Paul Goodman, 30 Years Later: Growing Up Absurd; Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars; and The New Reformation-A Retrospective JAMES S. KAMINSKY Auburn University
This article is a retrospective account of the legacy of Paul Goodmans major educational works: Growing Up Absurd; Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars; and The New Reformation. It is arguedhere that what remains of interest in Goodman's work is to be found in the tropes and the anarchic Zeitgeist of his work. The legacy of Goodman's educational writing is its art and the nostalgic romantic humanism that holds together its various educational tropes. Goodman's contribution to educational thought was the awakening that he brought to some elements of America's mythology-that is, freedom, liberty, individuality, and human rights. Although many of the recommendationsfor education in his books seem more than somewhat out of touch with today's educational issues, Goodman's texts still assert a romantic anarchic humanism coloring an educational countersto7y that is a refreshing alternative to the politically correct educational agendas of conservatives and liberals alike.
PREFACE Paul Goodman is one of America's significant bohemian intellectual vanguards whom its people never knew well, if at all. But he held a prominent and honored place among the Beats, America's academic establishment and, later, the counterculture of the sixties. Four of his books critiqued American education: Growing Up Absurd; Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars; and The New Reformation (1960; 1962a; 1962b; 1969) and brought Goodman to a place of significant intellectual and educational influence. Viewed in a charitable fashion, Goodman can be described as one of those fifties' artists who helped Americans build cultural, social, and intellectual bridges beyond the innocent world of their post-Depression Teachers College Record Volume 108, Number 7, July 2006, pp. 1339-1361 Copyright 0 by Teachers College, Columbia University 0161-4681
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childhood to the adult life they would construct at the end of the century. In a less charitable fashion, he might be described as one of those selfindulgent fringe dwellers of Greenwich Village who might have been better off if he had drank less, smoked less, and spent fewer hours in the Cedar Street Tavern and the San Remo Caf6, favorite watering holes of the Beats in New York's Greenwich Village. His poetry and fiction are and were mostly unknown to America's public.' Adam and His Works (Goodman, 1968a), a collection of his stories, was not given any critical notice. Goodman's The Empire City (1971), arguably one of the important novels of the period, quickly and quietly exited to the remainder tables of "artsy" bookstores. The Empire City brought him some fleeting literary recognition when Vintage Books republished it. Toward the end of Goodman's life and after his death, Taylor Stoehr, his literary executor, largely engineered what remains of Goodman's academic reputation. Stoehr collected Goodman's poems, short stories, and various other works and saw to their publication. He also presented thoughtful introductions to Goodman's life and works in the prefaces 2of the various works that he edited on behalf of Goodman's literary estate. In the social sciences, Goodman achieved more than fleeting notoriety in the field of psychoanalysis and education. 3 He was a friend of Frederick and Lore Perls, the founders of Gestalt therapy. He helped Frederick Perls with the seminal manuscript that would be published as Gestalt Therapy (Perls, Hefferline, & Goodman, 1951). The second part of Gestalt Therapy was written entirely by Goodman and brought him a certain enduring place in the history of psychotherapy and education. Goodman played a central role in extending American education's interest in discovering what insights psychoanalytic thought might bring to the study of adolescence. In the sixties, Goodman brought the insights of Gestalt psychoanalytic thought into educational theory, though he was hardly the first to bring the services of psychoanalytic thought to the task of understanding American adolescents. 4 Be that as it may, Goodman's obvious concern for adolescence in Growing Up Absurd (1960) and his work as a Gestalt therapist brought him recognition on the campuses of American and European colleges and universities. His various educational writings, poetry, and fiction are all but forgotten by the nation's public (Weltman, 2000). The remaining regard for Goodman's work resides in what remains of the fifties and sixties bohemian avant-garde, and college professors and their students who have been moved by his various works (Dennison, 1973).5 When remembered at all, he is one of those individuals who prepared the way for the bopping and sock-hopping American youth of the fifties to be "hip" to the politics of the Right and Left. He is seldom remembered as the anarchist intellectual who asked the period's decisive questions: "What world is this?" What am I to
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do?" and "Which of my selves is to do it?" (Higgins, 1978 p. 101). Education to Goodman's mind was not necessarily about learning stuff, getting good test scores, or going to college; it was about learning how to be free and how to be me. Goodman's Growing Up Absurd (1960) said it all; growing up was absurd! Tom Wolfe, Bob Dylan, Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, Todd Gitlin, Jimmy Hendrix, Arlo Guthrie, Angela Davis, and all the other rebels of the counterculture who annealed Beat into something far more interesting and historically remarkable were in debt to the Beats in general and often, in one way or another, to Goodman in particular. "The beats were the main channel; hostile to the postwar bargain of workaday routine in exchange for material acquisition, they devoted themselves to principled poverty, indulged their taste for sexual libertinism, and looked eastward for enlightenment" (Gitlin, 1987 p. 28). They recast Beat as the counterculture and took it down the road that Goodman had helped point out. They loved him for his social, sexual, political, and intellectual bad manners (Gitlin). The multiple perspectives of Beat were as fractured as the politics of the counterculture it helped generate. The intellectual orientations of Beat were divided among three major groups: intense intellectuals who traced their intellectual loyalty to Europe's Left intellectuals, the street players who were more comfortable with French existentialists, and Midwestern flower children who were hopeless patriots and more familiar with the gonzo journalism of Tom Wolf and Mad magazine than the heavy-duty philosophy of Camus, Sartre, and Marx (Kaminsky, 1993). But whatever their intellectual differences, they all learned directly from the Beats that smoking the Old Man's cigars was great fun, and being free was perfect.
