Davies - NGOs a New History of Transnational Civil Society

NGOs

Thomas Davies

NGOs

A New History of Transnational Civil Society

A

A Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Aucklandâ•…Cape Townâ•…Dar es Salaamâ•…Hong Kongâ•…Karachi Kuala Lumpurâ•…Madridâ•…Melbourneâ•…Mexico Cityâ•…Nairobi New Delhiâ•…Shanghaiâ•…Taipeiâ•…Toronto With offices in Argentinaâ•…Austriaâ•…Brazilâ•…Chileâ•…Czech Republicâ•…Franceâ•…Greece Guatemalaâ•…Hungaryâ•…Italyâ•…Japanâ•…Polandâ•…Portugalâ•…Singapore South Koreaâ•…Switzerlandâ•…Thailandâ•…Turkeyâ•…Ukraineâ•…Vietnam Copyright © 2014 Thomas Davies Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 Published in the United Kingdom in 2014 by C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd. www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this title Davies, Thomas NGOs A New History of Transnational Society 9780199387533 Printed in India on Acid-Free Paper

For my mother

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ix Introduction 1 1.â•‡ Emergence to 1914 19 â•…â•›Early History to 1767 20 â•…â•›The Emergence of Modern INGOs, 1767–1869 23 â•…â•›Consolidation of the ‘First Wave’, 1870–1900 44 â•…â•›P roliferation and Decline, 1901–1914 65 2.â•‡1914–1939 77 â•…â•›The First World War, the Paris Peace Conference, and the â•… Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society, 1914–1919 78 â•… The Development of Transnational Civil Society in the 1920s 92 â•… From Consolidation to Collapse, 1930–1939 106 3.â•‡ 1939 to the Present Day 123 â•…â•›The Second World War, the Onset of the Cold War and the â•… Division of Transnational Civil Society 124 â•…â•›The Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society from the â•… 1960s to the 1980s 141 â•… From Coalitions to Crisis, 1990 to the Present Day 154 Conclusion 175 â•…â•›The Three Waves of Transnational Civil Society 177 â•…â•›Explaining the Three Waves 178 â•…â•›Future Possibilities 181 Notes 183 Further Reading 243 Index 269

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author benefited from the help of many people in writing this book. He is particularly grateful to Professor Martin Ceadel at New College, Oxford, for suggesting this avenue of research. Colleagues at the University of Oxford and City University London provided stimulating Â�environments in which the research for this volume was undertaken. The author was supported by a period of sabbatical leave and a PumpPriming Grant from City University London. Research assistance from Dr Holly Ryan was invaluable, as was the advice of colleagues and Â�students, especially Professor Peter Willetts and Dr Alejandro Peña. The author is indebted to the archivists and librarians at the many institutions which housed the works cited in this volume, as well as to the staff of Hurst Publishers. Numerous academics provided insights which Â�influenced this volume, and the author is especially grateful to the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript. The author is most indebted of all to his family, especially to his mother, Pauline Davies, to whom this book is dedicated. Â€

Â€

ix

INTRODUCTION

The more than 20,000 international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) operating today span almost every sector of human activity. Their work includes Amnesty International’s promotion of human rights in 150 countries, BRAC’s $9 billion microfinance programme and the humanitarian assistance provided by 30,000 Médecins Sans Frontières. INGOs’ memberships may exceed the populations of many countries, and the largest—the International Cooperative Alliance—unites a billion cooperators in ninety-one countries. INGOs provide services varying from the resolution of more international disputes by the arbitration procedures of the International Chamber of Commerce than by those of the International Court of Justice, to the welfare services of the Muslim Brotherhood that exceed those provided by governments in multiple countries. Since the end of the Cold War, INGO campaigns for the banning of landmines, diminution of developing countries’ debt burdens, abandonment of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment and the creation of an International Criminal Court have been hailed as examples of successful transnational activism. It is through the lens of the history of INGOs that this book aims to provide a new history of transnational civil society. â•… Despite the burgeoning literature that has developed over the last two decades on INGOs, their history to date, as Samuel Moyn has argued, has been ‘barely assayed’.1 This volume aims to address this deficit and to provide a new history of transnational civil society through (i) revealing how INGOs have a far longer history than traditionally assumed; (ii) exploring the Eastern as well as the Western origins of INGOs; (iii) considering the history of a broader range of INGOs than previous studies; (iv) delineating how in contrast to conventional wisdom the history

1

NGOs: A NEW HISTORY OF TRANSNATIONAL CIVIL SOCIETY

of INGOs has developed in a cyclical pattern; and (v) providing an explanatory framework for this pattern of evolution. After introducing the concepts taken forward in this volume, this chapter outlines these contributions, before introducing the sources used and the organization of the subsequent chapters.

