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Esoteric Buddhism in Southeast Asia in the Light of Recet Scolarsip Hram Woowar
B: A By Ronald M. Davidon. New York Columbia niverity Pre, 2002 Pp. 47. Map, Illutration, Illutration, Gloary Gloary,, Bibliographie, Bibli ographie, Index. In dex.
T I Ronald Davidon' ambitiou tudy tudy place the development development of eoteric Buddhim in medieval India In dia in a ocial o cial context con text Buddhologit Budd hologit with extraordinary command of text text preerved in Sankrit, Tibetan and (to a omewhat leer extent) Chinee, Davidon write moothly and engagingly, demontrate at many point that he i a tranlator of geniu and provide new information that will be treaured even by thoe who may diagree with or o r have dif di fculty following following ome o me of o f hi thee. Since from one point of view the material that would allow a ocial hitory' of Tantrim to be written uccefully do not exit, and becaue Davidon' hitory relie o heavily upon the evidence of the religiou text themelve, themelve, there will inevitbly e diagreement about hi method and hi interpretation. Indian esoteric Buddhism i of interet to Southeat ianit for everal reaon. Firt, mot of the kind of Buddhim dicued by Davidon Davidon are alo atteted in So utheat utheat ia Therefore, it ought to be aked whether the ocial and po litical etting are imilar Second, Seco nd, a Southeat So utheat ianit ianit might wonder what Davidon' Davidon' book would have been like it ad condered te Southeat ian evidence a a more integral part of the tory would that have have been an equally valid approach, appro ach, or even a better better one? In the econd part of thi article, I hall review what i known about eoteric eoteric Bu ddhim in Java, Cambodia Cambodi a and certain other part of Southeat ia, touching on but not reolving thee larger iue. Eoteric Buddhim and Tantric Buddhim are oth alid name, the rt becaue it indicate a body of ecret prctice, necearily paed down from mater to pupil, and the econd b ecaue it implie depend ence upon upo n a body b ody of text text called tantra. Tantric teaching, however, fall into at leat two major group, which coexit, partially overlap and repreent (almot certainly) two ditinct hitorical trata. In making the diviion, Davidon ue the term intitutional eoterim', referring to a et of belief that aroe iram ira m Woodward Woodward is r rs homas uincy Scott Curator of sian rt, h Waltrs rt usum, 600 North Charls Charls St, Baltimor D 0 US His mail contact is hwoodward@thwaltrsorg I am gratful to Prof Rob Linroth and Dr Nancy ingly for thir commnts on a dra of this articl hy ar not rsponsibl for rmaining rrors or misjdgmnts
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within the monastery, and 'siddha esoterism' , i n reference reference to texts for for which a milieu of independent practitioners living on the margins of society must be hel historically responsible. In the pages that follow, simpliing a good deal, I shall use the terms Mantrayna' and Yogin Tantra' respectively for the two groups, though these are inexact equivalents of Davidson' s terms and a simplication o f the later Tibetan system of classication. classication. Mantrayna dif di ffers from the t he Perf P erfectio ection n Path P ath (pramityna) Mahyna Mahyna Buddhism Buddhis m that historically historically preceded it in its emphasis on the ritual ritu al entering of a circle of divinities divinities (a mandala) and on the recitation of sacre formulas (mantra) the production of sounds whose wavelengths wavelengths cause fundamental fundamental universal powers powers to res onate. onat e. Chapters 2, 3 and 4 in Davidson's book put the Mantrayna in a social setting but do not really address ultimate origins. He sheds light on the spread but not the genesis of the Mahvairocana sra, which describes a mandala, calls its teachings the mantrayna and contains ( in an English translation o f the Chinese text of72 CE) no fewe fewerr than 297 mantra. Mandalas and mantra are also a part of Yogin Tantra ( the subject of chapters , 6 and 7) , but the texts and the practices diff differ, now incorporating union with a female female partner and an d a belief beli ef in a highly deve developed loped interior anatomy, one shared with Hindu Tantrism Tant rism.. The chief chi ef deities of the new texts, at the centr es of the mandalas tha t embody the teachings, are are male male gods of two sorts, one one whose historical roots are in Bo hisattvas, hisattvas, the other in the angry (krodha) helpers helpers of Bodhisatt Bodhis attvas vas though for for Davidson D avidson the origins of these divinities were complex, involvin rural, tribal an Shivaite sources (pp. 198, 2 1 3 ) . It is i s also arguable, arguable, however however,, that the supreme position falls falls no t to the male male gures but to the females in their embrace, the males being mere means or conduits for the extraction of the transcendental wisdom of the females. Doctrinally the couples form a union that that surpasses all dualisms dualisms.. Davidson begins hi s study by pointing ou t the analogous analogou s structures present within h many dient ual aes of ieal ndia, beinning in he sixth century or so ritual mandalas that are symbolic symbolic kingdoms, a controlled system of ownership ownership of these kingdoms that involves procedures imitating royal coronation, large monasteries that are living mandalas, kings that look like gods and gods that behave like kings. At the same time, the guildbased guildbased patronage p atronage and the su pport an p articipation of women that had sustained Perfection Perfection Path Buddhism weakened. weakened. Then a new class of Buddhist practi tioner arose the siddha, the siddha, saint or perfected perfected one, possessor po ssessor of supernatural powers (siddhi) and master over sorcerers both human and divine; such practitioners survived outside both the monastic realm (which called for adherence to strict rules of discipline) and the codes cod es of o f behaviour followed followed by the householder. hous eholder. These siddha existed in reality, reality, but at the same time they were a mythical community, sustained by a sequence of texts which described transressive conduct in a languae that was deliberately deliberately marginal and provocative. By the end of the tenth century, interaction between sidda communties and monks dwelling in Buddhist monasteries had advanced to such a degree that the siddha texts wre accepted as Buddhi st scripture. Social history h istory denes one of Davidson' Davidson' s parameters. The language of the Y ogin Tantras is considered a social matter, for instance, but the specic meditative practices
Mhirocn-str, tr Chikyo Ymmoto Ymmoto 2nd 2n d edn (New Delhi: Delhi: Interntion Interntionll Acdemy Acdemy of Indin Culture nd Adity Prkshn 200).
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are not, and are are hence not discuss ed in any depth. Another parameter is chronological. A distinction must must be made mad e beteen beteen a period p eriod of secrecy secrecy and and one one of semi- openness, opennes s, ith a crucial dividing line falling in about the seond half of the tenth century. The period extendi extending ng from from the sevent h through the tenth centu ies as the crucible crucibl e for for the develop develop ment men t of the ogin Tantras . Scuptures of the th e esoteric deiti es, if they ere produced in this perio d, have not survived, survived, and an d an elaborate eb of deduction mus t establish a chro nology, nology, a task at hich Davdson is a master. It involes Tibetan tradti ons concerning the rst period of transmsson of texts, the language of certain Tibetan translations, statements statements in the Tibetan histor ies of Indian Buddhsm regarding the dates of important teachers, teachers, internal quotations and references, references, conventions conventions of textual analysis analysis (the more m ore difcult reading is supposed to be earlier than the improved, easier-tounderstand readng) and internal consistency. consistency. Davidson uses evidence from the period aer about 1000 CE, by hich time the complete incorporation of the Yogn Tantras] had already largely been effected' (p . 3 3 8 ) , only hen it is thought thought to have a bearing on our understanding of earlier events. events. Sometimes this is done to great effect, as in an eyeitness account of the great siddha (mahsiddha) Naropa, overei overeight ght and and carried on a palanquin palanquin ( p. 3 17) . Still, only in in the eleven eleventh th and telh telh centuries centurie s is the art-historical art-his torical and epigraphical epigr aphical evidence sucient sucien t to permit the presentation of a ourishing esoteric Buddhism in context, and this period falls outside the cent uries of Davidson' Davidson' s primary concern. He does d oes not, for for instance, even even make use of the lsts of texts translated nto Chinese Chin ese in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. The translations attributed to an Indian monk knon as Faxian (Chinese) and Hken (Japanese), as an example, provide a kind of crosssection of hat as considered important in northern India in the years before his arrival in China in about 980. Sometimes ithin the period of Davidson's focus, in the striking absence of epigraphical evidence, he extrapolates on the basis of other materials. When the Mantrayna becomes culturally important outside India', he rites, it is principally through the agency of ocial patronage, either aristocratic or imperial. Given these circumstances, it ould be extraordinary if the military and political culture of early medieval India had not shaped esoteric institutions, doctrines, literature, rituals, and iconography iconography,, at least to some degree' ( p. 1 1 ) . The term that that has come to the the fore fore to describe the the situaton in China is state- protection Buddhis m'. Or, as Michel Strickmann Strickmann rote, rote, One of the main nctions o f Tantrism as, as, ala alays ys and every everyhere, here, the protec tion o f the State. ' This meant the performance performance of ceremonies that ould strengthen strengthen the army and even produce rain. r ain. Someho, ithin this system of mutual support, sup port, the prac titioner of Yogin Tantra on patrons and disciples because he could demonstrate superior control over both human and divine sorcerers and therefore enhance state 2 For scuptures and their thei r dates see Rob Linrothe Rthess comssion Wrth deities in ery Indo- ibetn esoteric ddhist rt (London: Serindia Pubications 999) A ist ist of texts texts is in 6b6girin Fscice nne tbes d isho Issiky6 (Toko:Maison FracoJ FracoJapon aponaise aise 9 ) p 8 Another Another important important transator transator was Dnapa Dnapa (Shihu (Shihu Sego) (p 7 ) boddhismee tntriqe e n hine (Paris: Miche Strickmann Mntrs et mndrins e boddhism (Paris: Ga Gaima imard rd 996 ) p Stateprotectio Stateprotection n Buddhism Buddhism i s om Chares Chares Orech Orech Poitics nd trnscendent wisdom he Scritre for mne mne Kings in the cretion cret ion of hinese ddhism (niversity Park PA: Pennsyvania State niversity Press 998) n.
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power power t o a n even even greater greater degree. However, However, whether whether in a period o f secrecy secrecy this prac titioner was respected for his private vision or needed to validate himself through adherence to reconised texts is not altoether clear. A succinct and easily raspable paradim for the development development of Hindu Yoin Tantra has been put forward forward by Alexis Sanderson San derson,, an Oxford Oxford Sanskritist with an intimate knowledge knowledge of Kashmiri Shiv Sh ivaism, aism, much of it studied in manuscripts that have never been edited or translated. translated. For Sanderson, there were were two main phases. In the outsider phase, practised by Shivaite mendicants, sex with the human counterparts to divine female spirits had a sinle, narrow purpose: the production of sexual dischares which when oered to spirits will bring about the acquisition of occult powers. (This is the aspect seized upon by David Gordon White as the heart of the Tantric experience in another recent publication, Kss f the ygn ygn,, referring referring to the taking into the mouth of vaginal discharge, discharge, or of mixed mixed semen and discharge.) Sanderson's second phase culminated culminated in the writins writins of o f the great Kashmi ri philosopher philoso pher and an d polymath, Abhinavagupta Abhinavagupta (c 1000). In underground circles of Kashmiri Brahman s, sexual rites were were recognised as bo und up with normal human desires ( not merely the production producti on of substances) , but they were the physical counterpart counterpart to mental exercises exercises that would brin about liberation liberation.. Sanderson' Sanderso n'ss model h as the t he virtue of relatin relatin two rather diff different belief systems systems to two two quite dierent dierent social settings, that of wandering wandering ascetics and that of married married householders upholders of traditional Br ahman virtues by day, closet participants in forbidden forbidden p ractices at night. In a very general general sense, sens e, D avidson understands the rowth of esoteric practices pr actices in a similar way, way, with the milieu of the Buddhist sddha Buddhist sddha corresponding correspon ding to that that of o f the Shivaite mendicants. mendicant s. The earliest earliest sddha literature [of the eihth centu ry ry speaks of o f a sexual ritual that is sacramental rather than yogic', he writes (p. 198). (He criticizes, on the other hand, what he views as Sanderson's position that the Buddhist texts were the result of a unilat u nilateral eral appropriation, appropriation, without without alterna alternativ tivee sources or mutual inuence' [p 20 3. ) Such a model, mod el, however, however, presents ob stacles for for the understanding of both the beginni ngs and the nal phases of the Yoin Tantras. Yes, sexual rituals were performed, but did they not have a symbolic symbolic content from from the beinning? beinn ing? To T o imply that they did not n ot goes against the grain of our understanding underst anding of o f all Indian In dian rituals, namely that they are are the o uter manifestation manifestation o f mental proces ses. As for the nal phase, although Davidson does allude to monasteries divided into sections for married followers and for celibate upholders of the traditional discipline, he does not n ot make a place for for lay counterparts to Sander son's son 's Brahmans. Brah mans. As Rob Linrothe has pointed out, however, the Savardaya tantra makes an appeal to married householders, and lay practitioners would have provided a locus for mediation medi ation between
c tego o the erson ers on Alexis Snders Snderson on Purity nd power mong the the Brhmns of Kshmir in he ctego Anthrooogy hiosohy histo ed Michel Crrithers Crrithers et (Cmbridge: Cmbridge niversity Press 98), pp 9 Snderson ivism nd the Tntric trditions in he word's gret reigions, ed Stewrt Sutherlnd et (Bost (Boston on:: G K ll 98 8) , pp 66070. Kis s othe yogin yogin ntr ntric ic se' in its oth oth Asin contet (Chicgo nd London: 6 Dvid Dvi d Gordon White Kiss niversity of Chicgo Press 00). 7 or these connections see Alexis Snderso Vjryn: Origin nd nction i n ddhism into the yer 2000 Interntion conerence roceedings (Bngkok nd Los Angeles: Dhmmky oundtion 99), pp pp 87- 87- 0.
