Domitian and Roman Religion. Juvenal, Satires Two and Four.pdf

American Philological Association Domitian and Roman Religion: Juvenal, Satires Two and Four Author(s): Roberta Stewart Source: Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 124 (1994), pp. 309-332 Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/284295 Accessed: 14-07-2015 03:59 UTC

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TransactionsoftheAmericanPhilologicalAssociation124 (1994) 309-332

Domitianand Roman Religion: Juvenal, Satires Two and Four Roberta Stewart DartmouthCollege For AgnesK. Michels In thispaper,I wantto examinethe allusionsto traditionalritualin Satires Two and Four. While Juvenalwas a satiristwhose workreflectedand develof his genre,he was also a Roman and theproductof the oped thetraditions of Rome-political, ritualand social.' His rhetoric broaderculturaltraditions is two-fold,consistingof devices and techniquesthatdevelop and therefore color his argumentand of constructedimages thatresonatedwith Roman values and madehis argument persuasive(cf. Braund1992: 80). In sum,while the poet Juvenaldid not writehistory,the Satires can provideevidence for forattitudes for social and politicalhistory, towardsDomitian,and therhetoric legitimating imperialpowerin thelate firstand earlysecondcenturiesA. D. In fact,theenquiryintothesocial and politicalcontextof Satires Two and Four can also elucidate how the Satires work as literarytexts.In these satires, Juvenalinvokestraditionalritualsthathad fundamental politicalfunctionsat Rome. The importanceof traditionand adherenceto traditionin public life was institutionalized in thereligiousprocedureof instauratioand thepolitical principleof mos maiorum(Wissowa 1912: 329-34, Dumezil 1.83-88). 1 shall argue that the paradox between traditionalritual roles and currentritual practiceas Juvenaldefinedit servesto expose thepretenseof seeminglytraditionalpoliticalbehavior.Thus, in Satire Two, the poet presentsDomitian's claim,as censor,to have restoredthemoralsof theState.Whiletheappeal to political traditionsunderminestraditionalmorality,a travestyof traditional ritualsthatguaranteedthe domesticprosperity of the Roman State exposes political hypocrisy.Ritual hypocrisyprovides a commentaryon domestic policy. Similarly,in Satire Four Juvenalcontraststhe cult of Vesta and re1Anderson hasexploredat leastinpartJuvenal's use ofRepublican politicaltraditions and Gdrard hasexplored theinfluence ofthebroader Romanliterary notspecifically tradition, satire, on Juvenal'swork.


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withDomitian'sleadership ligious ritualsthatguaranteedmilitaryenterprises of war and religion:ritualparodyuncoversthe pretenseof religiousscruple martialvalues (cf. Deroux's studyof expiatoryritualin Satire and traditional in bothsatiresappeal 4). My argumentis thattheallusionsto ritualtraditions to a presumedstandardwithwhichto evaluateDomitian'spoliticalbehavior.2 I. Satire Two thecensorDomitianas thefocusof theSatire. The openingsectionintroduces The diatribeagainst moral hypocritesprogressesgeographicallyfromthe edges of theworld(ultra...glacialemOceanum,2-3) to Rome and temporally fromtheRepublic(M.' CuriusDentatus,3; Ti. and C. Gracchus,24; thetriumvirs, 28) to the Empire, culminatingwith Domitian, whom the narrator revivingthe Augustanadulterylaws explicitlyidentifiesas censor/adulterer (29-30).3 As censor,Domitianexerciseda generalmoraljurisdictionoverthe tradibehaviorof Romanelitesand enunciateda moralprogramthataffirmed as as well maleprostitution tionalvalues,revivingthelex Scantiniaprohibiting to Domitian'sincest theAugustanlaws.4Witha vividand immediatereference alignsDomitianwiththe withJuliaand herdeathby an abortion,thenarrator (29-33, cf.Vinson436 n. 21). precedinglistof moralhypocrites adulter pollutus qualiseratnupertragico amaras concubitu, qui tunclegesrevocabat timendas, omnibus atqueipsisVeneriMartique luliavulvam fecundam cumtotabortivis offas solveret etpatruosimileseffunderet bya fatalliaison, recently polluted sucha oneas theadulterer causedreadforall lawsthatrightly bitter whothenrevived Julia whenthefertile andforVenusandMarsthemselves, fetuses forth lookinglikeheruncle. so manytimesandbrought aborted

The openingsectionthenconcludes witha rhetoricalappeal to moral conscience(33-35). 2Cf.Gerard358-359and363,whoarguesthatan allusiontoLatiarisat Juvenal8.146-57 as a measuring tradition theRomanreligious 6.385-92servetoestablish andtoVestaatJuvenal andofRome. characters ofindividual integrity andpolitical sticktogaugethereligious ofDomthedepiction howTrajanicideologyinfluenced 3Cf.Ramage688-92,examining at hiscensorialpowers,see withelitesandtheirapprehension itian.ForDomitian'srelations Waters65-77,esp. 66. 343-44; on the castration, 4Ingeneral,Grelle340-65: on thedateof theedictprohibiting 346-47. Cf.Jones1992,who revivalof thelexIulia andtheedictagainstmaleprostitution, policy. considering detailswithout summarizes


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SatireTwo maintainsitsfocuson Domitian'scensorship by repeatedallusionsto thedetailsofhis moralprogram.Laroniainvokesthelex Scantiniathat prohibitedmale prostitution (43-44); afterderisivelydeclaimingagainstthe violationby men of traditional genderroles (51-56), thedegeneration of marriageand a wife's loss of positionto herhusband'smale lover(60), she concludeswitha pronouncement on theinequityof censorialsurveillance(63-64). The earlierreferenceto Domitian'srevivalas censorof thelex Iulia (29-31) and his revivalas censorof thelex Scantinia suggestthatLaronia's gnomic declarationrefersto his moral policy. Moreover, Martial corroboratesa professedconcemforfamilyvaluesas partofDomitian'spolicies: Lususeratsacraconubiafallere taedae, Lususetimmerito execuissemares. Utraquetuprohibes, Caesar,populisque futuris Succuris, nasciquodsinefraude iubes. Nec spadoiamnecmoechus erittepraeside quisquam: Atprius-omores!-et spadomoechuserat(6.2) Itwassporttoviolatetheholynuptials ofthewedding-torch. Sportas welltocastrate malesundeservedly. You,Caesar, prohibit bothpractices andlendassistance tofuture populations, foryouorderthattherebe births without guile.Nowunderyour protection noonewillbe either eunuchoradulterer. But earlier-ohthebehavior!-the eunuchwasan adulterer.5

Again, Creticusprosecuteswomen for adultery,implementing the revived Julianlaws (67-69). The homosexualmarriageof Gracchus(115-19) violates thelex Iulia, provokingan exclamationof theinappropriateness of a censorto remedythe situation.6 Finally,theconcludingvignetteshows a youngArmenianZalaces, whois debauchedat Romein contravention of lex Scantinia.Thus thedramaticepisodesillustrate thepromotionand thecontravention of Domitian'sdomesticpolicyas censor. Juvenalis ironicabout traditional appeals to Republicanpoliticaltraditions as standardsforjudgment.The narratorcites the firstRepublicanpre5BothStatiusandMartialcelebrate Domitian'sprohibition ofcastration (Mart.6.2,9.6.4-5; Stat.Silv. 3.4.73-77) and of maleprostitution (Mart.9.6.6-7,cf. Suet.Dom. 8.3). Assessmentoftheirevidenceis divided.Forvariousviews,see Grelle347-52;Waters66; Garthwaite 13-22;Dominik74-97,esp.75-76; Jones.Recentchallenges tothesincerity ofthesepoetsdo not,however, diminish their evidenceofofficial doctrine. 6Stuprum includedincestandhomosexual relations whichwerethusactionableunderthe Iulianlaw:Guarino185-86.Courtney 142-43compares Gracchus'marriage withthatofNero andseestheallusiontothecensorship as refering toDomitian. Gracchus is notidentifiable, see Courtney ibid.