Transnational Civil Society and International Non-Governmental Organizations Transnational civil society refers to non-governmental non-profit collective action that transcends national boundaries but which does not necessarily have global reach. It is a relatively recent concept, but draws from the classical notion of societas civilis, a rule-governed political community based on consent and therefore peaceful—or ‘civil’—in its operation.2 In the present day, the concept of ‘civil society’ is understood not to include either the governmental or the profit-making aspects of social interaction, but the role of ‘civility’ implicit in the original term remains significant.3 In the context of contemporary globalization, it is claimed that civil society may now have become ‘global’, consisting of ‘institutions that straddle the whole earth, and have complex effects that are felt in its four corners’.4 However, even for many of its proponents, truly global civil society may still be a ‘project’ or an ‘aspiration’ rather than an empirically observable phenomenon.5 That civil society may be transnational—i.e. involves interactions across the borders of states—is much less contentious.6 â•… The institutions of transnational civil society are numerous, and include advocacy networks and social movements as well as more formally organized INGOs. Transnational advocacy networks consist of actors in multiple countries united by shared ideals and linked by exchanges of services and information.7 Keck and Sikkink have shown how through a ‘boomerang pattern of influence’, by which groups in one country appeal for the assistance of those in other countries, transnational advocacy networks have helped to bring about political changes such as the end of apartheid in South Africa.8 Transnational social movements are similar to advocacy networks, but involve more sustained mobilization and may be broader in scope.9 While this book makes reference to advocacy networks and social movements, the key focus is upon INGOs, which participate in advocacy networks and social movements but the activities of 2

INTRODUCTION

which extend far further. INGOs are overwhelmingly considered to be the key actors in transnational civil society.10 Furthermore, given their formal organizational structures, INGOs have often left clearly identifiable records on which to base research. â•… The term ‘INGO’ is far more recent in origin than the actors to which this label is applied. Prior to the formation of the United Nations it was common instead to refer to them as ‘private international organizations’.11 The new label dates to the reference in Article 71 of the United Nations Charter to the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC)’s capacity to consult ‘with non-governmental organizations which are concerned with matters within its competence’.12 ECOSOC chose to define an INGO simply as ‘any international organization which is not established by intergovernmental agreement’ but has in practice excluded profit-making international corporations, as have the vast majority of definitions of INGOs.13 Also excluded from most understandings are organizations operating solely in one country, which in this volume will usually be referred to as NGOs.14 In common with the wider literature, this volume will exclude profit-making, criminal and terrorist organizations from consideration as INGOs.15 â•… While some INGOs—such as Amnesty International—place advocacy at the centre of their objectives, others—such as the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers—focus their attention more on service provision.16 This volume will address both service and advocacy INGOs. As the opening paragraph of this chapter indicated, the breadth of INGO activity is vast, ranging from the academic (such as the International Council of Scientific Unions) to the revolutionary (such as the International Workingmen’s Association), from business (such as the International Chamber of Commerce) to humanitarianism (such as Médecins Sans Frontières), and from the professions (such as the International Federation of Accountants) to sport (such as the Fédération Internationale de Football Association). While it is impossible to cover all of the many thousands of INGOs that have existed, this volume will seek to ensure that its scope reflects this breadth of INGO activity, and in turn the breadth of transnational civil society.

The Long History of Transnational Civil Society It remains all too common in recent literature to claim that transnational civil society is a novel phenomenon. Claims such as that NGOs are ‘“new” 3


forces in international politics’ or ‘largely a product of twentieth-century politics’ or that ‘a transnational organization like CIVICUS … did not seem imaginable prior to the end of the Cold War’ are a frequent feature in introductions to the topic.17 At the turn of the twenty-first century it was argued that ‘a veritable “global associational revolution” appears to be underway, a massive upsurge of organized, private voluntary activity in literally every corner of the world’, which some viewed as a potential ‘answer to war’.18 However, claims such as these are far from unprecedented. At the onset of the twentieth century, US legal scholar Paul Reinsch claimed that ‘the barren ideal of no war, no patriotism, no local interest, has given way to a potent centripetal force … cosmopolitanism is no longer a castle in the air, but it has become incorporated in numerous associations and unions world-wide in their co-operation’.19 Likewise in 1933, the pioneer student of INGOs, Lyman Cromwell White, argued that the international politics of his time featured ‘literally hundreds of private international organizations dealing with practically every subject of interest to human beings … [and which] influence almost every activity of human beings’.20 Each of these authors was writing at what may be considered to be the three peaks of transnational civil society explored in this study. â•… Existing work taking a longer-term perspective on the evolution of INGOs and transnational civil society has tended to take as its starting point the late nineteenth century.21 Paul Otlet and Henri LaFontaine, the founders of the principal data repository on INGOs (the Union of International Associations), concentrated their attention on organizations from that time onwards.22 It is not uncommon to argue that the ‘earliest INGO’ was the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), now known as Anti-Slavery International, which was established in London in 1839.23 However, this organization did not appear out of nowhere. The first chapter of this volume reveals for the first time an important transition that took place between the 1760s and the 1860s by which ancient forms of organization such as religious orders and secret societies were superseded by a diverse array of INGOs in a broad range of fields of activity.24 The transitional INGOs of this period laid the foundations for the more enduring and better-known INGOs of the late nineteenth century, and many of them are discussed for the first time in this volume. 4