GOODMAN THE BOHEMIAN INTELLECTUAL Goodman was a trained philosopher.6 However, Goodman's novels, plays, poetry, and Gestalt therapy were foregrounded and showcased within the context of the Beat lifestyle of jazz, drugs, sex, mystical experience, and dissent. His life and intellectual work cannot be understood without placing them within the context of the "zig in the nation's intellectual Zeitgeist" announced by the Beats. Without placing it within the context of the intellectual force of the bohemian intellectual vanguard, the Beats, Goodman's work is deprived of the powerful intellectual, social, and educational relevance that can be still mined from its aphorisms, poetics, and rhetoric. Furthermore, unlike many of his bohemian friends in the Village, he was comfortable and familiar with the work of Aristotle, Kant, and Marx. Moreover, Goodman was sensitive to the message of Europe's postwar intellectual aesthetic: existentialism. Europe's postwar French intellectuals,
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such as Andre Malraux and Jacques Baumel, and various former members of the editorial board of Gallimard Press (especially Albert Camus and Jean Paul Sartre), presented themselves to Americans in a hard-edged voice. It was a voice that most Americans found too shrill, strident, and European. Goodman was one of those Americans who set about the task of translating Europe's existential voice for American audiences by living, writing, and performing its message (cf. Weltman, 2000). In a manner similar to Sartre, Herbert Marcuse, and Dwight Macdonald, Goodman "provided agreeable but unsought applause" for Left-leaning individuals who were resident among the Beats and, later, the counterculture (Caute, 1998). However, Goodman's relation with the New Left was an unrequited romance. His Neolithic conservatism never allowed him to become a card-carrying member of the Left. But as a Beat poet, playwright, and essayist, he presented an intellectual collage to the Village intellectual elite and the American public alike who argued for the right of each person's heart to select its own name and its own community-outside ordinary domestic and communal orders-and his message found a warm and receptive audience.7 The Village, like Venice West (Los Angeles) and North Beach (San Francisco), was one of the important geographical centers of the Beat mood. The ideas, plays, poems, music, stories, and novels nursed to life by Gore Vidal, Norman Mailer, Miles Davis, James Agee, Jack Kerouac, Jackson Pollock, and Paul Goodman-all regulars in the Village's San Remo Caf6 and Cedar Street Tavern-helped bring Beat to the attention of Americans in general and to their educational establishment in particular. Goodman's contributions to The Black Mountain Review extended his reputation as a Beat poet among academics and public intellectuals.8 In the Northeast, those who read the New York Times Review of Books came to know
him as a promising new author. The Living Theatre produced Goodman's play Faustina in 1954, thereby attesting to Goodman's avant-garde standing and his excellent, if not quite exalted, status among the Beats (McDarrah, McDarrah, & Gloria, 1996; Watson, 1955).) Faustina presented the mood of a modern (postwar) underground world in which the familiar world broke down, the everyday became unbearable, and "real life" lost its meaning. In the Village, Goodman was an author, poet, and playwright of superior standing. The Beats, each in his or her own art and each in his or her own time, made various contributions to moving the subterranean revolution confronting "Dagwood and Blondie." The Beats listened to Charlie Parker play jazz, sipped espresso coffee, smoked marijuana, drank heavily, and wore dissolute clothing: jeans and turtlenecks (Watson, 1955). Some of the beat spoor rubbed off on other bohemians, even those like Paul Goodman who disdained the frantic and shapeless
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romanticism of the beats. Colonies of would-be artists hung out in the Village, listened to jazz, retreated to out-of-town enclaves like Woodstock and Sausalito. "Underground" films (like Kenneth Anger's homosexual-motorcycle pseudo epic, Scorpio Rising) drew long lines of students looking for images of exotic sex. Late-night free-form parties, spaghetti dinners and cheap Italian wine, talk of art and sex, the hovering possibility (and threat) of seduction ... the whole scene lured teenagers yearning to flee their middle-class parents. (Gitlin, 1987, p. 53)
Goodman was one, if not the, new voice of educational insurgency-ref'orm was for the establishment. His major educational writings, Growing Up Absurd (1960), Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars (1962b), and The New Reformation (1969) made him famous. The idea of an educational system based upon voluntary association and personal choice was a sexy alternative to the lock-step world of the public school. Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars made him one of the counterculture's most respected father figures. All these books returned, again and again, to one central concern: Goodman's belief that once the problem of personal freedom is taken care of (assured), then the issues of truth and wisdom will take care of themselves (1960). Goodman's educational agenda was about personal liberty and authenticity, not social revolution or academic performance. Growing Up Absurd (Goodman, 1960), Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars (1962b), and The New Reformation (Goodman, 1969) make it obvious that his primary educational concern was not about the inability of the Americans to keep up with the Russians-"a secular and functional pedagogy"-as much as it was about his concern that pedagogy was "increasingly suffused with ritual and social control" (Goodman, 1969, p. 75). The meaning of Fascism was not lost on him. He argued that America's militarism was inherently dangerous to the possibility of real pedagogy and authentic life. Goodman argued that the agendas of American education sounded too much like the requirements of Albert Speer's Third Reich industrial machine (see Goodman, 1960, pp. 86-102; Speer, 1970). Goodman was particularly concerned about the oppressive politics and conformist norms of the United States' post-World War II military politics. The House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) was all too real (Goodman, 1960). Democracy, Goodman knew, did not flourish in the shadow of the army or the secret police. However, this concern was not peculiarly Goodman's; it was, first and foremost, the property of Norman Mailer. Mailer presented the antihuman eroticism of America's militarism (unlimited mortal combat) in The Naked and the Dead (1948). Mailer made
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the message explicit in the Presidential Papers (1963). America's mythos this way:
He described
Since the First World War Americans have been leading a double life, and our history has moved on two rivers, one visible, the other underground; there has been the history of politics which is concrete, factual, practical and unbelievably dull if not for the consequences of the actions of some of these men; and there is a subterranean river of untapped ferocious, lonely and romantic desires, that concentration of ecstasy and violence which is the dream life of the nation .... The film studios threw up their searchlights as the frontier was finally sealed, and the romantic possibilities of the old conquest of land turned into a vertical myth, trapped within the skull, of a new kind of heroic life, each choosing his own archetype of neo-renaissance man, be it Barrymore, Cagney, Flynn, Bogart, Brando or Sinatra, but it was almost as if there were no peace unless one could fight well, kill well (if always with honor), love well and love many, be cool, be daring, be dashing, be wild, be wily, be resourceful, be a brave gun. (Mailer, 1963 pp. 38, 39) Goodman and Mailer believed that liberating the individual from the erotic appeal of Cold War politics was the first step toward the construction of a redeemed personal (if not social) order. If