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in theopeningsectionto challengetheabilityof wrongcedentsrhetorically i.e. to serveas negativeparadigms(24-28): doersto challengewrong-doing, querentes? de seditione Gracchos quistulerit etmarecaelo quiscaelumterisnonmisceat Miloni, homicida Verri, si furdispliceat CatilinaCethegum, Clodiusaccusetmoechos, tres? Sullaesi dicantdiscipuli intabulam abouttreason? theGracchicomplaining Whocouldendure heavenwithearthandthesea with Whowouldnotconfuse a murderer shouldfindfaultwithVerres, theheavensifa thief CatilineCethegus withMilo;ifClodiusshouldaccuseadulterers, ifSulla'sthreedisciplesshouldspeakagainsthisproscriptions?

The list containsmajor figuresin Cicero's life and identifiesthemby the prosecuted crimesthataffectedtheirrelationswithCicero: Cicero successfully defended he unsuccessfully in 70 and won his reputation; Verresforextortion political the countered Milo forhavingkilledClodius in 52; as consulin 63 he of Catiline;he opposedAntonyin 44-43 and was proscribedby machinations referto his vioto Clodius shouldtherefore in 43. The reference thetriumvirs destroyedClodius' alibi, lationof theBona Dea in 62, forCicero's testimony by exilingCicero (Tatum204-08). As and Clodius,as tribunein 58, retaliated a hypocrite,Domitianis a naturalextensionof the precedinglist of Repubof Clodius ("moechus")and Domitian("adulter") licans,and theidentification with identified emphasizestheassociation.Domitianis therefore as adulterers in a these applies the narrator While notorious Republicans. Republicans,but thesimpleappeal to Republicanpolipositiveargumentto expose hypocrisy, tical traditionsas standardsforactionis shownto be at best ambiguousand deceptive. potentially questionon the rightful The openingsectionconcludeswitha rhetorical censure of hypocrites:"nonne igituriure ac merito vitia ultima fictos/ themostvile ("Do nottherefore Scauros et castigataremordent?" contemnunt gnaw condemnthefalseScauriand,once reproved, andjustifiably vices rightly claimsto have discovereda paradigmof virtue at them?"34-35). The narrator like Domitian,are revealedas comparedto whichthe actionsof hypocrites, pretense.The Aemilii Scauri were extinctby Juvenal'stime,and "Scauros a Republicancenfictos"probablyrefersto M. AemiliusScaurus,identifying thusassumes The narrator s.v. "Scaurus"). sor of 109 (see Ferguson203-04 to questionDomitian's themoralhighgroundinvokingRepublicantraditions as censor.His choice of paradigm,however,createsa paradox. moralintegrity AemiliusScaurus was knownforhis unwillingnessto resignhis censorship



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until threatenedby the tribunes(Plut. QR 50), and his political behavior resembledratherthan contrastedwith thatof Domitian,who assumed the censorshipin 85 and was named censor perpetuusin thatyear.7Domitian attachedenormousimportanceto the office:his bronzecoinage from85 onwards,theas, dupondiusand sestertius,always showsthetitle;thesilverand gold issues of 85 and 86 consistently referto it (Buttrey26-34). The choiceof Republicanparadigmthereforesets a standardwhich identifiesDomitian's actionswiththoseoftheRepublic.Republicanpoliticalstandards againvalidate hypocrisy, althoughthistimetheappeal to themundermines thenarrator's own moralposture,showingit to represent further Juvehypocrisy.Furthermore, nal also confoundstheRepublicansensibilities ofhis audience,forthenarrator addresseshis rhetorical questionoutwards,and his choice of paradigmundermines the Roman respectfortraditioncannonizedin mos maiorum,i.e. the expectationsof his audience.The politicaland historicaltraditionsof Rome thusbecomea profoundly ironiccommentary on Domitian'spoliticalbehavior and thepossibility evenof evaluatingit. By contrast, Laronia's assessmentof Domitianicpracticeringstrue.Niall Ruddhas suggestedthatLaronia,theadvocateof thelex Scantiniaand of traditionalmorals,is probablya whorewho citeswhoresas examplars,revealing hermoralityas postureand hypocrisy;S. Braund(1988: 10 relyingon Coffey 125) has suggestedthatshe represents an aristocratic adulteresswho has sufferedunderDomitian's hypocriticalrevival of the Augustanlaws. Yet the sexual moralityof womenas womenwas an oxymoronthatJuvenalexploited in Satire Six. Paradoxmay therefore be createdsimplyby Laronia's gender. Laronia labels Domitian a thirdCato ("tertiuse caelo cecidit Cato"), thus appealingto a positiveprecedentof traditional morality.Throughhyperbole ("tertiusCato") and bathos ("e caelo cecidit"),she suggeststhe pretenseof Domitian'smorality, therebyaffirming thevalue of Romanpoliticaltradition to providepositivemoralparadigmsto evaluateaction.The poet intensifies the paradox by identifying her as divinelyinspiredto speak truth("vera ac manifesta canentem," 64), and by introducing herwithan irrepressible senseof indignation ("non tulit... Laronia,"36) whichcomparesherto thenarrator (24, see Winkler430 and n. 62). Laronia's abilityto use Republican political sensibilitiesto evaluate actioncontrasts, however,withthe narrator'searlier inabilityto do the same,whentheexpectedauthority of Republicanstandards subvertsthe moral posture of both narratorand audience. A woman's assessmentof Domitianicpracticetherefore confoundstheexpectationsof the 70n thedate:Buttrey 26-34,esp.29; cf.Waters66.


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audienceon themoraljudgmentof women.Traditionalsensibilitiesare again invertedand offerno reliablestandard. of Domitian'scharA letterof Seneca elucidatesthepoet's construction acter.8Seneca (Ep. 97) used Clodius' trialin 62 to arguethatcontemporary a greateroffense timeswerenotbad: Clodius' acquittalde incesturepresented to standardsthanhis violationof theBona Dea (1-3); theprimarydifference betweenthecurrent day and thetimesof theRepublicwas notthepresenceof a Clodius buttheabsenceof theCato who had opposed Clodius (10). In Satire of Domitian. Two, JuvenalconflatesCato and Clodius in thecharacterization While the narratorequates the charactersof Clodius and Domitianas adulterersin the openingsection,Clodius' crimeof incestlooks forwardto the parodyof the Bona Dea; and in Satire Six the narratorsimilarlyinvokes Clodius as theparadigmfortheviolationof ritualcodes (341-45): autquis contemptor numinis, etquistunchominum Numaenigrumque ridere catinum simpuuium etVaticano de monte patellas fragiles aususerat?sednuncad quasnonClodiusaras? orwhodaredtolaugh Whatmanthendespiseddeity, atNuma'ssacrificial bowl,theblackpotandthefragile madefrom Vaticanstone?Butnowwhataltar offering-dish lacksa Clodius?