INTRODUCTION

A New Perspective Beyond its exploration of the deep historical roots of transnational civil society, this volume aims to provide a new perspective through its consideration of transnational civil society’s origins beyond the ‘West’, through its unprecedented scope, and by evaluating how transnational civil society developed in a cyclical pattern. â•… As John Hobson has argued, traditional accounts of world history have had a tendency to underplay the significance of developments beyond the European context in the origins of modernity.25 This has been the case with existing studies of the history of transnational civil society as it has for other institutions of international relations.26 In his account of the evolution of transnational humanitarianism, for instance, Michael Barnett has claimed that it ‘is rooted in Western history and globalized in ways that were largely responsive to interests and ideas emanating from the West’.27 This volume, on the other hand, reveals the crucial role played by ideas and institutions beyond the ‘Western’ context in the development of transnational civil society, especially from the late eighteenth century. â•… Although the comparative scarcity of source materials on INGOs beyond the ‘West’, particularly in the earlier years of their development, has limited the degree of coverage in this volume of the evolution of transnational civil society outside Western Europe and North America, this volume takes greater consideration of the ‘Eastern’ origins of transnational civil society than much existing work. More generally, the range of INGO activities covered is broader than in any previous study, and includes business and professional associations, revolutionary and scientific societies, and religious and pan-nationalist groups, in addition to the traditional areas of concern such as development, environmentalism, feminism, humanitarianism, human rights and peace.28 â•… A key feature of existing literature on transnational civil society which this volume aims to challenge is the assumption that in the present day transnational civil society is of unprecedented scale and significance. Â�Jessica Matthews’ claim that ‘increasingly, NGOs are able to push around even the largest governments … The steady concentration of power in the hands of states that began in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia is over’ is symptomatic of the optimism surrounding the topic in the late 1990s.29 Although some authors since then have questioned the impact and significance of INGOs and transnational civil society in the present 5


day,30 claims that there has been an ‘epic and irreversible’ shift in favour of such actors which have ‘sturdily emerged’ have persisted.31 This volume aims to show not only that the impact of transnational civil society in the past has been far more considerable than traditionally assumed, but also that this influence fluctuates considerably, and continues to do so in the present day. â•… Amongst the most common claims in much of the existing literature on INGOs and transnational civil society is that it has developed in a linear fashion. For example, in one of the leading textbooks on INGOs Ahmed and Potter claim that there has been ‘a steady increase … with a marked upturn after World War II’,32 while the titles of numerous articles and books on global and transnational civil society portray the topic of investigation as being the ‘rise’ of the phenomenon.33 This is the case in respect of works of history as well as political science.34 This volume, on the other hand, suggests a cyclical pattern, and argues that transnational civil society has developed in three waves with peaks reached in the decades preceding the two World Wars, and at the turn of the millennium.35

The Dimensions of Transnational Civil Society’s Evolution Studies that claim the unprecedented ‘rise’ of INGOs and transnational civil society in the present day tend to base their arguments on a few limited aspects of the phenomenon. By far the most common is the number of INGOs that have existed over time, which by some accounts may have increased from 400 in 1909 to 25,000 by the onset of the twentyfirst century.36 Nearly all authors describing the apparently considerable expansion in the number of INGOs rely for their data on the Union of International Associations’ Yearbook of International Organizations, the charts in the statistical volume of which almost universally reveal a dramatic increase in INGO numbers—which is not surprising given the organization’s founding objective to promote the work of international associations.37 It is difficult to challenge the argument that INGO numbers are vastly greater in the present day than in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, the number of INGOs alone may be a misleading unit of analysis for assessing the shifts in the scale of transnational civil society in general, since, for instance, an increase in the number of INGOs could represent simply the fragmentation of transnational civil society into smaller and less active or significant groups. 6