America needed redemption, it needed redemption from its smug moral realism, social conformity, and military obedience. Both writers were horrified that the politics of World War II, the Korean War, and the Cold War that quickly followed had almost silenced the voice of personal freedom and laughter. J. Edgar Hoover and McCarthy were not a laughing matter. Like Mailer, Goodman knew that the crime of seriousness was upon the land, and the nation's schools were accomplices. The Beats represented a significant portion of the American community that had not been silenced by America's seriousness. They were about creating a new social order and populating it with new culture heroes. The Beats sought to replace John Wayne, America's symbol of apple-pie radicalism and evangelical progressivism, with a new hero. John the brave and well-mannered pioneer/cowboy was just too much of a patriarch/authoritarian, renegade/vigilante, misogynist/chauvinist for the Beats' taste. The Beats, like Goodman, recognized that 'John," the post-World War II everyman, was an Anglo-Saxon White male agricultural/cowboy/industrial worker/hero/victim who was in the process of transforming himself into Archie Bunker, a bigoted, crude, paunchy, and violent individual who was intolerant of anything that was "Un-American" (the social order of the
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thirties). Archie hated Blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans, homosexuals, and women who didn't know their place. Goodman and the Beats didn't have much time for Archie, although they were more than sympathetic to Edith, Archie's wife. The Beats were busy attempting to substitute the androgynous antihero of Portnoy's Complaint (Roth, 1969) for John Wayne and Archie Bunker. Paul Goodman understood what the Beats were saying. That is, he understood that if you had to choose between bread and liberty, it is better to choose liberty. However, it was Kerouac and Ginsberg that presented that message to the American psyche and rightly received the credit. Jack Kerouac's On the Road (1957) and Allen Ginsberg's Howl (1956) captured the sentiment of Continental intellectuals and translated it into a critical cultural commentary that Americans were ready to hear. The Beats proclaimed that if the messages of nationalism, German positive philosophy, Roman law, and the Christian church had brought the nation World War II's human carnage, it was time for a different message. Goodman, following the Beat message, would use the sense of discourse "shown" in On the Road and Howl to help construct his educational suggestions for educational theory and practice. Beat for Americans was that new message; it was a message of unrepressed sexuality, recreational drugs, and alternative religious expressionthat is, mysticism, and experimentation with unconventional Eastern "life worlds." The message was one of romantic humanism written large. It was the message that Goodman, the proselytizer of Beat, and many others would learn to live. Later, when attached to the political resentment that surrounded the civil rights movement, the Vietnam War, and women's liberation, it would become the "counterculture." The Beat generation was America's template for bohemian nonconformity. The Beat had his or her childhood during World War II, endured puberty in the wake of the Holocaust and the Bomb, read Sartre, Camus, Henry Miller, and Mad magazine in his or her late teen years. And still later, perhaps in college-under the tutelage of Alfred E. Neuman, the character/symbol of Mad magazine-the Beats and those who aspired to the Beat message learned to ridicule everything sacred and profane (Gitlin, 1987; Watson, 1955). Everybody and everything had committed the crime of seriousness; the kids who read Mad knew the world was nuts, not serious. If Goodman could not accept the self-satisfied lives of those who had defeated Fascism, neither could America's bourgeois youth. The lives of Dagwood and Blondie, lives of which Americans in the Great Depression could only have dreamed, were not enough. The young prodigal generation sneered at every aspect of American cultural conformity; they sneered at Mom and Dad and the green grass of Levittown. From where they were at, Mom and Dad and suburbia represented a "big, boorish, clumsy,
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tasteless country" (Maynard, 1991, p. 8). In the same manner as Beat intellectuals, Goodman required an America that was something other than a suburban nirvana. America was segregated, misogynist, homophobic, militaristic, and anti-Semitic. It was a world marked by double standards and moral duplicity. The bearded men and pallid women of Greenwich Village, Venice West, and North Beach embraced a "life world" that included everything their parents' world excluded-Blacks, Native Americans, homosexuals, liberated women,jazz with its implicit eroticism, and an uninhibited sexuality. It was an "amorality" that contested America's double standards and social duplicity (Goodman, 1960; Maynard; Watson, 1955). The Beats discovered that their parents had feet of clay. Prime-time American television of the sixties attempted to domesticate Beat and the "mutiny of the young." Maynard G. Krebs, played by Bob Denver in the sitcom Dobie Gillis, represented the tame beatnik: "a sly, knowing, physically unimpressive young man, usually bearded who dressed shabbily, who wore his sunglasses indoors, went around in sandals all year long, and never seemed to do much of anything" (Maynard, 1991, p. 3). Of course, Krebs was always pursued by the Beat chick, who was White, slim, and considerably sexier than Gidget. It was a version of the movement that allowed mainstream America to dismiss Beat. Be that as it may, Beat was not to be dismissed. Beats more in touch with Camus's Rebel (1956) would tutor a collection of Alfred E. Neuman's disciples who would become "hippies," psychedelic songsters, Black activists, feminists, and antiwar protesters. This rebellious version of Beat evolved until it transformed itself into the kind of counterpublic sphere depicted in Easy Rider. It was a world filling itself with antiheroes, dropouts, protestors, and delinquents. The result was a confrontation between the self-satisfied world and inflexible moralizing of Archie Bunker's America-What's Right is right, and what's Left is wrong!-set against Kerouac's renegade, outrageous, and accusatory relativistic moral standards and the dubious social intent of the characters in On the Road (1957). Beats lived by a distinct commitment to having a good time, sincerely expressed in the Enlightenment rhetoric of liberty, equality, and fraternity. To their minds, "other Americans" were persecutors (racists, chauvinists, and sexists), toadies (organization men of the military-industrial complex), and neocolonialists (financial minions of the United Nations and World Bank). Goodman and the Beats remained in an intellectual vanguard, faithful to "the people"-hyphenated-Americans, feminists, jazz musicians, dropouts, civil rights workers, artists, and themselves. Other Americans reaped the luxurious lifestyle of post-World War II economic boom; Beats were victims of the Cold War, McCarthyism, and the Korean War, or so they claimed. Beats foreshadowed "the counterculture." They stood for "the people," the Old Left's Popular Front. Beats were the faithful at civil rights rallies, small
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meetings of feminists, and civil rights workshops for the poor and dispossessed in the North and South. They embraced a stance somewhere between La Follette's farmer-labor politics and Keynesian celebrations of American capitalism. The Beats, like the children of the counterculture that followed them, were never at ease with the airtight logic of the New Left. Their brand of happy illogic just didn't fit with the Left's one true way (Maynard, 1991, p. 8).l° They didn't have much time for the self-satisfied Right either. The players in San Francisco's street theater were hip to the politics of the Right and Left alike. Their (the Beats') revolution was personal, not political (Watson, 1955).
