harrani: 'Ali b. al-H. b.’ 'Allan al-Harrani; Hamm ad b. Hibatallah, a. t-Tana^ al-Harrani; al-Hu. b. M. b. Mawdud al-Harrani: a. 1-Mahasin b. Salamah b.  ya lif ah al-Harrani: M. b. Sa'id al-Qusayri al-Hartami; al-Halil b. al-Haytam Harun: Aaron Harun: ar-Rasid  b. Ha run : M. b. Har iin, a. 'A li Harun b. 'Al. al-Hammal 520 a. Harun al-'Abdi: 'Umarah b. Juwayr Harun b. 'Ali b. al-Munajjim 511, 532 Harun b. 'Azzur 78  Haru n  b. al-Muqtadir 48 Harun, 'Abd-as-Salam M. 70, 323, 529 al-H. b. 'Al. b. al-'Abbas 53, 78 al-H. b. 'AL, a. A. al-'Askari 323, 355, 405, 472, 529 al-H. b. 'Al., a. Hilal al-'Askari 52, 323, 365, 378, 387, 508 f. al-H. b. 'Al. b. Madhij al-Isbili 591 al-H. b. 'Al. as-SirMi 422 al-H. b. A., a. l-'Ala^ al-'Attar al-Hamadani  IHdn 141 al-H. b. A., a. 'Ali b. al-Banna’ 83, 174, 285 f., 420, 593 f. a!-H. b. A., a. 'Ali b. Sadan 453 al-H. b, A. b. al-Hamdani 125, 158 f., 187 al-H. b. 'Ali b. 'Ar. al-Yazuri 414, 596 al-H. b. 'Ali b. l^'udal al-Kufi 431 al-II. b. 'Ali b. Sawwas 444 al-H. b. 'A li b. a. Talib 322, 406, 589 al-H. b. 'Ali al-Wasiti 599 al-H. b. 'Atiq al-Qastallani 429, 433 al-H. al-Basri 343, 3 4 7 , 3^9, 590, 599 ,  IHdn

139

al-H. al-H. al-H. al-H. al'H.

b. b. b. b. b.

Bisr al-Amidi 609 Duhaym 429 al-Hajib; al-H. b. Sahib Hibatallah, a. 1-Mawahib b. Sasra 451 Ism. ad-Darrab 591

627

a. 1-H. al-Katib 472 al-H. b. Ibr. b. Zvilaq 55, 124, 154 f., 411, 4 2 7 , 4 2 9 , 478, 5 0 3 , 516, 528, 596, 606 al-H. b. Maymiin b. an-Nasri 89 al-H. b. M., a. 'Al. al-Ku tubi 483 al-H. b. M. b. A. b. ar-Rabib al-Qayrawani

150 al-H. b. M. al-Hallai 523 al-H. b. M. b. Mufarraj (?) al-Qubbasi, a. Bakr 419, 472 al-H. b. M. al-Muhallabi 291, 434 H. b. M. al-Qummi 160 al-H. b. M., Radi-ad-din a. 1-Fada^il as-Sagani

599 al-H. b. M., Sadr-ad-din al-Bakri 468 H. b. M. b. SMih, Badr-ad-din an-Nabulusi 607 al-H. b. M. at-Tusi 431 al-H. b. M. al-Waziri 105 al-H. b. M. az-Za'farani 416 al-H. b. al-Muzaffar an-Nisaburi 468 al-H. b. ar-Rabi', a. 'A li 333 al-H. b. Rasiq 593 al-H. b. Sahib as-Sasi 600,  IHdn 142 al-H. b. Sufyan 395, 521 al-H. b. 'Ulayl al-'Anazi 599 al-H. b. 'U. b. Habib al-Halabi 178 f., 357 ,

455 , 467 452, al-H. b. 'U. (b.) as-Sabbag 458 al-H. b. 'Umarah 362 al-H. b. 'Utm^n, a. Hassan az-Ziyadi 73, 450, 470, 510 H. b. Yu., al-'Allamah al-Hilli 221 al-Hasimi: a. Ishaq b. Su. al-Hassab, a. Talib 592 Hassan b. Tabit 261 Hassan b. Zayd 276  b. Has sfil: M. b. 'A li Hatch, W. H. P. 151  b. al- Ha tib : M. b. 'A l. , Lisa n-ad -din al-Hatib al-Bagdadi: A. b. 'Ali, a. Bakr Hatib b. a. Balta'ah 361  b. Ha tib an- Nas iri yah : 'A li b. M. al-Hatib at-Tibrizi; M. b. 'Al.  b. a. Ha tim : M. b. a. Ha tim a. Hatini b. Hibbau: M. b. A.  b. a. Ha tim ar -Ra zi: 'A r. b. a. Ha tim a. Hatim ar-Razi; M. b. Idris  b. Hatim ,ah: A. b. 'A li Hatt: Ya. b. Musa a. 1-Hattab as-Sakuni: M. b. A. b. Halil al-Hawiani: 'Abd-al-Jabbar b. 'Al. ”  b. Ha wq al 470, 510 al-Hawwari: Maymun al-Haybari: Yu. b. al-Fadl al-Yahudi al-Haydari: M. b. M., Qutb-ad-din (b.) a. 1-Hayja’ ar-Rawwad 457 al-Haytam b. 'Adi 70, 73, 84, 89, 127, 162 164, 381, 392, 510 al-Haytam b. Kulayb as-Sasi  IHdn 143

628

 b. a. H ay tam ah ; A. b. Zu hay r, a. Ba kr a. yaytainah: Zuhayr b. Harb al-Hay tami: ‘A li b. a. Bakr, Nur-ad-din Haywah b. Surayh al-Misri  IHdn 138  b. H a y y a n : H a y y a n  b. Ilalaf, a. Marwati a. Ha yya n; '■Ali b. M., a. Hay yan at- Tawh idi a. Hayyan; M. b. Yu.  b. H ay ya n, a. Ba kr ; M. b. IJa laf b. Ha yy an , a. Bakr Waki' Hayyan b. Halaf, a. Marwan b. Hayyan 87, 419, 460, 466, 472, 474  b. al- H ay ya t; M. b. a. Bak r, Jam al-ad -din a. Hayyawayh 501 {see also  M. b. al-*^Abbas  b. Ha yy aw ayh )  b. Ha zim ; Jar ir b. Ha zim Hazinx b. M. b. Hazim al-Andalusi al-Qartajanni 181, 314 al-Haziini; M. b. Musa, a. Bakr (b.)’al-H aziri; Sa'd b. ‘'AK  b. Ha zm ; A. b. Sa 'id  b. Ha zm : 'A li b. A. al-H azra ji; “^Ali b. al-H. , Muwaffaq-ad -din Heer, F. J. 107, 152, 403, 405, 458 f., 462 f., 465, 470, 475, 482 Hekataeus 109 Hell, J. 387 Hellen 79 Herder, J. G. 197 Hergenrother, J. 76 Herodotus 109 Hibatallah b. 'Abd-al-Warit, Sirazi 470

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

a.

1-Q.

as-

Hibatallah b. A. al-Akfani 447, 512 Hibatallah b. 'A li b. Makula 46 Hibatallah b. 'Ali, a. Nasr b. al-Mahalli 608 Hibatallah al-Bagdadi, a. 1-Barakat 45, 257 Hibatallah b. al-H. al-Lalaka^i 447 Hibatallah b. Ju may' 453  b. Hi bba n: 'A l. b. M., a. s-Sa yh  b. Hi bba n; al-H u. b. Hib ban al-B agd adi  b. Hi bba n; M. b. A. , a. Ha tim al-Hidr 26, 261, 572, 577 f., 589 Hijazi, Mustafa 485  b. Hi jja h; a. Ba kr b. 'A ll  b. Hi jji ; A. Plilal b. al-Muhassin (b.) as-Sabi’ (54), 82, 153, 173, 412 f., 49 9 , 510 Hilal, J. (G.) 'Ar. 414 al-Hilli; H. b. Yu., al-'Allamah al-Himsi; 'Abd-as-Samad b. Sa'id, a. 1-Q. al-Himyari 484 al-Hiinyari; b. 'Abd-al-Mun'im Hippocrates 133, 507  b. Hir as; 'A r. b. Yu . Hirschberg, J. \V. 23 Hirschfeld, H. 355  b. His am; 'A l. b. Yu .  b. His am; 'Ab d-a l-M alik Hisam b. a. 'Al. ad-Dastuwa^i 518

Hisam b. 'Abd-al-Malik, a. 1-Walid at-Tayalisi 519 Hisarn b. 'Ar. (of Spain) 461 Hisam b. 'Ammar 400 Hisam b. M. b. al-Kalbi 95 f., 386, 511 Hisam b. 'Urwah  IHdn 138  /. al-Hisni: a. Bakr b. M., Taqi-ad-diii Hitti, P. K. 277, 298 Hoenerbach, W. 404 Holt, P. M. XV, 54, 75 , 81 f., 84, no , 156 f., 197, 43 1 , 460 Homer 190 Horovitz, J. XV, 28, 69 f., 73, 94, 131, 157, 335 , 394  f. Hourani, A. H. 157 Houtsma, M. T. 124, 134, 467, 529 Huart, C. ii r, 179, 183, 486  b. Hu bay rah ; Ya . b. M. Hubert, A. 261  b. al- Hu bub i; M. b. M. Hud 288 al-Hudali, a. Bakr 52  b. Hu db ah 465 a. Hudayf ah; Ishaq b. Bisr Hiibner, R. 197 Hugo of Fleury 15 Huici Miranda, A. 82, n o, 477 Huizinga, J. 10, 31, 61 Hujr b. 'Amr 387 Hulagii 179 al-Huldi; Ja'far b. M. Hum am b. al-Fadl, a. 6Mib al-Magribi 465  b. Hu mam -ad -din ; M. b. 'Ab d-a l-W ah id, Kamal-ad-din  b. Hu ma yd ; M. b. 'A li  b. Hu ma yd; M. b. Hu ma yd Humayd b. Tawr 388 Humarawayh b. A. b. Tulun 411, 596 al-Humaydi; 'Al. b. az-Zubayr al-Humaydi; M. b. Futuh, a. 'Al. Hume, D. 197 Hunayn b. Ishaq 80, 176 al-Huraqani; M. b. Hamdawayh a. Hurayrah 334, 355, 589 f. a. Hurayrah ('Ar. b. M. ad-Dahabi) 363 Hurgroiije, C. S. XV, 53 al-Hunnuzan 383, 551  b. Hu rra dad bih ; 'U ba yd all ah b. 'A l.  b. Hurran ^; al-H u. b. Idri s Hurrazad b. Darsad 486 Husaini, I. M. 47 Husaini, Q. S. K. 161 Husaym b. Basir 518, /Hdn 139 a. 1-Hu. b. a. 'Al. b. Hamzah al-Maqdisi as-Sufi 608 al-Hu. b. 'Al. b. Sina 32, 61, 109, 242, 257, 542, 600 al-Hu. b. 'Al. at-Tibi 215, 225 al-Hu. b. 'Ar. al-Ahdal 317, 430 (?), 483, 589 al-Hu. b. A., a. 'Ali as-Sallami 150, 163,

321 f., 467 al-Hu. b. A. b. al-Hu., a. 'Al. al-Asadi 594 al-Hu. b. A. b. Maymun 439 al-Hu. b. A. b. Sa'dan 51 al-Hu. b. 'All, a. 'Al. al-Kutubi 503 al-Hu. b. 'Ali al-Jizi 471, 610 Hu. b. 'Ali, Badr-ad-din as-Sadili 478, 499 al-Hu. b. 'All al-Karabisi 416 al-Hu. b. 'All al-Magribi 474 al-Hu. b. 'All b. a. 1-Mansur al-Azdi 426,

584, 598 al-Hu. b. 'A ll as-Saymari 590 al-Hu . b. 'Al i b. a. Talib 103, 322, 370, 589 al-Hu. b. Hibban al-Bagdadi 449 al-Hu. b. Idris b. Hurram al-Harawi 437 f. al-Hu. b. Kujak al-'Absi al-Halabi 541 al-Hu. b. Mansiir al-Hallaj 585, 600 al-Hu. b. M., a. 'AIi al-<5 assani 524,  IHdn 140 al-Hu. b. M., a. 'Ali al-Masarji 522 al-Hu. b. M. b. Husraw al-Balhi 590 al-Hu. b. M. b. Mawdiid, a. 'Arubah al-Harrani 168, 381, 465, 469, 521 al-Hu. b. M., ar-Ragib al-Isfahani 49, 327 al-Hu. b. 'Ubaydallah ('Al.) al-Hadim 444 al-Hu. b. Waqid  IHdn 142 Husayn, M. 363 al-Husayni; A. b. M., 'Izz-ad-din al-Husayni; Husaini al-Husayui; Ism. b. 'Ali al-Husayni; M. b. 'Alf, Sams-ad-dfn al-Husayni; M. b. al-H., as-Sarif  Husqadam az-Zahir 329 Husraw b. A., 'Izz-ad-din al-Irbili 609 al-Husri; Ibr. b. 'All al-Huwarizmi; Mahmiid b. M. b. Arslan al-Huwarizmi; M. b. A. al-Huwarizmi; M. b. Musa al-Huwarizmi, a. Bakr; M. b. al-'Abbas  b. Ilu za ym ah ; M. b. Ish aq

I b r a h im ; A b r ah a m Ibr. b. 'Al., a. Ishaq an-Najirami 418 Ibr. b. 'Al. b. al-Junayd 446 Ibr. b. 'Al. b. 'Abd-al-Mun'im b. a. d-dam 148, 272, 301, 382, 396, 430, 492, 499, 501,

515

Ibr. b. 'Al. b. Qudamah 597 Ibr. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz al-Luri 500 Ibr. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. Ya. al-K§tib 501 Ibr. b. 'Abd-ar-Rahim, Burhan-ad-din b. Jama'ah 349, 597 Ibr. b. 'Ar. b. al-Firkah al-Fazari 464, 469 Ibr. b. Adham 5 9 7 Ibr. b. A., Burhan-ad-din al-Ba'uni 398 Ibr. b. A., a. Ishaq al-Jabibati (?) (Ibn Farhun,  Dtb dj, 4, 86 f. [Cairo 1351 ];Jyny^ny, Jbty’ny, etc.) 608 Ibr. b. A ., a. Ishaq al-M ustam li 168, 463 f. Ibr. b. A. at-Tanuhi 452

62 9

Ibr. b. 'Ali, Burhan-ad-din b. Farhun 95, 311, 419 f., 450, 460, 465, 479, 502, 591, 604 Ibr. b. 'All, Burhan-ad-din al-Qadiri 426, 603 Ibr. b. 'Ali al-Husri 124, 181, 324, 355 Ibr. b. 'All, a. Ishaq as-Sirazi (al-Firuz 4 badi) 95, 354, 4^4, 418, 448, 515, 584 Ibr. b. Dawud al-Fadili 468 (?), 581 Ibr. b. Falah, Burhan-ad-din al-Iskandari (Iskandarani) 581 f. Ibr. b. Hajjaj, Burhan-ad-din al-Abnasi 598 Ibr. b. Halid, a. Tawr 416 Ibr. b. Harmah 323 Ibr. b. al-Haytam al-Baladi 401 Ibr. b. Hilal as-Sabi’ 51, 54 , 59 , i 77 , 410 f.,

499 Ibr. b. al-Hu. b. 'A li al-Azdi 426, 584 Ibr. b. Ishaq al-Harbi 521, 5 97 Ibr. b. Ism. b. Sa'id al-Hasimi al-Ahbari 479 Ibr. b. Ibr. b. Ibr. b. Ibr. b. Ibr. b. Ibr. b. Ibr. b.

477,

Jama'ah b. 'Ali 153 Mahawayh al-Farisi 502 f. al-Mahdi 510 M. b. 'Arafah, Niftawayh 502 M. al-Bayhaqi 360, 391, 509, 529 M., Burhan-ad-din al-Qayrati 443 M. b. Duqmaq 148, 356, 369, 408, 412,

417, 435, 498, 502, 583, 596 Ibr. b. M. b. Hamzah al-Isbahani 453 Ibr. b. M., a. Ishaq al-Fazari 395, 518 Ibr. b. M., a. Ishaq as-Sarifini 449, 525 Ibr. b. M., a. Mas'ud ad-Dimasqi 522 Ibr. b. M. b. al-Mudabbir 30 Ibr. b. M., Sibt b. al-'Ajami, Burhan-ad-din al-H alabi 19 1, 353, 396, 452, 526, 587, 603, 606 Ibr. b. M. b. Yazid al-Mawsili 482 Ibr. b. Musa (of ar-Rayy)  IHdn 14 1 Ibr. b. Musa al-Wasiti 4 1 3 , 502 Ibr. b. al-Q. (b.) ar-Raqiq al-Qayrawani 168, 419, 460, 4 7 3 , 510 Ibr. b. Sa'd az-Zuhri 276,  IHdn 136 Ibr. b. Sa'id al-Habbal 171 Ibr. b. Tahman  IHdn 141 Ibr. b. a. Talib  IHdn 14 1 Ibr. b. 'U. al-Bi qa'i 107, 398, 501, 526, 587, 606 Ibr. b. 'U. al-Ja'bari 592 Ibr. b. 'Utman al-Kasgari 405 Ibr. b. Ya'qub al-Juzajani al-Harizi (al-Jariri) 278 Ibr. b. YU. b. Dahhaq b. al-Mar’ah 585 f. Ibr. b. Yu. b. Tasfin 401 Ibrahim, 'Iwad 56 Ibrahim, M. a. 1-Fadl 422 al-Ibsihi; M. b. A. al-Ibsiti; A. b. Ism. al-Ibyari, Ibr. 55, 86, 185, 312, 370, 426, 512  b. Idri s 459, 470 Idris b. H. al-Idrisi as-Sarif 151