INTRODUCTION

â•… The other principal piece of evidence used to support arguments concerning the unprecedented ‘rise’ of INGOs and transnational civil society is the way in which they have become ‘seemingly more efficacious’ in the post-Cold War period, with reference to examples such as the International Campaign to Ban Landmines and Jubilee 2000.38 However, the task of separating the role of civil society organizations as opposed to other actors in examples of apparent impact such as these is exceptionally difficult. Even harder to determine is the relative importance of the developments attributed to transnational civil society actors in the post-Cold War era in comparison with earlier periods of history. Do the apparent achievements cited in this paragraph from the postCold War era compare in scale to earlier apparent achievements discussed later in this volume, such as the abolition of the slave trade, the creation of the League of Nations and the enfranchisement of women in many countries? â•… As Anheier has argued, measuring transnational civil society is an ‘immense’ task, which is not helped by a ‘statistical world order’ centred around national units of assessment.39 A short history such as this cannot cover the immense range of possible means of assessing the dimensions of the phenomenon. However, this book does aim to adopt a much broader perspective on the evolution of transnational civil society than the limited focus upon INGO numbers and campaign impact that has dominated recent work on the subject. â•… Given the emphasis of ‘participation’ in contemporary assessments of transnational civil society, an aspect of the evolution of transnational civil society that this volume will consider is membership of INGOs and participation in transnational civil society campaigns. Units of analysis such as these may reveal an evolutionary path that is far from linear. For instance, the international petition to which the greatest proportion of the world’s population adhered was not the much-celebrated Jubilee 2000 petition of the late twentieth century, or even the ‘Live 8 List’ of the early twenty-first century, but a petition for international disarmament circulated by women’s organizations in the early 1930s.40 As this study will also show, the memberships of some of the most prominent INGOs have also declined significantly in recent years, and an even greater decline may be evident if memberships as a proportion of global population are taken into account. â•… A further means of gaining insight into the state of transnational civil society at any time may be, as Anheier has suggested, ‘civility … a com 7


bined measure of cosmopolitan values such as tolerance, concern for humankind, and solidarity with and compassion towards those in need’.41 Such a measure is arguably impossible to produce, especially given the lack of opinion polling evidence for much of the period of this study, but a qualitative assessment of the state of ‘cosmopolitan values’ may be made through assessment of attitudes expressed in correspondence, literature, media and statements made in different periods by representative individuals and organizations. This study will therefore consider how ‘united’ transnational civil society appears to be in respect of ‘cosmopolitan values’ in different periods of history on the basis of a qualitative assessment of the perspectives of INGOs and transnational campaigns. Again, this study will find that, far from witnessing linear development of cosmopolitan values and the ‘unity’ of transnational civil society around these values, they have evolved in an apparently cyclical fashion. â•… Additional aspects of the evolution of transnational civil society and INGOs referred to in this volume include, but are not limited to, geographical reach, the financial and human resources of INGOs, the range of issues of concern to INGOs and transnational networks, and the volume and scale of INGO and transnational network activities, such as conferences, demonstrations and publications. Consideration will be given to the political and social environment in which transnational civil society and INGOs operate, noting such aspects as the openness of national and international institutions to non-governmental participation. The analysis combines quantitative and qualitative assessments, with emphasis upon qualitative judgement. Given the exceptional breadth of transnational civil society and the vast number of INGOs that have existed, the emphasis in this volume will be upon provision of representative material. The approach adopted in this volume may be described as classical in that it ‘is characterised above all by explicit reliance on judgement and by the assumption that if we confine ourselves to strict standards of verification and proof there is very little of significance that can be said about international relations’.42 â•… Any effort to trace the evolution of the state of transnational civil society over time has to confront the problem of the difficulty of comparing very different periods of history. For most of the period within the scope of this volume, the terms ‘transnational civil society’ and INGOs did not even exist, and what this volume refers to by these terms has very different features in the present day compared with 200 years ago. Neverthe8

INTRODUCTION

less, it is hoped that the central focus of this work on INGOs, with their common characteristics of basic organizational form over time, provides a degree of consistency of focus throughout the more than two centuries covered in this volume.