Clodius' alleged incest withhis sisterClodia establishesanotherlink with Domitian whose relationshipwithJulia is identifiedas incestuous("patruo simileseffunderet offas,"33).9 Second,whileassimilatingDomitianand Clodius, thepoet also associatesDomitianwithCato. Laronia labels Domitiana sourceforJuvenal's ofSenecaas theliterary thisletter 8Cf.G6rard366-67,whoemphasizes comments. see Scheid130-33,citingSchol.Bob. 9ForClodius'politicaltrialonthechargeofincestum, thatthechargeofincestwasa lessercharge.ButtheScholiastcouldjust p. 89 Stangltosuggest de ea re decisionoftheSenate:"decreverunt a toughandconservative as easilybe remarking was not Cf.Moreau88-89. The chargeofincestum nonaliterquamde incestuquaereretur." bytheSenatetodefinea crimalcharge toClodius'crimeandwasanattempt appropriate strictly totheVestals affront withPompeiaandthereligious theallegedstuprum thatwouldencompass incestwithClodia(Cic.Har Resp.37-38; (Moreau88). CiceroallegesthatClodiuscommitted see e.g.Mitchell84 andn. 6. Thechargeis Mil. 86). Thechargesareusuallyacceptedas truth, betweenincest(=sexualrelations (Vinson435 n. 17). Fortheconnection morelikelyrhetoric see Guarino186,216-18;Cornell witha relative), witha Vestal)andincest(=sexualrelations Dofalse:Waters60-61 emphasizes 32-33.ThechargeofincestagainstDomitianis probably motives therhetorical Vinson431-38demonstrates morality; conservative mitian'sotherwise objectionsto it (Julia'sdeathlate 89; Domitian's behindthechargeand thechronological untilfall,89). absenceoncampaign



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thirdCato ("tertiuse caelo ceciditCato,"40). Courtney associatesthereference withDomitian'scensorshipand identifiestheallusionto archetypesof moral living(Courtney129, cf. Ramage 689). Whilethereputation of Cato theElder suppliesan allusionto censorialseverity, thesecondCato had a specificrolein the politics of 62, insistentlypressingfor Clodius' trial (Cic. Att. 1.13.3, 14.5).10In sum,Seneca hadjuxtaposedClodiusand Cato. Juvenalequatesthem throughthe characterof Domitian,who thus embodies the hypocrisyand of Republicanpoliticaltraditions. ambiguity The figureof CreticusidentifiesDomitianicmoral legislationwitha blind,hypocriticalappeal to politicaltradition.The narratorintroducesCreticus in court,prosecutingadulterouswomenand wearinga transparent toga: theemblemof Romancitizenship literally exposeshis hypocritical advocacyof traditional values (66-68, 77). Creticusalso bearsan honorificcognomensuch as thatassumedby successfulRepublicangenerals,creatingparadoxbetween the traditional Republicanexpectationsstirredby his name and the realityof his actions.To underscoreCreticus'hypocrisy,the narratortwice questions him directlyabout the incongruity of his public actions and his personal demeanor (66-68, 75-76). Republican historical and political traditions seeminglyfunction therefore to undermine thecredibility of Creticus'behavior and so Domitian'sadvertised moralrevival. The figureof Creticusagain calls into question,however,the simple appeal to political traditionsas reliable standardsfor moral judgement. Creticusbearsthespecifichonorific cognomenof Q. Caecilius MetellusCeler. Courtney(132-33) rejectsthe identification because theCaecili Metelliwere extinctin Domitian's time,but thismay in factbe the point:the allusion is simplyRepublican,like theallusionto theextinctScauri (35) and theunidentifiedimperialGracchus (117). Juvenalis playingwithRepublicannames. Creticusidentifiestherefore a Metellus,and Clodia, the sisterof P. Clodius Pulcher,had marriedintothefamily,specificallyto Creticus'cousin,Q. Caecilius MetellusCeler. Moreover,P. Clodius Pulchermasqueradedas a woman, a fluteplayer, to participatein theritesof theBona Dea in 62 B.C;11 and the narrator had establishedtheimageof Clodius' violationof theBona Dea at the beginningof theSatire(24-28). The narrator assuresus thatCreticuswilljoin one day in thetravesty of theBona Dea (83-84), therebycreatinga transition 100n theRepublican politics, see Balsdon66-69,Mitchell 84. 11Cic. Har. Resp. 44. See Balsdon66 n. 13 and Mulroy167 and n. 17. Mulroyuses Clodius'transparent disguise,however, torejectthestoryof an intentional sacrilege;against thisview,Tatum207-08.On Clodius'infiltration oftheBonaDea, see Brouwer363-70,who collectsanddiscussesthesources.


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the assofromthe courtscene to the Bona Dea celebrationand reinforcing garbof ciation.Creticushas alreadydressedthepartand wearsthetransparent theonlymusicianadmittedto the Bona Dea, accordingto the a flute-player, narrator. standardsfor offerincontrovertible The poet shows thatritualtraditions Virginsand The Vestal world. of Domitian's behavior evaluatingthepolitical theannualfestivalof themarriedwomenof elitefamiliesof Rome performed of theState: chiefmagistrate theBona Dea at thehouse of thehighest-ranking the women drankwine and the necessaryperformanceof the festivalpro role in the State (Wissowa 1912: 177-78, populo gave womenan important of the Brouwer358-70). Men were excludedabsolutely,and the infiltration of theriteto festivalby a singlemale in 62 occasionedtheimmediaterepetition guaranteethepax deorum(Cic. Att. 1.13.3; Schol. Bob. p. 89 Stangl).In 62, the infiltratorClodius faced a political trial for violating the religious an inversionof of thecity.12The ritualof theBona Dea represented traditions taboo againstwomen's roles: thelapse of the traditional women's traditional social definiof women'sfundamental use of sacrificialwine;theabandonment politicalrole in the life tionwithinmarriage;the assumptionof an important theadverand domesticprosperity, fertility of thecity.13The ritualguaranteed tisedaims of thecensorDomitian'spolicy. features In his parodyof theBona Dea, Juvenalalludes to characteristic thesacrificeof a sow (86) and of theritualto establishtheRoman reference: of wine (86, see Gerard369). As a male,Juvenalwould not theconsumption have had detailedknowledgeof theBona Dea festival,and he conjuresup the to a ritualof the Eleusinianmysteries, image of a secretritualby referring servedto purifythe initiate(91).14 He that namelythe loweringof thetorch of theritualby men.Women focusestheparodyon theexclusiveperformance weredrivenaway: "sed moresinistroexagitataproculnonintratfeminalimen" ("but in a perverserituala womanis drivenoffand does notcross thethreshold," 87-88). He identifieswomenas rituallyproscribed,using the technical invocationto begin religiousceremonies:"ite,profanae"(89).15 Word order forthesuitagainst motives thepolitical 12Scheid130-31. Tatum204 andBalsdonemphasize Clodius. of wineduringtheritual. thedrinking 31-55. Cf.Latte228-30,whodiscounts 13Versnel in the roleof wine-drinking Againstthisview,Brouwer327-36 emphasizestheimportant aboutthegoddessandthefestival. myths aetiological 286 andn. 7. Brouwer358-61 emphasizesthedistorritual,Burkert 140nthepurificatory becauseoftheritualexclusionofmenfromtheritesandthe tradition inliterary tionsinherent agendaofeachwriter. political 135. 15Appel82-83,cf.Courtney