Idris, H. R. 385

630

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Idrisi: 'Ar. b. M. al-Idrisi: Idris b. H. Ihw&n as-safa’ 34, 45 f., ii i f. al-Ihwani: al-Ahwaiii al-lji; ‘Ar. b. A., 'Adud-ad-din al-lji; M. b. Ibr. al-'Ijli; A. b. ‘AI. al-'Ijli (?) 480 4 krimah 514, 590 al-Ilbiri: Ya. b. Mujahid  b. al- 'Im ad : 'A bd -a l-H ay y b. A. al-'Imad (al-Isbahani): M. b. M. 'Imad-ad'din b. Katir: Ism. b.  b. ^Imad -ad-di n Ism. b. Ka tir 496 al-^Imadi; M. b. ‘^Ali, a. 1-Q. Imam a l-H ara ma yn: '^x\bd-al-Malik b. ^Al. a. ‘•Imran; al-Fasi 'Imran b. Husayn iHdn ijg 'Imran b. al-Hamadam 484 al-'Imrani: M. b. 'Ali, JamM-ad-din al-'Imrani; Tahir b. Ya. b. a. 1- ^ a y r Imru^u-i-Qays (inscription) ig Imru^u-l-Qays (b. Hujr) 296, 387  b. 'In ab ah ; A. b. 'A li Inal al-Asraf 281 Inalcik, H. 54, n o loannes Malalas 76 f., 151 loannes Philoponus 77 f. al-'Iraqi: 'Abd-ar-RahJm b. al-Hu., Zayn-addin al-'Iraqi: A, b, 'Abd-ar-Rahim, Wali-ad-din a. Zur'ah al-'Iraqi: 'Utman b. 'Al. al-Irbili: Husraw b. A., 'Izz-ad-din '!sa: Jesus 'Tsa b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz, a. 1-Q. al-Lahmi 450 'Isa b. A. al-'Asqalani iHdn 142 'tsa b. Farruhansah 508 'Isa b. Lah i'ah 395, 504 'Isa b. Mas'ud az-Zawawi 498, 506, 591 'Is a b. M. (of Elv ira ?) 465 a. 'Isa  b. al-M una jjim : A. b. 'A li 'Isa  b. Musa , Gu nj ar  IHan 142 a. 'Isa at-Tirmidf; M. b. 'Isa ' I s a m i 1 80

al-Isbahani: A. b. 'Al., a. Nu'aym al-Isbahani: 'Ali b. Hamzah al-Isbahani: 'Ali b. al-Hu ., a. 1-Faraj al-Isbahani: DawM b. 'A li al-Isbahani: Hamzah b. al-Hu. al-Isbahani: al-Hu. b. M., ar-Ragib al-Isbahani: Ibr. b. M. b. Hamzah al-Isbahani: M. b. M., al-'ImM al-Isbili; 'Abd-al-Haqq b. 'Ar. al-Isbili: M. b. 'Al., a. Bakr b. al-'Arabi al-Isbili; M. b. 'Al. b. Qassiim al-Isfahani: al-Lsbahani Isfandiyar 29  b. Isf an di yi r: M. b. H.  b. Isf and iya r al- W a'i z 462

al-Isfarayini: 'A li b. Nasr, Sa'd-ad-din al-Isfarayini: Tahir b. M., a. 1-Muzaffar al-Isfarayini 480  [see  Sa'dallah b. 'U.)  b. Ish aq : M. b. Ish aq al-M utt ali bi a. Ishaq 168, 464 {see also  Ibr. b. A., a. Ish^q al-Mustamli) a. Ishaq ('Amr b. 'Al. or  Su. b, Fayruz ?)  IHdn 139 a. Ishaq al-Fazari: Ibr. b. M. a. Ishaq al-Jabibati (?): Ibr. b. A., a. Ishaq Ishaq b. Bisr, a. Hudayfah al-Buhari 188, 403, 469 Ishaq b. Hunayn 80 Ishaq b. Ibr. al-Mawsili 99, 428, 502 Ishaq b. Ibr. b. Rahawayh 416, 520,  IHdn 14 1 Ishaq b. Ibr. as-Sijazi  IHdn 14 1 Ishaq b. Ibr. at-Tadmuri 468 Ishaq b. Ibr. at-Talaqi  IHdn 141 Ishaq b. Ism,. al-Juzajani 363 Ishaq b. Jarir az-Zuhri as-San'ani 470 f., 484 Ishaq b. Mansur al-Kawsaj 520 Ishaq b. M. at-Tustar! 600 Ishaq b. Salamah al-Qayni 168, 474 a. Ishaq as-Sirazi: Ibr. b. 'Ali a. Ishaq b. Su. al-Hasimi 510 Ishaq b. Ya'qub al-Qarrab al-Harawi 523 Ishmael (Isma'il) 149, 385 Isidore of Seville 15 al-Is'irdi: A. b. 'Ubayd al-Is'irdi: 'Ubayd b. M. al-Iskandari (Iskandarani): Ibr. b. Falah, Burhaii-ad-din a. 'Ismah al-Marwazi: M. b. A. b. 'Abbad Isma'il: Ishmael Ism. (Judge): Ism. b. Ishaq Ism. b. 'Abbad, as-Sahib 174, 592, 609 Ism. b. al-'Abbas, al-Asraf (of the Yemen) 56 Ism. b. 'Al. b. al-Anmati 524 Ism. b. 'Abd-al-Majid 444 Ism. b. 'Ar., 'Izz-ad-din b. al-Farra^ 581 Ism. b. 'Ar., a. 'Utman as-Sabuni 498 Ism,, b. A. b. al-Atir 487 Ism. b. 'Ali, a. 1-Fida’ al-Mu’ayyad 7, 55, 72, 78 f., 91, 146, 487, 492, 511 Ism. b. 'Ali al-Husay ni 427 Ism. b. 'All, a. Sa'd as-Samman 523 Ism. b. 'Ayyas 277,  IHdn 139 Ism. b. a, Bakr b. al-Muqri’ 176 Isni. b. al-Habbab (?) al-Himyari 594 Ism. b. Hammad al-Jawhari 271 f., 564 Ism. b. Hibatallah, 'Imad-ad-din b. Bati§ 414 f., 482 Ism. b. Ibr. b. 'Abd-as-Samad al-Jabarti 599 Ism. b. Ibr. a l-Qarra b (ad- Darrab ?) 592 Ism. b. Ibr., Najm-ad-din a. 1-Fida’ b. alHabbaz 597, 602 Ism. b. Ibr. b. 'Ulayyah 366, 518 Ism. b. Ibr., a. 1-Yusr 181 Ism. al-Isfahani: Ism. b. M., a. 1-Q. at-Taymi Ism. b. Ishaq (Judge) 401, 403, 588, 599

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Ism. b. Ja'far (of Medina)  IHdn 136 Ism. b. Ja'far as-Sadiq 275 Ism., Majd-ad-din al-Hanafi 452 Ism. b. M., a. 1-Q. at-Taymi al-Isfahani 243, 394, 400, 588, 599 Ism. b. M. as-Saffar 527 f. Ism. b. al-Mutanna at-Tibrizi 457 Ism. b. Tawbah (of Qazwin)  IHdn 14 1 Ism. b. 'U., 'Imad-ad-din b. K atir 50, 82 f., 86, 109, 131, 148 f., 175, 185, 201, 278, 282, 332, 33 4 , 347 , 353 , 355   f-, 360 f., 366, 381 f., 387, 389, 393-397, 399   f-, 403 f-, 412, 414 f., 427, 431, 43 3 , 438, 442, 44 4 , 447 , 449 , 45 1 , 466, 492 f., 495 f., 521, 524 f., 528, 531, 583, 587, 593 , 597 a. Ism. at-Tirmidi: M. b. Ism. Ism. b. Ya .: Ism. b. Tawbah (!) Ism. b. Ya. al-Muzam 303, 367, 4r6 al-Isma'ili: A. b. Ibr., a. Bakr al-Isnawi: 'Abd-ar-Rahim b. al-H. al-Isnawi: Su. b. Ja'far al-'Iss, Yu. 5, 43, 171, 341, 381, 392, 401,

631

Ja'far b. M., a. Ma'sar 78, i n , 386!, Ja'far b. M. al-Mawsili 503 a. Ja'far b. al-Mu'tadid 48, 541 Ja'far b. al-Q., Radi-ad-din b. Dabuqa 581 Ja'far as-Sadiq 275,  IHdn 136 a. Ja'far at-Tab ari: M. b. Jari rat-Tabari Ja'far b. Ta 'lab (?), Kamal-ad-din al-Udfuwi 307, 441, 470, 525 Ja'far b. Ya. b. Ibr. 439  b. Jah da m: 'A li b. 'A L, a. 1-H. (Hu.) al-Jaliiz: 'Amr b. Balir  b. al-J ahm : 'A li  b. al-J ahm : M. a. Jahm b. Hudayfah 346 Jahn, K. 148 al-Jahsiyari: M. b. 'Abdus Jahzah: A. b. Ja'far Jalut: Goliath  b. Ja ma 'ah : 'A bd -a l-' Az iz b. M., 'Izz -ad -di n a. 'U.  b. Ja m a'a h: Ibr. b. 'Ab d- ar- Ra him , Bur han -

ad-din  b. Ja m a'a h: M. b. a. Ba kr, 'Izz -ad -di n  b. Ja ma 'ah ; M. b. Ibr ., Badr -ad- din JamM-ad-din al-Ustadar 434  b. Ja m i': b. Ju m ay ' Jamil b. Katir 192 al-Jamma'ili; 'Abd-al-Gani b. 'Abd-al-Wahid  b. a. Jam rah : 'A l. b. Sa 'd al-Janadi; al-Mufaddal b. M., a. Sa'id al-Janadi:  M. b. Ya'qub Jaqmaq: Caqmaq  b. a. Ja ra da h: 'U . b. A ., a. 1-Q. Jarim, 'Ali 56  b. Jar ir: M. b. Jar ir at- Ta bar i Jarir b. 'Abd-al-Hamid  IHdn 141 Jarir b. Hazim 394  b. al-J arr ah; Da wu d  b. al- Jar ral i; M. b. Da wu d al-Jarrah b. Malik 363 al-Ja'bari: Ibr. b. 'U.  b. al- Jar ud : 'A l. b. 'A li, a. M. al-Jabarti: 'Ar. b. H.  b. al- Jar ud : al -H M t al-Jabarti; Ism. b. Ibr. b. 'Abd-as-Samad Jaspers, K. 25 al-Jabayini, a. 'Ali 447 Jaussen, A. 12 f. al-Jabibati (?): Ibr. b. A., a. Ishaq Jawad, Mustafa 58, 82, 98, 176, 305, 348, Jabir b. Nuh al-Hammani 275 f. 397, 410 f., 414, 423 f., 431, 441, 451, Jabir b. Yazid al-Ju'fi 517 457 f., 460, 462, 468, 470, 473, 525 Jacob (Ya'qub) 290 al-Jawaliqi: Mawhub b. A., a. Mansiir Jacob of Edessa 76 f. al-Jawbari: 'Ar. b. 'U. Jacob, G. 381 Jawdar (Judar), Ustad 120 Jacob of Vitry 196 Jawhar (Fatimid General) 596 Jacoby, F. 100  b. Jaw.sa^: A. b. 'U ma yr al-Ja'di: 'Al. b. Qays, an-Nabigah al-Jawhari: 'Ali b. Dawud b. as-Sayrafi Ja'far b. A. as-Sarraj 408, 433 al-Jawhari: Ism. b. Hammad Ja'far b. Ibr. as-Skwy 243 al-Jawwani: M. b. As'ad Ja'fa r b. M., a. l- 'Abbas al-Mustagfiri 400-402,  b. al- Jaw zi: 'A r. b. 'A li, a. 1-Faraj 405, 470, 473, 482, 588 f. Jayyas b. Najah 56, 159, 469 Ja'far b. M. b. al-Azhar 72, 507 Jazarah: Salih b. M. Ja'far b. M., a. Bakr al-Faryabi 402, 475, (b.) al-Jazari: M. b. Ibr., SamS'ad-din 521, 591, 143  b. al-J aza ri: M. b. M. Ja'far b. M. al-Huldi 597

405, 435, 446, 466, 468 Ivanow, W. XV, 64, 432 'Iwad b. Nasr 454 'Iwad ('Awad), Badawi 'Abd-al-Latif 152, 482 'lya d (b. Musa al-Yahsubi) 97, 267, 293, 402, 417-419, 427 f., 435, 451, 456, 460 f., 470, 5 n , 524, 588, 604  b. ly as : M. b. A. 'Izz-ad-Dawlah 51 'Izz-ad-din b. 'Abd-as-Salam: 'Abd-al-'Aziz  b. 'Ab d-a s-S alam 'Izz-ad-din b. al-Atir: 'A li b. M. 'Izz-ad-din b. Jama 'ah: 'Abd- al-'Aziz b. M. 'Izz-ad-din, b. Jama'ah: M. b. a. Bakr 'Izz-ad-din al-Kinani al-Hanbali: A. b. Ibr.

6 32

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

(b.) al-Jaziri, a. M. "^Al. 599 al-Jazzar; A. b. Ibr. al-Jazzar: Ya. b. ^Abd-al-'Azim  b. Jd^r 478 Jerome (St.) 78 Jesus ('Isa, Messiah) 85, 144, 151, 223, 385 f. 561,  IHdn 137  543 , al-Ji'^abi: M. b. 'U. al-Jilani: 'Abd-al-Qadir b. "Al. al-Jili: A. b. Salih b. Safi' al-Jili: Sati‘ b. 'U. Jingizhan 40, 105 Jirjis al-Makin; al-Makin al-Jizi: al-Hu. b. 'All al-Jizi: M. b. ar-Rabi' al-Jizi: ar-Rabi' b. Su. Jong, P. de 503 Joseph (Yusuf) 290, 385, 563, 579 f., 589  b. Ju ba yr : M. b. A. al-Jubiyari: M. b. Ja'far Judar: Jawdar  b. Ju lju l: Su. b. Has san

al-Jullabi: 'Ali b. M. b. at-Tayyib al-Jumahi: M. b. Sallam al-Jumahi: Qudamah b. Maz'un  b. Ju m ay ': 'Am r  b. Ju m ay ': Hi bat all ah  b. Ju m ay ': M. b. A. , a. 1-Hu.  b. al- Ju na yd ; Ibr . b. 'A l. al-Junayd (b. M.), a. 1-Q. 325  b. Ju ra yj : 'Ab d-a l-M ali k b. 'A bd -a l-'A ziz al-Jurjani: 'AI. b. 'Adi, a. A. al-Jurjani: 'Al. b. Yu., a. M. al-Jurjant; 'Abd-al-Qahir b. 'Ar. al-Jurjani: 'Alt b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz

al-Jurjani: 'All b. M. Justinian 126

al-Juwayni: 'Ata’ b. M. al-Juzajani: 'Abd -al-Wah id b. M., a. 'Ubayd al-Juzajani: Ibr. b. Ya'qub al-Juzajani: Ishaq b. Ism.  b. Ju za yy : M. b. M. al'Juzuli 601 K 

Ka'b al-ahbar 335, 564, 567 f-, 579 Ka'b b. Lu’ayy 385 f. Ka'b b. Sur 282  b. Ka bar (Ku br), a. l-B ar ak^ t 496 f. al-Ka'bi; 'Al. b. A., a. 1-Q. al-Kafiyaji: M. b. Su., Muhyi-ad-din Kafur 478 al-Kalabadi: A. b. M., a. Nasr al-Kala'i: Su. b. Musa, a. r-Rabi'  b. al- Ka lbi : His am b. M. (b.) al-Kalbi: M. b. as-SaHb Kamal-ad-din b. Hum^m-ad-din: M. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid Kamal-ad-din, Imam al-Kam iliyah: M. b. M. KamM-ad-din b. Talhah: M. b. Talhah

Kamalashri (Bakshi) 148 a. Kamil 418, 511  b. al- Ka mi l: A yy ub b. M. Kamil, Murad 119, 412 Kampffmeyer, G. 4 Kan'an, Albert Yu. 292 al-Kanji as-Sufi: M. b. M. Kankalah iii Karabacek, J. von 13 al-Karabisi: al-Hu. b. 'Ali  b. Ka rra m: M. Karst, J. 78 al-Kasgari: Ibr. b. 'Utman al-Kasi, Muzhir-ad-din 468 al-Kassi: M. b. 'U., a. 'Amr  b. Ka tir : 'A l.  b. Ka tir : Ism. b. 'U ., 'Im ad- ad- din  b. K at ir: Y a. b. Y a. (b. Ka tir al-A nda lusi ) Katir b. Hisam  I^ldn 14 1 al-Kawsaj: Ishaq b. Mansur al-Kawtari, M. Zahid 377, 412, 462 Kay, H. C. 159, 484 Kayumart 386 al-Kazar uni: 'A li b. M,, Zahir-ad-din al-Kazaruni: Yu. b. 'Ali, Sadid-ad-din (?) Kebir Qadizadeh 175 Keilani, Ibr. 348 Keller, H. 122, 135, 143 Kennedy , E. S. 73, n o Keuck, K. 9 Key, K. K. 5 Khadduri, Majid XV  Khan, M. S. 177 al-Kilani: 'Abd-al-Qadir b. 'Al. al-Jil 4 ni al-Kiiiani: 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. A. al-Kinani: A. b. Ibr., 'Izz-ad-din al-Kinani: A. b. Mutarrif, a. 1-Fath al-Kinani: M. b. A. b. Jubayr al-Kindi: M. b. Yu., a. 'U. al-Kindi: 'U. b. M. b. Yii. al-Kindi: Ya'qub b. Ishaq Kireher, Athanasius 126 (b.) al-Kirmani: Ya. b. M., Taqi-ad-din al-Kisa^i: 'Ali b. Hamzah al-Kisa'i: M. b. 'Al. al-Kisrawi: Musa b. 'Isa al-Kisrawi: Yazdjardb. Mahbundid Kister, M. J. 87, 518 Koch, J. 60 Kobert, R. 368 Kohler, O. 9 Koymen, Mustafa 248 Korah (Qarun) 288 Kowalski, T. 318 Kraehkovsky, I. Y. 106, 487 Kraelitz, F. 152 Kraemer, J. 176 Kramers, J. H. XV, n o, 510 Kraus, P. 355

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Krehl, L. 13, 250, 282, 284, 290, 304, 316, 334, 360 f., 366, 369, 378 f., 495 Krek, M. 405 Kremer, A. von 3 Krenkow, F. 122 Kritzek, J. 56  b. Ku br : b. Ka bar Kiihnel, E. 176 Kiinstliuger, D. 28  b. al- Ku fi: 'A li b. M. b. 'U ba yd al-Kulini: M. b. Ya'qub Kurd 'All, M. 30, 73, 429, 484 Kutayyir 327 Kutluay, Y. 430 al-Kutubi: al-H. b. M., a. 'Al. al-Kutubi: al-Hu. b. 'Ali, a. 'Al. al-Kutubi: M. b.  Ihv. al-Kutubi: M. b. Sakir

 b. al- La bb ad : M. b. M. Labid 261, 562 al-Labidi: 'Ar. b. M., a. 1-Q.  b. La hi 'ah : 'A l.  b. La hi 'ah : 'Is a al-Lahiqi: Aban b. 'Abd-al-Hamid al-Lal)mi: 'Al. b. al-Fadl al-Lahmi; 'Isa b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz, a. 1-Q. al-Lahmi: M. b. al-H. (Hu.) al-Lalaka^i: Hibatallah b. al-H. Lammers, W. 10, 60 Landberg, C. 296, 386 Lane, E. 315, 350 Lang, C. 104, 182 Laoust, H. 82, 283, 396, 420, 427, 462, 483, 502, 523 Lassner, J. 169 al-Layt b. Sa'd 275, 360, 515 (?), 518, 604,  IHdn 138 a. 1-Layt as-Samarqandi 464 Leclerc, L. 194 Leo, F. loi Leon, H. M. 187 Levi Della Vida, G. 61, 80 f., 89, 151, 158, 187, 191, 359, 387, 45 3 . 470, 47 9 , 501, 506 Levi-Pr ovencal, E. XV , 29, 87, 97, no , 119, 121, 164, 181, 293, 313, 419, 460 f., 464, 487, 506 Lewicki, T. 487 Lewis, B. X V, 54, 62, 75, 81 f., 84, no , 156 f., 178, 407, 431 f., 460 Lichtenstadter, I. XV, 387 Lidzbarski, M. 126, 335 Lietzmann, H. 176 Lippert, J. 32, 54, 59 , 78 , 83, ii i, 469  Lis dn al-^Arab:  M. b. Mukarram b. Manzur Lisan-ad'din b. al-Hatib: M. b. 'Al. Lofgren, O. 56, 158 f., 187, 323, 453 Loth, O. 89 al-Lubnani: A. b. M. b. 'U. b. Aban