GOODMAN AS SOOTHSAYER Goodman was one of the mediums and soothsayers who populated the sixties. His work foreshadowed in the way that soothsayers foretell events an American counterstory in which both the Left and the Right are accused of forgetting the equivalences of Enlightenment thought that allowed the individual to become the foreground, the subject, of all Western cultures (Goodman, 1969). He demanded that the individual was not to be the subject of history or an appurtenance of the market. According to his counterstory, education is not successive stages in some inevitable evolutionary movement from simple to complex cultural economics. Neither is the individual a vehicle for the delivery of competitive market behavior or for making the trains run on time; rather, "the individual" is an aesthetic form of personal and social creation painted against the reality of something that one cannot get back once it is gone (Goodman, 1960, 1969). The personal and social worlds that Goodman presents in Growing Up Absurd (1960), Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars (1962b), and The New Reformation (1969) present a description of an anarchist paradise-an urban arena of personal freedom, voluntary association, meaningful work, gender-bending "fe/manly" identities, public intellectuals-cum-private artists, and subsistence industrial capitalism. His work is an intellectual collage of tropes."1 Goodman's tropes, once presented, collapse into various intellectual heterotopias-an O-zone. 12 The parts of each person's heterotopia are personal, not social or political, ad-
ventures.,13 The conclusion seems obvious when one remembers that Goodman was a quixotic anarchist. Goodman's O-zone (his life as freedom and adventure) is an aphoristic itinerary that parallels the concerns of his life and time. It is presented in the "space" of some future megalopolis, "paradisio," in which the stilted world of Grant Wood's American Gothic could live side by side with Jackson Pollock's Blue Poles.14 Goodman's various narratives do no more and no less than wish each person an
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educational situation "in" or "out" of school, taught by various individuals who may or may not be teachers in some professional sense, with formal or informal curricula that present each person with a narrative journey that leads to a paradisio (good city) of a life's various freedoms and adventures. The Beats captured the word free, and free captured the language of education with Goodman's help and the help of others in and out of the Village. The word free was among the prizes that the Beat movement claimed from contending partisan agendas of the Right and Left. Freedom was a prize claimed in Beat's educational discourse. Freedom became the mantra of Beat and, later, the counterculture's educational discourse. In educational discourse, the Beats translatedfree into a call for the exploration of all of the possibilities that "having a life" implies. The anarchist story that a charitable reader can glean from Goodman's narratives in Growing Up Absurd, Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars, and The New Reformation confronts ideas and social practices that he found to be particularly dangerous to each person's liberty, if not to each person's sheer possibility. The definition of a "real education" to Goodman's mind is something like the ability to respond to the questions, "Which world is this?" What is to be done?" and "Which of my selves is to do it?" (Higgins, 1978, p. 101). These questions call to mind some of life's serious concerns; their standing as significant concerns suggest the questions that call them to mind as metaphorical definitions of an education. Growing Up Absurd, Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars, and The New Reformation offer descriptions of heterotopous educational paradisios. They are paradisios within which education dissolves the matrix that surrounds and holds the private sphere of life in thrall to public need. Or perhaps it is more correct to say that they reserve a portion of the private sphere to a place where the public and its politics have no claim. It is a life place outside the irrational and confrontational politics of the Left and Right, a politics that has defined the history of the West since the turn of the last century (Kundera, 1984). Goodman reminded us that an education is about the possibilities of each person's life, not about the dreams of this or that enthusiast. A real education, then, is a cultural practice about how to be and thrive in a world that was, and perhaps remains, all too ready to erase the individual as the point of social practice for the benefit of the bottom line. Goodman announced a "zig in the nation's intellectual Zeitgeist" to the nation's educators in the same manner that he had to the American public. He encouraged educators to consider the social and cultural politics of a "counter-public sphere" as an important axis for educational thought. Education was not about spending or studying the Russians into the ground; the social and educational compact that Goodman championed had to do with the Ninth Amendment, 1 5 the amendment to the Constitution of the
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United States that reserved to the people all powers not explicitly given to state and federal governments (Goodman, 1969). To Goodman's mind, the Ninth Amendment is a social compact that primarily honors the private sphere of each person's life against the intrusive demands of the public sphere of local, state, and federal politics-that is, the realities of House UnAmerican Activities Committee (HUAC), McCarthyism, Herbert Hoover's conversion of the FBI into a private secret police force, and the Cold War, with its nuclear fallout shelters. Furthermore, Goodman believed that compulsory education and things as mundane as teacher certification didn't sit well within the guarantees of personal liberty written into the Constitution by the Ninth Amendment. The curricula foreshadowed by the Ninth Amendment, Goodman's curricula, are more about how to become your own "person-in-the-world" than they are about civil obedience and defining your identity as a social function (Goodman, 1960, 1969). Educational success for Goodman had to do with the school's participation in the creation of personal liberty, equality, and fraternity in an American community that seemed to have lost sight of those goals. A real education was about self-esteem and social hope (Goodman, 1960). That is, Goodman's sloppy cultural individualism ran to anarchism and elitism. The best that can be said about the politics of his work is that in the public and private sphere, he addressed issues that included race, sexuality, gender, war, and economic oppression as part of a fresh educational statement, synthesized and consolidated in The New Reformation (1969)-issues that did not exist among members of the educational establishment in the fifties and sixties (Maynard, 1991). Goodman wrote that the real educational question of the day was "how to have a free society in mass conditions; how to make the high industrial system good for something, rather than a machine running for its own sake" (1962b, p. 41). And, of course, the "good for something" with which Goodman was concerned had to do with how the educational system might be good for each person's attempt at achieving his or her personal authenticity.
EDUCATIONAL LESSONS FOR THE HETEROCLITIC EDUCATOR Goodman admired Dewey's philosophy of education (Goodman, 1960). Both were patriots and moderns, and both saw the school as the key to a redeemed personal and social order. To Goodman's mind, "unrestricted discourse" is what distinguished the "Dewey School" and the schools highlighted in the Schools of To-morrow (Dewey & Dewey, 1915) from their academic competitors (Goodman, 1962b). Goodman argued for an unrestricted educational discourse in which all speakers and all listeners had a place in all curricula-a discourse evident in Kerouac's book On the
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Road (1957) and a discourse metaphorically shown in Ginsberg's Howl (1956)-to protect the "wild shepherds" from the mundane conversations of dreary peers and pretentious adults. What was important in these schools was not their vocational curricula, child-centered motivation, and movable desks; it was their organization, an organization that allowed for a free and easy discourse, a discourse that provided a natural, unrehearsed intellectual adventure within which the possibility of finding the "undiscovered country" of each person's life might occur. In plain language, Paul Goodman reminded us in Growing Up Absurd that the measure of truly excellent schools and their curricula is their ability to provide students an encounter with the disorderly business of adolescent lives.1 6 Here, the elements of the unrestricted discourse functioned like Foucault's heteroclitic discourse; it is a discourse within which "fragments of a large number of possible orders glitter separately in the dimension, without law or geometry" (Foucault, 1970, p. xvii). It is a discourse that breaks the order of things and makes available uncensored and "disorderly" possibilities for the ordered business of their lives as the starting point for their education. In true anarchist fashion, Goodman believed that liberating America's youth from the grasp of the "System" was the first step toward the construction of a heterotopous anarchist order (Goodman, 1969). In his anarchist order, it was the community's members, not the state, who could provide instruction for liberation (Goodman, 1962b). The state's conflict of interest was obvious to Goodman. The state needed functionaries; the state needed to produce the "organization man." On the other hand, Goodman argued that irrespective of the state's needs, humanity needed the antihero-the delinquent, if you will. Goodman's educational discourse was part of a public altercation over how educational discourse should be divided up, enumerated, counted, and valued. His educational heterotopia does away with the expected foreground of educational discourse. It encouraged educators to consider what elements of educational philosophy, theory, and practice might be useful for achieving the promise of each person's immediate and future authenticity, and what might be sent to the scrap heap of history for the purpose of dissolving the exclusions, oppressions, and subordinations embedded in compulsory education. It was a stance that was at odds with the revolutionary posturing of the New Left and had no time for the pompous and reactionary swagger of the resurgent Right. Goodman's revolution was personal, not political. Moreover, Goodman would not have agreed with neopragmatic liberals such as Richard Rorty (1998), who wrote, "Producing generations of nice, tolerant, well-off, secure, other-respecting students of this sort in all parts of the world is just what is needed-indeed, all that is needed-to achieve an Enlightenment utopia" (p. 179).