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as male emphasizesthecelebrationby individualswhomthepoet will identify ("maribus"),but not men/husbands ("viris"): "solis ara deae maribuspatet" (89). The celebrantsuse phallic-shapedritualparaphernalia("vitreobibitille priapo,"95), althoughin SatireSix Juvenalshowshimselfawarethatthepresence of male imagescontravened theritual(6.339-41). Thus thepoet showsus theviolationof traditional ritual.The openinglinesdetailthecostumingof the men who dressas womento celebratetherites,and theseunderscorethetheatricalityand pretenseof theritual:"[sc. viri]longa domi redimiculasumunt frontibus et totoposueremoniliacollo" ("theyput long filletson theirforeheads at home and covertheirnecks withnecklaces,"84-85).16 At Juvenal's Bona Dea, thecelebrants ape religiouspracticewhileoffending ritualcodes. Juvenalalso associatestheBona Dea festivalwiththeorgiasticcultsofthe Thraciangod Kotyto(91-92) and of Cybeleat Rome (110-14) to distinguish it further fromtraditionalritual.The openingcomparisonto Kotyto,a goddess unknownat Rome and labelledby Juvenalas specificallyGreek,identifies the Bona Dea rite as utterlyforeignand a vulgar pretenseof ritual.17Again, Juvenallikensthefestivalto thecultof Cybeleto underscore thevariancewith traditional practice.18 Whilethegoddesswas celebratedas thegiverof victory and gainedparticularprominenceunderAugustusas thepatronof Rome,her cult,in contrast,was severelyrestricted by the Roman Senate. Juvenalplays upon traditionalprejudicesagainstthe cult.19Duringthe Republic,Romans werenotallowedto serveas priests;thepriestsmightperform theirritualonly on specifieddates and were otherwiseconfinedto theirtemple.20The Bona Dea festivalwas underthejurisdiction of theVestalVirgins,who wereselected fromthe elite familiesof Rome (Wissowa 1912: 421 and n. 10, cf. Gell. NA 160n thestageeffects intheepisodeandespecially theemphasis onmake-upatlines93-95, 99, see BraundandCloud1981:206. 170n Kotyto, see RE 11 (1922) 1549-51s.v. Kotys(Schwenn);Burkert 179.The allusion to Baptaemayrefer toa playofEupolison thecult(Courtney 136-37).Lucian(Adv.Ind.27) identifies therhetoric of Juvenal'sallusion:Eupolis'playtheBaptae was a wellknownand uncomfortably bawdydepiction ofthecultwhichStrabo(10.3.16)likenedtothatofCybeleand Aeschylusassociatedwiththemysteries ofDionysus.Cf.Hesychiuss.v. Kotyto, whostates thatEupolismaligned a foreign riteoutofangerandmadetheritual bawdy. 18Forthecult,Wissowa1912:263-64. Bona Dea is perhapsassociatedwithCybelein a first-century A.D. inscription from Dalmatia(Bouwerno. 127),see Brouwer 386-89,noting a connection ofthetwogoddessesinsouthern Gaulas well. 19Wiseman 117-28examinedthetensionbetweenRomanregardforthegoddessandthe concommitant fearanddisparagement of theritualin Vergil'sAeneid.His viewshavebeen elaborated byWilhelm77-101,whodoes notaddressRomanviewson thepriesthood or the ritual. 20SeeWissowa1912:264-65.Romans,generally oflowerstatus, wereallowedtobecome priests during theEmpire.


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as frenziedpriestsof the 1.12.5-7, 12). The priestsof theparodyare identified antistes,"113-14). Vestal EasternCybele("crinesenexfanaticusalbo/sacrorum Virginshad to be withoutblemishwhentheywere selected.21The priestsof and identifiestheir Cybele were eunuchs.Juvenalemphasizestheirmutilation Phrygioquos expectant, tamen "quid testiclesas uselessevenbeforecastration: tempus erat iam/moresupervacuamcultrisabrumperecarnem" (115-16). thepriestsof the Romanpriesthoodswerehonoraryoffices;Juvenalidentifies parodyas "forhire"("conducendusquemagister,"114), emphasizingtheritual beggingthatwas a conspicuousand suspectfeatureof the cult.22The reference to Phrygiancustom ("Phrygiomore") in concludingthe descriptionof the ritualrecollectsthe openingdescriptionof the Bona Dea parodyas perverse ("more sinistro").Thus the contrastof currentritualpracticewithtraditional cultbetrayedto alien,foreignpractices. ritualat Rome revealsa traditional the marriageof Gracchus,illustrates The entiresatire,and particularly goddess.23 the consequencesof such travesty.First,Bona Dea was a fertility (9.6.1-3): population MartialcelebratedDomitian'spoliciesas increasingthe etparensorbis, Tibi,summeRhenidomitor agunturbes: gratias pudiceprinceps, parereiamscelusnonest populoshabebunt; oftheworld, oftheRhineandparent To you,greatconqueror thecitiesgivethanks, chasteprinceps, theywillhavepeople;nowitis nota crimetogivebirth.

births.The refersto births,failedbirths,and monstrous The satirecontinually concludeswitha deopeningcriticismof moralhypocrisyand homosexuality scriptionof Domitian'sincestwithJuliaand herdeathby abortion:"[sc. Docum tot abortivisfecundamlulia vulvam/ mitian]qui tuncleges revocabat... offas"(30-33, cf. Vinson437). Immedieffunderet similes solveretet patruo atelyfollowingthe Bona Dea parody,the narratordescribesthe homosexual imperialGracchuswhose name perhapsservesto marriageof an unidentified dichotomy.The narratorterms create anotherapparentRepublican/imperial and likensit to a womangiving Gracchus'marriagea prodigy("monstrum") birthto a cow (121-23): capi fas oftheVestal,see Gell.NA 1.12.1-3:"negaverunt 21Forthephysicalrequirements sit." labeinsignita aliavequa corporis deminuta esse...quaelinguadebilisensuveaurium IdaeaeMatris nisieam,quamad paucosdiespropriam 22Cic.Leg. 2.40:"Stipemsustulimus domus."Cf.Leg. 2.22. animosetexhaurit enimsuperstitione implet excepimus; 23CIL 6.73 (=ILS 3506,Imperial);CIL 6.74 (=ILS 3507,Flavian).See Brouwer398 and esp. 346-47 andn. 179-80.



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censoreopusestan haruspice o proceres, nobis? monstra scilicethorreres maioraque putares, velsi bosederetagnum? si mulier vitulum Illustrious nobles,havewe needofa censorora haruspex? Wouldyoushudder ita greater andconsider monstrosity, ifa womancalvedora cowgavebirtitoa sheep?

The call fora haruspexratherthana censorto interpret theprodigyalludesto Domitian's professedconcern,as censor,to promotemarriageand babies, whilelabellingtherealitya religiousthreat.The use of thevocativeproceres attributesto the audience the Republican moral perspectivecapable of recognizingand disapproving of thetravesty (cf. Braundand Cloud 1982: 81). The narrator notesthefrustration of thenewlywedsnotto be able to produce children:"intereatormentum ingensnubentibus haeret/quod nequeantparereet parturetineremaritos"("Meanwhilea greattormentremainsforthe newlyweds, for theycannotproduce childrenand hold onto theirhusbandswith offspring," 137-38). Marriagesin Domitian'sworldare sterile(140). Traditionalritualsof publiccultemphasizethemarriageas a sham.The narrator claimsthatnoteven theLupercalritualcan assistto producebirthfor Gracchus:"nec prodestagili palmas praebereluperco"(142). At the Lupercalia, two patricianpriesthoodssacrificeda goat and ran aroundthePalatine, strikingwomenwithstripsof thehide to promotefertility (Ov. Fasti 2.42552, cf. Wissowa 1912: 172-73). Gracchusis male,and thepoetemphasizesthe pretense:Gracchusdons bridalgarb as a costume(124). Moreover,the narratorremindsus of his properreligiousrole: as a Salius, Gracchuswore the ritualregalia to dance the sacredwar dances forRoman militarycampaigns (125-27). Thus theLupercalis directedat pretenseand cannotwork.The concludingimageof Gracchusfighting withthetrident in thearena(143) createsa metaphorof thepublic displayof his blindhypocrisy:unlikeall othergladiators,a man witha tridentfoughtwithouta mask/helmet (cf. 8.204-06). In sum,thepoet connectshomosexualmarriagewithDomitian'smoralprogram thataffirmed familyvalues. Yet he showstheinefficacy of traditional Roman ritualto guaranteebirthin Domitian'sworld,forDomitianiccharactersonly aped traditionalritual while violating the very codes they professedto represent and protect. The rite of the Bona Dea offersa ritualexplanationfor the satire's repeatedallusionsto disease and ritualtaint(cf. Braundand Cloud 1981: 204).