63 3

 b. al- Lu bud i: A. b. Ha lil, §ih ab-a d-d in Lucian 61, 358 Lu’lu’, Badr-ad-dtn 58 al-Luri: Ibr. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz Lut b. Ya., a. Mihnaf 70, 90, 506 M Ma'add b. 'Adnan 385 al-Ma'afiri: M. b. Salih al-Ma'afiri: Tahir b. Mufawwaz al-Ma'arri: A. b. 'Al., a. l-'Ala’ al-Ma'arri: Ya. b. 'Ali Macnaghten, W. H. 51, i n al-Mada^ini: 'Ali b. M. al-Ma'dani: A. b. Sa'id, a. l-'Abbas al-Madara^i 596 Madclung, W. 177, 504 al-Madini: 'Al. b. Ja'far  b. al-M adin i: 'A li b. 'A l. al-Madini; M. b. 'U., a. Miisa al-MMarruhi: Mufaddal b. Sa'd al-Magami: Yu. b. Ya.  b. al-M aha lli: Hi bat all ah b. 'A li, a. Nas r al-Mahalii: M. b. 'Ali b. Humayd al-Mahalli: M. b. al-Hu., a. t-Tahir Mahasin b. Halifah 466 a. 1-Mahasin b. Salamah b. IJalifah alHarrani 466  b. Ma haw ayh : Ibr. Mahbub b. Qustantin al-Maiibiji: Agapius al-Mahdi ('Abbasid caliph) 154, 439 al-Mahdi (Fatirnid of Northwestern Africa) 407 al-Mahdi (Almohad) 97 al-Mahdi (Sahib az-zaman) 596  b. Mah di: 'Ar . Mahdi, Muhsin 32  b. Ma hfu z: 'A l. b. M. Mahfuz b. Ma'tuq b. al-Buzuri 490 Mahfuz, Hu. 'A li 482 Mahmud of Gaznah, Yamin-ad-dawlah 38, 172, 177, 541, 596 Mahmtid (Saljuq) 50 Mahmud b. A. al-'Ayni 50, 58, 104, 109, 325 f., 328 f., 331, 343 , 345   f-, 356, 395, 412, 417, 448, 515, 526, 532, 583, 596 f. Mahmud b. A. b. al-Faraj 445 Mahmud Basa 248 Mahmud b. Ibr., a, 1-Q. b. Sumay' 501 Mahmud b. Mas'ud as-Sirazi 244, 248, 251, 384 Mahmrid b. M. b. Arslan al-Huwarizmi 468 Mahmud b. Sumay', a. 1-H. 501 Mahmud b. 'U., a. 1-Q. az-Zamahsari 594 al-Mahzumi 482 al-Mahzumi, a. s-Sa’ib 510 Maimonides 140  b. Ma 'in: Ya .  b. Ma jah: M. b. Ya zid Majd-ad-din (teacher of ad-pahabi) 582

634

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Majd-ad-din al-Lugawi: M. b. Ya'qub alMansur b. al-Mu'tamir  I^ldn ij g Firuzabadi Mansur b. Salim, a. 1-Muzaffar 458 (cf. Vajda, (b.) al-Majisun: 'Abd-al-‘Aziz b. 'Al. in  JA ,  1965, 341 ff.) Majnun Layla 217 al-Maiisuri: Baybars al-Majriti: Maslamah b. A. al-Mantiqi as-Sijistani: M. b. Tahir, a. Su.  b. Mak atiis: 'A r. b. 'Ab d- ar -R azz aq Manuel, Juan 48 Makdisi, G. 83 al-Manufi, 'Al. (cf. GAL Supplement   II, 99) Maki b. ‘^Abd-as-Salam (b.) ar-Ru may li al602 Maqdisi 464, 468  b. Ma nzu r: M. b. Muk arr am Maki b. Ibr.  IH&n 142 al-Maqdisi: 'Abd-al-6ani b. 'Abd-al-Wdhid Maki b. 'U . al-Misri 603 al-Jamma'ili al-Makin 7, 139 al-Maqdisi: 'Ali b. al-Mufadd al, a. 1-H. Makki, Mahmud ('Alt) XV, 275, 478 al-Maqdisi: Maki b. 'Abd-as-Sal&m (b.)  b. Ma ktu m: A. b. 'Ab d- al-Q ad ir, Taj -ad -dm ar-Ruiuayli  b. Ma kula : 'AH b. Hi bat alla h al-Maqdisi; M. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid, Diya^ b. Ma kul a; H iba tal lah b. 'A li ad-din Malalas; loannes al-Maqdisi: M. b. Tahir, a. 1-Fadl al-M alik.. .: under the second element al-Maqdisi: al-Mutahhar b. Tahir  b. Mal ik: M. b. ‘A l., Jam al-a d-d in al-Maqdisi: Nasr b. Ibr. Malik b. Anas 85, 261, 275, 281, 310, 359, al-Maqdisi, Sihab-ad-din a. M. 595 394 , 418 f., 44 7 , 449 i-, 5 ^7 ,  526, 573, al-Maqdisi: Su. b. Hamzah 363, 590-592,  IHdn 136, 140 al-Maqqari: A. b. M. Malik b. Himyar 158 al-Maqrizi: A. b. 'Ali, Taqi-ad-din al-Maliki, a. Bakr: 'Al. b. M., a. Bakr al-Maragi: a. Bakr b. al-Hu., Zayn-ad-din al-Maliki, a. Darr: Mus'ab b. M., a. Darr al-Maragi: M. b. a. Bakr, Saraf-ad-din Maliksah 251 al-Maragi, 'Abd-al-'Aziz Mustafa 418 al-Mallahi: M. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid, a. 1-Q.  b. al-Mar ^ah; Ibr. b. Yu . b. Da hh aq al-Mamani (b. Mama): A. b. M. al-Marani: 'Utman b. 'Isa b. Darbas Ma'mar b. A. b. Ziyad al-'Arif 426 al-Mar'asi, Zahir-ad-din 16, 162 Ma'mar b. al-Mutanna, a. 'Ubaydah 71, 89, Margais, W. 20 96, 406, 510 Mardam (Bey), Halil 183, 256 Ma'mar b. Rasid 518,  I ’^ldn 140  b. Mardawa^^h; A. b. Musa, a. Ba kr Ma'mar b. Sabib b. Saybah 280 Margoliouth, D. S. XV, 23, 29, 43, 45, 49 f.,  b. Ma mm ati: As 'ad b. al-M uha dda b 54 f., 71-73, 82, 84, 89, 105, I I I f., 126, (?) ad-Darbandi 461 Mamsus 151, 174, 177, 182 f., 256, 272, 284, 286, al-Ma^mun 51, 79, 87, 143, 280, 408, 432, 595 321 f., 404, 411, 413 f., 419 f., 422, 427-429, al-ManbiJi; Agapius 447, 461, 467-468, 470 f., 473, 477, 483 f., al-Manbiji al-Adib (?) 607 502-504, 506, 510 f., 514, 516, 518, 528  b. Ma nda h: 'A r. b. M., a. 1-Q. al-Marini (al-Maridini): M. b. Hamid b.  b. M and ah : 'Ab d-a l-W ah ha b b. M. al-Mutawwij  b. Ma ndah : M. b. Ish aq, a. 'A l. al-Marisi: Bisr b. 6iy at  b. Ma ndah ; Y a. b. 'Ab d-a l-W ah ha b, a. al-Maristani: 'Ubayd allah b. 'Al i b. alZakariyS’ Maristaniyah  b. al-M and a’i : A. b. Ba ht iya r al-Marjani; 'Al. b. 'Abd-al-Malik  b. M an da wa yh : 'A l. b. M. al-Marrakusi: 'Abd-al-Wahid b. 'Ali  b. a. Ma ni': Ha jja j b. Yu . al-Marrakusi: M. b. M. b. 'Abd-al-Malik  b. M anj aw ayh : A. b. 'Ah', a. Ba kr al-Marrakusi: M. b. Musa, Jamal-ad-din Mann, J. 140 Martinus Oppaviensis (Polonus) 147 al-Mansur ('Abbasid caliph) 52, 121, 354 Ma'ruf al-Karhi 607 al-Mansur (Fatimid of Northwestern Africa) Marwan II 407 126, 407 Marwan b. M. at-Tatari  IHdn 138 al-Mansur (of Hamah) 55 al-Marwazi; M. b. A. b. 'Abbad, a. 'Ismah al-Mansur: Qala^un Marx, A. 139 Mansur, secretary of Ustad Jawdar 120  b. a. Ma rya m: Sa 'id b. al-H aka m a. Mansur 464 (?) Maryam bint A. al-Adra'iyah 452  b. a. 1-Mansur; al-Hu. b. 'All  b. al-M arzu ban : M. b. Ha laf Mansur b. al-Hu., a. Sa'd al-Abi 308, 469, al-Marzuban, a. 'Al. 609 {see  M. b. 'Imr^n

516

Mansur b. M., a. 1-Muzaffar (b.) as-Sam'ani

451

al-Marzubani) al-Marzubani; M. b. 'Imran  b. Ma rzu q; M. b. A. , a. 'A l.

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Marzuqi; A. b. M. Masa’llah 134 a. Ma'sar; Ja'far b. M. a. Ma'sar: Najih al-Masarji: al-Hu. b. M., a. 'Ali  b. Ma sar jis: al-F adI b. Marw an  b. Mas di: M. b. Yu .  b. al-M asi tah ; 'A ll b. al-H . Maslamah b. A. al-Majriti 241 Maslamah b. Q. 437 Masruq (b. al-Ajda' 'Ar.) 591,  IHan 139  b. Mas ruq at- Tu si 429, 433 Masse, H. 62, in , 296, 414  b. Ma s'u d: 'A l. Mas'ud b. A., Sa'd-ad-din al-Hariti 443, 525 Mas'ud b. 'A li as-Sijazi 446 a. Mas'ud ad-Dimasqi: Ibr. b. M. Mas'udi 179 al-Mas'udi; 'A li b. al-Hu. al-Matari: 'Al. b. M., 'Afif-ad-din al-Matari; M. b. A. b. Halaf Matthews, C. D. 122, 406, 464, 477 al-Mawardi: 'Ali b. M. Mawhub b. A,, a. Mansur al-Jawaliqi 271 al-Mawsili: A. b. 'Ali b. al-Mutanna, a. Ya '14 al-Mawsili: a. Dkw(r)h al-Mawsili: Ibr. b. M. b. Yazid al-Mawsili: Ishaq b. Ibr. al-Mawsili; Ja'far b. M. al-Mawsili; al-Mu'afa b. 'Imran al'Mawsili: al-Mubarak b. a. Bakr b. Hamdan al'Mawsili: M. b. 'Al. b. 'Ammar al-Mawsili: M. b. ar-Rabi' al'Maydani: A. b. M. al-Maydumi: M. b. Ibr.,  Saraf -ad-d in  b.(b int) al-M ayl aq; M. b. 'Abd -ad- Da^ im  b. May mun 97 f. Maymun b. A. b. al-H. 445 Mayrniin al-Hawwar? 312 Maymun b. Mihran 381 Maymun b. Qays: al-A'sa al-Mayuraqi; A. b. 'Ali, a. l-'Abbas Mehmet the Conqueror 51 Meinecke, F. 3, 197 Menage, V. L. 59, no Mengeli Boga 414, 597 Mensing, J. P. 201 Meyer, E. 6 Meyerhof, M. 77, 81, 171 Mez, A. 89, 114 Michael Syrus 139 Migne, J.-P. 79 a. Mihnaf; Lut b. Ya.  b. Mih ran; M. Mikhaylova, A. I. 4 Miles, G. C. 128 Millward, W. 16 al-Mimasi: M. b. Ja'far Mingana, A. 26, 4 7 Minhal b. M. b. Mansur b. Minha l, a.

63 5

1-Gayt 606 Minorsky, V. 35, 457, 461 Minovi, M. 84, 290, 360 al-Minqari: M. b. Su. al-Minqari: Nasr b. Muzahim (b.) Miskawayh: A. b. M., a. 'Ali  b. Mis mar; al-F ath al-Misri 324 f., 511 Mitt woch, E. 74, 139, 160, 459 al-Mizzi: Yu. b. 'Ar. Moberg, A. 23 Mohl, J. 109 Monneret de Villard, U. 196 Montaigne, M. de 51 Mordtmann, J. H. 152 Moses (Musa) 79, 85, 124, 253, 258, 288, 290, 385, 543, 554 , 559 , 580, 589 Mu'ad b. Jabal 281 f., 287,  IHdn 139  b. al- Mu 'ad dal (M u'a dd al) : A. (b.) al-Mu’addib 482 (see also  Hamzah b. al-Hu.) al-Mu^addib: Yunus b. M. al-Mu'addid (?); 'Ali b. A. b. 'Alt al-Mu'addil: M. b. A., a. Bakr al-Mu^addin; A. b. 'Abd-al-Ma lik, a. Salih  b. al-M ii’ ad di n; M. b. 'A li al-Mu'afa b. 'Imran al-Mawsili 153, 518 al-Mu'afa b. Zakariya^ an-Nahrawani 280 al-Mu'alla b. 'Urfan 278 al-Mu'allami, 'Ar. b. Ya. 488 al-Mu^ammal b. Masrur al-^umraki 445 Mu’arrij b. 'A mr as-Sadusi 95 f., 418 Mu'awiyah b. 'Amr, a. 'Amr 395 Mu'awiyah b. a. Sufyin 50, 63, 89, 279, 346 (?), 406, 589,  IHdn 138 al-Mu^ayyad (of Egypt) 104 f., 328, 412, 597 al-Mu^ayyad: Ism. b. 'Ali, a. 1-Fida’ al-Mu^ayyad (b.) M. at-Tusi  IHdn 141  b. al-M uba rak : 'A L al-Mubarak b. 'Abd-al-Jabbar b. at-Tuyuri

593 al-Mubarak b. A., a. 1-Barakat b. al-Mustawfi 458 al-Mubarak b. a. Bakr b. Hamdan b. as-Sa"ar al-Mawsili 423 al-Mubarak b. M., Majd-ad-diu b. al-Atir 71, 405, 4 2 7 , 491 Mubarak §ah; Fahr-ad-din al-Mubarrad: M. b. Yazid al-Mubassir (b. Fatik) 176, 352  b. al-M uda bbir : Ibr. b. M. Miiller, A. 32, 47, 54, 59, 78-81, 83, 122, 147 , 184, 272, 453, 463, 469  b. (al- )M ufa dda l: 'A li al-Mufaddal b. a. 1-Fada’il 139 al-Mufaddal b. Gassan al-Gallabi 393, 449 al-Mufaddal b. M. b. Mis'ar, a. 1-Mahasin al-Magribi 422 al-Mufaddal b. M., a. Sa'id al-Janadi 475, 480 al-Mufaddal b. Salamah ad-Dabbi 258

636

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

637

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES Mufaddal b. Sa'd al-Mafarruhi 150, 161, 459  b. Mufa rra/ij (?) ; al-H . b. M.  b. Mu farr a/i j: b. Muf rih  b. Mu farr ij : M. al-Mufassis (al-Mufaddid) (?); 'A li b. A. b. 'All  b. Mu faw waz ; Tah ir  b. Mu flih ; M.  b. Muf rih (Mu farra/ ij ?), a. 1-Q. 419, 472 a. l-Mugirah: 'Abd-al-Quddus b. al-Hajjaj Mug ultay b. Qilij, 'A la’ -ad-dm 177, 369, 388, 395 , 398 f., 401, 44 7 , 465, 526, 534, 587 f-, 607 al-Muhallabi: al-H. b. M. Muhammad the Prophet 24-30 ani passim M. b. Aban  IHan 142 M. b. al-'Abbas, a. Bakr al-Huwarizmi 300 M. b. al-'-Abbas b. Hayyawayh 501 M. b. al-'Abbas al-Yazidi 123 M. b. 'Al. b. al-Abbar 55, 86, 155, 312, 393, 414, 460, 464, 525 M. b. “^Al. b. 'Am mar a l-Maw sili 520 M. b. 'Al. al-Azdi al-Misri 469 M. b. 'Al. al-Azraqi 43, 126, 164 f., 479 f., 509,  IHdn 136 M. b. 'Al., a. B akr b. al-'Ar abi al-Isbili 46, 311, 360, 370, 459 M. b. “^Al., a. Ba kr b. Muhibb-a d-din 437, 439, 464 M. b. *^A 1. al-Barqi 501 M. b. 'AI. b. a. I-Fadl, Saraf-ad-din as-Sulami 585 M. b. 'A l. al-Hadram.i 276 M. b. 'Al., al-Hakim an-Nisaburi 43, 168, 282, 355, 363, 379-381,  393,  436, 446-448, 467, 483, 522, 527, 593 M. b. 'Al., al-H atib at-Tibrizi 448 M. b. 'Al. b. al-Haytam al-'^Attar 445 M. b. 'Al., a. 1-Hu. ar-Razi 156, 593 M. b. 'AI., Jamal-ad-din b. Malik 314 f, M. b. 'Al., Jam al-ad-din ar-Raymi 354 M. b. 'Al., Jamal-ad-d in b. Zuhayrah 452 M. b. 'Al. al-Kisa’i 404 M. b. 'Al,, Lisan-ad-din b. al-Hatib {includes  Ihdtah)   44, 70, 86, 184 f., 355, 424, 441, 45 5 , 45 7 , 465 f-, 470, 472-474, 483, 526, 599 M. b. 'Al., M utayyan 276, 404 M. b. 'Al. b. Numajn: 520 M. b. “^Al. b. Qassum al-Isb ili 459 M. b. “^Al. ar-R asi di 453 M. b. 'Al. as-Sahtiyani 476 f. M. b. 'Al., §ams-ad-din b. Nasir-ad-din 397, 399, 421, 588, 595, 598 M. b. 'A l., Saraf-ad-din as-Safrawi 605 f. M. b. 'Al. as-Sibl i 33, 71, 149, 276, 279, 282 f., 378, 381 M. b. 'Al., a. Su. b. Zabr 512 f. M. b. 'Al. al-'Utaqi 59, 64 M. b. 'Al. ('Ubaydallah) b. 'Utbah ai-'Utbi 509, 511

