HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, IITB
RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT REPORT
Under the guidance of D. PARTHASARATHY
Dharavi: Plans and Alternatives Analyzing the literature and proposals Sonam Ambe, 118080002 May 2nd, 2012
The paper compiles a review of literature on Dharavi. Observations and interactions with the locals in a Go-Along journey are recorded and used to prove the inadequacy of current proposals. The paper concludes with the gaps in literature and notes suggestions for holistic development.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction ......................................................................................................... 5 2. Review of Literature ............................................................................................ 9 2.1
Discovering Dharavi .......................................................................................................... 9
2.2
Informal Economy and Informal housing.......................................................................... 11
2.3
Government Initiatives: Plans, Proposals and Alternatives for Dharavi ............................. 12
2.4
The Dharavi Redevelopment Plan .................................................................................... 15
2.5
Alternatives to the Proposal .............................................................................................. 16
2.6
Criticism and other Alternatives ....................................................................................... 20
3. Observations and Interactions ............................................................................ 22 3.1
Issues of the Kumbhars .................................................................................................... 22
3.2
Koliwada and its self initiated development: ..................................................................... 24
3.3
Industries at 13th compound ............................................................................................. 25
3.3.1
Plastic Industry ......................................................................................................... 25
3.3.2
Aluminium Recycling Industry ................................................................................ 25
3.3.3
Sand and Wax Cloth Dyeing Industry ....................................................................... 26
3.3.4
Readymade Garments and Zari Workskop ................................................................ 26
3.3.5
Bakeries and Tin Cleaning Industry ......................................................................... 26
3.3.6
Leather Goods Industry ............................................................................................ 27
3.3.7
Accommodations for the Workers............................................................................. 27
3.4
Slum Tourism and post DRP substitute:............................................................................ 27
3.5
Second wage earning and networking in Dharavi .............................................................. 28
4. Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 36 Bibliography ............................................................................................................. 40
2
List of Figures Figure 1: Satellite map of Dharavi ...................................................................................................... 4 Figure 2: Modak and Mayer, Dharavi Neighbourhood Plan 1948 ..................................................... 13 Figure 3: Municipal Redevelopment Plan for Dharavi ....................................................................... 13 Figure 4: Masterplan of Dharvi, presented by Mukesh Mehta .......................................................... 16 Figure 5: Proposed by DESIGN ARCHITECT, Adrian Smith + Gordon Gill Architecture LLP ................... 18 Figure 6: Proposed by Developer HOK .............................................................................................. 18 Figure 7: Waterfront development for Dharavi by the delegation from Columbia University ............ 18 Figure 8:High-rise Development by CEPT.......................................................................................... 19 Figure 9: Combination of High and Low-rise Development by CEPT .................................................. 20 Figure 10: Bunds for fishing in the Mahim creek............................................................................... 24
Abbreviations: BKC Bandra Kurla Complex DRP Dharavi Redevelopment Project NSDF National Slum Dwellers Federation PROUD People’s Responsible Organization for United Dharavi SPARC Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres SRA Slum Rehabilitation Authority SRS Slum Rehabilitation Scheme
3
Figure 1: Satellite map of Dharavi
4
1.
Introduction Dharavi is not Asia‟s largest Slum; Dharavi is World‟s largest Informal multi-sector
Industrial (small scale) Township.
Dharavi is a unique multicultural agglomeration of intertwined livelihoods engaging in global and local productions in the absence of „world class‟ services or state of the art setups. It accommodates both natives and migrants from Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, Gujarat, Bihar, and Rajasthan, into the businesses1 of leather processing, garments manufacturing, jari/jardosi work, food processing, plastic recycling, pot making and countless others. The milieu of the Slum however, affects neither the quality nor the quantity of production. Sharma (2000) notes “If you want to eat the best gulab jamuns in town, buy the best chikki, acquire an export quality leather handbag, order World Health Organization (WHO) certified sutures for surgery, see the latest design in ready-made garments being manufactured for export, get a new suitcase or an old one repaired, taste food from the north and the south, see traditional south Indian gold jewellery - there are few better places in all of Mumbai than Dharavi,”
The most puzzling aspect of production in Dharavi is, how does a high density (18000 people per acre) Slum, manufacture for quality (and quantity) in a large diversity of businesses? Dharavi‟s answer to this is, Creative Decentralization. These decentralized networks reduce cost and efficiently use the „lack of space‟. One of the best examples of a decentralised process would be the plastic recycling industry. Here the decentralisation lies in the processes; the rag pickers bring plastic from all around the city; the plastic is bought by the scrap dealers, the dealers sort it according to colour and quality; segregated plastic is shredded and cleaned by another unit, after cleaning the plastic is dried on the roof top; clean, dry shreds of plastic are used by the last unit where molten plastic is reformed into pellets. The pellets are packed and delivered just in time to start processing the next batch. Much of its productivity is thus rooted in a decentralized production process relying on a labyrinth of production units which indigenously follow Toyota „Just in Time‟ model for production. These networks are now being strengthened by the use of mobile phones, and there are plans to establish community computing centres where small entrepreneurs can reach out to the 1
There are 1,036 textile units, 932 pottery , 567 leather, 478 plastic, 498 Jari stitching , 244 small scale manufactures, 50 printing presses, 25 bakeries, 152 food processing units, 111 restaurants in Dharavi (Sharma, 2000)
5
local and international markets directly (Nijman, 2009). There are more than 135 entrepreneurs from Dharavi on Just Dial2. The GDP of these businesses, global, local, legal, illegal, home based, industry based, was estimated at 1500–2000 crores or about US$ 360 million (Sharma, 2000) as much as any (formally deregulated) SEZ in India is expected to produce. Dharavi is a story of ingenuity and enterprise; it is a story of survival (and success) without subsidies or welfare; it is a story that illustrates how limited is the term slum to describe a place that produces everything from suitcases to leather goods, Indian sweets and gold jewellery (Sharma, 2000).
Most of Dharavi combines a whole range of functions of living, retailing, wholesaling, manufacturing, consumer services, producer services, including public functions like schools, houses of worship, civic organisations and so on (Nijman, 2009), evolved in a spatial diversity of ghettoised nagars. Some of these nagars have emerged besides historical heritage. The written history of Dharavi dates back to the 17th century when it was noted as a fishing village of Bombay. The oldest structure of Dharavi is the Kala Killa (Rewah Fort). It constructed by the Portuguese in 1737. The cross in Koliwada dates back to 1850. The oldest mosque is the Badi Masjid built in1887 by Hassan Kutti who had migrated from Kerela. Khambadeo Mandir is around 200 years old, where as the Ganesh Mandir is 100 years old. Dharavi has since evolved into the industrious enterprise of that we see today but its history and faith in religion is undeterred. This densely packed area houses twenty-seven temples, eleven mosques and six churches. The history, the lively culture, the economic innovations, the social networks make Dharavi a unique township.
In 2002, Dharavi was integrated into the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS) and plans to aestheticise and upgrade the slum environs were proposed. The Dharavi Redevelopment Plan (DRP) is one such attempt. The academic appraisal of the planned development predominantly discusses loss of livelihood, loss of social-personnel ties and the imposed aestheticisation of the slum precincts to suit a world class metropolis. A place like Dharavi poses several difficult challenges for the government (ungovernability of the informal): Should it be left alone, developed, or pulled down and developed? Should the state recognise its industrial nature and provide it with facilities that will, at the least, make working
2
. They can be searched under tag of manufacturer of shervani, kurta, T-Shirt and jeans, readymade garments, leather goods, belt buckle, pots and diya, bags (paper, plastic), safety hand glove, paper box, sticker, rubber stamp, jewellery, etc.