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CONFUSED ASSESSMENTS AND INTELLECTUAL LEGACIES Referring to Goodman's educational writings, Herbert Kohl (1975) wrote, "His writing is tightly reasoned, intense-the most intellectual writing of all the books" (p. 159). And recently, Weltman (2000) argued, Goodman left an intellectual legacy that deals with many of the social and educational debates of today-universal rights versus local controls, governmental power versus individual freedom, collective enterprise versus market place choice, direct democracy versus expert leadership, high standards versus inclusiveness, practical education versus academic learning, child-centered methods versus teacher centered pedagogy, multiculturalism versus traditional core curricula, public schools versus private choice. (p. 196)17 From the perspective of this article, one can only assume that Kohl and Weltman have confused the genius of Goodman's Zeitgeist and subsequent tropes for his incomplete and poorly focused educational narratives. Moreover, Kohl (1975) argued that Goodman's books "show how the schools crush individuality, stifle creativity, and cripple the mind and the emotions." There seems an unfortunate conflation of "shows" and "proves" in Kohl's argument. Goodman's books certainly do raise some interesting philosophical and political points, points that should not be dismissed as trivial; but it is important to point out that none of Goodman's books cites so much as a single study that would "show how the schools crush individuality, stifle creativity, and cripple the mind and the emotions." Goodman's narratives do not speak to the questions of everyday practice voiced by administrators and teachers. 1 8 A careful reading of Goodman's work demonstrates that his writing is anything but tightly reasoned. Furthermore, it is difficult to believe that Goodman left a significant contemporary legacy in any of the topics Weltman identifies. For example, it is unlikely that Goodman's prose would appeal to or inspire the rap-hip-hop-punk youth of today in the way that it inspired the campus flower children who flocked to read his books in the sixties. It is also hard to imagine a powerful intellectual legacy drawn from Goodman's work when talking about modernity, education, human rights, sexuality, local control, governmental power, or direct democracy. It would be impossible to make a creditable argument that Paul Goodman's work would hold the same place in today's academic literature as the work of Herbert Marcuse (e.g., 1966), a contemporary of Goodman's who has written about individual freedom, human rights, and modernity; Michel Foucault (e.g., 1978) and VAiclav HAvel (Havel & Vladislav, 1989), fellow members of the West's literary establishment who have written about freedom, sexuality, revolution, and varieties of other topics; or John Rawls (e.g.,
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1993), a fellow philosopher who has written and thought carefully about democracy. Moreover, when considering multicultural education, it is hard to imagine Paul Goodman's contributions to multicultural education being of more interest or power than those of, say, Charles Taylor (e.g., 1994) or Cornel West (e.g., 1999). The best that can be said about Goodman's educational recommendation is that he addressed issues that included race, sexuality, gender, war, and economic oppression as part of a fresh education statement. Goodman presented a discourse that did not exist among members of the educational establishment in the fifties and sixties (Maynard, 1991). Kirkpatrick Sale (1995), moving to the other extreme, described Paul Goodman's life and literary work in a manner that parallels some of the comments of Taylor Stoehr, Goodman's literary executor, and George Dennison, an intellectual fellow traveler. Sale described Goodman's life and literary work this way: Paul Goodman was pretty much of a mess. There was nothing neat about him, not his person, his ideas, his prose, his theories, his career. Reading him today, you can't help but be struck by how haphazard his essays were, as if he were taking "essay" literally and trying out various ideas that came to him as he contemplated one topic or another without subjecting them to rigorous form or sequence ....
But in retro-
spect ... the impact of this protean figure seems to be messy, unfocused, unframed, unfinished, but there's no denying the genius. (p. 496) If the legacy of Goodman's educational thought were restricted to his discursive recommendations for practice, it would be a meager meal indeed. In his own words, Goodman foreshadowed Sale's (1995) retrospective assessment of his work on educational practice. In the closing words of the first book of the combined volume, Compulsory Miseducation, and The Community of Scholars (1962b), Goodman wrote this: To be candid I do not think that we will change along these lines. Who is for it? The suburbs must think I am joking. I understand so little of status and salary. Negroes will say I am down-grading them. The big labor unions don't want kids doing jobs. And the new major class of school-monks has entirely different ideas of social engineering. (p. 154) However, there are elements of his work that are of value to educational thought.
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THE LEGACY OF GOODMAN'S EDUCATIONAL THOUGHT Although the legacy of Goodman's work on educational practice is relatively modest, the romantic humanist aura and the genius of the intellectual tropes that litter his writing can still enrich educational thought. Goodman's educational thought can be divided into two parts: Goodman's Zeitgeist and the genius of his various tropes. Sale's analysis hints at the suggestion that the legacy of Goodman's work is to be found not in his naive and poorly focused suggestions for educational practice, but in the genius of the manner in which he speaks to educational issues and the freshness of the literary tropes that he employs. Avoiding the crime of redescription is at the center of Goodman's educational Zeitgeist. Goodman's major educational works remind us that what is at risk in the contemporary order of things is the possibility that the emancipatory politics of modernity, a politics that has made an authentic identity for the men and women of the West a real possibility, will be erased in the name of a defense against old disquiets, present dangers, and enemies: old, new, and unnamed (cf. Rorty, 1998).19 Goodman's Zeitgeist suggests a "life-world politics" that accepts people on their own terms. It does not require them to abandon their authenticity and redescribe themselves to achieve the accolade of "educated." As Rorty (1989) noted in another context, requiring people to redescribe themselves (abandon their authenticity) is not a small thing. Most people do not want to be redescribed. They want to be taken on their own terms-taken seriously just as they are and just as they talk. The ironist tells them that the language they speak is up for grabs by her and her kind. There is something potentially very cruel about that claim. For the best way to cause people long-lasting pain is to humiliate them by making the things that seemed most important to them look futile, obsolete, and powerless. Consider what happens when a child's precious possessions-the little things around which he weaves fantasies that make him a little different from all other children-are redescribed as "trash," and thrown away. (p. 89) The life-world politics that Goodman suggests stands beyond the questions of emancipatory educational practice. His life-world politics is a politics of authentic self-identity. Goodman's romanticism rues the impoverishment of political imagination, a reduced imagination that cannot appreciate that everything is not political. The romanticism of Goodman's books reflects the nostalgia of a post-World War II culture brooding over Beach Boys songs, malts, and Ford Mustangs, a time of relative political innocence. It is the nostalgia of a
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mother or father revisiting a third-grade classroom or kindergarten room that marked their child's early days. Or, it is the personal melancholy of the various botched attempts at sexual maturity that haunted each of us through the middle grades of our education. In Goodman's books, schools, teachers, textbooks, lessons, grades, and extracurricular activities, towns, cities, and all their inhabitants great and small are part of a quixotic present. His books present a foreground that allows us to determine what type of sadness and ecstasy are in fashion; what counts as heroic and what counts as cowardly; what is beautiful and what is not at the moment; what is warranted and what is not-for now and evermore-at this point in time and history. Goodman's romanticism and melancholy poignantly remind us that an education is about achieving a life. The romanticism that Goodman presents suggests that we move beyond the powerful political sentiments that separate liberals and conservatives such that we might investigate how and why we have ended up being the sort of people we are. Further, he poignantly asks, How can we maintain the integrity of a free society when its highest values-those of authenticity and autonomy-are based upon conformity and submission to political authority (Goodman, 1969)? If the Enlightenment of which Goodman was so enamored is defined as the cultural movement from force to persuasion, from vassalage to liberty, from segregation to fraternity, and from abject ignorance to something resembling knowledge, it is education's purpose to assure that the Enlightenment's promise will not crumble and will not be forgotten. Education's role must be understood in terms of creating social conditions in which authentic individuals can thrive and remain as the subject, not the object, of Western culture. The romantic humanism and nostalgia of Goodman's various works bring to the foreground and remoralize questions of how we should live our lives. In one way or another, Goodman calls attention to educational questions of a moral and existential type within a life-world politics.