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In Bona Dea was thegoddessofhealth,and hertempleservedas a pharmacy.24 the narratorintroducesPeribothe openingdiatribeagainstmoralhypocrisy, mius,whose Greeknametranslates"aboutthealtar."Peribomius'name looks of theBona Dea/Cybele,and thescholiastidentifies to thecomingdescriptions thefigureas thechiefpriestof thefrenziedpriestsof Cybele: "nomenarchigalli cinaedi qui publice impudicitiamperpessus." Yet Peribomiuswhile as not a moralhypocriteis neverthelessidentifiedas praisedby the narrator diseased(15-17): veriusergo huncegofatis Peribomius; etmagisingenue fatetur incessuque quivultumorbum inputo, andI is morehonestandunaffected; Peribomius himfated, whoadmitshisdiseaseinhis consider andinhisgait. expression

the travestyof Creticus,who is about to join the ranksof thoseperforming thatit touches all and destroys that taints as a contagion religion,is identified (78-81): labem dedithanccontagio etdabitinplures,sicutgrextotusinagris porci uniusscabiecaditetporrigine ducitab uva livorem uvaqueconspecta andwillcausemore, thisdestruction diseaseproduced herdinthefieldfallsbecauseofthemange justas anentire seeinganother. ofonepig,andonegrapedrawsrotfrom(merely)

Braundand Cloud have suggestedthatthefinalepisode offersan exampleof aboutthethreatof Creticus:a youngArmenianboy Juvenal'sgnomicstatement homein a new Romantogasignalling has been debauchedat Rome and returns (164-70): his changein character narratur ephebis Zalacescunctis Armenius tribuno... seseindulsisse molliorardenti frena flagellum: mittentur bracae,cultelli, mores Artaxata referunt sicpraetextatos thantheGreekboys, Zalaces,moreeffeminate theArmenian the thatheindulged is thetalkofthetown,namely 24CIL 6.72 (=ILS 3514,II s. A.D.), cf.Brouwer345-46,Wissowa1912: 178,Latte228, 230.


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passionofa tribune...the trousers, knives,reignsand whipwillbe letgo: thushostages toRomebringbacktoga'd behavior toAraxata.

Thus thepoet concludesby showingthattheworldis infectedand thattheinfectionspreadsfromRome.Domitianand his supporters are revealedto offend the veryprinciplesof Rome; and the Republicanheroes in the underworld wantto purifythemselvesas froma disease: "cuperentlustrari, si qua darencum taedis et si foretumida laurus" ("they would want to be tur/sulpura purified,iftherewereanysulfur,torches,and moistlaurel,"157-58).25 To sum up, ritualand historicalallusions color the characterization of Domitianand thosewho promotehis policies.WhilethecensorDomitianpresenteda politicalpolicyof affirming traditional values,thepoet challengesthe appeal to politicaltraditionsas reliablestandardsforevaluatingpoliticalbehavior.Ritualtraditions, however,are incontrovertible and expose hypocrisy. Domitian's domesticpolicy as censorestablishesa thematiclink withSatire Four,thestructural counter-part of Satire Two withinJuvenal'sfirstbook of Satires (Braundand Cloud 1982: 79, 81-82). A further featureof Domitian's moralprogramwas his policingof theVestalsand his prosecution, as pontifex maximus,of theallegedsexual indiscretion of thehead VestalCornelia.Satire Fourconcernsthisevent. II. Satire Four JuvenalbeginsthisSatire withan allusionto Crispinus'incestwitha Vestal, rhetorically emphasizingCrispinus'intrigue:"incestus,cum quo nupervittata iacebat/sanguine adhuc vivo terramsubiturasacerdos"("the adulterer,with whomthe fillettedpriestessrecentlylay, she who was aboutto go underthe earthwhilestillalive,"9-10). The punishment of theVestal identifies theincident(cf.Townend156-57). The narrator suggestsa recentevent("nuper").In 83, Domitianaccused threeVestalsof sexual misconduct:all threeweregiven theopportunity to commitsuicideand did.26 In 93, Domitianaccusedthehead 25Theritualcannotrelateto a religiouscrimesinceRomanreligiondid notrequirea purification oftheoffending individual fora sacraloffense (Scheid130).Cf.theritualexpiation fora prodigy(reflecting commission of a sacraloffenseanda violationof thepax deorum, Henzen 136-49). Waterand firewerebasic to lustralritual:Wissowa 1912: 327-29. The substancesforpurification variedfortheoccasion:RE 2.4 (1932) 652-53 s.v. (suffimenta) suffimentum (Marbach).Sulphurservedtopurify fromdisease:Tib. 1.5.11;Ov. Met.7.261; Verg.Georg.3.449.See RE 14 (1930) 364 s.v. Mageia(Hopfner); RE 2 (1923) 798-99 s.v. Schwefel(Blumner). 26Suet.Dom.8.4: "NamcumOculatissororibus, itemVarronillae liberum mortis permisisset arbitrium corruptoresque earumrelegasset."


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and buriedheralive.27The nextmostrecenttrial Vestal Comelia of unchastity and burial had occurred in 114-113 B.C. (Livy, Per. 63, Obseq. 37). themostprobablereferof Comelia providestherefore Domitian'spunishment ence, and the allusionto censorialsurveillanceof Crispinus'excesses, while inaccurate,invokesthe moralprogramDomitianenunciated administratively as censor.By alalthoughnotexclusivelyby meansof his authority primarily, ludingto theVestal's burialand thendismissingit ("sed nuncde factisleviorfocuseson theevent. emphatically ibus," 11), thenarrator about the rhetoricof this A letterof Pliny is particularlyinformative dismissal.While SuetoniusdescribesDomitian's policingof the Vestals as thenegligenceof his predecessors(Dom. and remedying strict,conservative, 8.3) and Statiuspresentsthemas pious and adheringto thereligioustraditions Comelia's trialas a scandal (cf. of Rome (Silv. 1.1.32-36),28Plinyrepresents Vinson433-35). He impugnsDomitian'smotivesand theprocedure:Domitian he convenedtheconciliumat Alba withoutprecedent;and he actedas a tyrant; condemnedtheVestalto death,allowingherno defense(Ep. 4.11.6): defoderevivamconcuNam,cum Corneliam,Vestaliummaximam, saeculumsuumeiusmodiexemplisarbitraretur. pisset,utqui illustrari licentiadomini tyranni, maximiiureseu potiusimmanitate Pontificis nonin Regiam,sed in Albanamvillamconvocavit. reliquospontifices absenteminaudiNec minorescelere,quam quod ulciscividebatur, incesti... tamquedamnavit For he had wantedto buryCornelia,theheadVestal,alive,as he bebysuchdeeds.By hisaulievedthathisreignwouldbe madeillustrious characwiththeoutrageousness maximusor rather thority as pontifex he a slave-owner, andthewanton typifying disregard ofa tyrant teristic notintheRegiabutathisAlbanvilla.Norwith convenedthepontifices herforincest,allessa crimethanheseemedtoavengedidhecondemn todefendherself. shewasabsentandhadnoopportunity though

Domitian'sauthority by likeningComelia's trial Plinyattemptsto undermine to Domitian'salleged incestwithhis niece Julia.29At herexecution,Comelia olim,deinlongointervallo absolutam virginem maximam 27Suet.Dom.8.4:"MoxCorneliam virgisinComitioad necemcaedo, stupratoresque defodiimperavit atqueconvictam repetitam de atquetormentis quaestionibus viro,cui,dubiaetiamtumcausaetincertis exceptopraetorio exsiliumindulsit." semetprofesso, neglecta,varieac a patrequoque suo et fratre 28Dom.8.3: "IncestaVestaliumvirginum, Silv.1.1.32-36:"Ipseautem moreveteri." posteriora prioracapitalisupplicio, severecoercuit, novacontemptis etprospectare viderisJan superfulges purocelsumcaputaeresaeptus/templa iamlaudet faceTroicusignis/atque exploratas antacitavigilet Palatiaflammis/pulchrius, surgant Vestaministras." seeWaters65-68,Jones102. toDomitian, opposition 290nsenatorial



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professedher innocenceand defendedherselfby citingDomitian's military successesagainsttheGermansandDacians (4.11.7): Illa nuncad Vestam, nuncad ceterosdeosmanustendens multa,sedhoc Me Caesarincestam frequentissime clamitabat: putat, qua sacrafaciente vicit,triumphavit?...Dixit, donecad supplicium, nescioan innocens, certetamquam innocens ductaest. The womanstretched herhandsnowtowardsVesta,nowtowardsthe othergods,andrepeatedly saidmanythings, butthismostfrequently: "Does Caesarthink meunchaste, whoperformed thesacrawhenhewon hisvictory, whenhetriumphed? She spoke,untilshewasburied.I don't knowifshewasinnocent, butshewasthought tobe innocent.