6
conditions for thousands of workers safer and cleaner? Or will doing that kill their enterprises? (Sharma, 2000) Should the existing socio-cultural segregation of neighbourhoods be reflected in the plans? Or should Dharavi sacrifice for the greater good of a World class metropolis and lose its identity? The questions seem rhetoric!
Grass root organisations like Society for the Promotion of Area Resource Centres (SPARC) and National Slum Dwellers Federation (NSDF) came down heavily on the state‟s proposal for redevelopment (DRP). The strong negative reaction to the „world class‟ DRP came on the grounds of lack of transperancy and lack of concern for the livelihoods of the people affected by the project. SPARC activist Sheela Patel and Jockin Arputham from NSDF questioned this forced redevelopment. “Will Dharavi’s redevelopment be done in partnership with its hundreds of thousands of inhabitants and tens of thousands of enterprises? Or will it be imposed on them, without their involvement, without consultation? Will the needs of the resident homes and businesses be the basis for redevelopment? The residents recognize that the redevelopment must include new residential buildings with units for sale to outsiders and some commercial developments as a way of helping finance Dharavi’s redevelopment – all they are asking is to be fully involved in its design and implementation,.... consideration for aspirations and entitlements of the wide spectrum of work and residential arrangements that currently exist in Dharavi and to create a process for its formalization.....enhances this for the neighbourhood and the city. Can the state and the residents co-create a mechanism that respects the present small neighbourhoods in Dharavi, ......working through how redevelopment can accommodate local businesses and not disrupt livelihoods? Why is it that “city development” plans almost always impoverish slum dwellers?.....” (Arputham & Patel, 2007)
The opposition to the proposals, followed by delay in implementation, are common to slum rehabilitation plans. However, strong (collective) reaction from institutions, social scientists, social workers, journalists, urban planners and architects, are rare. This paper is
7
also an account of the plans and solutions suggested for Dharavi by a wide spectrum of professionals.
A comprehensive literature review of the situation in Dharavi and assessment of the ground reality is pursued. This paper is an account of previous studies and proposals for Dharavi. Gaps in studies are identified and facts overlooked by policies are noted. Some are verified by onsite research. Observations, interviews and transect walk (A go-along mapping of the activities, businesses and environment) are used as tools of data gathering. The fieldwork initiates a dialogue with Dharavi by „experiencing‟ the literature. It also supports the evaluation of the literature, based on a methodological study. This initial field work is limited (in time and scope); however it forms a base for research design and guides the direction of the M.Phil Dissertation.
This paper is divided into four sections; ö Section I, introduces Dharavi; ö Section II, compiles the literature on informal economy, urban slums and interventions and plans for Dharavi. The literature follows the history and evolution of Dharavi unto the recent governmental and non-governmental interventions to formalise Dharavi. Government plans, their criticism and alternate plans are studied. This review forms the foundation for primary data collection, assembled in the next section; ö Section III, gathers the data from observations, interviews and transect. The fieldwork imagines the „city within the city‟ while walking with de Certeau‟s image of space and its utilisation by procedures. It draws from interactions with the workers and entrepreneurs of both traditional and modern industries and supports an empirical criticism of the literature; ö Section IV, concludes with the gaps in literature and suggestions for integrated development of Dharavi. It questions the various approaches initiated by paternalistic agencies and closes with propositions for holistic development.
8
2.
Review of Literature This literature review primarily draws form research on Dharavi. Issues of urban
informality (both residential and economic) and ungovernability of informal are also raised. Details of the plans and proposals for Dharavi since independence are studied and reconnected to the literature. The criticism and alternate proposals are also studied. This section concludes with sugestions and recommendations towards a holistic redevelopment which re-integrates the residents into the planing process.
2.1
Discovering Dharavi Rediscovering Dharavi (Sharma, 2000) is a thorough account of the urban agglomeration
of hard working, innovative, globally integrated production units and home based enterprises. It reads out the journey of Dharavi through its history and geography in relation to the growth of Mumbai. Dharavi is an informal settlement barring the Koliwada Gaothan3, the Kumbharwada, (a planned relocation) and the Matunga Labour Camp. The rest of the settlements developed over time and as the politics of slums changed, parts of Dharavi were „recognised‟ piecemeal and „regularised‟.
It is a settlement with more than a million population spread over 239 hectares, living in a bustling collection of contiguous settlement, each with its own distinct identity. The real dividing lines between these ghettos (more than eighty in number) are based on the history of migration patterns in Mumbai, on village industries4 that have translocated in an urban setting and on language, region and religion (Weinstein, 2009).
Nijman (2009) sketched the spatial identity of Dharavi. He notes the use of space, both deliberate and intense, confirming de Certeau‟s (1984) analogy of Space: Procedures. De Certeau relates the concept of a city to urban practices and describes space via the presence or absence of procedures. Every bit of space in Dharavi is allocated and it purpose is known exactly by the locals: they know who belong where, what belongs to whom, what is private and who has the rights to it, and what is public (and for which public). There is a great deal of
3
Gaothans are villages with ‘original inhabitants’ that existed before the development control rules were implemented. 4 Kumbhars from Saurashtra settled in Kumbharwada; Chamda bazaar was set up by the Muslim tanners from both Tirunelvelli, Tamil Nadu and Azamgarh, Uttar Pradesh, embroidery workers from Uttar Pradesh started the Zari industries, South Indians have food processing units for mysore pak and chakli etc.
9
tolerance in terms of human density and movement, but at the same time have a powerful realisation that territorial control is fundamental to long-term survival and identity.
This neighbourhood identity is exemplified by Sharma. She believes that a special socioeconomic „pull‟ factor created by the early success of manufacturing units in Dharavi set the stage for migration to Dharavi. Despite its unsanitary environment, people were pulled towards Dharavi as they found work here. This pull factor however, worked best for migrants from village industries already settled in Dharavi. As people lived where they worked, inevitably, Dharavi developed with enclaves that were exclusively inhabited by people from a particular region. The overwhelming majority of Dharavi residents are Dalits who combine material poverty with social stigma as soon as they move outside of their circles. They reside in tight community clusters within the slum- generally based on regional origin and professional status (Nijman, 2009).
As a result Dharavi sports rural copies of duplicate districts in specific settlements. There is a duplicate Tirunelvelli at Kamraj nagar, where each house has a sit-out doled with rangolis; a duplicate Jaunpur; a duplicate Haryana at the Matunga labour camp, where you will see women with their heads covered, cooking on open stoves, goats tethered to side and men sitting on khatiya smoking hookah; a duplicate Saurashtra by Kumbhars who celebrate Gujarati festivals and customs within their tightly knit community; transit camps are dominated by the Konchikoris- a group of itinerant magicians and performers from Solapur. Even with the spatial proximity and high human density, the communities mostly keep to themselves and there are rarely cases of inter-community marriages.