SOI BUISM
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the monks and the siddha It is easy to imagine the Kma sra man-aboutton, having fullled fullled to of his three duties dut ies in i n life life (orldly af affairs and a nd sexual activity) , discov d iscov ering that a circle of yoginz yoginz might might be an appropriate appro priate means means of fullling the third, relgous obligation (dharma)8 Once this p ossiblity is acknoledged, acknoledged, hoever, serious questions arise about the nature of o f the siddha the siddha communities. One of Davdson' Davdson'ss great achievements achievements is to have given given esh and blood to the siddha the siddha and established their historical reality. At the same time, if a community of lay practitioners is acknoledged, it becomes more difcu difcult lt based solely s olely on the evidence evidence o f the sacred texts texts to distnguish beteen beteen actual siddha behaviour and the behaviour of householders pretending to be siddha Some times descrptions of siddha siddha ( o r siddha like) behaviour are obviously ild exaggeration exaggeration,, as in the Jain romance Yaasiaa by Somadeva (99 CE), here summarised by K. K. Handiqui
e ee v v e e eee e ee ee e ve ee e ee e evee ee ee e e e eee fe ee e ee e e e e eee ee ee v e e e ee e e e ee e e e e e e e f ee e e e ee ee e
But in other cases, and especial especi ally ly in the case o f the Yogin Tantras themselves, themselves, e cannot be sure hen e are dealing ith ith a reality reality and hen ith ith a cton. cton . This uncertainty brings us to the question of symbolic language n the Tantras, about hich Davidson rites many illuminating pages. Sometimes, hoever, it seems that he does not quite ht the rght rght note He recognses that only in the modern public presentaton has h as there developed the myth myth of o f uniform uniform Tantric hermeneutcs, a single key or approved method of interpretation for for passages nvolving erotcs erotcs or violence' (p. 247) 247 ) . Practices described descri bed in the texts ere actually actually carried out, and therefore therefore e are not dealin g h d b n ode at the same tme, not all practices ere necessarily performed, and the text is subject to openended interpretation. Yet Davidson does not make a clear case for the vie that overt and hidden meanings are easily accommodated in the mind simultaneously. s imultaneously. He quotes the exegesis of one o f the most scholastic scholastic of the Indian In dian commentators, Munidatta, ho provded an interpretation of the the drinking son g of o f the legendary siddha legendary siddha Virpa. Aer entering a bar penniless, along ith a companion, Virpa told a barmaid that he ould ould pay up hen the sun's shado reached a certain certain pont but then proceeded to halt the sun n ts course. All alone alone the barmaid serves to at her home', begns Virupa's song. This has a secret meaning 8 Vyy g Kmsutr, Wedy Doge d Sudh Kk (Ofod: Ofod vei Pe 2002 20 02)) Lhe Lhe mme mme i Ruthess comssion, p 231. See o he bef b hep do do by e Sdeo Sdeo o dffeg de owd he e eeme Yog! T : whehe hey e o be ped by y peo oy o by boh y peo d mok o ed e o be deood oy ymboy ymbo y d heefoe ped moded fom (Sdeo 'Vy p 97 9 7 Ystik nd Indin Indi n cuture (Shopu Ji Sk Skhk Sgh 968 9 K K dq dq Ystik p 22 .
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for Munidatta, Mu nidatta, having to do with th e inner channels of the yogic anatomy anatomy the unique Central Channel brings together the two subsidiary subsid iary channels' Davidson commen ts that Munidatta would have us believe that the Virpa of the drinking song in fact does not drink' (p 29 ) . Could we not also say, say, though, that there are are two Virpas Virpas a could be-real be- real one and another here in the meditating meditating consciousness? They are are a linked pair Exegesis makes claims for for a true meaning, meani ng, one that makes mak es the text safe safe for for the monastic m onastic establishment, but what it reall reallyy provides provides is a higher meaning or, better, an inner meaning that does not cancel cancel out the overt meaning of the text text The earliest of the great temples at Khajuraho bearing erotic sculptures, the Lakma Lakmaa a ( 94 C E) , which is dedicated to the god Vishnu, provides a way way of understand understan d ing such matters On the exterior are erotic scenes, in part borrowed from literature, that are statements of the place of lust in the natural order The forces of this natural order must be called upon by the yogin to achieve liberation, and these forces are expressed in the interior of the temple through the depiction of Hindu mhs The temple is in fact a Tantric temple, promoting concepts like those found in the Lak�m tantra, and invoving this same Central Channel and the two subsidiary channels', but the Tantric message is twice displaced , on the exterior by what could look to n on- initiates like Tantric sex but is n ot, and on the interior i nterior by the appropriation of traditional mh In other words words,, there is an elaborate game going on, and truth in one realm coexists with the same but dif d iffferently appearin g truth in another an other The Lakmaa Temple is an important monument not only because it brought sex into a public realm, and therefore bears a relationship to the public acceptance of Yogin Tantra, Tantr a, but also because of its literary literary sophistication Delight in the game, it ought to be recogni sed, was a key key factor factor in the adoptio n ofYogin of Yogin Tantra Buddhism as an estab lishment religion Exploration of this topic is possible in the later period but not the al al n again grat grat cncntration cncntration uon the eleventh a nd twelh centuries would have provided Davidson's book with a more secure anchor As for the eighth, ninth, and much of the tenth centuries, we may never have a true social history of esoteric Buddhism, Buddhi sm, but bu t we are fortunate fortunate to have a hpothetical history as learned and brilliant as Davidson' s, based upon a profound profound knowledge of texts texts
S S The precise place Southeast Asia should take in a history of esoteric Buddhism remains to be determined, but that there there ought to be a place can hardly be denied I n the pages that follow East Java is not discussed because it falls outside the chronological parameters of Indian of Indian esoteric Buddhism. Burma has also been set aside, in anticipation anticipation of more conclu sive sive analyses of eleventheleventh-centur centuryy mural paintin pai ntins in Pagan, which echo precisey the Pala paintin p aintin styles taken taken at the same s ame moment momen t to Tibet T ibet They are potentially 10 I m using my own interprettion, s presented in irm Woodwrd, The Lkm temple, Khjurho, nd its menings, Ars Orientis, 19 (1989 (198 9 ) : 2748 2 748 I mke connectio connection n with Tntric Buddhist Buddhist thought in Woodwrd, The Ford Collection nd the interprettion of Tntric rt, Arts of Asi, 1, SeptOct 2001): 7788 For Khjurho, see lso Devngn Desi, he reigios imger of Khjrho (Mumbi: (Mumbi: FrncoIndin Reserch, 199 6) nd Michel Rbe, Sexul imgery on the "phntsmgoricl "phntsmgoricl cstles t Khjurho Interntion Jorn of ntric tdies, 2 2 (1996), viewble online t http:// sxu/rbe/khjurho/indexhtml. sxu/rbe/khjurho/indexhtml.
SO BUSM SOTAST ASA
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more signicant for an understanding of Tantrism than the murals at the later supposedly Tantric temples such as the Nandamannya. Nandamannya. Te eet cetury: rjaya, Camboa
In the kingdom of Srivijaya stopping point for Yijing and many other Chinese pilgrims the most revealing revealing inscription i s that of Tulang Tuo Tuo from from the Palembang area of Sumatra datng from 684. It is in Old Malay but consists primarily of Sanskrit loanords m ostly terms ith ties to Perfection Perfection Path Buddhism. Bud dhism. Of the ten perfections perfections the third (k�nti, patience) the fourth fourth (virya, energy) and the sixth (paj, isdom) are specically specically mentioned along ith ith such ords as bodhicitta ( thought of enlghtenment) enlghtenment) and an d kaynamitra ( good frend) frend) the latter latt er suggesting the possi bility of acquaintance ith ith the Gavyha stra, the text illustrated a century century later later on the secon s econd d and third galleries of Chandi Borobudu r in Java. Subse quently quently terms appear in the inscription that sem sem to correspond to the six extraordinary knoledges (abhij, equivalent to the Pli abhia, and sometimes someti mes melded together togeth er ith ith the siddhi, the siddhi, or occult poers) . Only Only one one (jtismara, memory of previous lives) specically matches up to the abhij, but others have mean ngs hich are close: anupamaakti (unequalled poer) and avikaendriya (having ll organs of sense p erhaps referring referring to clairvoyance clairvoyance and clairaudience) . N ear the beginning o f the the latter sequence is the term mahsattva vajraara, hich George Cds thought as clearly Tantric. Hoever it is more likely that the term means something like having a physical body as diamondlike as that of a Bodhisattva [ara1), 1) , a such such as Vajrapi' (B odhisattvas odhisattva s unlike the Buddha Bud dha leaving no physical relics [ara concept conce pt fully fully ithin ithin the range of meaning meani ng of o f the Mahy Ma hyna na abhij. An early Mantrayna Man trayna text the Krqah stra (about hich more belo) includes the term vajraky aara (having a body made of vajra), of vajra), hoever and perhaps ths sutra as knon in Sumatra. It may be that the terms in the inscripton can all be found in texts; more probably probably someone someon e ith a good knoledge knoledge of Sanskrit Sanskrit invented paraphrases. At any rate the inscription leaves no doubt that Perfection Path Buddhism as ell established in Sumatra in the seventh century. Other Srivijayan inscriptons from Sumatra have less Buddhist content though they are equally lled ith Indic loanords. The Kota Kapur inscription (686 CE fro the island of Bangka) links spells and poisons as instruments of ar (mantr gada visaprayoga) In the Telaga Batu inscription (south Sumatra) a magical diagram (yantra) and a blood -lled bol aid in the punishment o f disloyalty. disloyalty. This inscription suggests that -like -like magicians ere present in Sumatra though this does n ot mean that the term siddhaytra (perfected trip') hich appears in a number of inscriptions 11 Th e ke y eevethcetuy eevethcetuy moumet is the th e beyadaa ecet caefu aaysis eaves ope questios gn n Time it it of the egadig sectaia aiatio audie autzePio The ddhit m of g como (Tumbu T Weathehi 200), pp 170-79 hepfu bibiogaphy o Java is i ee eese T - Lnd- en Vokenknde [hecefoth KI, Od Javaese studies a eview of the ed ijdrgen tot de T157 (2001) : 12 is commet that ceci ous ous taspote e pei tatisme is i Geoge ds 'Les isciptios maaises de vijaya etin de coe frnie d'Etrme-Orient [hecefoth EFEO, 0 (190): 55; this isciptio is foud o pp 9-42 1 exade Studhome The origin of o maipadme h A tdy of the Kryh tr (bay State ivesity of New Yok Pess 2002), pp 108, 140; the tem chaacteises those who keep the wishfuig ewe (that is wea the spe midme h i witte fom o thei body
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reers reers t such siddha.4 such siddha.4 The Srivijayan inscriptins, when taken tgether, evke a realm amiliar with the teachings Perectin Path Buddhism, the ancillary magical pwers thse at the end the path acquire, and the use mantra mantra and an d yantra as instruments war. I mantra mantra and an d yantra culd be used u sed t deeat enemies, culd they they als nt nt be used t help achieve Buddhist enlightenment? Sumatra, therere, was ertile ground r Mantrayna Mantrayna Buddhism. Buddhism . Another piece evidence regarding Tantric Buddhism in Sutheast Asia in the seventh century is quite dierent in character: the Chinese accunt the pilgrim PUydaya. Brn in central India, PUydaya arrived in China in 6, but because the dctrines he espused were nt apprved by Xuancang, he was nt treated with the respect respect t which which he was entitled, and, in 66, he h e was asked by the emperor emper or t travel travel t Sutheast Asia (Kunlun). He returned t China, and amng his tw surviving transla Maasta stra) stra) , describing the wrship tins is one the Eightld Eightld Mandala (T. 4 86 , Maasta o the eight chie Bdhisattvas by cnstructing an altar in the rm a mandala, with eight circular thrnes rising m a square base. In 663, he went back t Sutheast Asia and was welcmed in Cambdia ( Zhenla') , which he had previusly previusly visited The eight Bdhisattvas d nt appear in the art Cambdia, but the mid-century appearance PUydaya there does cincide with a period increased supprt r Buddhism. Mre specically, it is likely t be the time when a shrine-type with interir ambulatry path, archaelogica archaelogically lly attested at Yarang in peninsular pen insular Thailand, was cpied in Cambdia Camb dia at Asram Maha Rsei. Rsei . These B odhisattvas odhisattvas appear a ppear n vtive vtive tablets und in peninsular pen insular Thailand and Malaysia, Malaysia, and the subject later became became imprtant in C entral Java, where it is und n the exterior walls Chandi Mendut and in the interir Chandi Plasan. The vtive tablets, which depict a central Buddha surrunded by the