THE SECOND LEGACY The second legacy in Goodman's work is to be found in the tropes (seductions) of Growing Up Absurd (1960), Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars (1962b), and The New Reformation (1969). Goodman's books are collections of seductions that encourage educators to reconsider the myths and utopias of education's epic chronicles. 20 If one "mis-reads" Goodman's educational works in a fashion that pays attention to the tropes they contain, their vitality remains. Their vitality remains partially because tropes were not constrained by the politics of conservatives or liberals. Goodman's work brings back moral and existential educational questions
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into sharp focus irrespective of how poorly or well they fit within the political visions of conservatives and liberals. Goodman's tropes call our attention to problems in education's "undiscovered country," its contribution to the creation of a redeemed (authentic) personal order. Goodman's books encourage individuals and their educators to be heroes of their own lives. The nostalgia and clairvoyance of Goodman's tropes challenge educators to consider educational theory and practice outside the box, against the reality of a time when the world was young and life was remarkably guiltless. For example, Goodman's trope of the "wild shepherd" condemns envisioning youth as a dependable and obedient commodity-this is, reason devoid of passion, courage without a sense of adventure, freedom shackled to convention, and virtue devoid of a robust enthusiasm for having a good time. Goodman's work reintroduced some elements of the anarchistic wish for freedom, brotherhood, and adventure into a world that had discovered atomic physics and had forgotten a satyr's sense of life in the suicidal and puritanical politics of the Cold War. In Goodman's (1969) words, "Yet it is likely that by far the greatest waste of ability, including intellectual and creative ability, occurs because a playful, hunting, sexy, dreamy, combative, passionate, artistic, manipulative and destructive, jealous and magnanimous, and selfish and disinterested animal is continually thwarted by social organization, and perhaps especially by the school" (pp. 76-77). Authentic education, to Goodman's mind, provided an individual with the talent to say his or her own name, not the name of the age or the politically correct mantra of the Left or Right. A real education, Goodman argued, provides each person with the intelligence and courage to "tell it like it is" or "might be" for them; as he noted, "Since the world has become increasingly scholastic, we must protect the wild shepherds" (p. 77). It was, again, a way of arguing that in a truly excellent educational system, the most important thing is protecting youth from the common, mundane, ordinary, prosaic, and middle-of-the road limits. The trope of "either/or" is part of Goodman's (1960) fractured commitment to faith-that is, Protestantism, Zen Buddhism, Tao, and Zionism. Here, in a manner similar to Reinhold Niebuhr, Goodman attempts to remind us that all our projects-the construction of our lives, the education of our children, and the occupations that take up our lives, among othershave a profoundly spiritual element. Commenting on the role of spirituality in life, Niebuhr (1932) wrote, There must always be a religious element in the hope of a just society. Without the ultra rational hopes and passions of religion no society will ever have the courage to conquer despair and attempt the impossible; for the vision of a just society is an impossible one, which can be approximated only by those who do not regard it as impossible. (p. 81)
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Goodman's trope of either/or reminds us that a spiritual education is about who we would be if only we would and could be something more than we are. It implies a certain, or not so certain, faith. If one took this trope seriously, the problem for educational theorists and practitioners might be to reconsider the adequacy of educational practice and theory when it has been entirely stripped of spirituality. Can an education be adequate when it does not address the issue of faith-not the bigoted, oppressive, and subordinating spirituality, but the spirituality that confronts the absurdity of a mortal world in which all are condemned to die, irrespective of status or wealth (Goodman, 1969)? And, of course, some of Goodman's tropes call attention to issues that many families are forced to deal with, irrespective of their political persuasion. That is, Goodman's (1960) "social animal," his Billy the Kid version of the noble delinquent. His test of any educational system was its ability to service education's social and intellectual irregulars-that is, the delinquents, "the powerless struggling for life within, not resigned from, an unacceptable world" (p. 161). "Marlon Brando spoke for them in the classic film The Wild One. To the reasonable question of every parent of the 1950s, What are you rebelling against? Brando's answer summed it all up: 'Whadda ya got?' (Kaminsky, 1993, p. 91). This reconstruction of Goodman's Brandoesque version of society's communal and intellectual irregulars might be used to seriously investigate whether public education offers "the right stuff." The "mutiny of the young" was for Goodman a matter of constructing an educational system capable of helping America's youth rebel against their own biography and history for the sake of accomplishing the lives that they would have for themselves, not the lives into which they were born. The list of tropes in Goodman's work is long. The preceding examples should help individuals interested in Goodman's work to look past the relatively haphazard educational essays that make up Growing Up Absurd, Compulsory Mis-education, and The Community of Scholars, and The New Reformation. The vitality that remains in his work is to be found in the shards of genius-the various tropes-that highlight his romantic humanism, and therein his educational thought.
CLOSING NARRATIVE The legacy of Goodman's work is his art and the nostalgic romantic humanism that holds together his various educational tropes. Goodman's contribution to educational thought was the awakening he brought to some elements of America's mythology-that is, freedom, liberty, individuality, and human rights. He reminded us that an education was about the
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possibility of having a life-your own life. His thought held "an education" accountable to the bittersweet memories of all the possibilities of that special sometime, something, and somewhere; the special something you cannot get back when it is gone-a life, a world, a childhood. Goodman's books remind us of, and bring back into prominence, a life-world politics within educational theory and practice that has been quietly diminished in the revolutionary posturing and self-loathing of the sixties (Caute, 1998; Gitlin, 1987) and in the contemporary revolt of America's conservative elite (Lash, 1995; Rorty, 1998). In a manner that reminds one of Jonathan Kozol's various books, Goodman's educational works, viewed as a collection, suggest an existential hermeneutics that refuses to evaluate what counts as an education in terms of its contribution to law and order (obedience) or its contribution to the Gross National Product (national wealth). Goodman decried any natural or social order that inhibited the desires of the heart in the name of obedience. His educational writings and the tropes that are part of them direct each heart to select or create its own educational order and take responsibility for its creation. His life, like his poetry, asserted that having one's own name, and therein, one's own life, is at least as important as being an expert (Goodman, 1960). Growing Old My anarchy as I grow old is, Let me alone with my habits I learned when I was poor -nor did they ever work. I like to have a flag, I too, and hold it up. I really don't expect anybody to salute. (Goodman, 1973, p. 3) Notes I This article is largely devoted to reviewing Paul Goodman's educational thought. Readers interested in a broader assessment of his work should read Weltman's (2000) assessment of Goodman's work in Educational Theory. Readers interested in a general assessment of his literary merit should read George Dennison's introductory "Memoir" in Paul Goodman: Collected Poems (1973). Readers interested in a more intimate look at Paul Goodman and his work would be well served by looking at the variots introductions to Goodman's work written by Taylor Stoehr. The most informative of these introductions are listed in Weltman's (2000) article in Educational Theory (p. 180, footnote 6).