Different communities find different purpose in Dharavi; similarly different genders have different purpose in Dharavi. For men, Dharavi provides livelihood and sustenance. For women, it means living in a crammed surroundings, lack of privacy, difficulties of water and sanitation and often more burden of work. The narratives by women (Sharma, 2000) brought out their preference to rural lives than the slums of the „city of Dreams‟, unlike the men who believed someday their „dreams‟ of a pucca house in the „city‟ will come true.
Dharavi is a compact spread of energy, enterprise, deprivation and desperation which epitomizes the crisis of all fast growing Indian cities. It draws attention to the need to find space and solutions for the growing number of urban poor. Dharavi‟s history and growth
10
illustrate graphically the problems with urban planning, i.e. employment should also be guarded in the proposals. The crisis of housing urban poor in India is because employment is not valued during planning (Sharma, 2000). The reality, however, is that people live (housing) where they find work (employment). Surveys have established that 70 % of people living in Dharavi work here (Sharma 2000).This employment/ housing debate is discussed next in the context of informal production and informal accommodation in Dharavi.
2.2
Informal Economy and Informal housing The term „formal economy‟ may be used to define the production processes and exchange
of goods and services regulated by the market and typically formed by profit oriented commercial enterprises acting in compliance with trading, tax and labour laws. Informal economy may thus refer to all those production and exchange processes which, in some way, fail to comply with the distinctive features described above. (Bagnasco, 1990) Nevertheless the market does regulate the production and exchange of the informal sector. The economic content of the rules and exchanges of the informal economy although not made explicit, are a part of more complex cultural contexts in Dharavi.
However, a central question for theory and policy is whether the formation and expansion of informal sectors is the result of conditions created by advanced capitalism (Sassen, June 1988) and outsourcing (both global and local) production to cheaper destinations? The proliferation of small scale industries in Dharavi and the expansion of its global services, reply in affirmation. Global production for Adidas, Levis, D &G, etc. showcases the link between the formal multinational corporations and the informal small scale manufacturing units. On the other hand, all the worst sins of production in the developing countries can be found here- sweatshops, hazardous industries, insanitary work conditions, and exploitatively low wages. However, correspondingly, unemployment is a rare occasion in Dharavi (Sharma, 2000).
The informality of Dharavi is both entrepreneurial and residential. The literature however focuses on the informality of the slums. The economic prospects of the informal global Node are very rarely examined.
Hidden from conventional economic data and missing from the
bulk of social research, the informal economy of Dharavi is imbued mysteriously with a unique set of identities and system of non-monetary reciprocity, „„trust‟‟ (Samers, 2005 ), and its ability to act as a coping mechanism to the formal. The informal enterprises of Dharavi,
11
the historicity of rise of enterprise and the impact of liberalisation on the industries, the global and local corporate links of the manufacturers, the spill over effect of shutdown of industries on global and local markets, has not been a part of academic research.
Historically speaking, Mumbai experienced its most significant expansion of residential informality during the height of industrial employment in the decades preceding India‟s adoption of structural adjustment reforms and deeper integration in the global economy. The connections between globalization and Mumbai‟s slums are rooted in the state‟s changing response to slums and the formulation of new policies to intervene in residential informality (Weinstein, 2009). The changing politics of slum redevelopment can be tracked by the development processes in Dharavi.
Ananya Roy (2005) in Urban Informality discussed the theme of informality and policy responses to informality, such as slum upgrading and land titling. In the article she compared on one hand the ungovernability of the informal and on the other an image of "heroic entrepreneurship" by Hernando De Soto (2000). De Soto had previously remarked in The Other Path (1989) that "informal economy is the people's spontaneous and creative response to the state's incapacity to satisfy the basic needs of the impoverished masses". Dharavi is in fact a self initiated response to market demands coupled with states‟ „supportive neglect‟ (Weinstein, 2009) towards the urban poor. Ananya Roy‟s judgment that both frames (crisis in planning and heroic entrepreneurship) conceptualize informality and poverty, caused by isolation from global capitalism, would be inaccurate in Dharavi‟s context. Dharavi outlines some seminal theories in the literature as it is a unique mix of informal promoted by the formal, where the global and local markets are equally served, where the informal is accepted by the authorities (vote bank) and infrastructure is extended as a temporary support.
2.3
Government Initiatives: Plans, Proposals and Alternatives for Dharavi Dharavi as narrated by Sharma is a bursting, lively, hard working settlement of natives
and migrants. It‟s previously inactive geographical location squeezed in an unused land between two railways lines and a polluted creek made the unchecked proliferation of informal settlements possible. Development and planning for Dharavi has a long history. Being one of the oldest fishing villages in island city, it has been settled upon ever since by the Son Kolis. Industrialisation in Bombay and the boom of textile and chemical dyeing
12
industry driven by migration were not facilitated by adequate housing facilities. Jasmine mills near the Mahim Station received the first group of migrants. Slowly the settlements expanded,
from
the
Koliwada gaothan to Matunga labour camp, Kumbharwada
and
Chamda Bazaar. One of the
first
plans
for
Dharavi was by Modak and Mayer who
proposed
removal Figure 2: Modak and Mayer, Dharavi Neighbourhood Plan 1948
(Figure
of
1),
the
industry
from Dharavi, and from other parts of the island
city, with their relocation to outlying areas of Greater Bombay. The tanneries were to be removed in the first phase, followed by the removal of other industries from the island city in phases two and three, thus freeing up at least 500 acres of land for housing, roads, and parks (Modak & Mayer, 1948). The plan was never implemented, neither for Dharavi nor for the rest of the city. The next planned proposal came in 1963 under the Town Planning Act of 1954
(Figure 2).
It marked Dharavi for upgrades like colleges, hostels, library, shopping centre, etc. The proposal planned to de-house the existing population from Dharavi. The plan however accommodated
the
tanneries (north east of the map) and other small scale cottage industries and shops. As the plan proposed to demolish the gaothans and rebuild them on neighbourhood spatial pattern, it invited strong
rejection
opposition natives.
Figure 3: Municipal Redevelopment Plan for Dharavi
13
from
and the
In the first three decades after independence, few investments were made to house Bombay‟s poor and working class residents; no new parks or recreational areas were designated; polluting industries and tanneries were allowed to remain in Dharavi and other centrally located areas of the city. Dharavi made the full transition from fishing village to a slum. The fishing, on the other hand came to a halt due to the industrial pollution in the Mithi River. Dharavi‟s previously autonomous settlements of Kumbharwada, Matunga labour Camp, Koliwada, and Chamda bazaar had merged into a single slum, as the space between them was filled in with newer settlements. In the mid-1980s under the Prime Minister‟s Grant Program (PMGP), Dharavi‟s housing and infrastructure underwent significant changes. The first step the state government took to carry out the PMGP was to hire architect Charles Correa to head a committee that would prepare a report on Dharavi‟s current conditions and make recommendations for the area‟s redevelopment. Based on this information, the Committee recommended, like the MayerModak Plan almost 40 years earlier, that the first step should be to remove all of the leather tanneries from Dharavi. By this time, the abattoir had been moved from Bandra to its current location in Deonar and the Committee recommended that the tanneries be shifted along with it. It also recommended that the population of Dharavi be reduced and many of the residents be shifted to alternative locations. The committee recommended that not all of Dharavi‟s estimated 55,000 household should be allowed to remain in Dharavi in order to leave ample space for park lands and recreation facilities, as well as other basic amenities (Sharma, 2000). Despite the grand promises the PMGP initially made to facilitate a comprehensive redevelopment of Dharavi, the program‟s accomplishments were actually quite modest. It facilitated the construction of roads, the cleaning of the creek, and the construction of a handful of mid-rise apartment buildings along Dharavi‟s north eastern boundary. When residents and Dharavi-based organizations learned that the Correa Committee had proposed the displacement of more than 20,000 households, public protests were held, organized primarily by the Dharavi-based group People‟s Responsible Organization for a United Dharavi (PROUD) and the plan was not implemented (Chatterji, 2005). The purely architectural approach did not work for Dharavi as a well designed settlement that will be pleasing to the eyes of the elite was dysfunctional to the people who live there (Sharma, 2000).