M. b. 'Al. b. Zakariya^ b. Hayyawayh an-Nisaburi 592 M. b. 'Abd-al-A'la 395 M. b. 'Abd-al-'Azim b. al-Mundiri 441 M. b. ‘^Abd-al-'Aziz ad-Dinawari  I^ldn 14 1 M. b. 'Abd -al-‘^Aziz b. Sa'M ah as-Satibi 606 M. b. 'Abd-al-'^Aziz as-Sirazi al-Qassar 470 M. b. 'Abd-a d-Da ’im al-Birmawi 397 f., 587 M. b. “^Abd-ad-Da^im b. (bint) al-M aylaq, Nasir-ad-din 399 M. b. ‘^Abd-al-Gani b. Nuqtah 447, 449, 524 f., 601 M. b. 'Abd-al-Hamid b. 'Al. b. Halaf al-Misri 486, 607, 6og M. b. 'Abd-al-Jabbar, a. Nasr al-'Utbi 177, 596 M. b. 'Abd-al-Karim, a. 1-Fadl ar-RMi'i 44 M. b. *-Abd-al-Karim as-Sahrastani 243, 430 M. b. *^Abd-al-Karim, Taqi-ad-din b. Qutbad-din al-Halabi 441 f., 478 M. b. *^Abd-al-Malik (b.) al-Hamadani 82 f., 292, 411 f., 414, 488, 509 M. b. 'Abd- al-M alik al-M arjani : “^Al. b. 'Abd-al-Malik M. b. “-Abd-ar-Rahim b. al-Fu rat 382, 412, 497, 509, 583

M. b. 'Ar., a. l-*^Abbas ad-Duguli 404 M. b. 'Ar. b. a. Di’b  IH dn 136 M. b. 'Ar., a. 1-Hu. ar-Rudabari 541 f. M. b. 'Ar. as-Sahawi VIII, 12-16, 29, 32, 36, 40-42, 44 , 50, 53 , 55  f-, 61 f., 72, 84, 86, 88, 96, 102, 106, 127, 165-168, 185, 201 f., 204, 210, 245-248, 263-529, 530, 586-610 M. b. *^Ar. as-Sa^mi  I'^ldn 142 M. b. 'Ar. al-'Utmani 470 M. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid, Diya’-ad-din alMaqdisi 402, 451, 465, 470, 480, 483, 600 f., 603, 605, 608 M. b. 'Abd-al-Wahid, Kamal-ad-din b. Humam-ad-din 282, 606 M. b. ‘^Abd-al-Wahid, a. 1-Q. al-Gafiqi al-Mallahi 465 M. b. *^Abdus al-Jahsiy M 45, 115, 127 f., 378, 413 M. b. A. b. ‘Abbad, a. 'Ismah al-Marwazi 477 M. b. A., a. ‘•Al. b. Marzuq 599 M. b. A. b. 'Abd-al-Hadi, a. 'Al. 598 M. b. A., a. A. (b.) al-'Assal 400, 402, 453 M. b. A. b. 'All, Qutb-ad-din al-Qastallani 150, 485, 488, 584-586, 589 (?) M. b. A. b. Amin al-Aqsahri 127, 476 M. b. A., a. 'Amir al-Ralawt 32, 461 M. b. A., a. l-'Arab at-Tamimi al-Qayraw ani 419, 435, 460, 465, 473, 591, 600 M. b. A., a. 'Asim al-'Abbadi 415, 448, 584 M. b. A., a. Bakr al-Mu'addil 459 M. b. A. b. Bashan ad-Dimasqi 349, 376, 580-582 M. b. A. al-Biruni 68, 73, 76, 78 f., 90 f., 113,

124, 134, 137, 139, 145, 173, 177, 181, 221, 242-244, 322, 378, 384, 468 M. b. A., a. Bisr ad-Dawlabi 408, 506, 510, 521, 591

M. b. A., a. Bisr ad-Daw labi 408, 506, 510,

521 , 591 M. b. A. ad-Dahabi 32 f., 43, 45, 54, 58, 63, 82 f., 85, 93 f., 102, 131, 145 f., 149, 191, 259, 265, 276, 278, 281, 292, 322, 328, 339 , 346-351, 361, 363-365, 371, 374-377, 388, 391-396, 400 f., 404 f., 408, 421 f.,

M. b. A., a. 1-Walid b. al-Hajj at-Tujibi 601 (?) , 605 M. b. A., a. 1-Walid b. Rusd 312 f. M. b. A. al-Wasiti 464 M. b. 'A^id ad-Dimasqi 392, 394, 509, 511,

588

M. b. 'All, a. 'Al. as-Suri 523 M. b. 'Ali al-'Abdi al-IIurasam 59 M. b. 'Ali b. 'Arabi 235, 253, 324, 348, 43 °, 456, 584, 586, 606 M. b. 'Ali b. 'Asa’ir 467, 603 M. b. 'All b. A yba k as-Sariiji 435, 525 431, 433 , 435-437, 440, 442, 445-447, M. b. 'Ali al-'Azimi 156, 1 7 7 451 f., 454, 456, 460-462, 468, 482-484, 487, 490, 492 f., 500 f., 503, 512- 516, 520, M. b. 'Ali b. Baraka t al-Hamawi 53, 119, 145 M. b. 'All ad-Damagani 280 522-529, 532, 580-82, 587, 590 f., 595 , M. b. 'Ali ad-Dinawari 509 598, 601, 604, 607 M. b. 'Ali b. al-Fadl ad-Dihqan 474 M. b. A. al-Farisi 490, 506 M. b. 'All, al-Hakim at-Tirmidi 399 M. b. A. b. a. 1-Fawaris al-Bagdadi 522 M. b. 'Ali b. Hamzah al-Furahinani 4 7 7 M. b. A. b. Gadir 581 M. b. 'Ali b. Hassul 59, 177 M. b. A. al-Gitrifi  IHdn 141 M. b. 'All b. Hidr b. 'Ask ar al-Cassan i 474 M. b. A., Guujar al-Buhari 461, 506 M. b. 'Ali b. Humayd al-Mahalli 605 M. b. A. b. Halaf, Jamal-ad-din al-Matari 476 M. b. 'Ali, a. 1-Hu. b. al-Muhtadi bi-llah 453 M. b. A. b. Halil, a. 1-Hattab as-Sakuni 604 M. b. 'Ali b. Ibr. b. Saddad, 'Izz-ad-din 107, M. b. A. b. Hamdan 593 I I I , 151, 156, 171, 277, 412, 469, 482, 486, M. b. A. b. al-H. al-Katib 174 M. b. A., a. Hatim b. Hibbaii 404, 435 f.,

43 9 , 447   f-, 515, 522, 592 fM. b. A., a. 1-Hu. b. Jumay' 453 M. b. A. b. al-Hu. b. a. 1-Mansur al-Azdi 426 M. b. A. al-Huwarizmi 33 f. M. b. A. al-Ibsihi 356 M. b. A. b. lyas 84, 247 M. b. A., Jamal-ad-din b. Muhibb-ad-din at-Tabari 480 M. b. A., JamM-ad-din al-Qazwini 37, 365 M. b. A. b. Jubayr al-Kinani 516 M. b. A. al-Magribi 609 M. b. A. b. Mahdi as-5 ahid 507 M. b. A. b. Mazyad b. a. 1-Azhar al-Busanji 73 , 507, 511 M. b. A., Muhibb-ad-din b. al-Ha’im 398, 587 M. b. A. al-Muqaddami 506 M. b. A., a. 1-Muzaffar al-Abiwardi 457, 467, 605 M. b. A. an-Nahrawali 317 M. b. A. b. al-QMisi 83 M. b. A. (b.) al-Qati'i 462 M. b. A. b. al-Qattan 593 M. b. A. b. Sahl al-Barkani (al-Barnakani) 591 M. b. A., Sams-ad-din al-Ba'uni 185, 285 f., 398, 409, 534 M. b. A. b. Su'ayb as-Su'aybi 590 M. b. A., a. t-Tahir ad-Duhli 609,  IHdn 138 M. b. A., Taqi-ad-dni al-Fasi 43, 57, 126 f., 150, 165, 304, 320, 381, 396, 440-442, 44 9 , 462, 468, 475 f., 480-482, 486, 490, 493, 526, 583, 606 M. b. A., a. 'U. b. Qudamah 605 M. b. A. b. 'U. al-Qusa\Ti 591 M. b. A. b. 'Utman al-Qaysi 441

596 M. b. 'Ali b. Ism. b. a. s-Sayf : M. b. Ism. b. a. s-Sayf  M. b. 'Ali, Jamal-ad-din al-'Imrani 410 M. b. 'All, Jamal-ad-din b. as-Sabuni 58, 441,

447 , 451, 525 M. b. 'All, Jamal-ad-din as-Saybi 127, 481 M. b. 'All, KamM-ad-din b. az-Zamlakani 582 M. b. 'A li b. al-Mu^addin az-Zabidi an-Nasili 480 f. M.  b. 'A ll b.

Muyassar 62, i i i ,

155,

4 i 4.

427, 478 M. b. 'Ali al-Qaffal as-Sasi 181, 416,  IHdn 143 M. b. 'All, a. 1-Q. al-'Imadi 145 M. b. 'Ali al-Qayati 325, 343 f., 366 M. b. 'All, a. Sa'id an-Naqqas 425 M. b. 'Ali, Sams-ad-din as-Sadili al-Hakam 598 M. b. 'Ali, Sams-ad-din al-Husayni 421, 449 M. b. 'Ali as-Simsati 154 M. b. 'Ali, a. Suja' ad-Dahhan 510 M. b. 'Ali, Taqi-ad-din b. Daqiq-al-'id 327, 339, 352 f., 364, 366, 421, 525, 606 M. b. 'Alib . Tarhana l-Balhi 401 (?), 513 f- (?),  IHdn 142 M. b. 'Ali b. at-Tiqtaqa 49, 51, 56, 58, 115 f., 529 M. b. 'All, a. 'Ubayd al-Ajurri 446 M. b. 'All, a. Umamah b. an-Naqqas 397,

589

(? )

M. al-Amin b. Fadlallah al-Muhibbi 86 M. b. 'Aramar, Sams-ad-din al-Maliki

44,

280 f., 312-315, 497 fM. b. 'Amr, a. Ja'far al-'Uqa yli 436, 439, 521 M. b. 'Aqil 463

638

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

M. b. ‘Aqil al-Azhari al-Balhi 463 M. b. As'ad al-Jawwaui 155, 434, 475, 479, 607 M. b. Aslam at-Tusi  IHd n 142 M. b. 'Ata ’llah, Sams-ad-din al-Harawi 601 M. b. Aybak as-Saruji; M. b. 'Ali b. Aybak  M. b. Ayyub b. Galib al-Garnati 460 M. b. Ayyub ar-Raqqi 604 M. b. a. 1-Azhar 73, 507, 511  [see also  M. b.  A. b. Ma zyad ) M. b. a. Bakr al-Hadrami 470 M. b. a. Bakr, 'Izz-ad-dJn b. Jama'ah 331, 587, 605 M. b. a. Bakr, Jamal-ad-din b. al-Hayyat 485 M. b. a. Bakr, Jamal-ad-din al-Misri 354 M. b. a. Bakr b. Qayyim al-Jawziyah 113, 217, 256, 402, 480 (?), 589 M. b. a. Bakr, Saraf-ad-din (b.) al-Maragi 398, 452, 587 M. b. a. Bakr b. Zurayq 353 M. b. Basir ar-Riyasi 508 M. b. Daniyal al-Mawsili 163, 184 f., 428 M. b. Dawud b. al-Jarrah 413, 424, 454, 503, 509 M. b. Futuh, a. 'Al. al-Humaydi 67, 97, 153, 326, 460, 474, 513 f., 523 M. b. a. Gassan, a. ‘Ilaqah 592 M. b. Habib 70, 97, 387, 401 M. b. Hafif, a. 'Al. 605 M. b. al-^alaf b. 'Alqamah 464 M. b. Halaf, a. Bakr b. Fathun 405 M. b. Halaf (Halid ?) al-Hasimi 509 M. b. Halaf b. Hayyaii, a. Bakr Waki*^ 73, 79, 418, 428, 467, 508, 510, 518 M. b. Hala f b. al-Marzu ban 423, 433, 509 M. b. al-Halaf as-Sadafi 155 M. b. Halid (Halaf ?) al-Hasimi 509 M. b. Hamdawayh, a. Raja^ as-Saiiji alHuraqani 168, 476 f. M. b. Hamid b. al-Mutaw wij (M utawwaj) al-Marini (Maridini) 427 M. b. Hainzah b. ^Ali 439 M. b. (al-)Harit al-Qarawi, a. 'Al. 418 f., 460 f., 472, 510, 602 M. b. al-Harit at-Taglibi 411, 508 M. b. Harun al-'Abbast 78 M. b. Harun, a. ‘^Ali 401, 588 M. b. al-H., a. Bakr aii-Naqqas 400, 588 M. b. al-H. b. Durayd 55, 290 M. b. al-H. b. Furak 368 M. b. al-H. b. Hamdun 49, 53, 91, 307, 516 M. b. H. b. Isfandiyar 115 f., 162, 177, 290, 355 M. b. al-H. (Hu.) al-Lahmi 608 M. b. H. b. Qutaybah al-'^Asqalani 597 M. b. al-H. as-Saybani 449, 464, 591 M. b. al-H., as-Sarif al-Husayui (Hasani) ad-Dimasqi 426, 526 M. b. al-H. at-Tusi 431, 453, 475 M. b. al-H. al-Wasiti 414

M. b. al-H. b. Zabalah 475 M. b. al-H. az-Zubaydi 422 M. b. Hasim al-HMidi 154, 482 M. b. a. Hatim al-Buhari 342, 595 M. b. al-Haysam 606 M. b. al-Haytam b. Sababah 412, 510 M. b. Hilal, Girs-an-ni'mah as-Sabi^ 82, 479 M. b. Humayd  IHdn 14 1 M. b. al-Hu. al-Aburi 593 M. b. Hu., Baha’-ad-diu al-'-Amili 281 M. b. al-Hu., a. Bakr al-Ajurri 590, 593 M. b. al-Hu., a. 1-Fadl al-Bayhaqi 84 M. b. al-Hu., a. 1-Fath al-Azdi 350, 406, 436 M. b. Hu., a. Sa'd al-Wazir 424 M. b. al-Hu., as-Sarif ar-Radi 317, 428 (?) M. b. al-Hu., a. Suja' 292, 321, 489, 508 M. b. al-Hu. as-Sulami 425, 435, M. b. al-Hu., a. t-Tahir al-Mahalli 605 M. b. al-Hu. b. at-Tarjuman(i) 471, 610 M. b. al-Hu. b. Uht ‘^Isa b. Farruhansah 508 M. b. al-Hu., a. Ya 4 a b. al-Farra’ 420 M. b. al-Hu., a. Ya 'la al-Jur jani 465 M. b. al-Hu. al-Yam ani 422 M. b. al-Hu. (H ?) az-Zubaydi 422 M. b. Ibr., a. 'Al. al-Busanji 593,  IHdn 14 1 1. b. al-Fahhar al-Malaqi 524 M. b. Ibr ., a. *^A  M. b. Ibr. (b.) al-Akfani 32, 307 f., 320, 430 M. b. Ibr., Badr-ad-din al-Bastaki 425, 445, 472, 479 M. b. Ibr., Badr-ad-din b. Jama^ah 43, 163, 350, 418 M. b. Ibr., a. Bakr b. al-Muqri^ 449 (?), 453 M. b. Ibr., Fath-ad-din b. as-Sahid 398, 587 M. b. Ibr. b. al-Hanbali 467, 472 M. b. Ibr. al-lji V, 15, 40, 85, 113, 202-244, 245, 250, 259, 261 M. b. Ibr., JamM-ad-din al-Mursidi 443 M. b. Ibr. al-Ku tubi al-W atwat 491, 506 M. b. Ibr., Sadr-ad-din al-Muiiawi 604 M. b. Ibr., 5 ams-ad-diu (b.) al-Jazari 60, 134, 49 3 , 506, 525 M. b. Ibr., Saraf-ad-din al-Maydumi 525 M. b. Idris, a. Bakr (?) 459 M. b. Idris, a. Hatim ar-Razi 374, 520, 526 f. M. b. Idris as- Sa fi‘^i 41, 75, 98, 234, 261, 279-281, 286, 365-367, 371, 394, 409, 415-417, 44 9 , 512, 518, 526, 546, 573, 592-594,  IHdn 138, 140 M. b. 'Imran al-Marzubani 73, 387, 422, 424, 429, 509, 600 (?), 609 (?) M. b. 'Isa ad-Damagani  IHdn 14 1 M. b. “-Isa, a. 'Is a at-Ti rmid i 29, 46, 401, 404, 447 , 527, 588, 595 M. b. Ishaq, a. l-'Abbas as-Sarraj 62, 449 f.,  IHdn 14 1 M. b. Ishaq, a. 'Al. b. Mandah 43, 283, 400, 403-405, 448, 459 , 501, 522 M. b. Ishaq al-Fakihi 162, 164 f., 479 f., 508 M. b. Ishaq b. Huzaymah 521,  IHdn 14 1 M. b. Ishaq al-Musayyabi 399

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

639

M. b. Ishaq al-Muttalibi 48, 87, 89, 132,

M. b. M., a. l-Barak^t b. al-Hajj al-Ballafiqi

385, 392-394, 397, 403, 508, 534, 586 M. b. Ishaq b. an-Nadim (includes Fihrist)  V II I, 32 f., 50 f., 70, 72 f., 79 f., 89, 97, 104, I I I , 122, 125, 127, 137, 139, 162, 164, 180, 186, 272, 366, 381, 386, 392, 400 f., 404, 410 f., 413, 418, 428-430, 432, 436, 450, 462, 465, 467, 47 4 , 478, 482, 486, 489, 503 f., 506 f., 511 M. b. Ishaq as-Sabi^ 508 M. b. Ishaq al-Wassa^ (M. b. A. b. Ishaq)

55 , M. b. M. b. M. b.

127, 187 (?), 365, 505 M. b. Ism., a. Bakr b. Halfun al-Azdi 524 M. b. Ism. al-Buhari 13 f., 86, 167, 201, 250, 276-278, 282, 284, 290, 292, 295, 304, 316, 324, 328, 330 f., 334, 341-343, 355 , 359-363, 365-367, 369, 378 f., 381 f., 392, 394 f-, 404, 418, 431, 436-439, 447   f., 450 f., 49 5 , 504, 515, 517-520, 527, 595,  I'^lan 142 M. b. Ism., a. Ism. at-Tirmidi 281, 416 M. b. Ism. b. a. s-Sayf 485 f. M. b. Jabir al-Battani ii i a. M. b. a. Ja'far 312 f. M. b. Ja'far, a. Bakr al-Hara’iti 399 M. b. Ja'far al-Jubiyari al-Warraq 463 M. b. Ja'far al-Mimasi 591 M. b. Ja'far an-Narsahi 116, 160, 162, 461 M. b. Ja'far at-Tamimi al-Kufi b. ari-Najjar 168, 47 3 M. b. al-Jahm as-Sami 275 M. b. al-Jahm as-Susi al-Barmaki 275 M. b. Jarir at-Tabari VI, 7, 42, 45, 47, 50, 53-55, 69-73, 75, 78, 81 f., 92, 108, no , 120-122, 127, 131, 134-136, 142, 144, 147, 176, 188, 243, 278, 286 f., 292, 326, 378, 387 f., 393, 404, 418, 488 f., 506, 508, 515, 521, 529, 531 M. b. Karram 606 M. b. Mahfuz as-Subayki 493 M. b. Mahlad, a. 'Al. ad-Diiri 592 M. b. Mahmud al-Amuli 39 f.