In his treatment of theVestals,Domitianhad soughtto establishhis severity. The eventback-fired,and Domitianincurredcensure:"FremebatenimDomitianusaestuabatquein ingentiinvidiadestitutus... Ardebatergo Domitianuset crudelitatis et iniquitatis infamia"("For Domitianwas isolatedin theenormous resentment of him,and he ragedand blusteredand seethedwiththenotoriety of his crueltyand injustice,"4.11.6). By Pliny's account,Domitian'sactions werenotorious, and,in Pliny'sview,Comelia was a victim. Juvenalhas thesameview of theevent,forhe continually alludesto Cornelia's trial throughoutSatire Four. Calling upon the Muses to begin his accountof Domitian's concilium,thenarrator calls them"puellae" (36). The word may suggest"a younggirl" or "virgin"(Townend 154, Braund 1988: 15); it may also identify "girlfriend,"creatinga sexual innuendoto recallthe issue of chastityforwhichthehistoricalconciliumwas convened.The conciliumis locatedat Domitian'svilla at Alba, theplace of Comelia's trial,and thepoet identifies Alba withreference to Vesta's cult,notingthatVesta's fire there was still lighted: "ubi quamquam diruta servat/ignem Troianum et Vestamcolit Alba minorem"(60-61). The extinction of Vesta's fireat Rome was consideredto be a sign of the Vestal's unchastity(Dion. Hal. 2.67.5). Juvenal's fishermangives the turbotto Domitian because he is pontifex maximus,thehead of thepontificalcollege: "destinathoc monstrum cumbae liniquemagister/pontifici summo"(45-46). It was by virtueof thisofficethat Domitianexercisedjurisdiction overtheVestals,includingComelia. In giving the turbotto Domitian,the fisherman assertsthatthe fishwas too greatfor privatehearthsand wantedto be caught:"accipe...privatismaiorafocis...ipse capi voluit"(66-69). Focus invokesthehearthas a place of cult,particularly


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(but not exclusively)the domesticcult of Vesta and of the Lares.30Capere (69), used by the fishermanto describe the catchingof the turbot,was particularlyused for the inaugurationof priestsand was such an odd and particularuse that it occasioned Gellius' explanationof procedure (NA 1.12.13-16): maximimanu dicividetur, quia pontificis 'Capi' autemvirgopropterea est,velutibellocapta,abducitur. incuiuspotestate prensaab eo parente dicere maximum quae verbapontificem In libroprimoFabii Pictoris, est.Ea verbahaecsunt:'Sacercapiat,scriptum cumvirginem oporteat, Vestalem dotemVestalem,quae sacrafaciatquae ius sietsacerdotem utiquae optimalege fuit,ita te, facerepropopuloRomanoQuiritibus, solamdeberediciputant. Amata,capio.'Pleriqueautem'capi' virginem etaugures'capi' dicebantur. quoqueDiales,itempontifices Sed flamines is saidtobe "taken"forthefollowing itseemsthatthevirgin Moreover, from maximus reasons,becausesheis takenbythehandofthepontifex in sheis, andis led awayas ifcaptured theparentin whoseauthority thewordswhichthepontibookofFabiusPictorcontains war.Thefirst fexmaximusoughtto say,whenhe "takes"a virgin.These are the forthe thesacrawhichitis right toperforn words:"As a Vestalpriestess on behalfoftheRomanpeopleandQuirites, toperform Vestalpriestess thatonly as onequalifiedbylaw,so I takeyou,Beloved."Severalthink ofJupiter, Buttheflamens oughttobe saidtobe"taken." a VestalVirgin andtheaugursweresaidtobe "taken"as well. thepontifices

The pun associates the presentationof the turbotto Domitian withthe inaugurationof a Vestal by thepontifex maximus.Concludingreferencesto (125) and theGermancampaignsforwhichhe Domitian'santicipatedtriumph did triumph(147-148) recall Comelia's defenseof her conduct.Withwordrefersto theVestal. play and imagery,thesatirerepeatedly respectforVesta's cultand theimportance Juvenalplaysupontraditional of the cult to Roman welfare in order to question Domitian's religious scruples.Alba and Laviniumcompetedas homes forthe gods and the fire broughtfromTroy to Italyby Aeneas;31and Vesta's cult was maintainedat itspopulationto thecityand transferred Alba even aftertheRomansdestroyed 30TLLvol. 6.1 (1912-26) s.v. focus987-91.TheTLL articlelistsall usesof theword.For thefocusassociatedwithVesta,see Cic. Leg. 2.29,2.20;ND 2.67; Ov. Trist.6.37; Sil. 6.76; Tib. 2.5.52; Prop.4.11.54; Ov. Am.3.6.76;Fasti 3.142,418, 6.456; Met.4.296; Val. Max. 4.4.11; 5.4.7; 6.1 pr. bothcitiesas theoriginalcenter:Ant.Rom.(2.52.3, 31See Alfoldi246-50.D. H. identifies 5.12.3v. 2.65.1 [Alba]).On thecultof Vestaat Alba,see RE 8a (1958) 1721-22s.v. Vesta (Koch);Alfoldi240-41.



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Rome.32 Symmachus(Epist. 9.147) refersto the practiceof the cult in the fourthcentury;and thepriesthoodwas a religiousofficeof theRoman State (Wissowa 1915: 3-5). Pliny (Ep. 4.11.6), Statius(Silv. 1.1.32-36) and Suetonius (Dom. 8.3-4) agree that Domitian had acted to affirmtraditional religiousvalues; the identification of thepontifexmaximusas thepriestof Vesta (pontifexVestae) would underscoreDomitian's patronageof Vesta's stressesthemaintenance of thereligioustradition cult.33The narrator at Alba ("ubi quamquamdirutaservat/ignem Troianum,"60-61).34 Yet thetraditional respectfor the cults of Alba Longa contrastswith the actual practiceof Domitian,whoseAlbanvilla we knowincorporated thesiteof old Alba Longa and thussubsumedtheold cults.35 The identification of Domitian'spalace as an "arx" (145) createsanotherpun whichemphasizestheincorporation, forAlba Longa itselfis identified in inscriptions as an arx.36 Juvenal is ironic about the religious pretense. In describing the presentation of thefish,thenarrator combinesritualallusionswithan exhortationto Domitianto gorgehimself,reducingritualsolemnity and authority to extremegluttony:"accipe...privatismaiora focis. genialis agatur/iste dies. propera stomachumlaxare sagina/ et tua servatumconsume in saecula rhombum/...ipsecapi voluit "(66-69).37 Again, the sacred fire of Vesta, togetherwiththe Trojan penates, were signs of the permanenceof Rome,