om ds, Les Le s insciptio insciptions ns malaises malaises,, p p 8 8 (Kota Kapu and J G. de aspais, aspais, Selected inscritions om the 7th to the 9th centu A D., Pasasti Indonesia, vol II (andung Masa au, 956, pp , line (Telaga atu s fo the tem siddhaytra, Davidson (p 06 obseves that in seventhcentuy usage siddha (in compounds was used only adjectivally Siddhaytra' is endeed as '[one '[one whose] jouney has been well accomplished in i n h hhaba, Exansion o ndoAan culture during Pallava rule (Delhi Munshi Ram Manoha Lal, 965, p In eviewing the occuences of the wod in 98, de aspais concluded that it pobably means no moe than success o successl but should also be undestood as the name of a ceemony ceemony J G de aspais, Some notes notes on the epigaphic heitage heitage of Si S i wi wi jay jaya, ppendix Final reort Consultative worksho on archaeological h, in SEMEO Poject in chaeology and Fine ts, and environmental studies on Srivijaya 1- W2A (Jakata SEMEO, 98 hencefoth ited ited as Final reort 1982] emann Kulke tanslates siddhaytra' as oyal oyal pocession in his Kadtuan Svijaya empie o katon of vijaya eassessment of the epigaphical evidence, evidence, BEFEO, 80, (99 6 Insciptions containing the tem siddhaytra (hee intepeted in tems of success wee appaently inscibed in con nection with ceemonies o payes of a oughly uddhist natue natu e designed to ensue success in entepises Jan Wisseman histie, State fomation in ealy maitime Southeast sia consideation of the theoies and the data, BK, 5 (995 65 When ds coected siddhaytra to siddhiytra (Les insciptions malaises, pp , , 5859, 9, he was pobably inuenced by MonieWilliamss Sanskit dictionay, which does not list eithe wod, but takes siddhaytrika as a wong eading fo siddhiytrika, one who makes pilgimages to lean magical ats o to gain good luck o beatitude Monie MonieWilliams, A SanskritEnglish dictiona (Delhi Motilal anasidass, 99 epint, pp 5-6 5 Lin Likouang, Puyodaya Nati, un popagateu du tantisme en hine et au ambodge a lpoque de iuantsang, Journal Asiatique, (95 8-00 having ovelooked this aticle, I am gatel to ndian esoteric Buddhism fo having dawn it to my attention The T 86 text is listed in H6b6girin, p 9 Th e art and a nd architecture architecture o Thailand Thailand om om rehistoric rehistoric times through th e thirteenth 6 iam Woodwad, The centu (Leiden and oston ill, 00, p 6
SOI BUISM IN SOUAS ASIA
eiht pedate the development of classical Javanese at in Java in the second half of the eihth centuy but it is unlikely that they can be pushed back as fa as the midseventh centuy (the time of Pyodaya) and only futhe eseach mih eveal whethe thee ae details that would make make it possible poss ible to connect the tablets to his text athe than to the vesion tanslated tanslated by Amohavaj Amohavajaa in the mid eihth eihth centuy (T. 1 1 67 67
C J Pesumin the Buddhist taditions of Sivijaya eithe to have been shaed with Java fom the seventh centuy onwads o else tansfeed to Java in the eihth centuy the evidence evidence pesented in the p evious evious section povides a solid solid basis basi s fo fo the Buddhist at of the nal decades of the eihth eihth centuy centuy in Cental Java. Pefection Pefection Path B uddhism was the dominant cuent cuent the Buddhism essentially essentially of Boobudu' s naative naative eliefs eliefs but thee wee elements of a Mantayna cons istin at the vey least of knowlede of an Eiht Ei ht Bodhisattva Bodhisattva text. text. Founded Founde d aound the same time as B oobudu and alined with it is the temple Chandi Mendut which beas these eiht Bodhisattvas Bodhisattvas on its exteio exteio walls. walls. Inside Insid e a cental pendan t-leed peachin Buddha is accompanied accom panied by a seated s eated Avaloki Avalokitv tvaa aa (on his iht) and by a eneic Bodhisattva Bodhisattva (on ( on his hi s le. The eiht Bodhisattvas Bodhisattvas on the exteio exteio walls walls ae combined com bined with thee gues gues that occupy o ccupy the centes of the walls walls a standin eihtamed Avalokitvaa on the ea wall (southeast and a seated eiht amed and a seated fouamed oddess on the notheast and southwest walls. These oddesses ae pobably Cund a pesonication of a spell and Pajpamit the pefection pefection of wisdom. Since Cund's spell s pell is pesented in the Kha Kha str str as a poclamation of the obtainin of wisdom it is conceivable that this ealy (o poto) Mantayna Mantayna text text mentioned above played played a ole a t Chandi Mendu t. In fact a plausible suppotin aument can be made the lotus pond fom which the fouamed Pa jpamit ises would be the pond into which Avalokitevaa tansfoms the amin stoves of hell in Chapte 2 of the suta while the eiht-amed Avalokitvaa on the 7 For an illustration of the peninsular eightBodhisattva eightBodhisattva tablet, see The art of rvijaya, ed. M. C. Subhadradis Diskul (Kuala Lumpr and and Paris: Oxford Universit Press and UNESO, , p p 5, own p . Stuies incue Hiram Hiram Woodward, 'Southeast Asian traces o the Budhist pirims, pirims, Muse Annual othe othe Museum of Art and Archaeology Archaeology University Univer sity of MisouriColumbia, 22 ( ) : 5- ; Cladin Cladinee atzePicron, 'Le rope des hit grans ohisatva en Inde: Gense et veoppement, in Living a ife in accor with Dhamma: Papers in honor of Proeor ean Boiselier on his eightieth birthay, e. Natasa Eilenberg et al. (angkok: Silpakorn Universty, 9), pp. 55; Michel JacqHergouach, The Malay Peninula: Crossroas o the maritime Silk oad (Leiden: ri, 202, pp. 37-. In identiing te Bodhisattvas at Candi Plaosan, Shji It made se of the Amoghavajra transation: 'A tentative identica tion of odhisattva images in Chandi Plaosan, Appendix 7g, 7g , in SEAMEO Project in Archaeology and ine -W2b Arts, Final report: Consultative workshop on archaeoogical and environmental tudies on Srivijaya -W2b (Jakarta: SAMEO, 95) henceforth cited as ina report 95. A. J. Bernet Kempers, Agee Borobuur (Wassenaar: Servire, 976), p. 22; BautePicron, 'Groupe des huit grands Bodhisatva, pp. 2- Sudarshana Devi Singhal, 'CaQi Mndut and the Mahvairocana stra, Bahasa-atrabuaya ratna manikam untaian peremahan kepada Pro Dr. P Zoetmuder [Language, literature, cultre, a string of jewels offered offered to Pro Dr P. J. Zoetmuder], ed. Sulastin Strismo (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 5, pp. 702-6, esp. pp. 72-3. The latter was also pblished in Art and cuture o South-Eat Asia ed. Lokesh Chandra (New Deli: International Academy of Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan, Prakashan, 9 ), pp. 33. Studholme, Origin o 0 pp. 5 and (part II, ch. 7). or additional evidence concerning te knowledge of the sutra in Java, see Max Nihom, Stuies in nian and no-ndoneian Tantrism (Vienna: Samm Sammn n De Noili Noili , 9 ), pp. 35-
8
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southeast wall would would be its saving allloving allloving Avalok Avalokitev itevara ara and the Buddha inside insid e the sanctuary would be Shaamuni Shaamuni delivering delivering the text. text. The quetion queti on o f what additional Mantrayna texts were known has to be addressed on the basis of evidence of architectural remains inscriptions and texts preserved in Java and Bali. What can rst be remarked upon is the excellence of the t between the Perfection Perfection Path and the Mantrayna. This is especiall esp eciallyy apparent at Borobudur Bo robudur itself itself The text featured in the topmost gallery the Vows of the Bodhisatva Samantabhadra, was the culminating section section of the Daabhmika stra ( incorporating incorporating the Gaaha stra, depicted just below) and at the same time a favourite text of Amoghavajra who tranlated so many Mantrayna texts into Chinese in the eighth century Secondly the concept o f the Dharmadhtu or truth realm where the ndamental element o f exist ence are perceived as Buddhas perceive them wa esential in the thinking of both Avatasaka Buddhist (thoe following the Daabhmika stra) and of followers of the the Mantrayna text the Mahvairocana stra. The upper terraces at Borobudur as I have long argued were intended to express the Dharmadhtu As such they are an appro priate culmination of the Perfection Path pilgrimage as well as a strong statement o the understanding to which the Mantrayna Mantrayna provided a shortcut. I shall return to these terraces shortly. The Th e Mahvairocana stra was translated into Chinese in 7234. Archaeological evidence that it wa known in Java in the clasical period rests largely on the interpre tation of Chandi Mendut as a simpler statement of the Japanese womb mandala the Garbhadhtu which is based on the mandala decribed in the text. Still the mandala described in Chapter 2 of the Mahvairocana stra i so much more complicated than anything preserved preserved at Men dut that the argument is a weak one especially when other texts as suggeted suggeted above above provide provide more plausible interpretat interpretations. ions. Another form of argument rets on asumption that follow om the pasage hrough Indonesia Ind onesia o o he wo grea grea rnslators Vajrab Vajrabodhi odhi 670 6707 744 1 ) and Amoghava Amoghavajra jra (7074). Vajrabodhi travelled extensively in Southeast Asia on his way om India arrivin arrivingg in Canton in 71 9 . Amoghav Amoghavajra ajra Vajrabodhi's Vajrabodhi's disciple passed through Southeast Asia at least twice twice to and from from his trip to southern India and Sri Lanka from from 74 74 1 to 749 749 . On e of Amogha Amoghava vajra jra's 's disciples Yuanzhao Yuanzhao (71 9800) believed believed that that the 1 3-yearold 3-yearold Amoghav Amoghavaajra met Vajrabodhi Vajrabodhi in Java Java in 71 8 a conclusion that can alo b e reached reached when when
0 , p 122 (part ch 2) The composition of the fourarmed goddess pane 20 tudhome Origi of 0, is echoed by a Tibetan painting (ca 1100) depicting a�ar vaokitevara the personication of the sixsyabe matra (0 maipame hm procaimed in the sutra Both have two simiary proportioned attendant gures and a otus pond beow Pratapaditya Pa Deire a evotio: Art om Iia Nepa a Tibet (Batimore: Waters rt Museum 2001) pp 228-9 f aso Bernet Kempers Agee orobuur, p 224 224 21 Raaeo Orando study of hinese documents concerning the ife of the Tantric Buddhist patriarch moghavajra ( D 707 70 774 74)) (PhD diss Princeton University 198 1) pp p p 1 1 7 The transformation of amantabhadra into Vajrapi is aso germane (Davidson p 0). 22 iram Woodward On Borobudurs upper terraces Orieta Art, 4 (1999): 44. On the Dharmahtu see aso ex Wayman and R Tajima The eightemet of Vairocaa (Dehi: Motia Banars Banarsidas idass s 1998) 199 8) pp 26. 2 ingha ai Mndut makes a case for seventhcentury knowedge o the sutra in riviaya (pp 70-4 7 0-4)) . For a summary of inghas interpretation see Lokesh handra handi Mendut and Pavon in Lokesh handra Cutura horio of ia, vo V henceforth hencefor th C (New Dehi: nternationa cademy ofndian uture and ditya Prakashan 19 95 ) pp p p 28 2 8
S O O I B U I S M I S O U A A S A S I A
9