461 (?), 477 M. al-Baydawi 280 M. al-Farabi 32, 257 M. al-6 azzM i 52, 60, 64, 218, 232, 237, 2 3 9 , 281, 285, 303, 311, 316, 337, 343 , 346, 348, 360, 368, 374, 430, 606 M. b. M. b. al-Hajj al-'Abdari 311, 461 (?) M. b. M. b. Hamis, a. Bakr 300, 466, 474 M. b. M, b. al-Hidr al-'Ayzari 606 M. b. M. b. al-Hububi 306 M. b. M., al-'Imad al-Isbahani 43, 50, 62, 64, 120, 151, 155, 1 74, 177 f-, 296, 386, 410, 424, 462, 464, 483, 532, 596 M. b. M., Jamal-ad-din b. as-Sabiq al-Hamawi

444 , 492 M. b. M. b. al-Jazari 276, 399, 421, 456, 588 f., 608 (?) M. b. M. b. Juzayy al-Garnati 472 M. b. M., Kamal-ad-din 429, 602, 606, 608 M. b. M. al-Kanji as-Sufi 465 M. b. M. b. al-Labbad (d. 333/944) 592 M. b. M., Muhibb-ad-din b. al-Amanah 478 M. b. M., Muhibb-ad-din b. as-Sihnah (the younger) nr , 1 2 7 , i 7 i, 43 6 , 439, 4 4 4 , 462, 472 M. b. M. b. al-Qawba' (Quba') 396 M. b. M., Qutb-ad-din al-Haydari 416, 461 M. b. M., Sams-ad-din b. Nubatah 445 M. b. M. b. Sasra 57, 157 M. b. M. b. as-Sayyid 'Afif-ad-din 475 M. b. M. b. Sayyid-an-nas 327 f., 392, 396, 456, 525, 587 M. b. M., Taqi-ad-din b. Fahd 397 f., 421, 447 , 452, 45 5 , 496, 500, 587, 595 M. b. M. b. a. Ya 'la al-Farr a^ 420, 443 M. b. Mukarram b. Manzur  [include s Lis dn al-'^Arab)  85 f., 93, 271, 296, 300, 316, 323 f-, 353, 368, 388, 428, 463, 468, 529 M. b. al-Mundir  I'-ldn 142 M. b. Musa b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz, Sibawayh 429,

606 M. b. Musa, a. Bakr al-Hazimi 524 27 5 , 354, 425, 439 f-, 451, 462 f., 465, M. b. Musa al-Huwarizmi 73, 76, 134 M. b. ]\Iusa, Jamal-ad-din al-Marrakusi 47 5 , 480, 502, 507, 510, 524, 532, 594 M. b. Mahmud as-.Sahrazuri 39 442, 452 M. b. Musa b. an-Nu'rnan an-Nu'mani 604, M. b. Ma'n: al-Mu'tasim b. Sumadih M. b. Maymun, a. Hamzah as-Sukkari  IHdn 607, 609 M. b. Musi ar-R azi 164, 419 142 M. b. Mihran al-Jammal ar-Razi  IHdn 14 1 M. b. Musa b. Sind, Sams-ad-din 353 M. b. Muslim b. Sihab az-Zuhri 63, 96, 130 f., M. b. Mufarrij 604, 607 M. b. Muflih 346 334 , 379 , 395 , 45 o M. b. :Muslim b. Warah  IHdn 141 M. b. M. b. 'Abd-al-Malik al-Marrakusi 441, M. b. (al-)Mutanna al-'An azi, a. Musa 460 az-Zamin 392, 501 M. b. M. (?) b. 'Abd-al-Mun'im al-Himyari M. b. al-Mutanna al-Bavvardi 599 no, 487 M, b. al-Mutawakkil b. a. s-Sari al-'Asqalani M. b. M., 'Alam-al-huda 453 M. b. Mahmud b. an-Najjar 48, 57, 83, 164,

M. b. M., a. A. al-Hakim 522 M. b. M., 'Al a’ -ad-din al-Buhari 606 M. b. M., Badr-ad-din b. al-Qattan 281

509 M. b. Nahid 328, 597 M. b. Nasir, a. 1-Fadl as-Salami 524

640

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

M. b. Nasr al-Marwazi 521,  IHdn 142 M. b. Qala^un, an-Nasir 499, 596 M. b. al-Q., a. 1-H. at-Tammii 98 M. b. al-Q., a. Ishaq b. 5 a‘ban 450, 592 M. b. Q. an-Nuwayri 155, 458 M. b. a. 1-Q. b. Taymiyah 466 M. b. Qaysar al-Qattan 513 M. b. ar-RaW^ al-Jizi 406, 427 M. b. ar-Rabi' al-Mawsili 348 M. b. Rafi*^ (aii-Nisaburi)  IHdn 14 1 M. b. RMi'-, Taqi-ad-diii 57, 301, 401, 440, 449 , 452, 458, 463, 465, 490, 496, 442, 512 f., 525 f., 583 M. b. Sa'^d, a. 1-Barakat al-‘Assal 272 M. b. Sa'^d, Ka tib a l-W aqid i 86, 94, 96, 282, 284, 287, 369, 381, 383 f., 386, 392, 394 f., 402, 406, 437, 448, 501, 515, 517, 519, 528, 587 M. b. Sa'd b. Sabiq  IHdn 14 1 M. b. Sa'dun, a. 'Al. 473 f. M. b. Sahl b. Bassatn 509 M. b. Sahnun 592 M. b. as-Sa'ib (b.) al-Kalbi 386 M. b. Sa‘id (b.) al-Dubayti (Dabayti) 427, 462 f., 484, 502, 524, 532 M. b. Sa'^id, a. Ishaq al-Haddad 483 M. b. Sa^d al-Qusayri al-Harrani 167, 469 M. b. Sakir al-Kutubi 55, 149, 317, 327, 496, 509 M. b. Salamah al-Quda^i 67, 87, 126, 149, 292, 453 , 47 9 , 490, 509, 593 M. b. Salih, a. 1-H. at-Tabari 405 M. b. SMih al-Ma'afiri al-Qahtani 168, 461 M. b. Salih b. Mihran b. an-Xattah 89, 410, 476 (?), 509 M. b. Salih b. Musa ad-Damrawi 605 M. b. Salih b. Wasil al-Hamawi 65, 116 M. b. Sallain al-Baykandi  IHdn 142 M. b. Sallam al-Juniahi 387, 424, 509 M. b. a. Sari, a. Ja'far 509 M. b. Siriu 382, 517, 590,  IHdn ij g M. b. Su. al-Minqari al-Jawhari 509 M. b. Su. (b. M.) b. ‘Abd-al-Malik as-Satibi ar-Ra’si 598, 609 M. b. Su. b. M., a. 1-H. 467 M. b. Su. b. M. b. Su. as-Satibi 606 M. b. Su., Muhyi-ad-din al-Kafiyaji VIII, 10, 15, 40-42, 44, 202, 204, 208, 245-262, 264-267, 284, 293, 318-320, 326, 355, 384, 530, 547-580 M. b. Tahir, a. 1-Fadl al-Maqdisi 436, 447, 523 M. b. Tahir, a. Su. al-Maiitiqi as-Sijistani 79 , 535 M. b. Talhah, Kamal-ad-din an-Nasibi 399, 589, 596 M. b. Tarhan at-Turki 401 (?), 513 f. (?) M. b. Tarif al-Bajali 276 M. b. at-Tayyib al-Baqillani 30 M. at-Tayyib al-Fasi 87 M. b. Tugj al-Ihsid 411, 596

M. M M. M. M. M. M.

b. Tulun VI, 63, 126, 397, 430 b. 'Uba yd b. Adam al-^Asqalani 471 1. b . ‘ U t ba h b. 'Ubay dalla h: M. b. <^A  b. '^Ubaydallah al-Musabbihi 155, 478 b. 'U., a. 'Amr al-Kassi 432 b. “^U. b. a. Bak r b. Qiw am al-B alisi 608 b. '^U., Fahr-ad-diu ar-Razi 37 f., 237,

242, 244, 254, 257, 539   f., 555 , 594 , 609 M. b. “^U., Jamal-ad-d in al- 'Ar abi 604 M. b. 'U. al-Ji'abi 433 M. b. 'U ., a. Musa al-M adiiii 404 f., 448, 524, 593 , 597 , 599 , 601 M. b. 'U. an-Nabtiti 604, 608 M. b. ‘U. b. Rus ayd 454, 516, 606 M. b. 'U. al -Wa qidi 42, 60, 70, 73, 187, 243, 281, 381, 385, 392, 394, 397, 402, 448, 469, 501, 510, 519, 588 M. b. 'Utrnan, a. ^Amr b. al-Murabit 338, 348-351, 605 f. M. b. ‘^Utinan b. a. Saybah 446, 521 M. b. 'Utman, a. Zur'ah ad-Dimasqi 416 M. b. Waddah al-Andalusi 521, 590, 592, 607,  IH dn 140 M. b. al-Walid at-Turtusi 262 M. b. Ya., a. 'Al. b. al-Hadda’ 72, 447 M. b. Ya. al-‘^Alawi 475 M. b. Ya. ad -Duhli 520, I^l dn 14 1 M. b. Ya. al-Maqdisi 442 M. b. Ya. as-Suli 48 f., 53 f., 73, 127, 172-174, 271 f., 378, 383, 387, 408, 412 f., 418, 471, 510 f., 528 M. b. Ya., Zayn-al-'Abidin al-Munawi 281 M. b. Ya'-qub, a. l-'Abbas al-Asamni 528 M. b. Ya'-qub, Badr-ad-din b. an-Nahwiyah VI M. b. Ya'-qub al-Firuzabadi, Majd-ad-din al-Lugawi as-Sirazi 417, 423, 459, 476, 481, 487, 535 , 603 M. b. Ya'qub al-Halili 405 M. b. Ya'qub al-Janadi 288, 306, 471, 484 f,,  I^l dn 140 M. b. Ya'qub al-Kulini 324 M. b. Yazdad; 'Al. b. M. b. Yazdad M. b. Yazid b. Majah /'/an 14 1 M. b. Yazid, al-Mubarrad 356, 388, 502 f., 510, 515, 528 M. b. Yu., a. 'Al. al-BirzMi 525 M. b. Yu., Baha’-ad-diu al-Ba'uni 409 M. b. Yu. al-Faryabi 519 M. b. Yu. al-Firabri 595 M. b. Yu., a. 1-H, al-'Aniiri 360 M. b. Yu., a. Hayyan 350, 452, 454, 461, 516, 585 f., 607 M. b. Yii b. Masdi 442, 452 M. b. Yu. au-Nawfali 596 M. b. Yu., a. 1-Q. al-Madaui (Madini) alHaiiafi 293, 463 M. b. Yu. b. as-Saffi 608 M. b. Yii., a. 'U. al-Kindi 162, 395, 414, 418, 427, 43 5 , 478 f., 510 f. M. b. Yu. al-Warraq 168, 460

M. b. Yu. b. Ya'qub : M. b. Ya'qub al-Janadi M. b. Zakariya^ a. Bakr ar-Razi 194, 408, 509 M. b. Zakariya^ al-(jallabi 429, 509  b. al-M uha ndi s: 'A l. b. M.  b. al-M uh ann a: A. b. M. al-Muhasibi: al-Harit b. Asad al-Muhassin b. 'Ali at-Tanulji 71 al-Muhassin b. Ibr. as-Sabi’ 499  b. Mu hib b-ad -di n: M. b. 'A l, , a. Ba kr Muhibb-ad-din b. as- 5 ihnah; M. b. M. Muhibb-ad-din at-Tabari: A. b. 'Al.  b. Mu hib b-ad -din at- Ta bar i: M. b. A. , Jamal-ad-din al-Muhibbi: M. al-Amin b. Fadlallah  b. Mu hri z: A. b. M. a. Muhriz al-Maliki 609 al-Muhtadi 275  b. al-M uh tad i bi- llah : M. b. 'A ll, a. 1-Hu. al-Muhtar b. al-H. b. Butlan 171 al-Muhtar b. a. 'Ubayd al-Kaddab 517 al-Mu'izz li-din-Allah 407 Mujahid (b. Jabr, b. Jubayr)  IHdn 136  b. Mu jali d 473 Mujammi' b. Ya'qu b b. Mujammi' al-Ansari 276  b. Mu kar ram : M. al-Muktafi 108, 505  b. al-M ula qqin : 'U . b. 'A li  b. a. Mu lay kah : 'A l. b. 'U ba yd all ah  b. Mu nab bih : Ha mm am  b. Mu nab bih : Wa hb  b. al-M una di: A. b. Ja 'fa r  b. al-M unad i, a. Ja 'fa r 589 al-Munajjid, Salah-ad-din 5, 96, 156, 334, 392, 418, 432, 434, 468 f., 487, 532  b. al-M una jjim : A. b. 'A li, a. 'Is a  b. al-M una jjim : A. b. Ya . al-Munajjim: 'Ali b. Ya.  b. al-M un ajji m; Ha run b. 'AH  b. al-M una jjim al-M isri 453 al-Munawi: M. b. Ibr., Sadr-ad-din al-Munawi: M. b. Ya., Zayn-al-'Abidin al-Munawi: Ya, b, M., Saraf-ad-din  b. al- Mu nay yir : A. b. M. al-Mundir b. Ma^-as-sama’ 387 Mundir b. Sa'id 607 al-Mundiri: 'Abd-al-'Azim b. 'Abd-al-Qawi  b. al-M und iri: M. b. 'Ab d- al- Az im Mu’nis, Hu. 419  b. al-M unl a 156  b. al-M unt ab 592 al-Muntasir 123 al-Muqaddam b. 'Amr, Hammam 388 al-Muqaddami: M. b. A.  b. al- M uq aff a': 'A l. Muqatil 565  b. al-Muqr i^: Ism. b. a. Bak r  b. al-Muqri^ 449, 453 (see also  M. b. Ibr., a. Bakr) Rosenthal,

641

al-Muqtadir 48, 407, 413, 462, 486, 541  b. al-M ura bit ; M. b. 'U tm an , a. 'A ni r al-Muradi: Qays b. Maksuh al-Muradi: ar-Rabi' b. Su. al-Muradi: Ubayy Murrah b. Sarahil 382 al-Mursi, a. l-'Abbas 608 al-Mursidi: M. b. Ibr., Jamal-ad-din al-Murtada; 'A li b. al-Hu. b. Miisa  b. al-M urt ada : al- Ha di (b.) Ibr.  b. al-M urt ada : Za yd b. H 4 sim Murtada az-Zabidi  [T aj al-'-arus)  484 Musa: Moses  b. Mu sa: M. b. Mus 4 , Jamal-ad-din alMarrakusi a. Musa al-As'ari: 'Al. b. Qays Musa b. 'Isa al-Kisrawi 93 a. Musa al-Madini: M. b. 'U. Musa b. M., Qutb-ad-din al-Yunini 44, 51, 128, 393, 412, 423, 458, 490 f., 510 Musa b. M. al-Yusufi 499, 511 Musa b. 'Uqbah al-Asadi 69, 131 f., 393 f., 515, 588 Musa b. Yu. b. Zayyan ('Abd-al-Wadid of Tlemcen) 118 Mus'ab b. 'Al. az-Zubayri 41, 379 Mus'ab b. M., a. Darr al-Maliki 400, 588 al-Musabbihi: M. b. 'Ubaydallah Mus'ad, M. M. 106 al-Musarraf b. al-Murajja, a. 1-Ma'ali alMaqdisi 469 Musarriq b. 'Al. a l-Haiabi 444 al-Musawi ar-Rida, a. 1-H. 428  b. al- Mu say yab : Sa 'id al-Musayyab b. Wadih 395 al-Musayyabi: M. b. Ishaq a. Mushir: 'Abd-al-A'la  b. a. Musli m (?) 474 a. Muslim (al-Hurasani) 137 Muslim b. al-Hajjaj 276, 288, 303 f., 347, 355, 360, 363, 367 f., 416, 438, 447, 451, 500, 515, 521, 595,  IHdn 141 Muslim b. Ilalid az-Zanji  I^ldn 136 al-Mustadi^ 596 Mustafa b. 'Al., Hajji Halifah 121, 146, 151 f., 168, 244, 288, 308, 356, 392, 402, 410, 424, 429, 433, 451, 45 7 , 461, 463, 465-467, 476, 481, 484, 488, 510, 530, 535 ,

599 al-Mustagfiri:Ja'far b. M., a. l-'Abbas al-Musta'iu 507 al-Mustamli: Ibr. b. A., a. Ishaq al-Mustanjid 122 al-Mustansir 56, 58 al-Mustansir (of Egypt) 414, 596 al-Mustansir (of Spain): al-Hakam al-Musta'sim 38, 58, 410, 453 al-Mustawfi: Hamdallah  b. al-M ust awf i: al-M uba rak b. A. , a. 1-Barak^t al-Mustazhir 82