Explaining the Evolution of Transnational Civil Society On the basis of the wide range of aspects of transnational civil society’s evolution considered in this volume, a broadly cyclical pattern of development is delineated, with each chapter exploring one of the three major ‘waves’ in the evolution of transnational civil society peaking at the turn of the twentieth century, between the World Wars, and following the end of the Cold War. A key argument in the analysis presented in this volume is that the factors underpinning the ascent of transnational civil society in each of these phases in the short term are commonly the same factors that in the long term contribute towards transnational civil Â�society’s decline. Furthermore, factors which in the short term may inhibit transnational civil society may in the long term facilitate renewal. Also central to the analysis presented here is the argument that factors internal to transnational civil society are as crucial as those external to it, and that transnational society therefore may contribute towards its own decline. â•… A summary of some of the principal factors relevant to explaining the evolution of transnational civil society is provided in Table 1.44 The table does not distinguish between facilitative and inhibitive factors, since many of the factors may have both impacts, depending on whether short or long term perspectives are taken. The external factors may be divided into scientific/technological, environmental, economic, social and political factors. â•… The role of technology has gained considerable attention in the last two decades, especially the use of mobile telephones and the internet in facilitating rapid communication within and between associations.45 In this volume, technology will be shown to have had an important part to play in the development of transnational civil society throughout the last two centuries, including the enhanced speed of communications facilitated by the telegraph and steamship in the nineteenth century, and aeroplane travel and television in the twentieth.46 However, the same technology that may be said to empower transnational civil society may Â€

9


be equally effective in hindering it: information and communications technology facilitates the activities not only of transnational civil society organizations, but also their adversaries, and has been a vital tool for governments to monitor and to control non-governmental actors.47 Table 1: A Selection of Factors Influencing the Rise and Fall of Transnational Civil Society (TCS)43 Category

Factor

Scientific/Technological

New technologies (e.g. telephone, steamship, aeroplane, internet) Development of knowledge (e.g. methods of TCS and its opponents)

Environmental Economic Social

External Political

10

Emergence of transnational environmental issues (e.g. climate change, HIV)

Economic growth/interdependence/globalization Global economic problems (e.g. North–South inequality, Great Depression)

Demographic changes (e.g. urbanization) ‘Global consciousness’/education re. transnational issues ‘Donor fatigue’

Interstate harmony/peace International political divisions/war Balance of power Transnational political problems Rise and decline of nation states Evolution and orientation of national NGOs/ domestic civil society Imperialism and its decline/decolonization Convening of international congresses and world’s fairs Development of international governmental organizations Evolution of international rules and norms Spread of liberal/democratic national political institutions Rise and fall of illiberal/undemocratic national political institutions

INTRODUCTION

Internal Political

TCS unity/co-ordination/centralization TCS heterogeneity/divisions/decentralization Nature of TCS objectives/policy/propaganda Accountability, finance and internal governing structures of INGOs Leadership of INGOs Achievement of objectives of TCS Development of TCS expertise, experience, etc. TCS links to governments

â•…Environmental factors have a similar dual impact. It has been common to argue that in recent years the transnational nature of global environmental issues has provided new opportunities for civil society actors to address problems which the machinery of geographically delimited states may be inadequate to address. It is thought that the inability of states effectively to deal with transnational environmental problems may have led to the development of an alternative ‘world civic politics’ to deal with these issues that may bypass state institutions altogether.48 However, the detrimental impact of environmental problems is also a significant source of societal disruption and conflict,49 which has the potential to undermine the economic, social and political conditions under which transnational civil society may be said to flourish. â•… As regards economic factors, ‘extremely high’ correlations have been noted between the annual number of INGOs founded over the last Â�century and a half and indicators of economic development such as government revenues and exports.50 More generally, the expansion of transnational civil society appears to correlate with periods of economic growth, whether the nineteenth-century expansion of long-distance trade, or the development of ‘turbocapitalism’ at the end of the twentieth century.51 Periods of economic contraction, on the other hand, have paralleled periods of contraction in transnational civil society activities, most notably the era of the Great Depression during which INGOs suffered a considerable loss of income.52 â•… The social factors that may be said to influence the evolution of transnational civil society are highly diverse. In common with economic development indicators, social changes such as urbanization and education correlate strongly with INGO foundation numbers.53 Psychological changes 11