14
2.4
The Dharavi Redevelopment Plan The next interventions were not grand proposals or promises but rather small scale sites
and services projects for adding infrastructure and amenities to the slum periphery. Between 1997 and 2004, Mukesh Mehta a private developer approached the state with a plan for redeveloping the entire settlement of Dharavi as a for-profit land development scheme. This is the latest effort to transform Dharavi into an elite sister to BKC next door. He developed the Dharavi Redevelopment Plan on three objectives, 1) to remove slum dwellers from their intolerable conditions, 2) to make a profitable scheme and 3) to provide a scheme for redeveloping all of Dharavi, not one part of it at a time by improving health, income, knowledge, environment and socio-cultural integration (HIKES) (Neuwirth, 2006).
The DRP proposes to divide Dharavi into five sectors and international bids would be invited for the development of each sector. However the plan is applied only in 151 ha. out of the 239 ha. site. The excluded areas include Koliwada, Tata Power Station, the Cemetery, Jasmine Mill Compound, the ONGC precincts, Dharavi Bus Depot, the Mahim Nature Park and some of the already developed parts under segmented SRA schemes. Sixty five percent of the151 ha, will be designated as core building construction and will provide free housing to the 57,531 families. The rest 35% of the building will be put up for sale. Each eligible family will receive 225 sq. ft housing unit, free of cost and an option to buy more area at the construction cost. Only non-polluting and non-hazardous business will be allowed to be rehabilitated. The business will also be allotted a floor space of 225 sq. ft. The families will be provided with temporary residence during the construction period. Existing roads will be widened and new roads will be built. Surrounding railways will be connected to the area for residents‟ commute. The blueprint of the whole project includes shopping malls, hospitals, schools and colleges, police stations, post offices, international craft villages, parks, art galleries, theatre, even a cricket museum. Medical facilities will be built on 6 acres. 36 acres and 35 acres will be allocated to schools and parks/ garden respectively. The developers will provide for the project cost in return of owning total of 40 million sq. ft of commercial space in the prime land of Mumbai. The state government is also adding incentives by granting maximum Floor Space Index (the ratio of total floor area to the plot size) of 4 for the slum houses, 3.1 for the Municipal and Government land and 1.3 for the Private lands. (Roy & Roy, June 4 – 7, 2008). (See Figure 3, for Master Plan).
15
Figure 4: Masterplan of Dharvi, presented by Mukesh Mehta
The redevelopment plan under the Slum Rehabilitation Authority (SRA) identifies it as a Slum and not as a collective informal network of home-based and industrial enterprises. Hence the proposal mainly concerns itself with the rehabilitation of residential slums. The rehabilitation for non-hazardous and non polluting industries and commercial / office / shop / economic activity is only 225 sq. ft5 (far lower than the current area occupied by the industries). Other industries will be dehoused without an alternative plan for resettlement 6. Unlike the SEZs which are claimed to be forerunners for accelerating the pace of economic growth for the state7 and pampered with exceptions and deregulations, the strengths of the globally integrated, multi sector industrial precincts of informal Dharavi are overlooked.
2.5
Alternatives to the Proposal The top-down, developer-driven redevelopment of Dharavi is heavily criticised by the
organisations representing the voice of Dharavi. Ever since the plan was introduced in 2004, activists from Dharavi‟s residents‟ associations, community-based organizations and other civil society groups have sought to engage the authorities in dialogue to address its many critical deficiencies (Patel, Arputham, Burra, & Savchuk, April 2009). Arputham & Patel, 5
Development Control Regulation No. 33 (10)(A) (Regulations for Dharavi Notified Area) Section 5.3 (a)(b)(c) ibid 7 Government of Maharashtra, Resolution no. SEZ 2001/(152)/IND-2 6
16
activists and founders of NSDF and SPARC respectively, have published a series of four articles in Environment and Urbanisation, which discusses the oposition to the state plans and initiatives taken by the citizen representatives for Dharavi. Arjun Appadurai praised these efforts from grass root organisations as they attempt to reconstitute citizenship in cities. He calls it Deep Democracy. He notes that together, these developments have provided a powerful impetus to democratic claims by non-state actors throughout the world (Appadurai, 2002).
Surprisingly, the involved organisations have accepted the proposal to include new residential buildings with units for sale to outsiders and some commercial developments as a way of helping finance Dharavi‟s redevelopment (Arputham & Patel, 2007) but with a claim that a break even could be achieved by lowering the FSI to 2.5, without extending supernormal profits to the developer. The question that comes to one‟s mind is will the culture and societal ties of Dharavi dilute with this outside intrusion or will the new members learn and adjust to the life of Dharavi? With the criticism for DRP many alternatives emerged. As Dharavi‟s redevelopment is conditioned by global economic pressures and has global implications, SPARC and NSDF invited global design and planning institutions, organised workshops and planned seminars by inviting civic authorities. The involvement of global planners, designers, institutions, etc. was sought to spread global awareness of the situation in Dharavi and to generate public pressure in favour of residents‟ concerns (Patel, Arputham, Burra, & Savchuk, April 2009).
The images on the next page are the results of such collaborative efforts with global players. They can be categorised as Designer‟s vision (Figure 4) which represents aestheticsdesigning world class architecture of glass-clad buildings, where the 3-D render appeals for visual pleasure rather than actual workability on the ground plane; the Developer‟s vision (Figure 5) represented by HOK displays floor levels and caters to the FSI requirement posted by the plan; and Institution‟s vision (Figure 6) to tap the aspirations of Dharavi goes along the route of open public squares and public spaces as the connector in urban plans. Most of these visions lacked a thorough understanding of the various players at stake in Dharavi and were superficial attempts of aestheticisation.
17
Figure 5: Proposed by DESIGN ARCHITECT, Adrian Smith + Gordon Gill Architecture LLP
Figure 6: Proposed by Developer HOK
Figure 7: Waterfront development for Dharavi by the delegation from Columbia University 18
Many alternative proposals are also suggested by domestic institutions. Kamala Raheja (KRVIA) and Center for Environment and Planning (CEPT) have worked out detailed proposals. Both of them suggest various alternatives with FSI ranging from 1.5- 14 (for commercial development). Three „Alternatives for Development‟ were proposed namely, High-rise Development for 15-20 storeys building
(Figure 7),
Conservative surgery with in situ
phase wise development through minimal disruption and Combination of High and Low-rise Development of G+2 & high rise buildings (Figure 8). The high rise development FSI 14
conceptualised the utilization of
FSI 10
the market potential of land by
FSI 4
providing good quality housing. The
plan
proposed
for
interaction of land use, transport & infrastructure provision. This will be assisted by commercial development social
with
adequate
infrastructure
and
amenities. To achieve this, high rise with maximum FSI are
Figure 8:High-rise Development by CEPT
proposed.