History of Muslim Histriography

41

642

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

al-Mu'^tadid 48, 88, 104, 120, 174, 182, 408, 507, 509, 541 f., 595 al-Mutahhar b. Tahir al-Maqdisi 10, 92, 109 f., 114, 136, 148, 179, 183, 202, 486 al-Mu^tainaii b. A. as-Saji 523 al-Mu'tamid 174 Mu'tamir b. Su. 395 al-Mutanabbi 355, 609  b. al-M uta nna 476 a. 1-Mutarrif: 'Ar. b. M. b. Futays Mutarrif b. 'Isa al-Gassani 465 al-Mutarrizi:N asir b. 'Abd-as-Sayyid al-MuHasim 38, 51 al-Mu'tasim b. Sum adih (M. b. Ma'a) 504 al-Mutawakkil 54, n o  b. al- M ut aw wa q: ‘A li b. al-H . b. Fat h al-M utaw wi'i: ‘U . b. ‘^ Ali, a. Hafs  b. al- M uta ww i]; M. b. Ha mi d Mutay yan: M. b. ‘•Al. al-Mu'tazz 507 f.  b. al- M u't azz : 'A l. al-Muttaqi 489 al-Muwaffaq 45 al-Muwaffaq b. A ., a. 1-Mu^ayyad al-Makki 590  b. Mu yas sar : M. b. 'A li al-Muzaffar (of the Yemen) 486 a. 1-Muzaffar (b.) as-Sam 'ini; Mansur b. M. a. 1-Muzaffar Tekes 38, 541  b. M uz ih ir; A. b. 'A r. al-Muzajjad: A. b. 'U. al-Muzani: Ism. b. Ya. Muzhir-ad-din al-Kasi 468 Myhrmar, D. W. 364, 370 Mzik, H. von 127, 413 N an-Nabigah: 'Al. b. Qays an-Nabtiti: M. b. 'U. an-Nabtiti; 'U. b. 'Ali an-Nabulusi: Halid b. Yu., a. 1-Baqa’  b. an- Nad im: M. b. Isha q an-Nadr b. al-Harit 28 f. an-Nadr b. S u m a y l 510 Nadwi, R. 'A. 334 Nafi' (mawla b. 'U.) 359, 363 Nafi' (Qur’an reader) 581,  IHdn 136  b. Naf is (the elder ) ( = 'A li b. Ma s'u d ?) 581 Nafisah, as-Sayyidah 607 an-Naha'i: 'Alqamah b. Qays an-Naha'i: al-Aswad b. Yazid an-Naha'i: Sarik b. 'Al.  b. Na hi d: M. an-Nahrawali: M. b. A. an-Nahsabi: 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. M. an-Nahsabi: a. Turab  b. an -N ahw iya h: M. b. Y a'q ub , Bad r-ad -din  b. an-N ajas t; A. b. 'A li  b. an- Naj i: al-Q. b. 'Is^ Najih, a. Ma'Sar 393

an-Najirami: Ibr. b. 'Al., a. Ishaq  b. an- Na jja r: M. b. Ja 'fa r at-T am im i  b. an- Na jja r: M. b. Ma hm M Najm-ad-din b. Fahd: 'U . b. M. Najmi-Zanjam, M. 221 Nallino, C. A. 470 Nallino, M. 387 an-Nami: 'Ar. b. 'Abd-al-J abbar, a. Nasr al-Fami Namrud: Nimrod an-Naqqa§: M. b. 'Ali, a. Sa'id  b. an- Naq qas : M. b. 'A li, a. Um^ mah an-Naqqas; M. b. al-H., a. Bakr an-Narsahi: M. b. Ja'far an-Nasafi: 'U. b. M. an-Nasa’i: A. b. 'Ali an-Nasawi: A. b. M., a. l-'Abbas Nasih-ad-din: 'Ar. b. Najm an-Nasir 410, 596  b. Nas ir: M. b. Nasi r, a. 1-Fadl an-Nasir: M. b. Qala’un Nasir b. 'Abd-as-Sayyid al-Mutarrizi 272 Nasir b. A, al-Biskri 438  b. Nas ir-a d-d in: M. b. 'A l., §am s-ad -din an-Nasiri: 'Utman b. 'U., 'Afif-ad-din Nasr b. Fityan, a. 1-Fath 607 Nasr b. Ibr. al-Maqdisi 592, 594 Nasr b. M., a. 1-Layt as-Samarqandi 464 Nasr b. Muzahim al-Minqari 64 Nasrallah b. M., Diya’-ad-din b. al-Atir 180, 183, 288, 491  b. an- Nas ri: al-H . b. Ma ymu n Naswan b. Sa'id 181  b. an- Na tta h: M. b. Sali h b. Mih ran an-Nawawi: Ya. b. Saraf an-Nawfali: 'A li b. M. an-Nawfali: M. b. Yu. an-Nawfali, a. 1-H. ( = one of the preceding ?) 506 Nazim, M. 321 Nemoy, L. 398, 400 Neubauer, A. 139 Nicephoros Phocas 181 Nicholson, R. A. 430 Nidar (Nudar) bint a. Hayyan M. b. Yu. 454, 516 Niftawayh: Ibr. b. M. b. 'Arafah Nimrod (Namrud) 288 an-Nisaburi: 'Abd-al-Malik b. M., a. Sa'd an-Nisaburi: al-yalifah an-Nisaburi: al-H. b. al-Muzaffar an-Nisaburi: M. b. 'Al., al-Hakim Noah (Nuh) 261, 288, 387, 54 3 , 563, 569-571, 580 Noldeke, T. 3, 11, 28 a. Nu'aym: A. b. 'Al. a. Nu'aym; al-Fadl b. Dukayn an-Nu'aymi: A. b. al-Fadl  b. Nu bat ah : M. b. M., Sams-ad-din Nufay' b. al-Harit, a. Bakrah at-Taqafi 277

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

an-Nufayli: 'Al. b. M., a. Ja'far Nuh: Noah Nu'm 323  b. an- Nu 'ma n an- Nu 'ma ni: M. b. Mus a an-Nu'man b. Tabit: a. Hanifah  b. Nu ma yr : M. b. 'A l.  b. Nu qta h: M. b. 'A bd -a l-6 an i Nur-ad-din 125, 491, 544, 596,  IHdn 138 a. Nuw^s 609 an-Nuwayri: A. b. 'Abd-al-Wahhab an-Nuwayri: M. b. Q. Nykl, A. R. 181 O Obermann, J. XV  Og 571 Oman, (W.) C. 10 Orosius 80 f. Otto of Freising 15, 60 P Paret, R. XV, 188-190 Pedersen, J. 425 Pellat, C. 36, 150, 291, 324, 391, 460  Pe ihs,   H. 186 Perlmann, M. 47 Perry, B. E. 186 Petersen, E. L. XV , 63, 131 Philby, H. St. J. B. 125 PhiUps, C. H. XV Photius 76 P i ng r ee , D . i n Pinto, O. 411 Pir 'A ll al-Hafiz 202 Pirenne, H. 77 Plato 114, 138, 507 Plessner, M. 31, 38, 116, 241 Pons Boigues, F. X V, 4, 155, 399, 401, 405, 418 f., 441 f-, 447, 459-461, 465 f-, 472-474 ,

477, 521, 524 Pope, A. U. 176 Pope, M. H. II Popper, W. 256, 263, 326, 328, 499 Porphyry 78 Ptolemy 109, 507 Q al-Qabbari: a. 1-Q. b. Mansur b. Ya. Qabil: Cain al-Qabisi: 'Ali b. M. al-Qaddah: 'Al. b. Maymun  b. al-Q add ah: 'A l. b. M. b. 'Um ara h al-Qaddahi 275 al-Qadi al-FMil al-Baysani: 'Abd-ar-Rahim  b. 'A ll  b. Qad i Suh bah : a. Ba kr b. A ., Taq i-ad -di ii al-Qadiri: Ibr. b. 'Ali, Burhan-ad-din al-QMisi: A. b, M.  b. al- QM isi : M. b. A. al-Qaffal: M. b. 'Ali al-Qahir 59

643

al-Qahir; Baybars az-Z&hir al-Qa’im 279 al-Qa’im (Fatimid of Northwestern Africa) 407 Qa’itbay aFAsraf 248, 409  b. al-Q ala nis i: Ha mz ah b. As ad Qala^un al-Mansur 412 al-Qalqasandi: 'Abd-al-Karim b. 'Ar. al-Qalqasandi: A. b. 'Ali, §ih 4 b-ad -din al-Qalqasandi: a. Bakr b. M., Taqi-ad-din  b. al- Qa lyu bi: A. b. 'Is 4 , Kam 41-ad-din al-Qa'nabi: 'Al. b. Maslamah al-Qanazi'i: 'Ar. b. Marzuq, a. 1-Mutarrif  b. Qa ni ': 'A bd -al -B aq i Qaraqus 44  b. al-Q ari h: 'A ll b. Mansu r al-Qarr 4 b: Is M q b. Y a'q ub al-Qarrab: Ism. b. Ibr. al-Qartajann i: Hazim b. M. b. Hazim Qarun: Korah  b. (al-) Q.: 'A r.  b. al-Q. (b. Ab i Ba kr b. Za yt^ r) 592 (read   b. al-Q. : 'A r. ?) al-Q. b. 'A li b. 'As akir 468, 475, 603 Q. b. Asbag 81, 382, 604 Q. al-Hanafi: Q. b. Qutliibuga al-Q. b. 'Isa b. an-Naji 306, 473 a. 1-Q. b. Mansur b. Ya . al-Qa bbM 609 al-Q. b. M., 'Alam-ad-din (b.) al-Birzali 86, 306, 452, 491 f., 513, 525, 528 f., 600, 604 Q. b. Qutlubuga al-Hanafi 448, 534 Q. b. Sa'd^n 474 al-Q. b, Sallam, a. 'Ubayd 116, 122 f., 506, 519, 604 Q. b. Tabit b. Hazm as-Saraqusti 400 al-Q. b. Yu., 'Alam-ad-din at-Tujibi 516 al-Qassar; M. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz ag-SirSzi  b. Qas sum : M. b. 'A l. al-Qastallani: al-H. b. 'Atiq al-Qastallani: M. b. A. b. 'Ali, Qutb-ad-din Qatadah b. Di'amah 284, 287,  I^ldn 139 (b.) al-Qati'i: M. b. A.  b. al- Qa tt& ': 'A li b. Ja 'fa r  b. al- Qa tta n: 'A li b. M., a. 1-H. al-Qattan: M. b. A.  b. al -Q at tin : M. b. M., Bad r-ad -dIn al-Qattan: M. b. Qaysar al-Qattan: Ya. b. 'Ayyas al-Qattan: Ya. b. Sa'id al-Qattan, a. 1-H.  I^ldn 14 1  b. al- Qa tul i 471 al-Qawariri: 'Ubaydallah b. 'U.  b. al- Qa wb a': M. b. M. al-Qayati: M. b. 'Ali al-Qayni: Ishaq b. Salamah al-Qayrati: Ibr. b. M., Burhan-ad-din al-Qayrawani: 'Ar. b. M., a. Zayd al-Qayrawani: al-H. b. M. b. A. al-Qayrawani: Ibr. b. al-Q. (b.) ar-Raqiq al-Qayrawani: M. b. A., a. l-'Arab

644

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Qays b. al-Hatim 318 Qays b. Maksuh al-Muradi 528  b. al-Q ayy irn, a. 'A l. (b.) M. 480 ( = b. Qayyim al-Jawziyah ?)  b. Qa yy im al- Jaw ziy ah : M. b. a. Ba kr al-Qazwini: M. b. A., Jamal-ad-din al-Qazwini, a. 1-H, al-Bagdadi 608 al-Q ibabi; 'Ar . b. “^U. al-Qifti: 'Ali b. Yu.  b. (al-) Qi rri yah : A yy ub b. Zay d Quatremfere, E. M. 148  b. al-Quba'^; M. b. M. al-Qubbasi: al-H. b. M. b. Mufarraj (?) al-Quda'i: 'Al. b. Sahl al-Quda 4 ; M. b. Salamah  b. Qu dam ah: 'A l. b. A ., Mu waf faq -ad- dia  b, Qu dam ah: 'Ar . b. M.  b. Qu dam ah: Ibr. b. 'A l.  b. Qu dam ah: M. b. A. b. 'Ab d-a l-H ^di  b. Qu dam ah; M. b. A. , a. 'U.  b. Qu dam ah: Su. b. Ham zah Qudamah b. Ja'far, a. 1-Faraj 116 f., 272, 506, 543  fQudamah b. Maz'un al-JumaW 424  b. al-Q udu ri; A. b. M.  b. Qu fl: 'A li b. a. 1-Q. al-Qummi; H. b. M. al-Qummi: Sa'd b. 'Al. al-Qurasi; 'Abd-al-Baqi b. 'Abd-al-Majid al-Yamani al-Qurasi: 'Abd-al-Qadir b. M., Muhyi-ad-din al-Qurtubi: Halid b. Sa'id al-Qurtubi, a. 'Al. 399 al-Qusayri: 'Abd-al-Karim b. Hawazin al-Qusayri: M. b. A. b. 'U. al-Qusayri: M. b. Sa'id al-Qusi: 'Abd-al-6affar b. A. Quss b. Sa'idah 400 Qusta b. Luqa 80  b. Qu tay ba h: 'A l. b. Musl im  b. Qu tay bah ; M. b. H. Qutaybah b. Sa'id 276,  IHdn 142 Qutb-ad-din al-Halabi: 'Abd-al-Karim b. 'Abd-an-Nur  b. Qu tb-a d-d in al- Ha lab i: M. b. 'Ab d-a lKarim, Taqi-ad-diu Qutb-ad-din al-Qastallani: M. b. A. b, 'Ali Qutb-ad-din al-Yunini: Musa b. M.  b. Qu tlu bug a: Q. al-Qutrubulli: 'Al. al-Qutrubulli: A. b. 'Al. R  ar-Raba'i: 'Ali b. M. b. Suja'  b. a. r- Ra bi ': A. b. M. ar-Rabi' b. Dabu' al-Fazari 387 ar-Rabi' b. Hutaym 382 a. r-Rabi' al-Kala'i; Su. b, Musa ar-Rabi' b. Su. al-Jizi 416 f.

ar-Rabi' b. Su. al-Muradi 416 f. Rabi'ah al-'Adawiyah 600  b. ar- Rab ib: al-H . b. M. b. A. ar-Radi 48 ar-Radi; M. b. al-Hu., as-Sarif   b. ar -R af' ah ; A. b. M.  b. Ra fi ': 'A mr  b. R af i': M. ar-Rafi'i: 'Abd-al-Karim b. M., a. 1-Q. ar-Rafi'i: M. b. 'Abd-al-Karim, a. 1-Fadl ar-Ragib al-Isfahani; al-Hu. b. M.  b. Ra ha wa yh : Ish aq b. Ibr, ar-Ra'i: 'Abid b. al-Husayn  b. Ra jab : 'A r. b. A., Zay n-ad -di n Rajih b. al-Hu. 444 Rajih b. Ism. al-Asadi 444 (b.) ar-Raqiq: Ibr. b. al-Q.  b. Raq iqa h, Sa'd -ad -di n 184 ar-Raqqi: M. b. Ayyub ar-Ras'an i: 'Abd-ar-Razza q b. Rizqallah ar-Rasid (Harun) 49 f., 58, 139, 314, 529 ar-Rasid b. az-Zubayr 82, 119, 128, 413, 462, 478 f., 503 Rasid-ad-din al-Adib 581 ( = 'Abd-az-Zahir  b. Nas wan , d. 649/12 51-5 2 ?) Rasid-ad-din Fadlallah 81, 105, 141, 147 f., 176 ar-Rasidi 598 ar-Rasidi; M. b. 'Al.  b. Ras iq: 'A r. b. M., a. 1-Q.  b. Ras iq; al-H .  b. Ras lan : A. b. al- Hu ., Sih ab-a d-d in  b. Ra sla n: 'U . b. Ras lan al- Bu lqi ni  b. Ras ul: al- Af dal a. Rawh al-Harawi 483 (see also  'Abd-alMu'izz b. M.) (b.) ar-RawwM, (b.) a. 1-Hayja^ 457 ar-Raymi; M. b. 'Al., Jamal-ad-din ar-Razi: 'Ar. b. a. Hatim ar-Razi: A. b. 'Al. ar-Razi: A. b. M., a. Bakr ar-Razi: 'A li b. Mujahid ar-Razi: M. b. 'Al., a. 1-Hu. ar-Razi: M. b. Idris, a. Hatim ar-Razi: M. b. Musa ar-Razi: M. b. 'U., Fahr-ad-din ar-Razi: M. b. Zakariya’, a. Bakr ar-Razi: Tammam b. M., a. 1-Q. ar-Razi; 'Ubay dallah b. 'Abd-al-K arim, a. Zur'ah Razin b. Mu'awiyah as-Saraqusti 476, 480 Renaud, H. J. P. 35 Rescher, O. 323, 370 Reynolds, B. 51, 114 Rhodokanakis, N. 12 f., 23 Ribera, J. 4, 378 Richter, G. XV, 114 Richter, H. 15, 118, 336  b. Rid wan ; 'A l. b. Yu ., a. 1-Q.  b. Rid wan : 'A li

Ridwan b. M., Zayn-ad-din 282 ar-Rifa'i; A. b. 'Ali Ritter, H. 35, 101, 128, 150, 241, 248, 277, 298, 306, 317, 330, 332, 348, 372, 387, 396, 405, 408, 412-414, 425, 430, 457 f-, 460, 472, 483, 491, 526 Ritter, M. 118 ar-Riyasi: al-'Abbas b. (al-)Faraj ar-Riyasi: M. b. Basir Rizzitano, U. 279 Robson, J. 218, 401 Ronianos 80 Rosenthal, E. I. J. 56 Rosenthal, F. 11, 15 f., 46, 48, 52, 58, 68, 71, 80, 87, 91-93, 102, 113 f., 116, 122, 126, 170, 174, 186, 220, 241 f., 253, 279, 303, 323 f-, 330, 350, 365, 370, 418, 446, 487, 507 Ross, E. D. 98, 121, 253 Rothstein, G. 139 ar-Ru'ayni; 'Ali b. M. ar-Riidabari: M. b. 'Ar., a. 1-Hu. ar-Riidabari: A. b. M., a. 'Ali ar-Ruhawi: 'Abd-al-QMir b. 'Al. (b.) ar-Rumayli; Maki b. 'Abd-as-Salain Rupp, H. 9  b. Ru say d; M. b. 'U .  b. Ru sd: M. b. A. , a. 1-Walid Rustum 29 ar-Ruyani: A. b. Nasr

Sa'adyah Gaon 139  b. as -S a" ar : al-M uba rak

b.

a.

Ba kr

b.

Haradaii  b. Sa b' as- Sab ti 402, 588  b. Sab aba h: M. b. al-H ayt am  b. Sa 'ba n, a. 1-Q. 450  [sec also  M. b. al-Q., a. Ishaq) Sab(a)tun: Ziyad b. 'Ar. Sabbab (al-'Usfuri); Halifah b. Havyat  b. as-S abb ag: 'A bd -as -Sa yy id b, M., a. Nasr  b. as- Sab bag : 'A ll b. M.  b. as- Sab bag ; 'A li b. 'XL, a. 1-H. (b.) as-Sabbag: al-H. b. 'U. Sabbiih, Ibr. 396, 465 as-Sabi^- Hilal b. al-Muhassin as-Sabi’ ; Ibr. b. Hilal as-Sabi’ : M. b. HilM, Girs-an-ni'mah as-Sabi’ : M. b. Ishaq as-Sabi^ al-Muhassin b. Ibr. as-Sabi’ : Tabit b. Sinan as-.^a'bi; 'Aniii b. Sarahil as-Sa'bi, a. Sa'id 480  b. Sa b'i n; 'Ab d- al- Ha qq b. Ibr.  b. as-S abi q; M. b. M., Jam al-a d-d in  b. Sab iq: M. b. Sa 'd as-Sabti: al-'Abbas (b.) M,, a. 1-Q. as-Sabti; b. Hammad, a. 'Al. as-Sabti; b. Sab'

645

as-Sabuni; Ism. b. 'Ar., a. 'UtmAn  b. as-S abu ni: M. b. 'A li, Jam al-a d-d in Sacaqlizadeh (M. al-Mar'asi) 531 Sachau, E. XV f., 76, 7 8 f., 8 6 , 113, 124, 139, 173, 177, 221, 242, 271, 278, 282, 284, 287, 322, 369, 378, 381, 383 f., 395, 402, 517, 519  b. Sa 'd : 'A l. b. al-H u. a. Sa'd; 'Abd-al-Karim b. M. a. Sa'd: 'Abd-al-Malik b. M.  b. Sa 'd; M. Sa'd b. 'Al, al-Qummi 432 Sa'd b, 'Ali (b.) al-Haziri 424, 532, Sa'd b. 'All b. M., a. 1-Q. az-Zanjani 523 Sa'd b. Janah 461 Sa'd b, Mu'ad 279 Sa'd b. M. b. ad-Dayr! 325, 343 f. Sa'd b. M. az-Zanjani: Sa'd b. 'Ali b. M. Sa'd b, a. Waqqas 382, 589 as-Sadafi: A. b. Sa'id b. Hazm, a. 'U, as-Sadafi: M. b. al-Halaf Sa'dallah b. 'U. al-Isfarayini 480  b. Sad an: al-H . b. A. , a. 'A li  b. Sa' da n : al -Hu . b. A.  b. Sa 'da n; Q.  b. Sad aqa h, a. Ba kr 467 Sadaqah b. al-Hu. al-Haddad al-Faradi 83, 504 Sadaqah b. Mansur 272  b.S ad dad ; M. b, 'A li b. Ibr.  b. Sad dad : Yu . b. Ra fi' Saddad b. Aws  I^ldn i 3 j  Sadeque, S. F. 412 as-Sadili; 'Ali b. 'Al., a. 1-H. as-Sadili: Hu. b. 'Ali, Badr-ad-din as-fiadili: M. b. 'Ali, §ams-ad-din Sadruddin M. 175  b. Sa' du n; M. as-Sadusi 243 as-Sadusi; Mu’arrij b. 'Amr as-Safadi; Halil b. Aybak, Salah-ad-din as-Saffah 529 as-Saffar: Ism. b. M.  b! as-S affi : M. b. Yu . as-Saffi: Yvi. b. A.  b. Sa fi' : A. b. Sali h Safi' b. 'U. al-Jili 595 as-Safi'i: M. b, Idris as-Safrawi; M. b. 'Al., Saraf-ad-din Safwan al-Asamm 439 as-Sagani: al-H. b. M., Radi-ad-din 1-Fada'il as-Sahawi: M. b. 'Ar. as-Sahib: Ism. b. 'Abbad as-Sahid; M. b. A. b, Mahdi  b. as-fi ahid ; M. b. Ibr ., Fath -ad- din  b. Sah in: 'I", b. A., a. Hafs  b. Sahin , a, l-'A bb as 609  b. Sah l: a. l-.Asba g Sahl b. Harun 504 Sahl b. Sa'd as-Sa'idi 379

a.