2 It should be noted that Taylor Stoehr's ceaseless labor on Goodman's behalfcontinues. Stoehr has, it would seem, republished Empire City (2001), Goodman's most successful novel.
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3 Sigmund Freud married the field of psychoanalysis to education and adolescent development in the twentieth lecture of his book A General Introduction to Psycho-Analysis (Freud & Riviere, 1935). 4 It was an important insight that drew upon the long history of progressive education's use of psychoanalytic theory. In what may be the best- selling anthropological monograph of all time, Margaret Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) brought the concerns of psychoanalysis to the problems of adolescence. In her autobiography, Blackberry Winter, My Early Years, Mead carefully outlined the details of how it was hoped that investigations of the absence of sexual repression in Samoa might illuminate an understanding of American adolescence. The massive sales of Coming of Age in Samoa ensured that the middle-class Americans, and the American public to a lesser degree, understood the importance of the subconscious for explaining adolescent behavior. As for Gestalt theory itself, Donald E. Polkinghorne (2003) carefully traced its history back to Franz Brentano's Psychology From an Empirical Standpoint, first published in 1874. Goodman popularized Gestalt theory in the sixties, helped bring the learning theory it assumed out from under the daunting shadow of behavioral psychology, and made Gestalt theory a matter of some concern in educational psychology. However, it is hard to argue that Goodman's contribution was more profound than that. I believe that a close reading of J. Notterman's Evolution of Psychology (1997) supports this interpretation. 5 It is interesting to note that Russell Jacoby, a "public intellectual" by his own admission, noted Goodman's work several times in his book The Last lntellectuals (1985). However, by 1999, Jacoby found it unnecessary to mention Goodman, even once, in his exploration of anarchy, The End of Utopia (1999). 6 Goodman's doctoral thesis, The Structure of Literature, was essentially an Aristotelian essay. It was indicative of his commitment to the Western Enlightenment tradition. His commitment to the Enlightenment foreshadowed his eventual disappointment with the counterculture of the sixties (Sale, 1995 ). 7 The Village referred to in this article is, of course, Greenwich Village, New York. 8 Beats often found an outlet for their work in the commercial and academic press. Goodman found an outlet for his literary work in Black Mountain Review, an organ that Black Mountain College founded in the early 1930s. It was a wellspring of the fifties' intellectual establishment (McDarrah et al., 1996). 9 Faustina was published by Random House in 1965 (Goodman, 1965). 10 The heterotopias apparent in Goodman's various works are something like what Michel Foucault (1970) called "heterotopias" ( p. xiii). Foucault's heterotopia is space, an impracticable space, in which a double order of things and fragments of disparate discursive orders (micro worlds) are laid out parallel to each other, juxtaposed, and distanced from each other without any attempt to reduce them to a common order. Like the fragments of a shattered glass, each cultural element, each shard of the broken utopia, is laid ready for inspection such that each fragment might inspire an answer to the questions: "What world is this?" "What should be done?" and "Which of my selves is to do it?" (Higgins, 1978,p. 101). These are, of course, the important questions of being to which any education must respond. That is, a heterotopia is a literary device that calls attention to the differences of uncommon ends for the purpose of assisting us in moving beyond the idea that this is the way the world is and must be. Methodologically, (;oodman's heterotopias work like all heterotopias. They "desiccate speech, stop words in their tracks, contest the very possibility of grammar at its source; they dissolve our myths and sterilize the lyricism of our sentences" (Foucault, 1970,p. xiii). They suggest other ways to be, other selves that we might be, and other things that we might do. 11 Frankly, it is doubtful that Goodman's work, as Weltman (2000) argued, effectively combined the work of traditionalists, positivists, structuralists, poststructuralists, and postmodernists. At best, Goodman's work is a collage of intellectual narratives, poetics, and metaphorsa "heterotopia," a dense node of collapsed personal worlds, an alternative syntax for reality.
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That is, his writing, for whatever else it is, foregrounded a strategy for "worldness" carefully hidden within the bohemian lifestyle of jazz, drugs, sex, and mystical experience. 12 The "O-zone" is a place where a free and adventurous life can accomplish the redemption of the social order within the context of personal quest for friendship, freedom, and meaning.
13 [he term O-zone is used in this manuscript as a play on words. O-zone is a useful way to describe Foucault's idea of heterotopia and, of course, it also refers to Paul Theroux's work, O-Zone (1986). Theroux's O-Zone is a literary example of the "implosion zone" of various heterotopias presented in cyberpunk sci-fi novels-the zone of personal freedom and selfl determination. O-zone here refers to an area of cultural and social implosion and to a description of that implosion. It is a free personal space of exploration and adventure. The description of the implosion zone is commonly available in numerous cyberpunk novels. Paul Theroux, Neal Stephenson, and Andrei Codrescu oiler some of the most readable versions of this lyrical place. 14 Paul Goodman's work, The Society I Live in Is Mine (1963), is a good example of this stance, as is People or Personnel (1968). 15 Amendment IX: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." Amendment IX overlaps Amendment X: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people." Both amendments can be construed in a similar manner. Be that as it may, it is evident that Goodman's reliance upon the Ninth Amendment is correct. In the eighty-ftirth Federalist Paper, Alexander Hamilton argued quite explicitly that the purpose of the phrase unenamerated rights was to reserve a vast array of civil rights for the people. Hamilton's sentiment is repeated in both Amendments IX and X, but the Supreme Court seems to pretfeir Amendment IX when parsing the people's "unenumerated rights." 16 In Compulsorv Mis-education, and The Corninunity of Scholars, Goodman noted that secondary education was in danger of becoming irrelevant. Yet, he also noted that schooling's potential benefits were as large and comprehensive as their real problems. In (Growing Up Absurd, Goodman (1960) noted that real education is responsible for saving the lost causes of history from oblivion. He implied that it was education that would save America's compromised
revolutions by "calling attention to what was achieved and whatjailed to be achieved, and the consequent confused situation which then actually confronted America's youth" (p. 176). It was a "revolutionary" agenda of liberty for all. 17 Weltman's (2000) "Revisiting Paul Goodman: Anarcho-syndicalism as the American Way of Life" in Educational Tlieor-n is an excellent contribution to the academic assessment of Paul Goodman's work. My disagreement with Weltman's assessment of (;oodman's contribution to contemporary educational thought should not detract firom the usefulness of his article in Edacational 7heory. 18 Professional educators-those individuals at the workface, not academics or public intellectuals such as Paul Goodman-are concerned with discursive, not poetic, research about day-to-day instructional practice. Schools are dependent on the results of categorical research that supports school administration (Constas, 1998). They rely upon research that is directly related to the organization of education's work. They depend on research that answers categorical questions like these: Can the school system resource the athletic program? Can the school system put into operation a yearly academic assessment program? Can the school grant raises to its teachers? Can the school establish an international baccalaureate program? (Constas). Professional educators "are more concerned with finding small experimental ways of creating educational opportunities where only ignorance and bigotry exist, than they are with generating revolutionary transformations of injustice" (Kaminsky, 2000, p. 220). Categorical research has a legitimate place in educational discourse. It is involved in maintaining social hope. The
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possibility of social hope depends upon members of the society being able to tell short plausible stories about how things might be better-how education might be better-not convoluted stories about the redeemed social order (cf. Rorty, 1989). 19 A case in point is the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. 20 By seductions, it is meant that the best elements of Goodman's various works are found in their powerful rhetoric or poetic harmonies. They are elements that encourage us to continue to consider them not because of their tightly reasoned logic but because of their sheer intellectual charm and joyfulness, their rhetorical impact.