such as the apparent emergence of ‘a common consciousness of human society on a world scale’ also seem to have played a role in making civil society appear possible at the global level.54 On the other hand, psychological changes such as ‘compassion fatigue’ may have the reverse impact.55 â•… Amongst the most significant external factors influencing the development of transnational civil society are external political factors, known in sociological literature on social movements as ‘political opportunity structures’.56 The creation of new intergovernmental organizations and the opening up of such bodies to non-state influence appear to facilitate the emergence of new INGOs.57 Other political factors that may be favourable to the development of transnational civil society include democratization,58 favourable geopolitical circumstances (such as the ending of the Cold War),59 the development of transnational political issues which cannot be handled at the national level alone,60 globalization of the rule of law,61 and novel periods of peace.62 Boli and Thomas have noted how interstate warfare has had an interesting dual impact on the development of INGOs, with the World Wars initially leading to a decrease in INGO foundations but in the long term strengthening the notion of the planet as a single polity. They have also argued that ‘global organizing proceeds in mutually reinforcing tension with the expansion of the nation state system. INGOs began to proliferate during the heyday of nationalism in Europe.’63 In his analysis of the cyclicality of INGO impact on intergovernmental organizations, Charnovitz has noted the role of governments’ changing needs, relying on INGO help when creating intergovernmental organizations or handling new issues, but pulling back when they felt they were no longer dependent on INGOs’ assistance.64 There are many further political factors that both facilitate the development of transnational civil society on the one hand but which may contribute towards its demise in the long term, such as decolonization which facilitated not only expansion of the geographical scope of transnational civil society but also the splitting of transnational civil society into regional blocs, and ‘globalization’ in general which, as Lundestad has argued, exists ‘in a dialectical relationship with … [fragmentation] … when globalization is strengthened, so is fragmentation’.65 â•… In this volume it is argued that it is not only changing external political circumstances such as these that may explain cyclicality in the development of transnational civil society, but also the characteristics of transnational civil society actors, including INGOs themselves. In his 12

INTRODUCTION

work on ‘cycles of contention’ in domestic social movements, Tarrow has noted the importance of diffusion processes and the use by social movements of ‘new or transformed symbols, frames of meaning, and ideologies to justify and dignify collective action’ in the formative periods of individual social movements.66 It is argued in this book that similar processes of diffusion and framing are also vital in the development of transnational civil society as a whole, as new INGOs and transnational campaigns learn from the experience of previous efforts and as INGOs and activists shape understandings of global issues to mobilize greater support for their causes.67 When individual social movements demobilize, Tarrow argues, this may be the result of, inter alia, exhaustion or factionalization.68 As this volume will demonstrate, exhaustion and factionalization have been key processes in the evolution and decline of transnational civil society activities too. Furthermore, a central argument in this book is that the way in which transnational civil society actors have framed issues, and the consequences of transnational civil society actions that in the short term may have appeared to have been indicative of success, have commonly undermined the phenomenon in the longer term.

Historical Sources on Transnational Civil Society Whereas traditional historical work focused on the evolution of governmental decision-making often has the benefit of well-catalogued and centralized national archives on which to rely, the same is rarely true of the archives of INGOs and other transnational civil society actors that are the focus of this study.69 However, since INGOs and transnational civil society actors commonly target governmental institutions, there are materials in government archives of direct relevance to a study like this, such as the correspondence between civil society representatives and governmental policy-makers, and reports commissioned by government agencies on non-governmental activities at home and abroad. Consultation of sources like these in both repositories such as the UK National Archives and published collections of documents such as Foreign Â�Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers has therefore formed part of the basis for this study. â•… Of equal significance are the records of intergovernmental organizations on non-governmental activities: the League of Nations, for instance, not only corresponded with INGO representatives, but also sent repre 13


sentatives of its own to observe and report on numerous transnational civil society events; and the United Nations collects reports on the activities of INGOs in consultative status with the Economic and Social Â�Council. The records and publications of intergovernmental organizations, particularly the League of Nations and United Nations, have therefore also been consulted in the course of the production of this volume. â•… As for the records of INGOs, although many have not survived and it is common for INGO records to be inaccessible, incomplete or poorly catalogued, this study has benefited from the consultation of the archives of INGOs and their national branches. These include archives that have been deposited in university libraries, such as those of the British and Â�Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in the Rhodes House library in Oxford, the International Council of Women in the Women’s Library in Â�London, and the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme in the Bibliothèque de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine in Nanterre. These also include archives held by other organizations, such as those of the Socialist International in the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam, the International Consultative Group at the United Nations Office in Geneva, and the Union of International Associations at the Mundaneum in Mons. Archives held by INGOs themselves have also been consulted, such as those of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations in Geneva. Information on the contemporary activities of INGOs is often more readily available on their websites, and some have used their websites to make available key historical documents on their activities, so these have also been consulted in the course of production of this volume. â•… Further sources of relevance to the study of the evolution of INGOs and transnational civil society which are commonly referred to in this volume include the publications of INGOs and transnational campaigns, such as congress proceedings, annual reports, pamphlets and official histories. Particularly useful have been the extensive collections of such materials in the British Library, the International Institute of Social History, the National Library of France, the Royal Library of Belgium, and the United Nations Office in Geneva. Also consulted have been the private papers of leading individuals in transnational organizations and campaigns, and of individuals who were the targets of these organizations and campaigns. Data collated by research institutions concerning INGOs and transnational civil society, most notably the Union of International 14