Infrastructure
provision as per population density and sale component in terms of commercial and housing units with the help of urban finance is suggested. The conservative surgery rejects the Redevelopment which tears down social networks and the sense of identity and belonging of the current residents. Physical development through improvement of roads, water & sanitation, social development by improving built environment providing basic social amenities at local level is suggested. This facilitates economic growth by promoting indigenous skills, by developing a mechanism to involve people in their own socio-economic upliftment. The concern for investment is raised in this proposal. The third alternative is a combination of the first two proposals and adds the benefits of the individual plans. The strategy of the third proposal is to house all and includes tenureship to the household which comes under residential & R+C use. It has provision for rental houses (25%). Funds will be raised through land mobilization for private development. This plans to involve
19
community participation at design & implementation level and formalisation of unorganized economic activity & introduction of newer employment opportunities both commercial & industrial. Although these alternatives theoretically solve the issues of livelihoods and employment, larger
issues of funds
for
redevelopment, involvement of private RESIDENTIAL MIXED USE PUB. AMENITY COMMERCIAL BAZAAR EXCLUDED OPEN SPACE INDUSTRIAL ZONE
Figure 9: Combination of High and Low-rise Development by CEPT
2.6
developer
with
incentives, added pressure on already infrastructure
crumbling remain
unanswered.
Criticism and other Alternatives In Dharavi: Makeover or Takeover, Patel (2010) examines the many attendant constraints
in developing viable solutions for Dharavi. He criticises the plans and proposals suggested for Dharavi on the grounds of workability for the current residents of Dharavi. He suggests an alternative to provide the essential infrastructure of water supply and sanitation, frame rules for redevelopment, and leave it to organisations of the residents themselves to take up reconstruction, in consonance with an overall plan.
Similarly, Sharma (2000) clarifies the position of Dharavi. The people of Dharavi who live in the uncomfortable, incredibly crowded lanes certainly know what they want. They have survived without assistance from the state by devising solutions which are workable and realistic. Now that assistance is being offered, it should not stifle the spirit of enterprise; instead it should build on it. To overcome slums, we must regard slum residents as people capable of understanding and acting upon their own self interests. This is far from trying to patronise people into a better life, and is far from institutional alternatives doled out on Dharavi.
The crisis of Dharavi does not need conventional welfare proposals of the (non) paternalistic state. It needs a shift towards enhancement of individual capabilities by ensuring an enabling environment, sought through the Capability Approach of Amartya Sen. The 20
concern for livelihoods and employment is the main reason for rejection. The Redevelopment plans for Dharavi do not guarantee human capabilities or economic growth of the slum entrepreneurs and workers. Development as Freedom (2000) talks of engaging capabilities and (re)Development that enables the population. Over the last decade Amartya Sen‟s Capability Approach has emerged as a leading economic framework for thinking about poverty, inequality and human development. This method of assessing welfare looks at what humans need to flourish and advocates that people living in poverty be provided with the capability and freedom to function in areas of life that are important to them. When applied to housing, this method means providing residents with capabilities through housing to achieve the things they most value, for example, income, social networks or security (Kestermann, February 2010). This is people centred and is concerned with what people value, their aspirations and their freedom to achieve them. While people are perceived as drivers of change, the Capability Approach aims at strengthening the enabling environment.
To sum up, redevelopment proposals for Dharavi have been initiated since the independence of the country. The main outlook of most of these redevelopment proposals is to make the heart of the city- a „part‟ of its world class neighbours like BKC and to avail the benefits for real estate. The plans consistently patronise the „slum‟ dwellers and ignore the skills, creativity and self initiated alternative economy (GDP more than 1500 crores) of Dharavi. Many aspects of project feasibility, including cost benefit analysis, environment impact analysis are also ignored.
The failure of the plans primarily resulted from the absence of realisation of the ground reality. The way de Certeau (1984) sees Manhattan from the 110th floor of the World Trade Centre- the proposals see the „projection‟ with a see- all- power but fail to connect to the ground. The narratives from Rediscovering Dharavi give a glimpse of the wide expanse of small scale commercial/production activities of Dharavi which has escaped the imaginary totalizations by the strangers who planned the „Change‟. The bartanwalis, the konchikoris fortune tellers, the broom makers, the chuna factory workers are some of the least known residents of Dharavi. In order to criticise/ evaluate/ appreciate/ suggest plans and alternatives for Dharavi, thorough information of its economical, socio-cultural, spatial utility should be collected. The following section is a firsthand data gathering exercise. It tries to link the arguments of the criticism with the reality of the slum dwellers.
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3.
Observations and Interactions In order to appreciate Dharavi‟s wide diversity of innovation and networks this early
study is derived from Go-Alongs8, unstructured interviews with small scale entrepreneurs and silent observations. Various socio-economic aspects of trade and enterprise are studied. The methodology follows the idea of Walking in the City (De Certeau, 1984) as the „metaphorical city within the city‟ slips into the clear text of „readable city‟.
This section brings forward the resources and networks of some traditional and modern set ups. The traditional industries include the potteries and the fisheries. The more modern industries from 13th compound make ready-made garments and dress material; jeans, shirts and T-shirts are stitched in tailoring units; leather goods like bags, wallets, belts, purses are manufactured and exported; they recycle plastic and paper boxes; aluminium is molten and recycled in dingy workshops; the bakeries bake fresh toasts, breads and cakes; Lime (chuna) is packaged in tiny tubes; soap is manufactured and sliced into cubes; paint and oil cans are cleaned and reused; shoes are made in tiny units; furniture and wooden accessories workshops spill over the narrow lanes; zari work is carried out in long narrow rooms. This vast variety of enterprise also supports (although indirectly) the slum tourism industry. Away from the prime industrial areas in the residential settlements of Muslim nagar and Social nagar, a large section of second wage earners and home makers earn, in their spare time. The following sub sections are compiled interactions with the residents of the above mentioned industries. These interactions focussed on the trade, production/ marketing/ transportation/ end users, etc. The procedures were linked to the spatial needs (De Certeau, 1984) of „new‟ Dharavi and the responses were used to analyse the impact of Dharavi Redevelopment plan on their livelihoods.
3.1
Issues of the Kumbhars Kumbhars have been residing in Dharavi after their migration from Saurashtra followed
by two resettlements by the Mumbai Municipal Corporation.
Most of the potters earn from the sale of garden pots, which are sold to institutions/firms via tenders. Pots to store drinking water come second in sale. Diwali is the peak season for 8
When conducting Go-Alongs, field workers accompany individual informants on their ‘natural’ outings, and through asking questions, listening and observing – actively explore their subjects’ stream of experiences and practices as they move through, and interact with, their physical and social environment. (Kusenbach, 2003) 22
sale of diyas. Family labour contributes in the design and finishing and for painting it is outsourced to other Dharavi residents (second wage networks_ discussed in section 3.5).
The handicrafts are made on wheels or with moulds. The moulded pots are carefully laid in the kiln. The kilns use leftover cloth from the garment industry (Process: Networks) as fuel. Cotton fabric is preferred as it burns slowly ensuring ideal temperature for the baking of the pot.