646

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

Sahl b. Zanjalah  I^ldn 141 Saliba, Jamil 34 as-Sahmi: Hamzah b. Yu., a. 1-Q. Salibi, K. S. XVI, 57 Sahnun (‘Abd-as-Salam b. Sa'id) 600,  I^ldn a. Salih: A. b. 'Abd-al-Malik  140 Salih b. A. al-Hamadani 165, 168, 483  b. Sah nu n; M. Salih b. A. b. Haiibal 446 a§-§ahrastani; M. b. 'Abd-al-Karim Salih b. 'Ali b. Buhtur 47 a§-Sahrazuri; M. b. Mahmud as-Salih b. al-Kamil: Ayyub b. M. Sahrdar  b. S i r a w a y h a d - D a y l a m i 385, 483 Salih b. Kaysan 63  b. Sah ry ar, a. Ish aq 608 Salih b. M., Jazarah 520,  IHdn 142 Sahrzad 51 Salih b. 'U., 'Alam-ad-din al-Bulqini 602, as-Sahtiyant; Ayyub 604 as-Sahtiyani: M. b. 'Al. Salih b. Ya. b. Buhtur 47, 57, 121, 157 f.  b. as- Sa ':: ‘•Alt b. An jab Salimah: see also  Salamah a. s-Sa’ib al-Mahzumi 510 a. Salimah (b. 'Ar.) 379  b. Sa 'id : A. b. Sa 'id , a. l-'A bb as al-M a'da ni Salimah b. Dinar 379  b. Sa 'id ; 'A li b. Mus a Sallam b. Miskin 369 as-Sa'td (Artuqid) 596 as-Sallami; see also  as-Salami Sa'id b. 'Al. , a. 1-Hayr ad-Dihli 500, 504, 525 as-Sallami: al-Hu. b. A., a. 'Ali Sa'id b. A. al-Andalusi 92, 535 Salmawayh 137 Sa'id b. Asad al-Umawi 427 Sam: Shem Sa'id b. Aws, a. Zayd al-Ansari 504 a . S a m a h ; 'Ar. b. Ism. Sa'id b. Bi§r 147 (b.) as-Sam'ani; 'Abd-al-Karim b. M., a. Sa'd Sa'id b. al-Bitriq: Eutychius (b.) as-Sam'ani: 'Abd-ar-Rahim b. 'Abd-alS 4 'id b. Fathun 35 Karim Sa'id b. al-Hakam b. a. Maryam 478 (b.) as-Sam'ani: Mansur b. M., a. 1-Muzaffar Sa'id b. HMim al-yalidi 154, 482 as-Samarqandi; Nasr b. M., a. l-Layt Sa'id b. 'Isa al-Asja'i 363 as-Samaw^al b. Ya. al-Magribi 46 f., 53, 601 Sa'id b. Jubayr 517, 590,  IHdn 136 as-Samhiidi: 'Ali b. 'Al., Nur-ad-din Sa'id b. K atir b. 'Ufa yr 478, 501 as-Sami: M. b. al-Jahm Sa'id b. Mansur  IHdn 136  b. as- Sam ma k: 'U tm an b. A. , a. 'A m r Sa'id b. a. Maryam; Sa'id b. al-Hakam as-Samman; Ism. b. 'Ali, a. Sa'd Sa'id b. al-Musayyab 292, 334 f., 368, 381, 5 ams-ad-din (brother of Jamal-ad-din al517, 600 Ustadar) 434 Sa'id b. Sallam 444 §ams-ad-din b. Nasir-ad-din: M. b. 'Al. Sa'id b. Su. al-Gafiqi 465  b. Sam ura h; 'U . b. 'A li Sa'id b. 'Ufayr; Sa'id b. K atir Sanadi; Sindi Sa'id b. 'U tman , a. 'Al i b. as-Sakan 404, 436 Sanchez Alonso, B. XIV Sa'id b. Ya., a. 'Utman al-Umawi 394, 504, as-Sandubi, H. 305 511, 588  b. as-S ani ; A. b. M. b. Isha q, a. Ba kr a. Sa'id b. Yunus: 'Ar. b. A. Sanjar ad-Dawadari 338 Sa'id (b. Zayd) 589 as-Sanji: M. b. Hamdawayh as-Saji; al-Mu’taman b. A. Saqiq b. Salimah, a. W a’il 278 as-Saji: Zakariya’ b. Ya. Saqr, A. 434, 529  b. as- Sak an: Sa 'id b. 'Ut ma n, a. 'A li .Wa hbil b. Sa'd 95 Sakir, Mahmud M. 96, 392, 397, 427, 434, 441 Sarahil (inscription) 19 as-Sakkaki: Yu. b. a. Bakr as-Sarahsi; A. b. at-Tayyib as-Sakuni 243 as-Saraqusti; Q. b. Tabit b. Hazm as-Sakuni: M. b. A. b. Halil, a. I-Hattab as-Saraqusti; Razin b. Mu'aw iyah  b. as- Sal ah: 'U tm an b. 'A r. , a. 'Am r as-Saraqusti: Tabit b. Hazm Sa l 4 h-ad-din Halil b. Ay bak as-Sarif an-Nassabah 475 ( = M. b. As'ad Saiah-ad-din: Halil b. M. al-Jawwani ?) Sa l 4 h-ad-din (Yu. b. Ay yub) 104 f., 107, as-fiarif ar-Radi; M. b. al-Hu. 172 f., 175, 296, 411, 596,  IHdn 138 as-Sarifini; Ibr. b. M., a. Ishaq S a l a m a h : see also  Salimah as-Sari'i: 'Ar. b. Maki b. 'Utman  b. Sal am ah ; a. 1-Mahasin Sarik b. 'Al. an-Naha'i 439,  IHdn 13Q   (?) Salamah b. al-Fadl (ar-Razi) 394 as-fiarisi; A. b. 'Abd-al-Mu’min Sal&mah as-Sayy M al-M anbiji 348 as-fiarji al-Yamani: A. b. A. b. 'Abd-al-Latif  as-Salami 322  b. a§- Sar qi; A. {or his brother,  'Al. ?) b. M., as-Salimi: 'Al. b. Musa a. Hamid as-Sal^mi: M. b. Nasir, a. 1-Fadl Sarqi b. Qutami 504

647

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

as-Sarraf, A. H. 58 as-Sarraj; Ja'far b. A. as-Sarraj: M. b. Ishaq, a. l-'Abbas as-Saruji; 'Ali b. M. b. a. s-Surur as-Saruji; M. b. 'Ali b. Aybak   b. Sa ry ah : 'A bi d as-gasi; M. b. 'Ali al-Qaffal  b. Sas ra: A. b. M., Naj m- ad- din  b. Sas ra; al-H . b. Hi bat all ah , a. 1-Mawahib  b. Sas ra: M. b. M. as-Satibi; M. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. Sa'adah as-Satibi; M. b. Su. (b. M.) b. 'Abd-al-Malik as-Satibi; M. b. Su. b. M. b. Su. Sauvaget, J. XVI, 124, i 57 , 444 Savignac, R. 12 f.  b. a. §a yb ah ; 'A l. b. M., a. Ba kr  b. a. Sa yb ah : M. b. 'U tm an as-Saybani: M. b. al-H. as-Saybi; M. b. 'Ali, Jamal-ad-din as-Saydalani: Yu. b. A. b. ar-Ruhayl (?)  b. a. s-S ayf : M. b. Ism. Sayf b. p i Yazan 188 Sayf b. M. al-Harawi 162 Sayf b. 'U. 188, 392, 515 Sayf-ad-dawlah 596 a. s-Sayh; 'Al. b. M.  b. Say h: A. b. M. as-Saymari; al-Hu. b. 'Ali  b. as- Say raf i: 'A li b. Da wu d  b. as- Say raf i: 'A li b. Mun jib as-Sayyad al-Manbiji: Salamah a s - S a y y a l , JamM-ad-din 5, 65, 116, 133, 147, 408 Sayyid, Fu^ad 5, 54, 78, 81, 248, 307, 334, 343, 460, 484 f., 501, 517  b. as -Sa yy id 'Af if- ad -d in: M. b. M. b. (asSayyid) 'Afif-ad-din  b. Sajo ^id -an-n as; M. b. M. Sbath, P. 48, 78, 137, 359, 422, 424 Scaliger, J. 90 Schacht, J. 63 f., 69, 75, 77, 131, 171, 245,

354 , 393 , 452 Schaeder, H. H. 176 Schefer, C. 116 Scheidius, E. 290 Scheller, P. 15, 61 Schregle, G. 188 f. Schreiner, M. 47 Schulz, Marie 15 Schwally, F. 28, 360, 391, 509, 529 Selim 50, 17 5 Sellheim, R. 73, 322, 387, 422, 506 Semseddin, M. XVI Serjeant, R. B. 422, 484 Seth (Sit) 568-570 Seybold, C. F. 196, 277, 378 Sezgin, Fuat 4, 88, 381 Shem (Sam) 58 Shotwell, J. T. 9, 16  b. Sib at (S ba t): Ham zah b, A.

Sibawayh: 'Amr b. 'Utman Sibawayh al-Misri; M. b. Musa b. 'Abd-al'Aziz as-Sibli; M. b. 'Al. as-Sibli, a. Bakr 289 Sibt b. al-'Ajami: A. b. Ibr. Sibt b. al-'Ajami: Ibr. b. M. Sibt b. al-Jawzi; Yu. b. Qizoglu  b. Sid ah: 'A li b. Ism. Siddiqi, M. Z. 162  b. Sih ab az-Z uh ri: M. b. Musl im §ihab-ad-din b. 'ImM-ad-din: A. b. 'ImM  b. as-S ihn ah: M. b. M., Mu hibb -ad-d in as-Sijazi; Mas'ud b. 'Ali as-Sijistani: M. b. Tahir, a. Su. as-Silafi: A. b. M. as-fiimsati: M. b. 'Ali  b. Sin a: al-H u. b. 'A l. Sinan b. Tabit b. Qurrah 48, 54, 78, 88, 104, 114, 504 f., 507, 541, 595 fa. s-Sindi; Suhayl b. Dakwan Sindi al-Warraq 428 as-Sinhaji: a. l-'Arab as-Sirafi: al-H. b. 'Al. Sirawayh  b. S a h r d a r a d - D a y l a m i 351, 385,

473 ,

483, 523

as-Sirazi; 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. M. al-Fam! as-Sirazi; 'Abd-al-Wahid b. Siyah as-Sirazi;

Hibatallah b. 'Abd-al- Wa rit ,

a.

i-Q-

as-Sirazi; Ibr. b. 'Ali, a. Ishaq as-Sirazi; Mahmud b. Mas'ud as-Sirazi; M. b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz

as-vSirazi; b. Zarkub as-Sirazi, Majd-ad-din;

M.

b.

Ya'qub

al-

Firuzabadi as-Sirazi, a. Nasr 595  b. Sir in; M. Siroyah  b. H o s r a w  b. H u r m u z 123 Sit; Seth

 vSlane, McG . de 82-84, 175 , 177 , 283, 292, 315, 343 , 381, 397, 400, 412, 423, 45 9 , 462, 473, 483, 507, 532 f. Smith, Margaret 368 Socrates 241 Solomon (Sulayman) 123, 261, 290, 318, 385, 547 , 563, 574-576 Somogyi, J. de XV I, 75, 144, 181, 503 Sourdel, D. 413 Sperber, J. 119, 122 Speyer, H. 27 Spies, O. 33, 109, 143 f., 148 f., 403, 414, 465 Spitaler, A. 421 Sporl, J. ro Sprenger, A. 28, 188, 431, 453, 475 Spuler, B. XVI, 49, 75 Stammler, W. 31 Steinschneider, M. 35, 77, 140 Stern, S. M. 79 f., 126, 196, 469, 477, 490 Stinespring, W. F. 151

648

Storey, C. A. XV I, 4, 7, 58, 146, 148, 161 f., 180, 258, 458 Strzygowsky, J. 178 Su'ayb b. a. Hamzah  IHdn ij g a § - S u ' a y b i : M.  b.  A.  b. Su'ayb S u ' b a h  b. al- Ha jja j 51 7, 526 f.,  IHdn 139 as-Subayki: M. b. Mahfuz as-Subki: 'Abd-al-Wahhab b. 'Ali, Taj-ad-din as-Subki: ‘Alt b. ‘Abd- al-Kafi, Taqi-ad-dm Sublet, J. 452  b. Sud ah, 'Ab d- as- Sal am 5 a§-gudi (?), a. 'Al. 585 as-Sufi; M. b. M, al-Kanji Sufyan (b. Sa'id) at-Tawri 276, 293, 518, 527, 590, 600, IHdn 137  Sufyan b. ‘Uyaynah 293, 311, 518, 526, 591, 600 Suhayl b. Dakwan, a. s-Sindi 277 as-Suhayli: 'Ar. b. 'Al. Suhaym ('Amir) b. Hafs, a. 1-Yaqzan 381 as-Suhrawardi: 'Abd-al-Qahir b. 'Al., a. n-Najib as-Suhraward!; 'U. b. M. as-Suhrawardi: Ya. b. Habas  b. g u ji '; 'A li b . M. a. S u j a ' ; M. b. 'All a. Suja': M. b. al-Hu. §uja' b, Paris ad-Duhli 523 as-Sukkari (?) 243 as-Sukkari; M. b. Maymun, a. Hamzah as-Sulami: 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'Abd-as-Salam, 'Izz-ad-din as-Sulami; M. b. 'Al. b. a. 1-Fadl, §araf-ad-din as-Sulami: M. b. al-Hu. as-Sulami (?), a. 'Am r 466  b. Su lay m al-A sw ani : 'A l. b. A. Sulayman: Solomon Sulayman the Magnificent 172 Su. b. 'Al., a. 1-H. az-Zanjani 458 Su. b. 'Ar. b. bint Surahbil (Sarahbil)  I^ldn 138 Su. b. A., a. 1-Q. at-Tabarani 335, 400, 403, 405, 453 f., 522, 588, 594, 600, IHdn 137  Su. b. 'Ali b. 'Abd-as-Sami' 427 Su. b. al-As'at, a. Dawud as-Sijistani 305, 360, 363, 401, 446 f., 520 f., 588, 595 Su. b. BilM  Pl an 136 Su. b. Dawud, a. Da wM at-Tayalisi 518, 600 Su. b. Ilalaf, a. 1-Walid al-Baji 414, 523,  I^ldn 140 Su. b. Hamzah, Taqi-ad-din a. 1-Fadl alMaqdisi 600 Su. b. Hassan b. Juljul 54, 78, 81, 92, 94, ii i Su. b. Ja'far al-Isnawi 415 a. Su. al-Mantiqi as-Sijistani: M. b. Tahir Su. b. Mihran a l-A'ma s 277, 362, 517, 591, 601,  IHdn 139 Su. b. Musa, a. r-Rabi' al-Kala'i 396, 402, 587 Su. b. SabS a. r-Rabi' as-Sabti: b. Sab'

Su. b. Sa'd (al-qudah) 413 Su. b. bint Surahbil: Su. b. 'x\r. as-Suli: M. b. Ya.  b. Su m ay ': Mah mud b. Ibr ., a. 1-Q.  b. Su m ay ': Mah mud b. Su ma y', a. 1-H. as-Sumunni: A. b. M., Taqi-ad-din Suraybah, Nur-ad-din 425, 435 Surayh 591, 601  b. Sa ra yj 279 {see also  A. b. 'U. and   'U. b. A.) as-Suri: Gayt b. 'Ali as-Suri: M. b. 'Ali, a. 'Al. as-Suruti: 'Al. b. M. b. Mandawayh as-Susi: M. b. al-Jahm as-Susi, a. l-'Abb 4 s 425 Suter, H. 35, 251  b. Su wa yd : 'A l. b. 'A li as-Suyuti: 'Ar. b. a. Bakr, Jalal-ad-din

at-Ta'alibi: 'Abd-al-Malik b. M. at-Ta'alibi: A. b. M. at-Ta'labi at-Tabarani: Su. b. A., a. 1-Q. at-Tabari: A. b. 'Al., Muhibb-ad-din (b.) at-Tabari: A. b. Sahh al-Misri at-Tabari: 'Ali b. M. b. 'Al. b. Hnwn at-Tabari: 'Ali b. Rabban at-Tabari: M. b. A., Jamal-ad-din b. Muhibbad-din at-Tabari: M. b. Jarir at-Tabari: M. b. Salih, a. 1-H. at-Tabari: Tahir b. 'Al., a. t-Tayyib at-Tabbah, M. Ragib 268, 274, 444, 514 Tabit (b. Aslam) al-Bunani  Pl an 139 Tabit b. Hazm as-Saraqusti 400, 588 Tabit b. Q. b. Tabit as-Saraqusti 400 Tabit b. Qurrah 104, 241, 541 f. (?) Tab it b. Sinan b. Tabi t b. Qurrah (as-Sabi^) 82, 122, 503, 5 41 f. (? ?) Tacitus 67, loi at-Tadmuri: Ishaq b. Ibr. at-Taglibi: M. b. al-Harit  b. Ta gri bir di: Yu . at-Tahanawi 251, 378 at-Tahawi: A. b. M.  b. at- Ta hh an : Ya . b. 'A li, a. 1-Q.  b. Ta hi r: M. b. Tah ir, a. 1-Fadl  b. a. Ta hir (Ta yfu r): A. Tahir b. 'Al., a. t-Tayyib at-Tabari 279, 354 , 415, 584 Tahir b. H. b. 'U. b. Habib 455 Tahir b. Mufawwaz al-Ma'afiri as-fiatibi 523 Tahir b. M., a. 1-Muzaffar al-Isfarayini 65 Tahir b. Ya. b. a. 1-Hayr al-'Imrani 593 Taj-ad-diii b. Muhammad 98 at-Takriti: 'Al. b. 'Ali b. Suwayd at-Ta'labi: A. b. M. at-Talaqi: Ishaq b. Ibr. Talas, As'ad 38  b. Ta lh ah : M.