INTRODUCTION

Associations, has also been referred to. The Annuaires de la Vie Internationale of the early twentieth century, the Handbooks of International Organizations of the League of Nations period, and the Yearbooks of International Organizations of the post-war era are the most comprehensive surveys of the state of INGOs and transnational civil society of their respective periods, and therefore have been key source materials for this study. â•… The range of possible sources on the evolution of transnational civil society is vast, and each form of source material is limited. Records kept by organizations, whether governmental or non-governmental, are likely to reflect the perceived interests of those working for the organizations; and information on wealthy, formal actors from developed countries is much more readily available than that on less well-resourced, informal actors from developing parts of the world. Nevertheless, through its use of selected material from the broad range of possible primary sources mentioned here, it is hoped that the research upon which this study is based overcomes the limitations of reliance upon any one form of source material. Relevant existing secondary literature has also been referred to, and is summarized in the further reading suggestions at the end of this book.

Chapter Outline This volume dedicates a single chapter to each of the three principal ‘waves’ of transnational civil society activities: emergence to 1914, 1914–1939, and 1939 to the present day. Each chapter has a broadly common tripartite structure, commencing with an evaluation of the emergence of each wave and the factors facilitating it, followed by an assessment of the peak of the wave, and concluding with a discussion of the decline and the factors underpinning that decline. Within each chapter, special attention is paid to the creation of notable new INGOs in each phase, and to representative material to illustrate the scale and impact of transnational civil society in each period, as well as the factors responsible for that scale and impact. Each of the major sectors of INGO activity are covered, including communications, development, education, environment, health, human rights, humanitarianism, labour, law, peace, professions, recreation, service, sport, standardization, women and youth. While profit-making corporations are excluded from the analysis, non-profit-making INGOs set up to represent business, such as the International Chamber of Commerce, are included. In addition, although religious institutions such as 15


the Roman Catholic Church are not the key focus of this volume, religious orders such as the Order of St John and religious sects such as the Quakers are mentioned, and some religious INGOs such as the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations are included due to their pioneering role in the development of transnational civil society. â•… The first chapter commences with a discussion of early INGOs and associational activities predating the development of contemporary transnational civil society. The main analysis begins in the late eighteenth century, and the first chapter assesses the many new INGOs that developed between the late eighteenth and mid nineteenth centuries that existing studies have tended to neglect.70 It looks at the factors that made possible the development of transnational civil society in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and evaluates the origins of INGOs in this period, including the influence of interactions between East and West. Amongst the aspects considered are activism in respect of both African and ‘white’ slavery, the early humanitarian, labour and women’s movements, and the first scientific societies and international business, professional, standardization and sporting associations. It is argued that a peak was reached at the onset of the twentieth century, with transnational peace activism at the Hague Conferences and the emergence of the Union of International Associations. It is emphasized that the development of transnational civil society occurred in parallel with the development of the nation-state, and that aspects internal to transnational civil society contributed towards its decline in the build-up to the First World War. â•… The second chapter covers one the most neglected periods of the history of transnational civil society and INGOs: that between the two World Wars.71 Contrary to conventional wisdom, it reveals the great breadth and scale of transnational non-governmental activities that developed after the First World War and which peaked at the time of the World Disarmament Conference in 1932–4. The role of transnational civil society in the formation of the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization is discussed, as is the subsequent role of these organizations in providing opportunities for transnational civil society. The emergence of new INGOs in fields such as business, humanitarianism, health and education is covered, and the transformation of INGOs into stronger institutions is evaluated with reference to examples such as the International Chamber of Commerce. The scale and impact of transnational civil society in this period is evident in the relief efforts in the 16