In contemporary times this traditional pottery industry is facing a breakeven crisis. The losses are incurred due to the increased salinity in the soil bought from Bhiwandi. Many pots crack in the kiln, thus increasing loss of capital as well as human labour. The second alternative is importing soil from Gujarat. This is not financially feasible as the transportation cost for one truck load of potters‟ mud from Saurashtra is INR 40,000 per day.
The market competitiveness is also lopsided. Other potters from Gujarat (old Ahmedabad and Sarkhej) are sufficiently subsidised by the Gujarat state government whereas potters from Dharavi cannot break even, despite the exemption from taxes under the traditional industries. This has resulted in diversification of occupations. The next generation has moved away from pottery towards more modern occupations. It was mentioned that in another thirty years no wheel would turn in Kumbharwada, unless this occupation shows ample profit.
Even with the occupational diversification the kumbhars still believe the redevelopment proposal should consider their occupational requirements and design open spaces in front of the house for storing mud, space for their kilns and shops along the roadside (Space: Procedure (De Certeau, 1984)). They are attached to their traditional trade. The SRA had promised the residents collaboration with the National Institute of Ceramic Design to bring technology and modernity to this traditional sector. Hence, they are hopeful.
Kumbharwada however, will not benefit from this collaboration if they are shifted on the 25th floor of a high rise, without kilns, without mud pits and stomping grounds, into a minimal 225sq. ft. as against the 2000 sq. ft. homes that they currently live in. The irony of the proposal and the evident loss of traditional industries is how the DRP will NOT support Kumbharwada.
23
3.2
Koliwada and its self initiated development: Kalpana Sharma (2000: 46) describes the kolis‟ “unique style of fishing” at the mouth of
the Mithi River. The fishermen would take on lease fishing rights which allowed them to build a dam across the creek. At high tide, the fish would enter and would then be trapped within the barrage. At low tide, fishermen would wade into the water with nets and catch the fish alive.
Fishing in the mangroves has been declining due to the pollution in the Mithi. After the construction of the Sion-Bandra Link Road, fishing was restricted and the mangroves were debarred. The fisher folk however continue fishing for self consumption.
Although fishing is restricted in Figure 10: Bunds for fishing in the Mahim creek the mangroves, they are still held as common property resource by the koli community. Coconut and bean/drumstick plantations owned by the fishermen are grown in the mangroves (bunds are seen vaguely in the satellite image). Their past occupations substitute a „nowhen to the presence of diverse absences‟ (De Certeau, 1984). The past lingers as the Koliwada tries to re-invent itself in an act of challenging its future with DRP. Koilwada is excluded from the DRP as the kolis have all the documents of land ownership, right from the Portuguese papers to the land transfer documents by BMC to ascertain legal ownership. Koliwada is not a slum but a koli gaothan. The kolis have self initiated their redevelopment by joining hands with NGOs like PUKAR. They organised workshops and interventions by inviting designers for a vision of development. This process was at its peak in 2008. The workshops however did not give concrete suggestions and plans for implementation. They were an exercise to initiate and realise their dream for development.
Although Koliwada is excluded from the DRP, their common lands in the mangroves are not. They come under the Mithi River proposal. This proposal shifts the fishing rights away from the mouth of the river, closer to Kurla. This would lead to the discontinuation of the
24
bund- fishing of the kolis. Furthermore, the mangroves would be trimmed to make way for water recreation activities. The DRP and the Mithi River project although do not explicitly involve the Kolis but their implementation would yield negative externality.
3.3
Industries at 13th compound 13th compound is a cluster of industries with an annual turnover of 1500 crores. 3.3.1 Plastic Industry The space within the plastic industry is used up by heavy machines and bags of raw
materials/ finished goods. The case of the plastic industry and its process decentralisation has already been mentioned in the introduction. The pellets are the end products of the process. The lower quality plastic pellets are sent to the Thane Bhiwandi industrial belt to make cheap
plastic accessories like hair clips, hair bands, plastic jewellery and toys. The higher quality as per the order is sent to companies like Whirlpool, Neelkamal, which use recycled plastic. The capital goods industry which produces machinery is also based in Dharavi. The shredder blades for plastic recycling are made in situ (Process: Networks). These capital goods industries that make blades and spare parts for machineries also employ labour for repair and maintenance. 3.3.2
Aluminium Recycling Industry Along the Nala are three unbroken chains of metal scrap workshops, whose rear entrance opens into the drains. The most compact industry is the Aluminium Recycling industry. The workshops for metal recycling are dark, sweaty
and hot, with the large furnace. Two units are positioned next to one another, one melts the metal and cleans it and the other fills the molten metal into moulds. The solid metal bricks are called ingots. A separate unit melts the
25
ingots and fills them into moulds of desired functions. On the day of visit the ingots were moulded into motors for Bajaj mixers. 3.3.3 Sand and Wax Cloth Dyeing Industry The S/W Dyeing workshop typically lays mounds of wet sand on large tables. The garments/ dress materials manufactured are generally exported to the Gulf countries. Dharavi has eight to ten such sand and wax workshops. A wet sand mound is laid below the cloth. The dye prints are immersed in wax and pattern is formed on the fabric. The sand absorbs the extra wax. The fabric is then immersed in colour pigments. After drying, the fabric is boiled in hot water. The wax melts out leaving the negative patch. One industrial unit has around 250 varieties of dyeing blocks. This makes an assortment of millions of permutations and combinations in designs. 3.3.4 Readymade Garments and Zari Workskop Right in front of the Sand and Wax industry was the readymade garment workshop. As the export garments industry flourished only after the reforms in 1991 (the impact of liberalisation on the diversification of industries is yet to be studied), it is newer than the other settled industries. The garment manufacturer makes shirts, jeans, stitch kurtas and dress pieces. Access was not granted workshop.
to
the
Zari
(Photo courtesy:
Cory Goldberg)
3.3.5
Bakeries and Tin Cleaning Industry
Towards the interiors of 13th compound , the air smells of butter and toast. The bakery is a large, partially underground room split into four sections one to knead the flour, other to roll it, the next one to mould it into shape, and the last has a large oven to bake. They bake both for local and foreign consumption. The toast from the bakeries is exported to Afghanistan in tin cans. These tin cans are reused oil (Process: Networks)
26
cans from the can cleaning factory
(Photo Courtesy: Andreas Grosse-Halbuer).
Everyday, early
morning the baked toast is sent to the airport in the sealed cans. The packaging label of the bakery product however, does not read Dharavi9. 3.3.6 Leather Goods Industry The leather industry is one of the oldest in Dharavi. It uses pre-tanned leather from Chennai, as raw skin is no longer processed in house. The leather from Chennai is evened out, dyed and embossed in Dharavi. Final products include purses, wallets, belts, suitcases, etc. Orders from Dolce and Gabbana, Mochis, Levis, Adidas were being processed on the day of the visit. 3.3.7 Accommodations for the Workers Workers of these industries stay in the factories on the upper floor. Some order food from the restaurants or call for dubba service. Most of the worker population are male migrants who rest in dormitories called pongal houses; a long narrow room with just enough leg space to lie „peacefully‟. Dharavi is a labyrinth, buzzing with activity 24X7, however as most of the industries are run by Muslims from UP and Tamil Nadu, the work comes to a halt when the workers come out on the streets for the Jumma prayers(Space: Procedure (De Certeau, 1984)). The informality of the system allows them to merge social/ religious and occupational duties.