32G. Wissowa1915:3; Alfoldi241,cf.Latte405. FortheAlbanVestals,see CIL 6.2172, 14.2410;Asconius,inMil.p. 36 Stangl;Symm.Ep. 9.147.Asc. inMil.p. 36 StanglandCIL 14.2410locatetheVestalsatnearby Bovillae. 33Grelle 344 46 andWaters60-61assertthesincerity ofDomitian's religious policy;Waters 72, notesitsconsistency withtraditional religious values.Bengston192claimsthatthepolicy soughttoreaffirm traditonal values:"Die Bestrafung derVestalinnen istals ein Versuchzu betrachten, altr6mischen Glaubeundaltromische SittenwiederzurGeltungzu bringen." Cf. Jones1992: 101-02, who considerstheincidentsto demonstrate Domitian'sconcernfor details,"theattention Domitianpaidtotheletter ofreligious law."Onpontifex Vestae,cf.Cic. Har. Resp. 12; Ov. Fasti 3.699,5.573,see Koch 1740-41. 34Cf.Livy1.31.3-4,describing themaintenance ofthecultas an actofpietyowedthegods: "Visietiamaudirevocemingentem ex summi cacuminis lucoutpatrio ritusacraAlbanifacerent, quae velutdis quoque simulpatriarelictisoblivionidederant." Further Livy5.52.8.Poucet 241-44emphasizes thevenerability ofthesite. 35Lugli35-36. Cf. Cic. Mil. 85 of theconstructions of Clodiusat Alba: "Vos enimiam, Albanitumuli atqueluci,vos,inquam,imploro atqueobtestor, vosque,Albanorum obrutae arae sacrorum populiRomanisociaeet aequales,quas ille praecepsamentiacaesisprostratisque sanctissimis lucissubstructionum insanismolibusoppresserat." 36Lugli40. Forthe"arx"ofAlbaLongaandtheassociation ofVestathere, see CIL 6.2172 (v.V.maximaear[cisAllbanae),cf.14.2947(TironiSalio arcisAlbanae). 370n"saecula,"Courtney 214.


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and propertendanceof Vesta's fireguaranteed talismansof Rome's safety,38 emphasizesthisroleof thegoddessby idenmilitarysuccesses.39The narrator tifyingAlba as the home of the Trojan fire(60-61). Yet in alludingto Docampaignsat lines 146-49,he couplesDomitian'shistorically mitian'smilitary verifiablevictoryoverthe Chattiwiththementionof theSygambri,defeated sincethetimeof Augustus.Bathossuggeststhespeciousnessof thecampaigns (Courtney227-28). In sum, the allusions to the ritualfunctionof Vesta at Rome emphasize the importanceof the goddess for militarysuccess and contrastwithDomitian'sreligiouspracticeand his militarycampaigns.They implythespeciousnessof his motivesforburyingComelia. Otherritualassociationsof Alba Longa challengeDomitian's religious Alba was also thelocationof thefestivalof theLatin and military pretensions. League, a religiousand politicalorganizationof thepeoples of Latium.Like Latiariscontinuedto be celethecultof Vesta,thefestivalin honorof Jupiter of Alba Longa.40The last recordedobserbratedeven afterthe destruction datedby Degrassito A.D. 142-144 (II 13.1, vance of thefestivalis tentatively p. 155, 158), althoughhe also suggeststhatthefestivalcontinuedto be celebrateduntilthe suppressionof non-Christiancults in 354 A.D. (II 13.1, p. 143). The festivaltookplace annuallyon theAlbanMount,to theeast of Alba of the Latin festivalwas Longa across the Alban Lake. Correctperformance (Alfoldi31-32; Weinstock enterprises necessaryto guaranteeRomanmilitary 321-22). The descriptionof Domitian's conciliumparodiesthe ritualof the Latinfestivalin a numberof ways. First, the Alban ritual was administeredby the Roman consuls (Marquardt3.297). The narratorrepresentsDomitianat Alba as a military commanderbut deflatesthe image by using heroic and archaiclanguage to describeDomitianwithinvulgarcontexts.The fisherman'sadmissionintothe courtto give the fishto Domitianis describedheroically:theverb is imper"Atriden,""son sonal passive,and Domitianis giventheHomericpatronymic thetotalannihiofthefireportended 38D.H. 2.67.5recordstheRomanbeliefthatextinction anddetainedintheEast, theplightofCrassus'soldierscaptured lationofthecity.Describing of HoraceassociatesthefireofVestawiththeancillaoftheSalii as oneoftheembodiments et togaeoblitusaetemaeque etnominis "Anciliorum ofthecity'ssafety: Romeanda talisman loveeturbeRoma"(3.5.10-12).See Dumezil499. Vestae,incolumni of 39Dumezil311; cf.Beard15-16:"seriouscrisisinthestatecouldgiverisetosuspicions ritual toVestaformed partoftheinaugural amongtheVestals."Cultobservance sexualactivity fortheirprovinces:Cato Orig.fr.55 PeterwithAlf6ldi262 n. 1; departing formagistrates Macr.Sat. 3.4.11;Serv.Aen.2.296; Val. Max. 1.6.7. 400n thecult:Samter2213-16;Wissowa1912:109-10;Alfoldi19-33;Galosi63-66,with bibliography.



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of Atreus"(65). Domitianconvenedthe conciliumas a "dux magnus"(145). of thesetitlesis underscored The fatuousgrandiosity by thefirstimageof the emperordevouringan enormousmeal: "qualis tunc epulas ipsum gluttisse withina putamus/induperatorem" (28-29). The use of theheroic"induperator" degeneratecontextpointsup the hypocrisyin Domitian's claims regarding military matters(cf. Anderson236; Ramage701-02). Second,thesacrificeto Jupiter Latiariswas fundamentally and necessarily a sharedritualmeal: theLatinsmade simpleofferings of milkand agricultural produceto Latiarisand sacrificedtogethera bull (D. H. 4.49.3). The festival was attendedby representatives of the Latin communitiesand by all the magistratesof Rome (Wissowa 1912: 109, Alfoldi32, cf. Mommsen1.61819); to denya shareto a legitimateparticipant of theenrequireda repetition tirerite(Alfoldi21-22, 33). Livy reportsthe repetitionof the Alban ritein 199 and 190 B.C., whenthe representatives fromthe Latin townsArdea and Laviniumdid notreceivetheirsharesof thesacrificialmeal.41Yet at Alba the enormousturbotpresentedto Domitianwas thebest varietyof an expensive fish(Courtney214), and Domitianalone receivedthefish.The anticipatedimperialclaim inducedJuvenal'sfisherman to give theturbotto Domitian(5355): si quidPalfurio, si credimus Armillato, quidquidconspicuum pulchrumque estaequoretoto resfisciest,ubicumque natat

Ifwe giveanycredence toPalfurrius andArmillatus, whatever is noteworthy intheentire andbeautiful sea belongstotheimperial treasury, wherever itswims.

Using a legal termto identify Domitianas theownerof thefish("dominum," 52), the narratorinvokesa titlethatDomitianhad in factrefused(Stat. Silv. 1.6.84) butwhichinsinuatedhis pretensions to absolutepower(cf. Waters67; Jones108-09,contraRamage697). Juvenalemphasizesthewrongful exclusion of the nobilityat Alba by word orderand word choice ("exclusi...patres," 64).42 Domitian's solitaryconsumption of theturbotis suggestedby his dismissalof theconciliumafterit had deliberated on how bestto cook it (Deroux 288-89, Helmboldand O'Neil 72). WhetherDomitian'sselfishenjoymentof 41Livy32.1.9(199 B.C.): "FeriaeLatinaepontificum decreto instauratae sunt,quodlegatiab ArdeaquestiinsenatuerantsibiinMonteAlbanoLatiniscarnem, utadsolet,datamnonesse." Livy37.3.4(190 B.C.): "Ea [sc. prodigia] procurata, Latinaequeinstauratae, quodLaurentibus parscarnisquaedaridebetdatanonfuerat." 42ForDomitian'shesitant useofpatricians andtheanimosity inspired byit,see Jones1979: 50-55.