reconclng the date n the boraphe of the two mater. Other apparently more relable account, however, ndcate that the young Amoghavajra, perhap a natve of Samarkand, Samarkand, travelled travelled wth h merchant uncle acro Central Aa and met Vajrabodh Vajrabodh n Chna. Even f ether ether Amoghavajra Amoghavajra or Vaj Vaj rabodh tayed long enough n Srvjay Srvjayaa or Java to have le a dcple omethng the bographe fal fal to ndcate few concluon can be reached wthout addtonal local evdence. Another key body of materal cont con t of the 42 4 2 Sankrt vere of the Old Javanee Javanee text the Sang hyang amahynan Mantranaya. Thee vere were compled for for rectaton n the cou re of a con ecraton ecraton abhi�ea) rtual, conferrng conferrng on a dcple the prvlege of teachng and tranmttng ecret doctrne. The complaton date from from the nnth , tenth or eleventh centure, but the Sankrt text (n part preerved n Tbetan or Chnee tranlaton but not n Sankrt) San krt) could have been known n Java even before before then. Thee text nclude the Mahvairoana stra ( 1 ver vere) e) , the araehara or the pa stra ( 1 4 vere) ere) , the Sarvadurgatipariodhana tantra, the Kriysagrahapai, and the O-verse Adhyardhaati Prapramit.25 The pa stra the rectato n text text that Vaj Vaj rabodh tranlated nto Chnee n 23 (T. 866); t a ecton of the longer Sarvatathgatatat tvasagraha, a text whch wa lot n the coure of a terrble torm Vajrabodh' hp encountered before reachng Chna. All of thee text were crculatng n the eghth century, although there are ome queton regardng the O-verse Prapramit. Vere 2642 of the Sang hyang amahynan Mantranaya do not have an equvalent n the Overse Prapramit that Amoghavajra took from Sr Lanka to Chna and tranlated (T. 243), only n the Chnee veron (T. 244) by Faxan, datng from about 999. Yet there nothng n the content of the vere that would demontrate a necearly later date of compoton. T h e O-verse Prapramit alo known known a a the Naya stra, the term term naya ( led', gud gud ng prncple' ) lnkng l nkng the text text known known n Chna Chn a and Japan to the Javanee Mantranaya.26 Snce Snc e thee text n general have te te to the Mantrayna promulgated prom ulgated by Vajrabodh Vajrabodh and Amoghavaj Amoghavaj ra, there the re are excellent reaon reaon for for uppo up pong ng the preence preen ce of the text n Java n the eghth century. If they reached Java after that tme, then there mut have been an 4 On te meeting in Java, Cou Yiiang, 'Tantrism in Cina, Harvard ournal of Aatc Stude, 8 (1945), Appendi , pp 31-; Orando, 'Stud of Cinese documents, p 107, n 5 Te biograpies of Amogavajra are as foows: te a discipe Zao ians 'account of conduct (T 056), transated in Orando, pp 1358; te stee biograp b ei Xi (in T 10), transated in Orando, pp 59-71; te ofcia Song Song Dnasty account, b Can Ning (T 06 ) , transated b Cou Yiiang, pp 84-307 84-3 07 Yuan Zaos statements are found in T 157, cited, for instance, b Orano, p 39 5 Kauko Isiis cart, pubised in is 'Te correation of verses of te Sang yang kamaynan Mantranaya wit wit Vajrabodis patra' (Area and Culture Studie, 44 99]: 5-36) appears aso in Lokes Candra, 'San aI kamakikan 1 Mantranaya', pp 95-37, togeter wit Tibetan tets and ngis transations 6 Singa, 'Cai ndut, p 705; Ian AsteKristensen, Te Risuk Te Sinoapanee Tantrc vere Amogaajr Amogaajra a eron) eron) (Tring: Institute of Buddist Studies, 1991), p 7; for Prajpramit n 1 5 0 vere te Cinese transations see pp 16, 1 6, 18 Te sections of T 44 tat matc up wit te Amogavajra Amogavajra version are found at pp 786b1-797b0 (AsteKristensen, pp 19-4) Te sections tat correspond to te Mantranaya are at pp 815b13-c3 and 815c4-16; J W de Jong, 'Notes on te sources and te tet of te Sang Hyang Kamaynan Mantranaya', BK, 130 (1974): 4658, esp p 469 I am taking issue wit Kauko Isiis statement ('Correation of verses, p 3) tat 'te fact tat SHK verses 6-4 were were found in te Cinese transation of te AP in 999 sets aside te possibiit tat te SHK was used around 8t-9t centur wen te Borobudur was constructed
40
IAM WOOWA
Indian monastic centre that adhered largely largely t o the doctrines earlier embraced in Chi na. I shall sha ll turn again to ths matter later in this article. Putting Putting asid e the Mahvairocana sra, let us address ot her evidence for for the presence presen ce of esoteric Buddh ism in Central Java. The bulk of the evidence comes from one o ne temple complex (Chandi ( Chandi Sewu) and two inscriptions ( Kelurak and Ratubaka) Ratubaka) , and the informa informa tion they provide is interrelated. The i nscription of Kelurak 782 782 CE) has been called called the rst inescapably "tantrist "tantrist inscriptio n , but in fact fact the Tantrism is not easily characterised characterised without an associated text. The inscription records the installation of an image of Majugho�a, a form of the Bodhisattva Majur, under the auspces of a guru from puried by the dust of Gau, a secton of Bengal. Bengal. The head of the regning monarch monarch the lotus feet' of this guru, whose name was Kumragho�a. The rst stanza names Lokevara (Avaloktevara) and three other -ivar, the four being ether epithets for Majugho�a or manifestations of him. In the eenth stanza, Majugho�a is called Vajradhara, the vajra (cudgel)bearer, as well as Brahm, Vishnu and Mahevara (Shiva) J. E. van Lohuizende Lohuizen de Leeuw Leeuw ha s argued convincingly convincingly that the Kelurak Kelurak inscription , which was discovered between Chandi Sewu and Chandi Lumbung, must belong to Chand Sewu, n p art because of th e dscovery dscovery there of an inscrpton of 792 CE, record ing the enlargement enla rgement of a Maju Majurg rgha. ha. Meanwhile, there s plenty p lenty of evidence evidence of the stylstic stylstic impact of Bengali styles upon upon Java in what what must have been just this perod. p erod. This is especally apparent in bronze mages, and mages depictng Majur tend strongly to reveal reveal the connection . Originally, the interi or niches at Chan di Sewu must have been lled with bronzes of this sort, but t may never be possible to determne the specic conguration . The cruciform cruciform temple, wit h projectng halls n each of the four four drectons, drectons, has a circumambulation p ath around th e central sanctuary tha t provides focal focal niches nic hes for for the the southern, s outhern, western and northern halls ( the sanctuary entrance beng in the the same s ame posi posi tion on te eastern eastern side) . ese focal niches offer an opportunity or a triadic arran ge ment, suggested n the the inscription inscript ion by the the invocation o f Brahm, Vishnu and and Shiva Shiva The four halls, at the same tme, provide spaces for a fourfold dvision lke that ndicated by the mention ment ion of the the four four varas at the beginnng of the inscriptio n. The theory proposed prop osed by F D K. Bosch that the niches in the halls once held images like those of the later later Nganjuk bronzes, which form form an elaborate Vajradhtu Vajradhtu Mandala, is simply s imply not credible. (In Japanese Ja panese esoteric Buddh ism, the Garbhadhtu Garbhadhtu womb womb Mandala and the Vajradhtu Vajradhtu 27 Lokes Candra, 'Te ailendras ailendras of Java, Java, CH, pp 22 0 (lotus (lotus feet) feet) , 28 (Lokev (Lokevara), ara), 22 (Vajrad (Vajrada ara) ra) See also Sasoma: sdy in Javanese Wajrayana, t Soewito Santoso (New Deli International Aademy of Indian Culture, 975) p 25 Te 'inesapably tantrist remark is in Niom, Sdies in Indian and Indo-Indonesian, p 70 28 J van Louizen de Leeuw, Leeuw, 'Te Dvrapla Dvrapla of BarabuQur BarabuQur,, in Barab4r: Hisory and signicance of a Bddhis monmen, ed Luis O Gmez and Hira W Woodward, J (Berkeley: Berkeley Buddist Studies Studies Series, Series, 98 ) p 9; Mai Suadi, Suadi, Seven Seven OldMalay OldMalay insriptions found in Java, Appendi Appendi 4b, in .. on Srivijaya TW3) Consaive SAMO rojet roje t in Araeology Araeology and Fine Arts, ina repor: Consaive (Bangkok: (Bangkok: SAMO, SAMO, 983 ) [enefort [enefort ited ited as as ina repor 983 p 68 29 auline auline Lunsing Seur Seureer eer and Marijke J Koe, Divine bronze ncen Indonesian brones rom . D 00 o 1 00 (Leide (Leiden n J Brill, Brill, 98 8) pp 2730 For a Maju Majur, r, see ibid, no 2 p 73 and te ima image ge found in Tailand and now in te Asia Soiety, New York, illustrated in Woodward, r and archiecre, p 2; tis book uses te notion of inuenes from Bengal as a ornerstone in te reation of a ronology for Daraati Daraati art art (pp 926)
SOI BUISM I SOUAS ASIA
diamond andala form a pair.) If suc images were being made in Java in te late eigt century, some would ave survived; rthermore, the niches at Chandi Sewu do not accord well wit wit te po sitioning of te images in te mandala.30 mandala.30 Te ajur text tat formed te basis for te conguration of deities must be presumed eiter lost or unidentied, but tere are two later texts tat bot Lokes Candra and ax Niom ave pointed to as representing te same tradition. One is te elaborate manda la focuss focussed ed on a form form of o f aj aj ur u r known as Darmadtuvgvara, Darmadtuvgvara, described in te late eleventcentury nortern Indian Ni�pannayogva; te oter is te sdhana (invocation) to Darmadtuvgvara included in a compilation of te same time, te Sdhanam In an exploration of the sequence of seed syllables h tr hr , found oun d in Balinese Bali nese texts, ax ax Nihom made a discovery that arms a connection, namely that Sdhanaml 61 to Dharmadhtuvgvara] is te only sdhana in the collec collectio tion n of 3 1 2 texts texts containing this this pentad.' At te end of this sdhana, this sdhana, Darmadtuvgvara is said to be te womb of te gnosis of te Darmadhtu dharmadhtunagarbha), whic is then called all elements sarvadharma) and te sky gagana)3 The second in scription, scription , tat of Ratubaka Ratubaka (792 CE) , provides pr ovides evidence evidence for for anoter signicant overseas connection, tis one wit te Abayagiri monastery, te centre of ayna Buddist activities in Sri Lanka. Candra, wose Englis translation of te elaborate Sanskrit as more coerence tan tat 0. Casp aris, argues that Tantric Tantric 0 . G. de Casparis, traditions were strong at te Abhayagiri. Abhayagiri. Evidence witin witin the inscrip tion, on the oter and, althoug present, is slender. In te tird stanza, the Ocean of Supreme Virtues' is said to be nourisheda no urishedand ndinvigorate invigorated d by the rusing ow of excellent rivers wic wic are deliberations deliberations on esoteric esoteric concern s', s' , te latter being being sagrtha32 Nevertheless, when all is said and do ne, it is likely likely that that the antray antr ayna na specically speci cally the texts quoted in the Sang hyang kamahynan Mantranaya was known in Java in 792, primarily troug troug connection s wit te Abhay Abhayagir agirii onastery o nastery.. Te reason is less because of te wording of the Ratubaka inscription tan because of te relationsip of tese texts to te tinking of Amogavajara. In oter words, following tis line of lyss, lyss, i as ot ogv ogvja' ja'ss passages pas sages roug S outeast sa tat te Javanese Javanese to to Cinese traditions, but te connections of bot Amogavajra, wo stayed tere in te 740s, and central Javanese Buddists to te Abayagiri. To te texts incorporated in te Mantranay, one tat could be added would be te Balinese Ngabyu stra, wic lists
30 F D. K. K . Bosc, 'Buddist data dat a from fro m Bains txts, in Bosc, Selected tude n ndonean archaeology (T Hagu: KITL V, 1961 19 61)) , pp. 10935 Loks Lok s Candra favouraby rcapituats Boscs proposas in is 'Candi Svu as a stromorpic Vajradtu Mandala, CH, pp. 31; originaly publisd in ndologca Taurnena, 7 (1979):15969 Stude n ndan nd an and ndo-ndonean, ndo-ndonean, pp. 06, 105; Candra, ' aindras, p 0 31 Niom, Stude 3 Loks Candra, 'T contacts of bayagiri of Srilanka wit Indonsia Indonsia in t igt cntury, CH, p. 14; tis articl rst appard in ournal of the Aatc Soce Calcutta 8 (1986): 3855 D Caspariss transation was pubisd in is 'Nw vidnc on cultural rlations btwn Java and Cyon in ancint tims, Artbu Aae, 4 (1961): 418; for tr stanzas, s aso d Casparis, 'T dua natur of Barabuur, in Gmz and Woodward d., Barabuur, pp. 734 On t otr and, t procivitis of t bayagiri bayagiri can ony b dimy dscribd dscribd on t basis of Pai and Tibtan txts; s, for xamp, xamp, Ptr Ptr Skiling, ' citation om t Buddavasa of t ayagiri Scool, ournal of the al Text Soce, 8 (993) 6575 6575