The Dharavi redevelopment plan will evict more than half of these industries as they are hazardous. The linkage of this decision will result in unemployment of skilled labours in these industries. Of the ones which will be permitted to stay like the garments industry, will be given only 225 sq. ft. of free built up area and will have to buy the rest at market price. Moreover the DRP has no plan for housing the largely unsheltered industrial labour. The absence of adequate site, absence of labour accommodations, and the additional investments will drive these native industries out of Dharavi.
3.4
Slum Tourism and post DRP substitute: There are two competitors of the slum tourism market in Dharavi, Reality tours and „Be
the Local‟ tours. Reality Tours is a collaboration of a foreigner and local, they hire guides from all across Mumbai. Be the Local on the other hand is a local initiative which hires local 9
On account of hygiene concerns related to a slum 27
students for part time jobs as guides. 95% of the visitors for these tours are foreigners, esp. foreign universities which come to study urban slums.
The local guides take pride in the successful diversification of Dharavi. Both the tours start with the industrial area, demonstrate the communal unity (Muslim craftsman making Hindu wooden shrines), squeeze into the narrowest lanes of Dharavi, brush off the common toilets, through the leather market and out in the main streets.
The residents do not think the tours have a voyeuristic intent and approach the tourist in casual jolly tones. Fahim (proprietor of „Be the Local‟) considers continuing with the business even after the implementation of DRP. He plans to diversify soon to a Mumbai and local tour (just as Reality) as the slum tour would die down. However as the slum tours exhibits uniqueness of Dharavi, if the new DRP lives up to the mark and allows a continuum of the existing livelihoods, he even plans to start a new „World Class tour‟ (in place of Slum tours) and showcase the new upgraded Dharavi.
3.5
Second wage earning and networking in Dharavi Most of the home makers at Dharavi both take care of the family as well as earn through
second wage opportunities. Second wage earners are exposed to a wide variety of jobs, most of which are time bound. Small time home businesses like making hairbands/ accessories/ jewellery making, papad making, painting diya during Diwali etc. can be easily managed along with daily household responsibilities.
Most of these jobs are completed together by the whole family in their spare time and sometimes with help from neighbours and relatives in case of urgency. As the payment is on the number of items completed and returned, the family can utilize the raw materials bought at lower cost and use the finished product for household consumption. For example, the house can keep aside some papad for their daily consumption. As this homemade papad will be priced higher once it enters the market; the household can enjoy cheaper papad in return of their labour. The informal business also comes with untold bonds of trust and a guarantee of honesty.
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Some of the second wage business do not need labour. With adequate machinery and infrastructure many business especially related to cold storage can be started. Households with refrigerators earn 100% profits after sale of frozen fruit sticks (pepsicola); storage and distribution of milk from Mahanand dairy also earns benefits. This is particularly profitable in the SRA buildings which pay a fixed price of INR 200 per month for the electricity.
As most of the second wage earners are women they share a monthly bishi fund, which is similar to chit funds. Emergencies and special occasions are taken care by the bishi group. Bishi funds shared by women are from monthly savings. This is how the community saves informally and mutually and helps one another.
Networks are easy to create in Dharavi and they last forever. These networks are none other than new job prospects. As the business does not need a setup and jobs can be taken up on the basis of spare time, most of these second wage earners are indifferent towards the design of DRP. However it was distinctly reported that the arrival of new neighbours, of higher economic status (with the proposal for Middle and Higher income housing in DRP) would affect the networks‟ within acquaintance and might harm the ease of business.
Network is a non physical requirement of Dharavi. Networks and acquaintances in Dharavi should be given due position in the proposals for Dharavi as their absence would disrupt the livelihoods of many. In an informal, decentralised economy, efficient coordination between and within networks plays a crucial role in its smooth functioning. Ignoring networks would look at the industries in isolation. The networks, informal bonds, work associations and their spatial relevance should be thoroughly studied before suggesting redevelopment plans for Dharavi.
Life in Dharavi has to be understood in the tongue of its people and not by the aspirations of a world class urban imitation or liquidity for the real estate sector. Community life in Dharavi, its social and service fabric, its non-formal money arrangement, the „just in time‟ production, its global networks, the traditional and modern enterprises, their capabilities, their freedoms, should be valued. Its social/ cultural liveliness should not be coated by the global formality of a world class city. Following are some of the cultural programmes and celebrations in Dharavi. Still lives from Dharavi will give the reader a peep into the bustling hardworking settlement.
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Nashik Dhol for the wedding
Lawani celebrations for Guddi Padwa
Navratri at Kumbharwada
Women discussing bishi funds
Filling up water for the day
Children playing by the resting funfare Columbus
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Factories open up at the Nala
At the restaurant Woman at Koliwada making papad
Tailor on the mezzanine
Nap time at the recycling industry
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Sorting at the recycling factory
Raw materials in the narrow lanes
Bull that transports Kerosene to the industries
Dubbawala in the streets of Dharavi
Smiling porter
from Flickr. com
Levels of interaction at Dharavi
Remains of the Rewah fort by the slum 32
Foundation stone (dated 1737) at the Kala Killa (Rewah fort)
from Flickr. com
Kumbharwada diversifying
Packaging pellets at the plastic industry
Dargah in the middle of the lane One of the Bawdis(wells) in Dharavi
33
View of the open space after SRA development
Worker in the factory
Children at the video game centre
Unloading at the metal scrap industry Vegetable vender at the cross junction Rag Picker at the Nala
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The stills are proxy to the real bonds, network, aspirations and hardwork of Dharaviwhich should be „read‟. One has to visualise the other path of administration for the informal Dharavi. De Certeau (1984) suggests that one can analyse the microbe like, singular/ plural practices which the urbanistic system was expected to administer; one can follow the swarming activity of these procedures that have reinforced themselves in the proliferating illegitimacy and only then read the „City‟.
Dharavi has managed to recreate every socio-cultural amenity in its densely packed settlement.- the Muslims use the roads for namaz, the street corners hoard functions on new year, the narrow lanes are ideal for dandia. They have many cinema (rooms), videogame parlours, beauty salons in Dharavi. They have open spaces for weddings, Holi celebrations, etc. Dharavi has integrated most of the aspects of urban planning into its informal mesh of layouts; as its spatial practices secretly structure the determining conditions of social life (De Certeau, 1984).
Dharavi is not just a residential slum. It is also not a slum in isolation. Dharavi is the economic connector between the social classes, globally. If the proposal for the „upliftment‟ from poverty takes away their livelihood from them, the proposal should be rejected. The industries of Dharavi are innovative, efficient and produce quality products in unhealthy work conditions. The upliftment cannot come with outward stitches of world class infrastructure; the labours should be healed from within by an inclusive development.
The DRP is a developers attempt to benefit from the accelerating real estate prices. It does not consider the impact of shutting of these global nodes of production on the economy of Mumbai. With more than 70% of Dharavi, working in Dharavi, the impact of the implementation of an unconcerned DRP will affect a large majority -more than one million households. This calls for a thorough study of all physical, social, economic requirements of Dharavi and a design of a self help model facilitated by a welfare state.
35
4.