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and savagery(Anderson242) or thecorruption thefishinstanceshis gluttony of theamicitia betweenpatronand client (LaFleur 166-70), the exclusion a ritualflawof theLatinrite. wouldhave represented Third,the Latin festivalcoincidedwitha council of war to determine militarycampaignsforthe comingyear.43Domitianconveneshis concilium, buthis councildoes notembodyRepublicanvalues. Andersonhas arguedthat Juvenaluses militaryimages in describingthe councillorsin orderto reveal theirlack of martialvalues and to emphasize the realityof theirsavagery theback(Anderson240-41). This is even clearer,however,if we understand of theLatinfestival.An apostropheto Brutus,while ground:thereenactment of theconcilium,lamentstheabsence and theinthemembership recounting efficacyofRepublicanpoliticalvaluesin Domitian'sworld(101-03): artes quisenimiamnonintellegat illudmiratur acumen, quispriscum patricias? regi inponere facileestbarbato Brute, tuum? tricks? Whonowdoesnotknowthearistocratic cleverness? Whodoesnotadmire, Brutus, yourvenerable king. Itis easytodeceivea bearded

Domitian's conciliumadvises on the properpreparationof the turbot.The closing opinionis to includepottersin the imperialentourage.Applyingthe ("censes,"130,"sententia,"136) and military languageof politicaldeliberation enterprise("castra,"135) to a discussionon theproperpreparationof a fish, thenarrator emphasizestheludicrousmotivefortheconciliumand thedegenIn describingthe eracy of Domitian's political and militaryadministration. of a concilium the business recalls the narrator proper dismissal, assembly's (144-49): exireiubentur etmissoproceres surgitur inarcem consilio,quosAlbanamduxmagnus etfestinare coactos, traxerat attonitos de Chattis Sygambris aliquidtorvisque tamquam orbis ex diversis partibus dicturus, tamquam venisset anxiapraecipiti epistula pinna wasdismissed, He roseandtheconcilium the oftheLatinpeoplenearAlbaafter convention a military 43SeeAlfoldi36. Festusrecords populos ofAlbaLonga:"Albadeindedirutausquead P. DeciumMuremconsulem destruction comsolitos,etimperium quodestsubmonteAlbano,consulere Latinosad caputFerentinae, thatthemeetings beganat the (p. 276L). Alf6ldi,35-38,suggests municonsuleadministrare" andAriciainthe5thcentury. eclipseofAlba,Lavinium, onlywiththepolitical lucusFerentinae



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areordered toleave, theillustrious aristocrats haddragged thegreatcommander themthunder-struck toAlba,as ifhewereabout andunderordertohurry toannounce somenewsabouttheChattiandthefierce come hadquickly Sygambri, as ifananxiousletter oftheworld fromtheremote regions

The conciliummanifestsDomitian'sbetrayalof traditional Republicanmartial values. Finally,thesacrificeat Alba was an omenforthemilitary campaign.44n themilitary describingDomitian'sconciliumat Alba, thenarrator foreshadows failuresof the regimeand denigratesits successes. The charactersketchof ComeliusFuscus refersto Fuscus' defeatand deathwhilecampaigning against theDacians: "et qui vulturibus servabatvisceraDacis/Fuscusmarmoreameditatusproeliavilla" ("Fuscus who preservedhis intestinesforthe Dacian vultures and contemplatedmilitarybattles in his marble villa," 111-12). Referencesto Domitian'smilitarycampaignssuggestthe speciousnessof his triumph(Courtney227-28). Moreover,the narratoremphasizesthe betrayal of the traditionalritual.At Domitian's Alba, the prophecyfor the military campaignscame not fromJupiter'sbull,45 but froman extravagant fish,and was givennotby a Romanpriestbutby theorientalpriestof a foreign, Eastem Bellona (123-27): nonceditVeiiento, sedutfanaticus oestro percussus, Bellona,tuodivinat et 'ingens omenhabes'inquit'magniclariquetriumphi. regemaliquemcapies,autde temone Britanno excidetArviragus. peregrina estbelua' Veientodoesnotyieldplace,butas a fanatic struck through byyourfrenzy, Bellona,hedivines andsays'youhaveanenormous omenofa greatand illustrious triumph: youwillconquersomekingorthe Briton Arviragus willfalloutofhischariot, forthemonstrous turbot is foreign.'

44Faulty performance orcomplete disregard oftheriteareassociated withthemilitary defeat oftheconsulC. Flaminiusin 217 (Livy22.9.7,cf.21.63.6,22.1.5-7);thedeathoftheconsul Q. Petiliusin battle(Livy41.18.11,cf.41.16.1-3); themilitary disastersof 43 and42 (Dio 46.33.4-5, 47.40.6). 45Cf.Weinstock322-23, who arguesthatCaesarreceivedtheomenof his victory over

Pompeywhile sacrificingthebull at his special performance of theferiaeLatinae at Alba in 49

(Dio 41.39.2).


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Under the Empire,thegoddess Bellona/Maeclipsed the old Roman goddess The hereexploitsthe older,Republicantradition. Bellona,46but thenarrator with the Etruscans, the war templeof Bellona was vowed in 296 B.C. during and the RepublicanSenate met at the templeto decide on the requestsfor victoriousgenerals(Wissowa 1912: 137-38; Mommfromreturning, triumph sen 3.930 n. 5). The Republican traditionof the templepersistedinto the at thetempletheold fetial Empire:Augustusand laterM. Aureliusperformed ritualfordeclaringwar,tossinga spearintoland designatedas hostilefroma of theEastern The contrast beforethetemple.47 columnthatstoodimmediately priestof Bellona at Domitian's court with the RepublicanBellona whose functionis alluded to offersfinalproofthatDomitianicpracticecontradicts Roman religion ancestralRomanritual.Domitian,not Comelia,has perverted and endangeredtheRomanworld.

To conclude,examinationof Satires Two and Four as historicaldocutextsand how theselitmentsenablesus to appreciatethetwopoemsas literary as structural The twopoemsfunction counterparts erarytextselucidatehistory. in Juvenal'sfirstbook of Satires.Ritualallusionsoffera perspectiveto understandtheirindividualcoherenceand theirthematiclinkage.48In Satire Two, of theBona Dea and Domitian'spublicizedmoral Juvenaljuxtaposesa travesty agenda; in Satire Four,Juvenalcomparesthesanctityof Vesta's cult and the religiousritualsof Alba withDomitian's religiousand militarypolicies. In on Domiboth satires,the paradox becomes profoundironicalcommentary evidence forthe vitalityof tianic policies.49The satiresprovideimportant traditionalritual and its functionas part of the rhetoricfor legitimating imperialpower.

see Wissowa1912:289-92; Latte281; on Bellona,see Wissowa1912: 460n Bellona/Ma, 138,Latte235. Ov. Fasti 205-06; Paul.Fest.p. 30 Lindsay.Fortheritual:Dio 50. 47Forthetopography: 4.5; 71.33.3.See Wissowa1912: 138. 135-37,Braundand Cloud 1981: 203-08, Braundand Cloud 48ForSatireTwo, Griffith 1982: 81. ForSatireFour,Braund1988: 15-17,Anderson232-44, Townend155-58,Kilpatrick 230-35,Romano98-108. Winkler 430-31.An 209-19,Romano80-86.Fortheroleofepicallusions, 49Cf.Anderson 1991.I shouldlike inDecember, ofparttwowasreadattheAPA annualmeeting version earlier and suggestions. of TAPAfortheirmanyhelpfulcriticisms to thanktheeditorandreferees tomycolleagueJimTatum. Specialthanks



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