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ve krodha ( angry angry ones' ) corresponding t o the ve ve Jinas ( cosmic Buddhas) exactl exactlyy in the manner mann er of the Sut Sut of benevoent benevoent kings (T. 246) important in Japan. These esoteric esoteric concerns' t hen really really were kept secret. secret. Th is puts the on us on the Borobudur Borobud ur terraces to prove or disprove that Mantrayna Mantrayna thinking at some p oint became publicly manifest. Archaeological evidence indicates that there were changes in plans in the course o f the construction of Borobudur . The upper terraces were not a part of the original concep tion ; initially initially there was to be a crowning sanctuary. sanctuary. In I n the monument mon ument as it stands there is little to indicate the absen ce of farsighted farsighted planning except for for the repeition on the third gallery of Gaavyha of Gaavyha scenes already illustrated on the second galery. galery. This suggests that a chang e in plan may have had somethi som ething ng to do wit h varying varying opini on about about the co nceptualisation of the Dharmadhtu. Originally Originally perhaps the reliefs reliefs were intended to end with the depiction of the entrance of the pilgrim Sudhana into the Tower of Maitreya Maitreya which in the Gaaha symbolises the Dharmadhtu and a crowning crowning sanctuary was planned to stand for for the tower. Then another kind o f thinking won the day resulting in additional galleries and in the extant terraces where I have argued elsewhere elsewhere the pilgrim n ds the perf p erforated orated stupas standing simu ltaneously for for the elements (dharma) of existence; the letters of the alphabet; and planets and stars the moon and an d the sun sun the numerology n umerology of these heavenly bodies bo dies having a source in Chinese Daoism (which also holds that they can be found inside the body). Identiing in turn with all of these phenomena and with the Buddhas within the perforated stupas the Buddhist practitioner inhales and exhales with breaths that have the shape of the openings in the stupas.5 Was this re conceptualisation due primaril primar ilyy to the inuence inu ence of identiable Sanskrit Mantrayna Mantrayna texts? texts? What was the relative role of the students of Kumraghoa Kumraghoa on one hand and the followe followers rs of the Abhayagir Abhayagirii traditions on o n the other? (Leaving aside other monastic centres with with which which the Javanese Buddhists must have been in contact contact such as those in Orissa and at Sirpur.) Lokesh Chandra described the two schools as being in 33 osc, Selected tudie, pp 1312; or te queston o an Indan counterpart, see Lnrote, Wrathul comaion, p 208 208 lex le x Wayman Wayman noted tat te te Jna name Sakusumta Sakusumta (rater (rater tan moasdd) ound n te Mahvairocana tra s ecoed n a alnese text as te name 'Kusumta or moasdds Enlightenment oVairocana, p 11 eaen; Wayman and Tajma, Enlightenment 3 Jacques Dumaay, oroudur (Kuala Lumpur: Lumpur: Oxor Oxord d Unersty Press, 197 8 ) , pp 22 I do not see anytn Tantrc about te uddas udd as oerlookn oerlookn te alleres; alleres; tey are cosmc uddas rom rom te zent and te our our drectons o space, atered on te monument to pay oma e to te teacn teac n In terms o te kya teory, tey are te amhogakya (te Sakyamun o te reles ben te nirmnakya and te uddas o te upper terraces ben te dharmakya 3 Woodward, 'On orobudurs upper terraces, were I arue tat tere s a Daost element n te numeroloy (16232) In an artcle posted on a Webste (ttp: wborobudurt/lanka_03tm) borobudurt/lanka_03tm) pp 1113, 1113, Mark Lon proposed proposed a connecton o te 162 16 232 32 sequence sequence to a mantra n te Lakvatra tra, c 9; see Dasetz Tetaro Suzuk, The Lakatra Lakatra stra: A Mahyna text (New Del: Munsram Manoarlal, 1999 reprnt), p 223 I dd not address te matter o a cane n plans n my artcle Te role o Mantrayna nuences on a cane o plans s rased n Caesar V te, 'Relous, cultural and poltcal deelopments durn te nduuddst perod n Central and ast Jaarelatons wt Inda and Srlankauman actors and eolocal process and eents, n Society and culture o Southeat Aia Conti nuitie and change (New Del: Internato Internatonal nal cademy cademy oIndan oInda n Culture Culture and dtya Prakasan, Prakasan, 2000 20 00)) , ed or Lokes Candra, pp 29932, esp p 321 I ae not ad access to udaya Kandajaya, The mater k or reading oroudur ymolim / Kunci utama untuk memaca imolime oroudur (andun: ayasan oIndoneian reone to ea-route Penerbt Karanya, 1995) 199 5) or to te same autors oroudur A cae tudy oIndoneian uddhit tranmiion (Columbo: W E astan and Co, 1998)
SOTR BUSM N SOUTAST ASA
competition with each other, but in fact the evidence is slim From the Kumraghoa viewpoint, the end of the sdhana referred to above provides the main elements of the gure Dharmadhtuvgvara, the womb of the gnosis of the Dharmadhtu, is both all the Dharmas and the sky. From the Abhayagiri viewpoint (assuming a connection with the Mantranaa texts), there are passages in the Mahvairocana sra that could be the basis for the terraces. For instance, from Chapter The yogin should meditate to be in the very pure moon circle. He should meditate on some letters in the moon in good order. Put letters in it and think to puri life. The life life is s o- called wind, so s o think of inhal ing and exhaling breath. breat h. ' At the same same time, ti me, these th ese two two texts might might be deeply intertwined, j ust as Alex Wayman Wayman maintained. maintained . Additional texts texts may or may not come to light that will will help us understand ho w the terraces came int o being. being . Prototypes for for the texts texts describing cakras (circles) (ci rcles) that stand at one and the same time for astronomical bodies and for for nodes within the meditator' meditator'ss head and trunk tru nk would be especially especially signicant. In Chapter of the Savarodaa tantra, Explanation of the course of the moon and the sun' , connections are made between between the moon and and the sun and and the le and and right-hand right- hand channels of the yogi yogicc anatomy, and the numbers 32 , 24 and and 1 6 (the numbers of the perfor perforated ated stupas at Borobudur) Borobud ur) all appear appear There might be a Savarodaa tantra prototpe, one that matches up better with the Borobudur terraces and forces a re-examination of their close Daoist parallels. If not, presumably Borobudur its elf would would have to be conside red the model for for this tantra and perhaps perha ps for for other oth er aspects of o f the Yogin Tantra as well. The whole question of the presence or absence of Mantrayna and still more advanced texts in Central Java cannot be laid to rest without a consideration of the evidence evidence provided by a ritual deposit discovered at Chandi Gumpung at Muara Jambi in Sumatra and a nd by two extensive extensive groups of small bronzes from from East Java dating from the tenth or eleventh centuries, one group from Surocolo and the other from Nganjuk. On the one hand, ha nd, this material supports the p ossibility that the texts texts discussed discus sed so far reached Java in the eighth eighth century; on the other, it raises doubt about this conclus ion and lends support to a different one, namely that the introduction occurred later and was from northern Indi a rather than tha n Sri anka Both bronze groups have have been analysed by by okesh Chanra. The Nganjuk Nganjuk bronzes, discovered in 1 9 1 3 and now split split between between the National National Museum in Jakarta and other collections collections and and museums around the worl world d belong when when identiable almost entirely entirely to the Vajradh Vajradhtu tu Mandala described in the eighthcentury Sarvatathgatatattvasagraha and an d Sarvadurgatipariodhana tantra, tantra , as well well as in mandala mandal a 19 in the later Ni�pannaogva39 The central Vairocana and the four directional Jinas 36 Chandra, 'ailendras, p. 219. 37 Waman and Tajima, Enightenment of Vairocana p 67; the translatio translation n is from Yamamoto, Yamamoto, ahvairocana-tra p 71. 38 Shinichi Tsuda, varodayatantra: eected chapter (Toko: Hokuseido ress, 1974); a tantalising but obscure sentence is 'Describing three cocentric circles equipped with thirtseven chequers, a man should write in the das of life and the wind of the breath of life, according to the order of the cipher (p 254). See also the section on 'Tantric teachings about the inner odiac in lex Waman, The Buddhit tantra: tantra: Light on ndo-Tibetan eotericim (New York: York: Samuel Weiser, Weiser, 1973), 197 3), pp 151-63. 39 Ni$pannayogva of ahpaita Abhaykargupta ed Benotosh Bhattachara (Baroda: Oriental nstitute, 1972); Lokesh Chandra (in collaboration with Mrs Sudarshana Devi Singhal), 'dentication 'dentication of the ajuk bones and 'The Buddhist brones of Surocolo, CH, pp. 97-17 and 121-47 respectivel.
3
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ae peseved, a s well well as many of the 1 6 Vaja Bodhisattvas Bo dhisattvas,, the eight off offeing goddesses, godde sses, the fou fou dookeepes and the 1 6 Good Ea Bodhi sattvas. sattvas. The itual deposits at Chandi Gumpung include 20 inscibed small sheets of gold, found in concentically aanged squae holes i n the gound , beneath ben eath a pilla. The lettes on the gold plates ae witten witten in a Kawi scipt used fom the midn mi dninth inth to the ealy tenth centuies, and so the deposit appeas to date fom the time of the oiginal foundation of a monument late enlaged. On the sheets ae witten witten names of deities identiable as those in the Vajadhtu Mandala ( as in the case of the Nganjuk Nganjuk bonzes) bonzes ) : one o ne of the fou fou vajrz suounding the cental Vaiocana (Vajaatn fo Ratnavaj); 12 of the 16 Vaja Bodhisattva Bodhi sattvas; s; o ne of the eight off offeing goddesses; godd esses; and thee of the fou fou gatekeepes. gatekeepes. Among the Nganjuk bonzes, howeve, thee is at least one gue that does not appea in the Vajadhtu Mandala: the dumme M uku, incid entally entally now peseved in the Waltes At Museum The fou fou heavenly heavenly musicians, of which she is one, appea in mandalas mandalas 3 , , 6, 7 and 24 (mostly Yogin Yogin Tantas) of the Ni�paayogvaZ but not in mandala 19 (the Vajadhtu Vajadhtu Mandala) . I f it wee wee not fo fo the pesence of the dumme, the evidence would stongy suppot the assetion that the Vajadhtu andala was known in the eighth centuy and that subsequently each monk in the lineage di d exactly exactly what the Sarvadurgatipariodhaa tatra ( in which the Vajadh Vajadhtu tu Mandala is decibed) instucts and did it secetly, secetly, until the po int in ti me at which, which, fo easons eason s unknown, it was decided to ceate a thee-d imensional mand ala: As fo fo the ite of the image, he should act hee in the th e following following manne. man ne. He should just ju st daw the image of the Lod Lo d Tailokyavijaya Tailokyavijaya o he should shoul d daw him him in the fom fom of his his maal ma ala. a. He H e should shoul d woship it with owes owes and a nd so foth. ' Howeve H oweve, , the mandalas with Muku Muku fall fall outside the b ody of texts texts tanslated into Chinese Chin ese in the eighth centuy. The evidence evidence of the Suocolo bonzes, dis coveed in 1 976, puts the issue even moe pointedly. Chanda and Ms Sudashana Devi Singhal assigned the 22 bonzes to two diff diffeent mandalas. One One consisting of Vajasattva Vajasattva suounded by fou fou female female vajri/l standng fo dese, touching, ove and pde), eight offeng goddesses and fou femae gatekeepes gatekeepes is the mandala associated with with one o f the texts texts incopoated incopo ated into the Sag hyag kamahya Matraaya mentiond above, the Overse Praprmit, of which one vesion was ciculating in the eighth centuy. The second mandala lacks its pincipal gue but has been identied as a mandala mandala of Heva Hevaja ja,, on o n the basis of the suvival of thee of the eight encicling encicling yogiz, yogi z, the fou heavenly musicians and two of the animalheaded female doo guadians 0 Boechari Boechari 'Ritual deposits deposits of Candi Candi umpung (Muara Jambi) ppendix ppendix 7d 7d SM ina report 1985 pp 229-38 discussion of the Jambi monuments is in Satyawati Suleiman 'Country report of Indonesia ppendix 3a SM ina report, 1982 1 There are two drummers among the Four Heavenly Musicians and Muku may be the one with the larger drum; Jan Fontein The ptre of ndoneia (Washington: National allery of rt 1990) pp 226-7 The Walters image (52980 bequest of William Siedenburg 2002) is evidently the one referred to by Fontein (p 227) The importance of Muku is reiterated by Chandra 'Buddhist bronzes p 135 135 Sarvadrgatipariodhana tantra t antra Eimination Eimina tion of a evi detinie (Delhi: Motilal 2 Tadeusz Skorupski The Sarvadrgatipariodhana Banarsidass 1983) p 2; these sentences are present in the Tibetan but not the Sanskrit text however 43 Chandra 'Buddhist bronzes pp 121-7 The terminology for the four vajri/ is from stley Kristenson ihky, p 120 For the Sanskrit see Chandra p 125 connection with the ve arrows of passion is implied by Strickmann Mantra et mandarin, pp 286-7 but the terms do not match; see Wayman ddhit tantra, p 206
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34 5