References Camus, A. (1956). The rebel. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Caute, D. (1998). Sixty-eight. London: Hamish Hamilton. Constas, M. A. (1998). The changing nature of educational research and a critique of postmodernism. Educational Researcher,26, 26-33. Dennison, G. (1973). Introduction. In T. Stoehr (Ed.), Paul Goodman: Collected poems. New York: Random House. Dewey, J., & Dewey, E. (1915). Schools of to-morrow. New York: E. P. Dutton. Foucault, M. (1970). The order of things: an archaeology of the human sciences. London: Tavistock. Foucault, M. (1978). The history of sexuality. New York: Pantheon Books. Freud, S., & Riviere, J. (1935). A general introduction to psycho-analysis: A course of twentT-eight lectures delivered at the University of Vienna. New York: Liveright. Ginsberg, A. (1956). Howl, and other poems. San Francisco: City Lights Pocket Bookshop. Gitlin, T (1987). The sixties. New York: Vintage. Goodman, P. (1960). Growing up absurd. New York: Sphere Books. Goodman, P (1962a). The community ofscholars. New York: Random House. Goodman, P (1962b). Compulsory miseducation, and The community of scholars. New York: Vintage Books. Goodman, P (1963). The societv I live in is mine. New York: Random House. Goodman, P. (1965). The young disciple; FaustinaJonah: Three Plays. New York: Random House. Goodman, P (1968a). Adam and his works; collected stories. New York: Vintage Books. Goodman, P. (1968b). People or personnel. New York: Vintage Books. Goodman, P. (1969). New reformation. New York: Vintage Books. Goodman, P. (1971). The empire city. New York: Vintage Books. Goodman, P. (1973). Growing old. In T1Stoehr (Ed.), Paul Goodman: Collected poems. New York: Vintage Books. Goodman, P (2001). The empire city : A novel of New York City. Santa Rosa, CA: Black Sparrow Press. Havel, V., & Vladislav, J. (1989). VdaŽclav Havel: Living in truth: 7iventy-two essays published on the occasion of the award of the Erasmus Prize to Vdaclav Havel. London: Faber and Faber. Higgins, D. (1978). A dialectic of centuries: Notes towards a theory of the new arts. New York: Printed Editions. Jacoby, R. (1985). The last intellectuals. New York: Basic Books. Jacoby, R. (1999). The end of utopia. New York: Basic Books. Kaminsky, J. S. (1993). A new history of educationalphilosophy. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Kaminsky, J. S. (2000). The pragmatic educational administrator: "Local theory," schooling, and postmodernism reviled. Internationaljournal of Leadership in Education, 3, 201-244. Kerouac, J. (1957). On the road. New York: Viking Press. Kohl, H. (1975). Is it enough to change the schools? American libraries, 93(6). Kundera, M. (1984). The unbearablelightness of being. London: Faber and Faber.
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Lash, C. (1995). Revolt o] the Elites. New York: Norton. Marcuse, H. (1966). One-dimensional man. Boston: Beacon Press. Mailer, N. (1948). I'he naked and the dead. New York: Rinehart. Mailer, N. (1963). The presidentialpapers. New York: Putnam. Maynard,J. A. (1991). Venice West. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. McDarrah, W., McDarrah, E, & Gloria, W. (1996). Beat generation. New York: Simon and Schuster. Mead, M. (1928). Coming of age in Samoa: A psychological study of primitive youth lor Western civilisation. New York: W. Morrow & Company. Nieburhr, R. (1932). Moral man and immoral society. New York: Scribner's. Notterman, J. M. (1997). The evolution of psychology Fifty years of the American psychologist. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Perls, E S., Hefferline, R. E, & Goodman, P (1951). Gestalt therapy. New York: Julian Press. Polkinghorne, D. E. (2(003). Franz Brentano's psychology from an empirical standpint. In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), 7he anatomy of impact. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Rawls, J. (1993). Political liberalism. New York: Columbia University Press. Rorty, R. (1989). Private irony and liberal hope. In R. Rorty (Ed.), Contingenty, iron-y, and solidarity. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. Rorty, R. (1998). Achieving our country: Leftist thought in twentieth-centiY Aimerica. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press. Roth, P (1969). Portnoy's complaint. New York: Random House. Sale, K. (1995). Countercultural elite. The Nation, 260, 496-499. Speer, A. (1970). Inside the Third Reich (R. Winston & C. Winston, lFrans.). New York: Macmillan. Taylor, C. (1994). Multiculturalism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Theroux, P (1986). O-Zone. New York: Putnam. Watson, S. (1955). Birth of the Beat generation. New York: Pantheon. Weltman, B. (2000). Revisiting Paul Goodman: Anarcho-syndicalism as the American way of' life. Educational Theory, 50, 179-199. West, C. (1999). 1he Conmel West reader. New York: Basic Civitas Books.
JAMES S. KAMINSKY is professor in the College of Education at Auburn University in Auburn, Alabama. His major research interest is the social foundations of education. Previous publications include A New History of Educational Philosophy (1993) and various articles in journals such as Educational Theory, HarvardEducational Review, Journal of Education, Educational Studies [U.K.], Educational Philosophy and Theory, and Australian Journal of Education.
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TITLE: Paul Goodman, 30 Years Later: |DdGrowing Up Absurd|DD; |DdCompulsory Mi SOURCE: Teachers College Record 108 no7 Jl 2006 PAGE(S): 1339-61 WN: 0618200447008 The magazine publisher is the copyright holder of this article and it is reproduced with permission. Further reproduction of this article in violation of the copyright is prohibited.
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