649

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

 b. Ta lh ah , Ka mal -ad -di n 399 {see also  M. b. Talhah) a. TMib (b. 'Abd-al-Muttalib) 161, 433 Tamim ad-Dari 122, 589 Tamim b. M. b. Tamim, a. Ja'far 600 Tamim b. Yu. b. Tasfin 312 at-Tamimi: 'Ar. b. a. H^tim at-Tamimi: M. b. A., a. l-'Arab at-Tamimi: M. b. Ja'far at-Tamimi: M. b. al-Q., a. 1-H. a. Tammam (Habib b. Aws) 412 Tammam b. 'Amir  b. 'A lqa m ah 184 Tammam b. M., a. 1-Q. ar-Razi 432, 522 at-Tanafisi: 'Ali b. M. Tansar 290 at-Tanuhi: 'Ali b. M. at-Tanuhi; Ibr. b. A. at-Tanuhi: al-Muhassin b. 'Ali Taqi-ad-din b. bint al-A'azz: 'Ar. b. 'Abd-al Wa hh ab Taqi-ad-din b. Daqiq-al-'id: M. b. 'Ali Taqi-ad-din b. Fahd: M. b. M. Taqi-ad-din al-Fasi: M. b. A. Taqi-ad-din al-Qalqasandi: a. Bakr b. M. Taqi-ad-din b. Taymiyah: A. b. 'Abd-alHalim Taqizadeh, S. H. 251 at-Tarabulusi: 'A li b. 'Al. b. Mahbub Taraf b. Ludan 47 a^Tarasusi: at-Tarsusi  b. Ta rh an, a. Ba kr al- Ba lhi 401, 513 f. {see also  M. b. 'Ali b. Tarhan and   M. b. Tarhan at-Turki) TaMh DimaSq:  'Ali b. al-H., a. 1-Q. b. 'Asakir  b. at- Ta rju ma n(i ): M. b. al-H u. at-Tarsiisi: 'Utman b. 'Al. b. Tasfin: Ibr."b. Yu.  b. Ta sfi n: Ta mi m b. Yu . Taskopriizadeh: A. b. Mustafa Tatar az-Zahir 328, 412, 597 Tauer, F. 4, 175 Tamils (b. Kaysan)  IHdn 140 Tawbah (Ya. ?) b. 'Abdal ('Abdak ?)  IHdn 141 at-Tawhidi: 'Ali b. M., a. Hayyan  b. Ta wi t at- Ta nji , M. 72, 322 a. Tawr: Ibr. b. Halid at-Tawri: Sufyan at-Tayalisi: Hisam b. 'Abd-al-Malik, a. 1 Wa iid at-Tayalisi: Su. b. Dawud, a. Dawud at-Taymi: Ism. b. M., a. 1-Q.  b. Ta ym iya h: 'A bd -al -G an i b. M.  b. Ta ym iy ah : 'Ab d-a l-Q ah ir b. 'Abd -al- (^a ni  b. Ta ym iy ah : A. b. 'Ab d-a l-H ali m, Taq i-ad din  b. Ta ym iy ah : M. b. al-Q. Taymur, A. 277 Tayiimart 386

 b. a. Ta yy : Ya .  b. a. t- Ta yy ib : 'A li b. 'A l. a. t-Tayyib: Tahir b. 'Al. TB :  A. b. 'Ali, a. Bakr al-Hatib al-Bagdadi Teres, E. 465 Themistius 46 Theodemir iig Theophanes 76 Theophilus of Edessa 76 Thucydides 120 at-Tibi: al-Hu. b. 'Al, at-Tibrizi: Ism. b. al-Mutanna at-Tibrizi: M. b. 'AL, al-Hatib at-Tifasi: A. b. Yu. Timur (Tamerlane) 414, 597 at-Tinnisi: 'Ali b. Badr  b. at- Ti qta qa: M. b. 'A li at-Tirmidi: M. b. 'Ali, al-Hakim at-Tirmidi: M. b. 'Isa, a. 'Isa at-Tirmidi: M. b. Ism., a. Ism. Togan, A. Zeki Velidi XVI, 201 Tornberg, C. J. 50, 116, 127, 312  b. Tu gr il; 'U . b. A yy ub Tugrilbek 177 at-Tujibi: 'Atiq b. Halaf at-Tujibi: al-Q. b. Yu., 'Alam-ad-din Tulaymat, 'Abd-al-Qadir A. 55, 154  b. Tu lun : A.  b. Tii lun : M. a. Tumaylah: Ya. b. Wadih a. Turab an-Nahsabi 340 at-Turk(u)mani: 'Ali b. 'Utm^n at-Turtusi: M. b. al-Walid at-Tusi: al-H. b. M. at-Tusi: b. Masruq at-Tiisi: M. b. al-H. at-Tustari: Ishaq b. M.  b. at- Tu yu ri: al-M uba rak b. 'Ab d- al- Ja bb ar at-Tuzari: 'U. b. M., Fahr-ad-din Tyan, E. 362 U 'UbM ah b. as-Samit 517,  IHdn 137  'Ubayd: 'Abid ' a. 'Ubayd: al-Q. b. Sallam 'Ub ayd b. M. al-Is'irdi 525, 595 'Ubayd b. 'Umayr 384 'Ubayd, A. 217 a. 'Ubaydah: Ma'mar b. al-Mutanna 'Ubaydah (b. 'Amr)  IHdn 139 al-'Ubaydali: A. b. Muhanna 'Ubaydallah b. 'Al. b. Hurradadbih 84, 486, 505 'Ubaydallah b. 'Abd-al-Karim, a. Zur'ah ar-Razi 395, 400, 436, 520, 588,  IHdn 14 1 'Ubaydallah b. A. b. Hurradadbih; 'Ubayd allah b. 'Al. 'Ubaydallah b. A. b. a. Tahir (Tayfur) 81, 153, 462 'Ubaydallah b. 'Alt b. al-Maristaniyah 463

650

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

‘Ubaydallah b. al-Hu. b. 'All b. al-Hu. b. "All 'Umarah b. Watimah 72, 191, 506  b. a. Ta lib 475 'Umarah b. Zayd 403, 504 {identity ?) •^Ubaydallah b. Jibrtl b. Buhtisu' 79 al-'Umari: A. b. Ya. b. Fadlallah ‘U baydallah b. M. b. 'A^isah 505 al-'Umari, Akram D. 72 ‘ Uba ydall ah b. “^U. al-Qawar iri 520 al-Umawi: Halid b. Hi§am ‘Ubaydallah b. Ziyad 529 al-Umawi: Sa'id b. Asad Ubay y al-Muradi 528 al-Umawi: Sa'id b. Ya., a. 'Utman  b. a. 'U da yb ah ; A. b. M. Umayyah 407 al-Udfuwi: Ja'farb . Ta'lab (?), Kamal-ad-din Umayyah b. 'Al. b. 'Amr ('U.) b. 'Utman 444 al-'Udri: A. b. ‘U., a. l-'Abbas al-'Uqayli: M. b. 'Amr, a. Ja'far  b. Uh t 'Is a b. Far ru han sah : M. b. al-H u.  b. 'U qb ah ; Mus a 'Ukasah, Tarwat 515  b. 'U qd ah ; A. b. M., a. l-' Ab ba s  b. 'U la yy ah ; Ism. b. Ibr. 'Urfud(t)ah 191 Ulughani253 al-Urmawi; 'Al. b, Yu. b. Yunus a. Um^mah b. an-Naqqa§: M. b. 'All 'Urwah b. az-Zubayr 6g, 103 f., 395  b. 'U .: 'A l. b. 'U . b. al- Ha tta b  b. a. Us am ah: al- Ha rit (b. M.) ‘U. b. ^Al. ('Ubaydallah)” az-Zahrawi 472 Usamah b. Munqid 173, 282, 305, 365  b ‘A bd-al-'^ Aziz 294, 410, 590 Usamah b. Zayd 335, 346 'U. b. A., a. Hafs b. Sahin 404, 435  b. a. U sa yb i'a h: A. b. al-Q. 'U. b. A ., a. Hazim al-'Abdawi 522 al-'Usfuri: Halifah b. ^layyat ‘U. b. A., a. 1-Q. Kamal-ad-dm b. a. JarMah al-'Utaqi: M. b. 'Al.  b. al- 'Ad im 48, 78, 98, 107, 122, 125 f.,  b. 'U tb ah ; A. b. 'A li b. 'In ab ah 151, 158, 170 f., 174 f-, 277, 399. 412, 429,  b. 'U tb ah : M. b. 'A l. ('U bay da llah ) 443 , 44 5 , 452 f., 457 , 465 i-, 482, 492, 525, al-'Utbi: M. b. "Al. b. 'Utbah 532, 541 f-, 544   f-, 583, 589, 597 al-'U tbi: M. b. 'Abd-al-Jabbar , a. Nasr 'U. b. A. b. Surayj 279 'Utman b. 'Al. al-'Iraqi 430 'U. b. 'All, a. Hafs al-Mutawwi'i al-Adib 'Ut m in b. 'Al. at-Tarsusi 126, 545 414 f., 584 'Utman b. 'Ar., a. 'Amr b. as-Salah 274, 'U. b. 'All b. al-M ulaqqin 414 f., 426, 449, 276, 283, 302, 415, 448, 492, 514, 525, 584, 593 , 595 , 603 584, 594 'U. b. 'All a n-Nabtitt 604, 608 'Utman (b. 'Affan) 29, 65, 119, 278, 382, 'U. b. 'AH b. Samurah 484 f. 53 4 , 573 , 589 f406, 'U. b. 'All, Siraj-ad-din al-Bazzar 598 'Utm M b. A., a. 'Amr b. as-Sammak 599 'U. al-'Arabi: 'U. b. M. b. Mas'ud 'UtmAn b. al-Hattab, a. d-dunya al-Asajj 352 'U. b. Ayyub b. Tugril as-SayyM 588, 607 'Utman b. 'Isa al-Balati (Bulayti) 428 f. 'U. b. al-Azraq, a. Hafs 429 ' U t m 4 n b. 'Isa b. DarbSs al-Marani 397, 587 'U. b. Fahd; 'U. b. M„ Najm-ad-din 'Utman b. M., Fahr-ad-din at-Tuzari 588 f. 'U. b. al-Farid 369, 604 'Utm^n b. Sa'id, a. 'Amr ad-Dani 420,  IHdn 'U. b. al-Hajib, 'Izz-ad-din al-Amini 452, 468 140 'U. b. Harun  IHdn 142 'Utman b. Sa'id ad-Darimi 431, 446 'U. (b. al-Hattab) 13, 47, 251, 253, 272, 282, 'Utm an b. 'U., 'Afif-ad-d in an-Nasiri 434 321, 360, 379-384, 386, 389, 406, 517, 'Utman b. 'U. b. al-H^jib 315 534 , 551, 554 , 573 , 589. 138 al-'Utmani: M. b. 'Ar. 'U. b. al-Hu., a. 1-Hattab b. Dihyah 339 f., al-'Utm^ni, a. 1-Q. 405 589 'Uwaymir b. Zayd (a. d-Darda’) 324 'U. b. al-yidr 469 al-Uwaysi: 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. 'Al. a. 'U. al-Kindi: M. b. Yu.  b. 'U ya yn ah : Suf yan 'U. b. M. b. Bahir  IHdn 142 'U. b. M. b. Mas'ud al-'Arabi 604  V  'U. b. M., Najm-ad-din b. Fahd 316, 320,  Va de t, J.- C. 399 419-42 1, 429, 434, 440, 444 f., 452, 455,  Va jda , G. 257, 328, 422, 441, 464, 634 475   f-, 480 f., 483, 496, 500, 506, 526  Ve cci a Vag lier i, L. 64 463, 'U. b. M. an-Nasafi 470  Vi tes tam , G. 431 'U. b. M. as-Suhrawardi 239  Vol lers , K. 97 'U. b. M. b. Yu. al-Kindt 478  Vo orh oev e, P. 269, 458 'U. b. Raslan al-Bulqmi 604  Vos siu s, G. J. 61 'U. b. Sabbah 162, 462, 473, 475, 480, 506  W  'U. b. Sahl ad-Dinawan  IHdn 14 1 'Umarah b. 'Alt al-Hakami 173, 315, 469  b. W ad dah : A. b. Masla mah 'Umarah b. Juwayn, a. H^run al-'Abdi 517  b. W add ah: M.

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES

 b. Wa dih : A.  b. Wa dih ; A. b. a. Y a'q ii b al -Y a'q ub i al-Wadiyasi 604  Wa gne r, F. 42 a. Wahb 545 a. Wahb az-Zahid 609  b. W ah b: 'A l.  Wa hb b. Mu nab bih 91, 123 , 187, 335, 510 , 563 f.,  IHdn 140  W ahb b. W ahb , a. 1-Ba^tari 401, 588 a. Wa’ il: Saqiq b. Salimah  W ak i': M. b. H ala f b. H ay ya n, a. Ba kr  W ak i' b. al-J arr ah 363  Wa li-a d-d in (b.) al- 'Ir aq i: A. b. 'Ab d-a rRahim al-Walid b. 'Abd-al-'Aziz b. Aban 444 al-Walid b. 'Abd-al-Malik  I ’^ldn 140 al-Walid b. al-Hu. = Sarqi b. Qu timi (?) al-Walid b. Muslim al-Qurasi ad-Dimasqi 395 a. 1-Walid at-Tayalisi: Hisam b. 'Abd-alMalik   Wa nge lin , H. 188 al-Waqidi: M. b. 'U.  b. Wa rah : M. b. Mus lim  Wa raq ah 192 al-Waratini: Asad b. Hamdawayh al-Warraq: M. b. Yu. al-Warraq: Sindi  W art on , T. 197  b. W asi l: M. b. S^ ih al-Wasiti: A. b. Bahtiyar b. al-Manda’i al-Wasiti: Halaf b. M. al-Wasiti: al-H. b. 'Ali al-Wasiti: Ibr. b. Musa al-Wasiti: M. b. A. al-Wasiti: M. b. al-H. al-Wassa^: M. b. Ishaq ( = M. b. A. b. Ishaq)  b. al-Wa§ sa^: Wa tim ah b. Miis a b. al- Fu ra t al-Wassaf: 'Al. b. Fadlallah  W ati ma h b. Mus a b. al- Fu ra t b. al-Was sa^ 404, 510 f. al-Watiq 275 al-Watwat: M. b. Ibr. al-Kutubi al-Waziri: al-H. b. M.  We isw eile r, M. 329, 445, 451 , 468  We itzm ann , K. 176  We nsi nck , A. J. 127, 201 , 274 (and Concor dance passim)  W hi tti ng , C. E. J. 56  b. Wh jan (?) 461  Wi den gre n, G. 19  Wie ner , A. 413  Wi et, G. 124  W illi am of Ma lme sbu ry 336  Wi llia m of Ty re 196  Wi nde r, R. B. 56  W itt ek , P. 152  Wo lfso n, H. A. 256  Wr igh t, W. 58, 356, 388, 529  Wi ist enf eld , F. X V I, 3, 29, 72, 83, 122, 126,

152, 165, 250, 277 f., 281 f., 316 f., 334 , 361, 363, 394 , 398, 400 f., 404, 413 f., 417 , 424, 431, 43 5 , 442, 446, 450, 45 3 , 461-463, 468-471, 473-475, 487, 501, 520, 523 f.

65 1 322, 408, 448, 482,

al-YM i'i: 'Al. b. As'ad, 'Afif-ad-din  Yag be^ a Se yon 119 al-Yagmuri: Yu. b. A.  Ya hi a, Osm an 430  Y a. b. 'A l. b. ad- Da hh ak al- Ba blu tti 362  Y a. b. 'A bd -al -'A zim al- Jaz zar 163  Y a. b. 'Ab d- al- W ah ha b, a. Za ka ri ya ’ b. Mandah 283, 406, 459, 594 f.  Y a. b. 'A bd al ('A bd ak ?): Ta wb ah  Y a. b. Ad am 116  Y a. [b. 'A di !] an- Na hw i 77 (see  loannes Philoponus)  Y a. b. Ak ta m 281 f.  Ya . b. 'A li al-M a'ar ri 272  Ya . b. 'A ll, a. 1-Q. b. at-Jahhan 450, 477, 533  Y a. b. 'A li, Ras id(- ad- din) al -'A tt^ r 4 50-45 2, 525, 592  Ya . b. 'A yy as al-Q att an 358  Ya . b. Ay yu b (al-Mis ri)  IHdn 138 a. Ya. b. a. Bakr b. 'Asim i 5o  Y a. b. Ha bas as- Suh raw ard i 355  Ya . b. Ha ka m al -6 az al 181  Y a. b. H ali d al-B arm aki 314  Y a. b. al-H . al-H asa ni al- 'A law i (al-H asim i)

475  Y a. b. al-H u. b. al- Bi tri q 431  Y a. b. M a'in 341-3 43, 35° , 362, 393 , 43 ^, 446, 449, 519, 526 f., 608  Y a. b. al-M uba rak al- Ya zid i 510 f.  Y a. b. M. b. 'A bb ad b. Ha ni’ 394  Ya . b. M. ad- Dam sisi 248  Y a. b. M. b. Ha ldu n 586  Ya . b. M. b. Hu bay rah 608  Y a. b. M., §ar af-a d-d in al-M una wi 281  Y a. b. M., Taq i-a d-d in (b.) al- Ki rm ani 587  Y a. b. M. b. Y u. al-A nsa ri al- Ga rn ati 410 f.  Y a. b. Mu jahi d al- Ilb iri 608  Y a. b. Mus a, H at t  IHdn 142  Y a. an- Nah wi: loa nne s Phi lopo nus  Y a. b. ar -R ab i' al- 'A bd i 590  Y a. b. Sa 'id al- An tak i 138  Y a. b. Sa 'id al- Qa tta n 342, 518, 527  Y a. b. Sar af, Mu hyi -ad- din a. Za ka ri ya ’ an-Nawawi 277 f., 281 f., 302 f., 334, 33 7 , 341, 346 f., 353 f., 359, 396, 405, 415, 417, 448, 450, 456, 483, 584, 59 4 , 607  Ya . b. a. Ta yy Hu ma yd 50, 431  Ya . b. a. Un ays ah 363  Y a. b. W adi h, a. Tu ma yla h  IHdn 142  Y a. b. Y a. (b. Ka tir al-A nda lus i) 519,  IHdn 140  Y a. b. Y a. (a. Za ka riy a’ an-N isab uri) 519,  IHdn 141