It is one matter to accept the presence of the Vajradhtu Mandala in the eighth century, century, but something else entirely entirely to suppose supp ose that the Hevara tantra, a fundamental Yogin tantra, was also known known to the eighth- century Buddhists but remained secret and was eentually eentually manifested manifested in three dimens ions. If the the Hevara tantr came to the archi pelago somewhat s omewhat later, then the early eleenth century is a pos sible moment. The famou famouss monk Ata, Ata, who arried arried in Sriija Sriijaya ya in 1 0 1 2 , had been initiated into the teachings of the Hevara tantra before before his departure; if i f he did di d not introduce the text himself, himself, then t hen maybe the intercourse that led him to decide to study in Sriijaya Sriijaya was was reponsible. reponsibl e. (The earliest known brone images of Heajra, from Cambodia, are no older than the eleenth century.) Still, the question cannot yet be resoled. Stylistic eidence suggests that both the Surocolo and the Nganjuk brones date from from some time aer 900. The proportions of the trianular trianular appendages appendages on t he diadms seen on t he Surocolo images may point poi nt to a date in the eleenth rather than the tenth century, but there are too few few signpo sig nposts sts to make possible poss ible a narrow dating.5 Chandra propose d the reign of Sindok Sind ok (9 2947) and and belieed belieed that tere was a link between the creation of the mandalas and the composition of the Sang hyang kamahynan. At any rate, contrary to to the iews iews of K. W. im, there seems to be no solid iconographical reason to date the Nganjuk Nganjuk brones to a period no earlier than the late tenth centuy. Most probably, one important inscription from mainland Southeast Asia can be understood within the framework of the texts discussed so far the An Thi inscription from Champa, dating from 902 CE Basically, the concepts in the inscription can be found in the Mahvairocana sra. The three Buddha families of this text are in the inscription called dhtu, or realms, hence Vajradhtu, for the diamond family, and Padmadhtu, for the lotus lot us family. family. The Th e chief chie f and central realm is called the Cakadhtu, or wheel realm' realm',, rather than a Budd ha realm. Perh aps the term deries deries from from the notion in the Mahvairocana stra that the circular unrolling of the wheel (cakra of syllables begins with the letter a, Mahairocana's letter (Chapter 10); or, it might just mean supreme realm' . The relationship of Buddha to Bodhisatt B odhisattaa in the three realms realms does not derie directly from the Mahvairocana stra, howeer. Shakyamuni and Vajradhara (the Bodhi B odhisatta, satta, more frequently frequently called Vajrapi Vajrapi ) are in the Vajradhtu, and an d Amitbha an Aaloke Aalokeara ara a n he admahu, adma hu, as mht expted. n arahu, h Buddha is Vairocana and the Bodhisatta Vajrasatta
annals Dei: Moia Banarsidas 44 George George N Roeric, Roeric, The blu annals Banarsidass, s, 1996 19 96 reprin), p 242 45 Somewa aer an e Locan Lunsing Sceueer and Kokke, Divine bronze, no 40, p 92) daed o ca 900 on epigrapica epigrapica grounds grounds Jan onein as daed e Surocoo Surocoo bronzes bronzes o e 'eary cenury and the Ngan juk bronzes to the t he '10th-11th '10th-11th (Sculpture of (Sculpture of Indon sia, pp. 223, sia, pp. 223, 231). A dating dating for the the latter from about about the eleventh to twelh twelh centuries is in Nandana Chutiwon Chutiwongs, gs, Ind onesian onesian bron zes zes in th e e Niuwenhuis Colle ction ction (Amste (Amsterdam: rdam: Christie's, Christie's, 1990), p. 28. See also also Susan L. Huntington Huntington and John C
uningon, Leaves from th Bodhi tree The art of P la ndia 8th 8th11 th centuries) and its inerna inerna ional lac lac ( Dayton, OH: OH: Dayton Art Instit Institute, ute, 1990), p. 240: 'The style style of the images seems seems to argue against against an
ongoing or curren infusion from e Pa ands during e ae en or eeen cenury 46 K W Lim, 'Sudies in aer aer Buddis iconograpy, iconograp y, BK, 120 1964) 1964 ) : 327-41 Candras daing daing is in is 'Budds 'Budds bronzes, bronzes, p 124 and 'Sa ya, p 325 47 Te inscripion is inan inan Mabbe, 'Buddism in Campa, in Souheast Asia in the 9th to 1th centuries, ed Daid G Marr and and A C Miner Singapore Singapore and Canberra: Canberra:SEA SEASS and ANU,198 6) , pp 3002 or ree famiies in e ex, Yamamoo r, Mahvairocana-stra, c 10 Te cakraka wee body) body) is discussed discussed in Orzec, Politics and transcendent wisdom, pp 1567 n 5 Te inking on e BuddaBodisaa may possiby be dependen on e 0verse Prapramit, as anayzed in Candra, 'Buddis bronzes, pp pp 142 1423 3
46
R AM AM W O O D W A R D
Srivijayan Buddhism in India
There were occasio ns for the direct transfer transfer of Southeast Asian Buddhist develop develop ments to India and there is evidence evidence of at at least two two speci c moments when when this occurred. Both instances instan ces provide opp ortunities for for a range of o f interpretative interpretative analyses. analyses. In the 80s o r 860s 860 s B alaputra an exiled exiled Javanese Javanese prince established a monastery at Nalanda in India according to an inscription found found there. there. Gregory Gregory Schopen writing writing in 1 989 identied a verse inscribed on a small memorial stone stupa at Nalanda dating om about the ninth century as coming om the Vows o the Bodhsattva Samantabhadra, which form the basis of the reliefs reliefs of the the topmost gallery at at Borobudur. Bo robudur. This in i n turn led to the p roposal ropo sal that the stupa together with with this and other texts inscribed upon it can be considered consider ed a kind of summary presentation of concepts embodied at Borobudur. If such is the case then either these concepts were widespread and long established at Nalanda or else the foundation of Balaputra's monastery brought the arrival of emphases developed elsewhere. Which one of these possibilities poss ibilities is correct for for the concepts present at Nalanda is no t easily resolved. resolved. Take for instance inst ance the matter of the arrangement of deities in a circle a characteri characteristic stic Davidson Davidson points out out (p . 332 33 2 ) of the mandalas mandalas in the Yogin Yogin Tantras.5 Tantras.5 The stupas on o n the upper terraces at Bo robudur provide as stron g an architectural prototype prototype for such arrangements as can be found. However if the source for the arrangement on the terraces was twofold in circles (cakra) of stars stars and planet planetss and in circle circless of letters letters then then the origin s of the the circular congurations of the Yogin Tantras should be sought in exac exactl tlyy th same place and and Borobudur B orobudur played no essential role in the development development.. O n the other hand details of numerology (as suggested above) might eventually demon strate that the inner cakra of the yogic anatomy described in the Savarodaya tantra have no better prototype than Borobudur itself. This in turn could open the gates to seein Daoist inuences oin far beyond the 32-24-16 conguration found on the Borobudur terraces. Broad speculations about Chinese inuences upon Indian esoteric Buddhism have been made in the past but are not current today.5 48 George Cds Les tats hindouiss dIndochine et dIndonsie, re. edn (Paris: E. de Boccard 1964 pp. 204; Boechari Boechari 'On the date of the inscription inscription of "Ligor " Ligor B Appendix Appendix 4a in EAMEO Fina report 1982 19 82.. For an attempt at reconciling the Jaanese dynastic and genealogical data see Jan Wisseman Christie 'Reisiting early Mataram in The uits of inspiration: Studies in honour of Pro J G de Casparis, ed. Marijke J. lokke and arel R. an ooij (Groningen: Egbert Forsten 2001 pp. 2555. For a reaction see the reiew by Roy E. Jordaan KI, 158 (2002): 11216. othe 49 Hiram W. Woodward Jr. 'The life of the Buddha in the Pla monastic enironmen enironment t Journa othe Waters Art Gae, 48 (1990: 1517 ee also Gregory chopen 'A erse from the Bhadracarpraidhna in a 10th century inscription found at Nland Nland ourna of the Internationa Association of uddhist Studies, 12 (1989: 14957. S There is a connection with the Hindu openair temples but in what may be the earliest of these (at hajuraho the shrines are not arranged in a circle; Vidya Dehejia Yogini cut and tempes: A Tantric tradition (Delhi: (Delhi: National National Museum Museum 1986. 198 6. ife in i n 51 The links between between ndian and Chinese Chinese sexual mysticism mysticism are suggested suggested by R. H. an Gulik Sexua ife ancient China (Leiden: (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1974 1974 pp. 959. 9 59. For F or a partial assessm assessment ent of the argumen argumentt see Thomas Thomas McEilley 'The spinal serpent in The roots of Tantra, ed. atherine Anne Harper and Robert L. Brown (Albany: tate Uniersity of New York Press 2002 pp. 91. Daidson does not postulate any Chinese inuences but raises questions (pp. 125 127 in regard to the practice of isualisation as found in the hcentury Consecration scripture (T. 11.
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34 7
A scond momnt in wic Soutast Asian Buddism inuncd Indi a cam latr latr mor as bn writtn writtn about it but t conclusi con clusions ons to b b drawn ar qually qually lusiv. T monk At Ata a wo arrivd in Tibt in 1 042 04 2 and was t fatr fatr of so muc mu c of t Tibtan Buddist tradition studid studid in a monastry monastry in S rivijaya rivijaya'' from from 1 0 1 2 to 1 024 02 4 . Srivijaya Srivijaya'' in tis instanc as bn idntid wit Palmbang Palmbang Kda or intriguingly intriguingly Jambi sit of t dposit at Candi Gumpung discussd abov. On commntary (surviving in Tibtan translation on a Prfction of Wisdom txt) is t work of Ata's tacr Darmarti. T col opon of t txt txt stats stats tat it was composd in t city city rvijaya of Suvaradvpa' and provids t nam of a monarc Cmaivarman wos xistnc xistnc in turn is also attstd attstd in Tamil and Sanskrit inscriptions from soutrn India of 1 04446 04 446 and and about about 1 08990.5 Bsid tis txt wat ls of Srivijayan Buddism did Ata tak to Tibt? A Tibtan commntator wrot tat among ts [traditions concrning t goddss Tara t most distinguisd is t scool of Ata bot and is own tacr Darmakrti of t Goldn Isls continually saw t tradition of t Holy Lady and upon tm was bstowd bstowd t tradition ' . Alx Wayman Wayman argud argud tat crtain crtain concpts co ncpts rgarding innr and outr mandalas mandal as wr pickd pickd up by Ata in Srivijaya Srivijaya but Max Niom Nio m disputd di sputd tis 5 If If as propo pr oposd sd r t Kravyha stra was mor important in Indonsia tan as bn itrto rcognisd tn t Tibtan partiality to t mantra mai padme hU proclaimd in t txt txt may av av som connction wit wit Ata's Ata's sojourn in in Srivijaya. A connction connct ion wic is dicult to assss lis in i n t murals murals and sculpturs at Tabo in Spiti (Himacal Prads) wr tr is a squnc of txts and dpictions tat co Borobudur t lif of t Budda according to t biograpy ntitld t Laitavistara, t pilgrim Sudana's visits to good frinds and a mandala cntrd on Mavairocana. Tis complx appars to dat from from 1 042 04 2 , t yar of Ata's visit. If it was carrid out undr is dirction dirction as as bn tougt tn t programm could wll wll av bn a rsult of t mastr's Srivayan xprincs If on t otr and t capl was nisd bfor Ata's arrival as is argud in t most toroug study of t complx (by Dbora KlimburgKlimb urg- Saltr) tn its roots root s nd to b sougt lswr. 5 Tr was onc an analogous program at t bSam-yas in Tibt said to av bn foundd in t igt cntury but it is considrably mor complicatd. T connctions wit Borobudur if not du to Ata av to b xplaind troug rcours itr to blifs -
52 Pee Skiing, 'hamakis 'hamak is Durbodhloka and he lieaue of vijaya, Journal o the Siam Socie [hencefoh JSS , 83 (1997) (199 7) 187-94 Skiing Skiing paces he sie of Aas sojoun in Kedah, he 'Kaa of he Indian inscipions Fo he aenaive of ami (undesanding 'Kaa and Sivijaya as wo disinc paces), see, fo insance, Boechai, 'Repo on eseach on Swijaya, Appendix 3a, in SEAMEO Pojec in Acaeoogy and Fine As, inal report: orkshop on research on Srivijaya (akaa SEAMEO, 97), pp 67 See aso Tasuo Yamamoo, 'Reexaminaion of hisoical exs concening Sivijaya, Appendix a, in SEAMEO inal report 1983, p 75 75 53 Aex Wayman, 'Reecions on he heoy heoy of Baauu as a maala, in Gme and Woodwad ed, arabuur pp 40-2 Nihom, Stuies in nian an nondonesian Tantrism p 7 n 19 The Tiean commenaos wods ae in Sephan Beye, The cult o o Tr: aic aic and ritual in Tibet (Bekeley Univesiy of Caifonia Pess, 19 73), 73 ), p 418 I was ed ed o his quoaion quoaion y Roy E odaan, 'The Taa empe of Kaasan Kaasan in Cenal ava, EEO 85 (1998) 166 lam p or or the th e kindom (Milan Thames uds 54 eoah KimugSae, Tabo: A lamp udson on,, 1997) 1997) , pp pp 9 , 05 Fo Tao as a esul of Aas inuence, see Raou Binaum, Studies on the mysteries oaju: A roup o East Asian mandalas and their traditional symbolism (Boude, CO Sociey fo he Sudy of Chinese Reigi Reigion ons, s, 83), 8 3), pp 28-9