Conclusion The vast literature on Dharavi and the studies on political implications of the
implementation of the DRP overlook many facets of the slum‟s prosperity. The literature largely lacks economic insights on issues with global and regional impacts. Although it is difficult to entirely understand the complexity of this informal masterpiece, many questions remain unanswered by the previous research. The historicity of the rise of enterprise and the impact of liberalisation on the industries in Dharavi has not been studied. This research can reveal innovations of self development and probably present an alternate route for successful small scale enterprises in urban setups. This study is important before proposing redevelopment. In cases where self help is promising, the development proposal should only facilitate upgradation of the physical environment and not countermand the existing beauty of well formed systems. The global and local corporate links of the manufacturers is also not researched. Dharavi is one of the few cases where the formal explicitly needs the informal. The networks of traders and middlemen and the route of product from the raw materials to the end user (both global and local) would also be helpful to gauge the outreach of Dharavi. With clear research on the factor and goods and services market influenced by Dharavi, the spill over effect of shutdown of industries (as the DRP proposes) on global and local markets would be known. If the domino effect results in reduced revenues then the proposal should be altered to include the economic benefit of the existing industries and the city as a whole. Home based manufacturing units at Dharavi are yet to receive scholarly appraisal. The fieldwork noted some of these home-based activities. The wide range of vocations, of products and their penetration in the local market and consumption by poor both in the city and hinterlands will help calculate the local impact of the proposal. The low cost goods and services extended by Dharavi should be studied. The feasibility of the proposal for the common people who are not explicitly affected by the DRP, i.e. the externality of the DRP on the city‟s poor should be followed. Similarly the work networks and socio-spatial needs of the second wage earners are also important. The conscientious home makers of Dharavi deserve as much importance in the proposal as any other small scale industry. Their networks and contacts should be guarded. The fieldwork expressed the connectivity of jobs not as a linear model of transfers but as a labyrinth of various vocations. Their saving and money lending methods should also be studied. Their financial informal innovations can also be applied to Dharavi as a whole such
36
that the region can sponsor its own development (if proven feasible) without the formal intervention by the state. The future of traditional industries, both fishing and pottery are not discussed. The fieldwork displayed many problems, both institutional and market oriented, with these traditional industries. The prospects for technological transfers to the potters and environmental cleaning and its assessment on the livelihoods of the fishermen should be detailed. The aspirations of the next generation and their opinions on the ancestral trade should also be gathered. This study will help us assess how the project will enable the decisions of these sections. In case of demand for continuation of the traditional undertaking, the proposal should adequately accommodate the needs of the population. In the case of diversification from the traditional path, the proposal should support the new aspirations of the people. To be in a better position to recommend/ suggest alternatives, gender studies in Dharavi are also necessary. The lack of privacy, absence of sanitation and services, should be noted and aspirations should be valued. The absence of these studies and the neglect of a thorough cost benefit analysis before proposing the redevelopment plan have resulted in lack of solid ground to reject or accept the proposal for Dharavi.
Criticism of the Proposal and Alternatives
After studying the proposals and alternatives it is clear why the some activists, NGOs, and peoples‟ organizations come down heavily on the DRP.
The fieldwork has also
attempted to gain insight into the positives and negatives of these proposals. The alternatives suggested do not take into consideration many important variables, e.g. the existing large male migrated population working in the industries, past and future livelihoods for traditional industries, etc. The proposals primarily talk about residential apartments but do not consider existing alternatives like dormitories (pongal houses) which already house the labourers. The fieldwork in the 13th compound exposed the concerns of the industries on the housing of the workers. The relation of housing to employment should not be underestimated. Similarly, the issue of multiple household tenancy is raised but a solution to the problem by providing affordable rental housing to the rest of the non- photopass holders is not considered. In fact
37
low rental alternatives for affordable housing and lease as the free sale component would open the plan to EWS/LIG. Environmentally, the cleaning of the Mithi River, the water front development and the plan for rain water harvesting (also suggested in DRP) are accounted as modern sustainable blankets to comfort the beauty of the metropolis. Hence, the plan should attempt to invoke the lost trade of the fisherfolk. The fieldwork revealed that the fishermen continue to fish, for self consumption. Hence, after the cleaning of the river, fishing permits (with adequate quota to ensure sustainable practice) in the mangroves should be given back to the Kolis and their livelihoods returned. Following the symposium on fishing industries in December 2010, the future prospects for fishing industries in Maharashtra seem bright. Sharad Pawar (Agriculture minister) asked the State to provide land for the aquaculture business and wanted the Maharashtra government to address the housing problems of fishermen along the coast. With this background, the redevelopment proposals for Dharavi should integrate the larger concerns and livelihoods of the kolis. The heritage of Rewah Fort (1737), Dharavi Cross (1850), Badi Masjid (1887), the Khambadeo Mandir will be razed to ground during the implementation of DRP. Apart from being a part of Architectural heritage, these structures have integrated into the socio-cultural lives of the residents. The redevelopment proposal should take what is important and develop around it, rather than work out the easiest solution of clearing and rebuilding. The topography of Dharavi does not follow a plain contour; in fact there are many level variations in ground plane. These geographical undulations should also be tracked and used creatively in the designs. There are many unused and unclean wells in the region. These wells can be cleaned and used productively for water supply and combined with rainwater harvesting or ground water replenishing, as per decision. Another question raised before redesigning Dharavi is, should a slum and its territorial extent be defined on the basis of community? To outsiders, slums tend to appear as more or less contiguous areas of decrepit housing, without much consideration for possible internal differences. But to those inside the slums, territoriality is often hugely important in terms of belonging, identity, safety, community, status and political organisation ( from Nijman, 2009). The DRP does not consider such community based neighbourhoods nor do the alternatives. The development interventions in Dharavi should not superimpose urban layouts distinct from the existing plans. Finally, the literature that criticised the DRP had a puzzling opinion. The activists and the representatives (SPARC and NSDF) did not evaluate the benevolent state‟s responsibility to
38
provide selfless accommodations to the poor. In fact they accepted the need for public private partnership. This decision was also criticised by Patel (2010) on the grounds of increased density. The high density region of Dharavi with a proposed FSI of four would almost triple its existing density. This would amplify the problems of infrastructure and management. The absence of reading Dharavi from the worm‟s eye(from the ground plane (De Certeau, 1984))
and
studying
its
implicit
space-procedure-space-social_life-space-livelihoods
relationship has led to the misjudgement of what is good and what is best for Dharavi. The networks are the arteries of that pump jobs in Dharavi: the proposal should connect this network to its spatial utility. The appropriations of „optimistic‟ implementations versus the compromises and adjustments of the daily users should both be avoided.
To conclude I will come back to some of the questions posed by Sharma (2000);
Should Dharavi be left alone, developed, or pulled down and developed? Should the state recognise its industrial nature and provide it with facilities that will, at the least, make working conditions for thousands of workers safer and cleaner? Or will doing that kill their enterprises?
Should the existing socio-cultural segregation of neighbourhoods be reflected in the plans? Or should Dharavi sacrifice for the greater good of a World class metropolis and lose its identity?
Ex-post when the elite of BKC join Dharavi, how will the new Dharavi and Old Dharavi interact? Will the old Dharavi continue to own the streets for celebrations? Will their customs and traditions be formalised by the elite? Or will they be made elite and formalised?
Should the government only fund the redevelopment? Should it be a public Private partnership where the private does not plan for welfare but for its own profit maximisation? Or should the Dharavi be allowed to develop on its own, on its own terms with government facilitation? Or should Dharavi design a self help model for its redevelopment?
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