48
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brought t o Nalanda Nalanda in the ninth century century or to a model (perhap in India, perhap i n Tibet or Central Aia) that predate predate Borobudur 55
Cmb Contrary to the ituation in Javanee tudie, where where cholar of the calibre of Lokeh Lokeh Chandra and Max Nihom have in recent year analyed analyed text text and incriptio n, the tudy of Buddhim in claical Cambodia ha languihed The edited and tranlated incrip tion have not been crutinied by cholar with technical knowledge; neverthele, it i till poible to preent a rough account A text already ingled out in the dicuion of Java Java the the Krqaha sra came to the foreont foreont in tenth-century tenth-century Cambodia For much of the eleventh and twelh centurie it teaching were omewhat ecliped by the rie of follower of the Yogin Tantra, aociated with the temple of Phimai ( in northeatern Thailand) and the emergence of a new dyna dynaty ty Th en, during d uring the reign ayav avar arma man n VII ( 1 8 1mid 1mid 1 2 1 ) , the the Kraqaha sra taching were again held 0ay in highet eteem, with the legacy of Phimai Tantri m playing a econdary role Buddhim became fahionable in Cambodia in the mid-tenth century, coexiting with the dominant Shivaim and (to a leer extent) Vihnuim5 Of the many tenth century Buddhit incription, at leat two can be pecically linked to the Kraqa vyha. One proclaim, procla im, May Lokvara Lokvara [Avalokitvara [Avalokitvara 1 live, he h e of whom the bet dut du t of hi nger aquied the enormou crackling re which burn in the avici hell hell ' a ref refer er ence ence to the tranformation tranformation of hell into a lotu lotu pond p ond 5 Another i a tela bearing on one face the gu re of an eightarmed Avalo Avalokit kitvar varaa (a (a on o n the rear outide o utide wall wall of o f Chandi Mendut ) , and o n the other face face an incription that include the word of the pell taught by the utra, O mai padme h ( I in the j ewellotu') ewellotu') , a pell found found in Avalo Avaloki kit tvara' vara' innermot heart which promie rebirth rebirth upon u pon a jewel-lotu jewel-lotu in the Wetern Paradie of the Buddha Budd ha Amitbha5 Some of the Buddhit incription record the foundation of Buddhit triad, the mot important of which conit of the Buddha, Lokevara (Avalokitvara) and 55 KlimbugSate wote (Tabo p 62 ), 'Sti unesoved unesoved is the question question of the oigin of the tota icono gaphic pogam In its oiginaity, consistency, and inteectua and atistic biiance, the decoation of the enovation enovation phase phase is cetainy unpaa unpaaeed eed She maes the compaison compaison with the the bSamyas bSamyas on p 05. The bSamyas is descibed in Pe K Sensen, Tibetan Buddhit hitoriography: The mirror illuminating the royal roya l genealogie genealogie (Wiesbaden: (Wiesbaden: Haassowitz, Haassowitz, 99 994) 4),, pp 759. 759. Thee T hee is a cuious cuious coincide coincidence nce In Kimbug Sate, Tabo Chistian Luczanits maintains that the pogamme is indebted to the commentay of Anandagabha (pp 08 , 95 ) . This is te t e same text invoed as the souce sou ce fo f o the Nganju bonzes in K W Lim, 'Studies, pp 69, but I am sceptical about the necessity of the connection in both instances 56 enthcentuy Buddhist insciptions include the following: K 872 (post 946 CE); K 26668, 948 (95 CE); K 57 (95 CE); K 4 7 (970 CE); K 68 ( 972 CE); K 240 240 (979 CE); K 24 (9 82 CE); CE); see Geoge Cds, Incription du ambodge hencefoth I] 8 volumes (Hanoi and Pais: coe Fan
SORIC BUDDHISM I SOUHAS ASA
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Prajpramit (the Perfection of Wisdom, the personication of the Perfection of Wisdom texts texts and the mother of Buddhahoo d) .5 No specic speci c text has been identied as the source for for this triad, t riad, but the concept embodie d is widespread, namely namely that wisdom wisdom and Avalokitevara's compassion toether enender enlihtenment. In the Kaqa vyha sta, the mandala that is identied with the sixsyllable spell maJi padme hU) consists of a central Buddha (Amitbha), anked by a Bodhisattva (Mahma idhara) and by the female personication of the spell (the six-syllable' Mahvidy). Given the pattern of Bodhisattva Bo dhisattvaBudd Buddhaha- female divinity, it may be be that the Khmer triad tria d is an adaptation of the triad in the sutra (which also sinles out Praj Prajpramit, mother to the Buddhas, as worshipper o f the spell) . Reinforcement Reinforcement of the triadic thinkin could have come from the Mahvaiocana sta, as conveyed by the An Thi inscription . Also recorded in Khmer epiraphy are is to an imae of Trailokyavijaya, in 99 CE Trailoky CE Trail okyav avijaya, ijaya, a wrathful wrathful one o ne kodha), appears appears in th e Mahvaiocana sta, where he is described as one who smashes all reat obstacles', is like a summer storm cloud' and is awesomely surrounded by ames'. In the O-vese Pajpamit, the Great Bodhisattva Vajrapi takes the form of Trailokyavijaya, knits his eyebrows, bares his sword-like fans, adopts the stance of conquest and explicates the meanin of the adamantine syllable h He also appears in the Suta of enevoent enevoent kings, the text that parallels the Balinese Ngayu sta, in which each of the ve cosmic Buddhas has a kodha counterpart. The texts in which he ures most prominently, however, are those in the circle of the Savatathgatatattvasagaha (the basis for the Japanese Diamond Mandala) , where Trailokya Trailokyavi vijaya, jaya, the conqueror con queror of the three worlds', is the form taken by the Buddha Mahvairocana in order to conquer Mahevara (the Hindu od Shiva), who, in turn, is ranted rebirth as a Buddha in another world as a result of his contact with Trailokyavi Trailokyavijaya' jaya'ss foo foot.t. No tenthc entury Khmer representations of Trailokyavija Trailokyavijaya ya have have been identied, but but Javanese brone imaes of him do exist. exist. An investiation of the social position of the tenth-century Buddhist patrons, if undertaken, could well lead to the conclusion that state-protection Buddhism' lay behind the rowth of the reliion, and that hih ofcials beneted from the patronae of monks who could offer instant results by recitin manta and constructin maical diarams. n the eleventh century, it is easier to propose connections between politics and reliion becau se of the rise of a new dynasty in the second half of the century, that of Mahidharapura, which had many ties to a Buddhism that by then incorporated i ncorporated not only Mantrayna texts texts but also Yoin Tantras. The one Yoin Tantra Tantr a that is clearly attested is 59 Pasat eng Vien (K. (K. 872 ae ae 946 CE), e vol. v, pp. 97104; Prasat Prasat Chike Chikeng ng East East (K. 168 972 CE), e vol. VI, pp. 1689 168 9 Oriin in of O p 147 60 Studholme, Ori 61 In passages tanslated by Linothe in Ruthe p. 154 See the Khme insciption of Pasat Ta An (K. 240) : e vol. III, pp. pp . 768 768 62 Fo the ere Prajpramit see AstleyKistensen, Rihuky p. 136 Linothe summaises the textual passages dealing with the subjugation (Ruthe compaion) pp. 17890 17890 See also Nobum Nobumii Iyanaga, Iyanaga, 'Rcits de la soumission de Mahevaa pa Tailokyavijaya daprs les souces chinoises et japonaises, Tantric and Taoit tudie in honour of R. A Stein ed. Michel Stickmann Institut ege des autes tudes Chinoises, 1985) vol. III, pp. 633745 63 J L. Moens, 'Een oonige buddhistische heiland, Djawa 20 1940): 26571 Rob Linothe has ana lyzed the Southeast Asian images in 'Compassionate malevolence Wrathful deities in Esoteric uddhist at (PhD. diss., Univesity of Chicago, 1992) pp. 41426
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the Hevara tantra. The earliest bronze images o f Hevaj Hevaj ra date from from the eleventh century, and they continued to be made into the thirteenth century. Images depicting Hevajra embracing Nairtmya, his female partner, however, are extremely rare, and so it is uncertain how avidly the Khmers accepted the overtly overtly sexual aspects o f Yogin Tantra practice. Knowledge of the the Hevara tantra, however, does do es not take one very very far far in the comp re hension of eleventh-century Khmer Buddhism. There are also inscriptions and, most importantly, importantly, a great temple temp le that tha t has not yet revealed revealed all its iconographic ic onographic secrets sec rets,, built at Phimai at the end of the eleventh century. There may have been two dierent strands in eleventh-century esoteric Buddhism one from northern India, as the presence of Pala-ty Pala- type pe tasselled crowns on a fe few bronze sculptures indi cates, and the other s outhern Indian, one that traversed the routes mentioned above, involving involving Srivijaya Srivijaya and the Chola realms. realms. The position of the Hevara tantra, given the proposed identi cation of Surocolo bronzes as being bei ng from from a Hevaj Hevaj ra mandala, may be more complicated compli cated a Northern I ndian text that travell travelled ed from from Srivijaya Srivijaya to the Khmer kingdom. It is the southern connection, one that doubtless followed the paths of the centuriesold movement of Brahmanical families, that must be relied upon to explain the tendency towards Shivaite-Buddhist syncretism. syncretism.5 5 The principal image at Phima i lost, bu t most likely an image of the naga protected Buddha was given given the name Lord vimya ( exempt exempt om illusion') illusion') , yielding yielding the place name Phimai in Thai. This name appears i n a southern In dian text from around 1 300 as an epithet of Shiva. Philosophicall Philosop hically, y, what what linked Shivaism to Buddhism was the notion of unity in multiplicity, but this h as not no t yet yet been analysed in a rigorous rigorous way. At Phimai, the most signicant Buddhist subjects appear on lintels in the interior, leading into the sanctuary from from the four four directions. directio ns. These lintels may make up a system of one plus four four if the inner southern southern lintel, lintel, depicting a naga- protected Budd ha, repli cates the image that once stood in the central sanctuary. sanctuary. (The temple faces faces south. ) Two of these lintels depict gures that can be reconstructed into mandalas, with central deities and encircling yogin and Buddhas. Since the gures match up poorly with those described in surviving Yogin Tantras, the texts upon which they are based may have been lost Srivijayan Srivijayan or southern In dian versio versions. ns. The central gure in the northern lintel appears to be akin to the Vajrasattva in the form of Majuvajra', the central deity in mandala number one in the late eleventh-century northern Indian compendium the Ni�pannayogva. On the eastern lintel, the principal gure dances with an elephant hide behind him, and so therefore it makes sense to call him Savara. But neither his 64 For an eleventhce eleventhcentur ntur Hevajra, Hevajra, see Christies, Christies, Amsterdam, Amsterdam, 10 Dec De c 2002, 20 02, lot lo t 16 For Fo r Hevajra Hevajra wit h his partner, see Prachum Knhanawat I K Prachoom, Nang php hraphuttharp / Buddha image (Bangkok: the author 1969), pp 129 The prime Hevajra stud is J J Boeles, 'Two ogins of Hevajra from Thailand, in Ba Shin et a ed, Eay oered to G H uce vol II pp 1429 6 A recent instance ma ma be the Hindu Tantric texts mentioned mentioned in the Sdok Sdok Kak Tho inscription (which are incidentall discussed b Davidson, pp 2046); on this inscription, see Hiram Woodward, 'Practice and belief in ancient Cambodia: Claude Jacques Angkor and the devarja question, Journa o Southeat Aian Studie 2, 2 (2001): 24961 Some references to the connection between Shivaism and Buddhism are found in Woodward, Art and architecture o Thaiand pp. 1490 See also Jean Filiozat, Sur e ivaisme et e bouddhisme du Ca bodge, a propos de deux livres rcents, BEFEO 70 (191): 999 66 David Smith, The dance o Siva: eigion art and poet in South ndia (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit Press, 1996), pp 21, 24 6 7 For horizontall arranged mandalas, see also KlimburgSalter, Tabo p
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attributes nor the accompanying gures matc up well with the description in te survving Savarodaya tantra.68 It has been proposed that the gures on the lintels can be interpreted n the light of an inscrption found found in the Phimai compound, compou nd, datng from from 1 04 1 E.69 This This nscription nscri ption sys that te Bu as our bodies, s i in ear of te te our our ra', ra', namely the god ra hmself (the uddhist devil) , death, the aggregates that that form form te personalty (skandha) and evl (kea). The The outer so uthern lntel, epicting the uddha's triumph on te night of hs enlightenment, would represent represent the victory over over the ra of mythology; mythology; the west ern lntel, with a standng crowned Buddha, victory over death; and the Vajrasattva and Saara ara lntels, victory over skandha over skandha and an d kea. This imples the exstence of a cluster of mandalas and a systematsing systematsing framew framework ork such as found in the th e Vajradh Vajradhtu tu ( n which nine Prajramt traditions. derent andlas form a super mandala) and the Overse Prajramt The presence of such a amework may elp explain one of the most signcant aspects of Phima Buddhism the presence o an nscrption in the entrance gateway, erected in 1 1 08 by Vrendrdhi Vrendrdhipativarman, pativarman, a local vicero viceroyy who who later appears among King Suryavarman II's generals in the bas-ree of Angkor Wat. The nscripton estblshed at (general) of the ord Vmya. an image o f Trailokyavi Trailokyavijj aya, described descri bed as the sen the senat Vmya. In other other words, th e general general was to th e king as the krodha Trailokyavijay Trailokyavijayaa was to the th e Buddha. Buddh a. From the sociological pont of view, this is almost too pat; it surely demonstrates te congruence between mltary mltary concerns and Tantric Buddhism (and Davidson's observa tions about the connection) . What is less easy to to dene dene is the relationshp between between the image o Trailokyavijy Trailokyavijy and the intels. int els. In the systems that evolved in Tibet, the Yogin! Tantras acquired supreme pos ition, and a deity such as Trailokya Trailokyavij vijaya aya historically, historically, a progenitor of Savara vara diminished in status. Perhaps at Phimai the the overa overall ll structure more or o r less adhered to that of the the older antrayna antrayna traditions traditions,, and the newer Yogn! Tantras were tted into this structure and assigned specic roles, suc as conquering the skandhas. During the the regn regn of Suryav Suryavarm arman an II II ( 3aer 3aer 1 10) 10 ) , Buddhism went went under under ground, at least to some extent, only to become, following ollowing the accesson access on of o f Jayavarm Jayavarman an VII in 1 1 8 1 , the state state relgon. relgon. Dominating the struct structure ure of Jaya Jayava varman's rman's Buddhsm was was te rjpramtBuddha-okevara trad that ha come to the fore n te tent century. J ayavarman ayavarman identied i dentied the perfection of wisdom with his mother and loving lovi ng kindness with his father, the two qualities that engender enlightenment also givng birth to the monarch. One signicant element in the Tantric Buddhism of 100 years earlier 68 Tsuda, Savarodayatantra, pp. 286. For an iustration, see oees, Two Yogins of Hevajra, g. 7, and p. p . 28 f or anaysis. anaysis. For the northern inte inte see enoytosh enoytosh hattacharya hattacharya The Indian Buddhit Buddhit iconogra iconogra phy (Cacutta: ukhopadhyay, 1968), p. 119 and Chandra, uddhist bronzes, p. 12. The inte is ius trated in Smitthi Srbhadra and Eizabeth oore, Palace of the god (angkok: (angkok: River ooks, ooks, 1992) 19 92),, p. 246. The type of gure is aso akin to that promugated by the Guhyaamja tantra, and a Tantric uddhist inscription from the himai region dated 1066 cas the oca doctrne the amja; Chirapat rapandvidya, The Sab k inscripton: Evidence of an eary Vajrayna presence in Thaiand, SS, 78 2 (1990) : 1114. 1114. 69 Woodward, Art and architecture of Thailand, p 150; the inscripti inscription on is K. 95. 70 The inscription (K. 97) was rst pubished in George Georg e Cds, Lpigraphie L pigraphie du tempe temp e de himai, BEFEO, 24 (1924): 4552. 71 Athough ecipsed at hmai, the triad is mentioned in an an inscription with inks to the ahidharapura dynasty: Kuk Yay Hom K. 86) I , vo v, p 280.
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emaned muc ave t a te cut o f Hevaja Hevaja Tantc Tant c beef beef may ave been bee n adapted adapt ed and een a an eotec countepat to te domnant an d vey pubc tad; ete tat, o Tantc pet fomed fomed an ndepen dent goup of tua tua pecat ( ence te mpotance of Hevaja magey on conc e, fo ntance) Soon te KraQaha stra emeged a the pmay Buddt text, it eef at Banteay Cma depctng te mace of Pat I, Capte 4 and 5; te monument of Neak Pean iutating te toy of te ecape fom fom te iand of demon ( Pat II , Chapte 1 ) ; and image of Avaoktev Avaoktevaa aa dtibuted dtibuted in the the povnce povnce in 1 1 9 1 depictng depictng the tou tou of Av Avao aok ktev tevaa aa body ( Pat II , Capte 2 an d ) ete ete te ma ma gue adeing to the the Bodhiatt Bodhi attva va kn n the 1 1 9 1 cuptue cuptue can be undet ood entey entey n tem f te text, text, o ete ete tey tey muta neouy utate a Tantc yogc exece invovng invovng node and canne tn te b ody a not been detemned Someat imay, te mage of te eated Vajaattva Budda ntaed at Banteay Cma mut bea a eatonip to te KraQavyha stra, but tat a not been oked out, ete Tee eement n Jayavam Jayavaman an VII VII Buddm c c a contanty contanty evovng evovng ad ad ong on g been peent n Camboda Addtona eement ncude the cut cut of te te eang Budda, Baajy Baajyagu aguu, u, ch ch a a pomugated pomugated n ncipton ncipton of 1 1 86 86 Ete Ete tee a a an outde timuu, o a veion of te Bhai�ayaguru stra had ong been knon to Cambodan Cambodan Buddit B uddit5 5 At any ate, due in conideabe pat to outde foce foce oginat ng n Taand and Buma, in the eay 1200, pobaby tn Jayavaman ifetime, Cambodan beef beef undeent adca tanfomation tanfomation,, n the decton of o f a Buddm Budd m tat a eentiay eent iay Hnayna Hn ayna T bief uvey uvey ugget tat te dom inant ameok ameok of Cambodan Bu ddm a Mantayna Specc ccumtance coud pobaby be popoed a to y te Yogin Tanta dd n ot take me od, t at Pma n te ate eevent eevent centuy, centuy, ten at Angko n te ate te centuy ete ete thee toca expanaton expanaton coud ten be ue compaatvey fo oca contat t noten Inda o Tbet anote matte omeat omeat dependent on a tyngu tyngupp of o f te ooe end en d e n te dicu on o f Davdon Davdon Indian esoteric Buddhism. Nevetee, Nevetee, t e peence o aben ce of ay cce cce and of ecet boteood oud undoubtedy ave a pace in any uc dicui on
C mk Te pont at c t uvey actvey nvade ongong dcuon n Souteat Aan tude ae not many One, peap, peap , invove dpute about about Sivjaya Sivjaya a a potica entty Fom the event centuy centuy onad, te Davdon (p 1 0 6 ) , Indan In dan abbot and 7 Hiram W Woodward, Jr, Jr , 'Tantric Buddhism at ngkor ngkor Tho, Ar Orientai, (98 ): 7-7 7-7 7 Boisselier, 'Prcisions sur quelques images Boisselier, 'Pouvoir royal et symbolisme architectural: Neak Pean et son importance pour la royaut angkorienne, Art Aiatique, (970): 9-08 Victor Goloubew, 'Le cheval Balaha, BEEO, 7 (97): 7 Hiram W Woodward, Jr, 'The aee , / (99-): lS- Jayabuddhamahntha images of ambodia, Journa of the Water Art a Le co coection ection du mue m ue nationa de 7 One is in the National Museum, Phnom Penh Nadine Dalsheimer, Le Phnom Penh Lart du Cambodge ancien (Paris: cole franaise dExtrmeOrient, 00) pp 7677 Others have appeared on the art market in the past decade See also Victor Goloubew, 'Sur quelques images i mages khmres de Varadhara, Journa of the Indian Socie of Orienta Art (9 7): 97-0 97-0 7 For the Bhaiayaguru texts, see Raoul Birnbaum, The heaing Buddha (Boulder, O: Shambhala, 79).
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monks dministeed dministeed thei esttes n d estlished estlished loylties loylties in mnne closely nlogous to memes of the cicle of ssls (smantamaaa of n oelod (rdhira Whethe Siijy ws good exmple of coe unde the diect contol of the ule suounded y nume of ssl mndls nd hen ce politicl p oliticl model fo fo the mndl rajprmita, is still unce lustes of the Si nopnese no pnese Vjdhtu nd the Overse rajprmita, tin nd depends lgely on the intepettion gien gien to the phse contining the com c om pound sakaama pound sakaama aa ( ll ll the mndls') in the insciption insciption o f Telg Telg Btu. At ny te lthough lthough the eligious usge of the the wod mndl' ( cicle of deities) nd the politil usge ( neighouing o ssl stte) stte) e eltionship eltionship one to the othe the tem tem hs become so oewok oewoked ed in Southest S outhest Asin histoiogphy nd hs ecome so impecise impeci se in mening tht it might est be oided. oided. t is pefel pefelee on the Southest S outhest Asin side to e we we of the st ems of potentil study. study. The kind of suey pesented hee is not n ot tuly commensute with with Indian esoteric Buddhism ecuse it tkes cheologicl nd t-histoicl eidence s pimy. Didson's ook would be quite diffeent if he hd done the sme. Neetheless the distinctieness disti nctieness of o f the wolds of the ntyn ntyn nd of the Yogin Tnts Tn ts n element in Indian esoteric Buddhism, pplies well to Southest Asi though it metmophoses into something the diffeent. A good gument cn be mde fo teting ndonesi nd ndi s n integl integ l unit well into the ninth centuy. The cse ws mde oe fo fo the possile inuence of Booudu Buddhism upon susequent deelopments in ndi. Thowing ndon esi into the mix om the seenth centuy onwds howee howee clls into question one of Didson's ssumptions. A fcto in the ise of the ntyn o of institutionl esoteism ccoding to him ws the loss of mecntile suppot nd the ise in ocil ptonge ptonge (p p. 8283 1 6 ) . Howee Howee the tun tun to nty ntyn n in J J in the 80s 80 s nd 90s is hd to sque sque with with such notion s is ninth centuy centuy Southest Asin Asin suppot fo monstey in Nlnd. Only mechnt netwoks could he sustined the contcts with Bengl nd Si nk tht mde possile the moement of monks nd the tnsfe of texts. t is hd to see why the teitoil nd defensie spects of the ntyn ntyn so connected co nnected in Didson 's mind with with ocil ptonge need be thought incomptile with mechnt lues. deed bods mo mehnts i widey sep ted po ts could well he een enhnced enhnc ed y eliefs eliefs in secet codes co des despite diff diffeences in lnguge nd ethnicity much s cluste of mndls exhiits ltente pths to single unied gol. n the susequent peiod Southest Asin Buddhism might e seen moe s mee eection of ndin deelopments deelopments een though some iconic i conic types mde n ely ppe nce. oest hemits could e comped to siddha, to siddha, ut thee is lit tle eidence eidence of inhit nts o f Southest Southest Asi pticipting in the cetion of the Yogin Tnts. Aound the ye 900 Buddhism does d oes not ppe to he een especilly especilly enegetic eithe on the su continent o in Southest Asi despite ppent pockets of stength in such plces s Kshmi nd Chmp. n undestnding the esugence of the eligion in Cmodi 76 O. W. Woters Woters atempted atempted to to ar te term ter m manda mandaa a n s ito cuture an region in Southeat Aian perpective, rev. edn taa: Souteast Souteast Asa Program Program Pub Pubaton atons, s, 999) 99 9) p. 0 Der Derng ng nter nter pretatons of Srvjaya are n Kuke, Kadtuan Srvjayaempre Srvjayaemp re or kraton of Srvjaya? jaya? pp. pp. 6 69 an and rste, State formaton, pp. 678 compon 77 As ndated aove, aove, te most mportant mportant arthstoral arthstoral study s nothe, nothe, utle compon
AM WOOWA
in he enh and elevenh cenuries, he problem is one o accuraely characerising is relaionship o he dominan dominan Hinduism Hindu ism Buddhism was was simply an alernaive alernaive pah o a goal say, one one o uni uniyy in mulipliciy mulipliciy ha ha was also also Hindu, Hin du, hen hen i was no an ideolo gical hrea, j us a sysem sysem ha provided provid ed a disinc disin c ideniy by j uggling an alernaive se o symbols symbols Such Su ch an observaion has ramicaions, in urn , or or he sudy of ndian ndi an esoeric uddhism, and for he quesion of how o place Buddhism in relaionship o Hindu Tanra Davidson has skilllly negoiaed his own answer o his issue, bu ohers will surely surely arise in coming years