INTRODUCTION

aftermath of the First World War, work for the protection of minorities, anti-colonial and Islamic social movement organizations, and transnational disarmament activism. As in the previous chapter, the development of highly ambitious transnational coalitions just before a subsequent collapse of transnational civil society activities is discussed, as are the factors contributing towards the decline, including the activities of INGOs such as those in the movement for disarmament. â•… The period from the Second World War until the present day is the focus of the third chapter. It highlights the dual role of the Cold War as a factor not only splitting transnational civil society (such as in the case of the labour movement), but also providing the conditions under which considerable integration could take place within the Cold War blocs and which could form a basis for the strengthening of transnational civil society in the long term. The emergence of new development organizations such as Oxfam, new human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, and new environmentalist organizations such as Friends of the Earth is used to illustrate the developing scope of transnational civil society, and the creation of regional organizations such as the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization is used to illustrate the broadening geographical scale of transnational civil society. The interactions of INGOs with intergovernmental organizations including the United Nations and the World Bank are discussed, as is the role of transnational civil society in decolonization. The apparent peak of transnational civil society in the 1980s and 1990s is illustrated with reference to examples including the movement against nuclear weapons, the ‘revolutions of 1989’, and the campaigns surrounding baby milk substitutes and the banning of landmines, as well as the role of INGOs in the development of the internet. Contrary to traditional portrayals of the evolution of transnational civil society in this period, this chapter proceeds to a discussion of how transnational civil society may have declined in the twenty-first century, and evaluates the factors underpinning that decline, including the actions of transnational civil society actors. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the possible turning point of transnational civil society in the second decade of the twenty-first century. â•… The final chapter sums up the volume’s findings on the role of transnational civil society in history and the way in which it has evolved. It recapitulates the key characteristics of each period considered in the preceding chapters, and the factors responsible for explaining them. The 17


concluding chapter also considers the possible future trajectories of transnational civil society, as well as the openings for further research into the evolution of transnational civil society and INGOs.

18

1 EMERGENCE TO 1914

In a pamphlet published in 1914, the Union of International Associations observed that there were in existence approximately 400 international associations, most of them non-governmental, covering ‘the whole field of study and activity’ and each aiming to constitute ‘the most representative forces of the different countries in their own particular domain’.1 This chapter explores the evolution of transnational civil society to that point, principally through the lens of the development of INGOs. After a brief introduction to the early history of INGOs, the chapter highlights the hitherto under-explored transformation that took place from the mid eighteenth until the mid nineteenth centuries as ancient forms of organization such as religious orders were surpassed by new international associations in a vast range of issue-areas. The many factors influencing this transformation are discussed, including the role of East–West contacts, Enlightenment ideas and the effects of the Industrial Revolution. The chapter proceeds to an assessment of the period from 1870 until 1900, a phase of particularly rapid growth in INGO formation during which many well-known and enduring INGOs in multiple fields of activity were established, and which culminated in large-scale transnational associational activity at the first Hague Conference of 1899. It shows how in the late nineteenth century transnational civil society influenced national and international policy and developed new techniques for transnational lobbying. The concluding section of this chapter provides an assessment of how, despite the proliferation of INGOs in the first decade of the twentieth century, transnational civil society actors fell into decline even before

19


the outbreak of the First World War. In each phase, the role of both external and internal factors in explaining the expansion and decline of transnational civil society is evaluated.

Early History to 1767 The deep roots of transnational civil society may be traced to the bordercrossing forms of association that existed among Jews and Christians in the classical world two millennia ago.2 However, before the late eighteenth century the variety of what are now understood to be INGOs was inconsiderable. They consisted overwhelmingly of religious organizations, including religious orders, charities and missionary societies as well as quasi-religious fraternal societies, and a limited range of other forms of cross-border association, including for the purposes of trade, performing arts and science. A selection of these organizations is given in Table 2. These ‘ancient’ INGOs in some cases had properties in common with states, such as sovereign recognition, and some of them existed long before a recognizable ‘society of states’ in the modern sense had emerged. Table 2: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded to the mid eighteenth century Category

Illustrative INGO, with year of foundation

Religious order

Roman Catholic—e.g. Order of St John, 1099 Protestant—e.g. Religious Society of Friends, 1647 Islamic—e.g. Naqshbandiyyah, 1350 Ladies of Charity, 1617 (international from 1634) Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698 Hanseatic League, 1161 Grand Lodge of England, 1717 I Gelosi, 1569 Academia Secretorum Naturae, 1560

Charity Missionary society Merchant hanse Fraternal society Performing arts Scientific society

â•… By far the most numerous of the ancient forms of INGO that survive into the present day are transnational religious orders (RINGOs). Although its records date only to the sixteenth century, the oldest may be the Sovereign Constantinian Order, which purports to have been 20

EMERGENCE TO 1914

founded at the time of the conversion of the Roman Empire to Christianity in the fourth century.3 By the end of the sixteenth century, it has been estimated that the number of Roman Catholic religious INGOs to have been established had increased to at least ninety.4 These included the Orders of Benedictine and Cistercian monks and organizations associated with the crusades such as the Knights Templar and the Hospitaller Order of Saint John, out of which the Saint John Ambulance movement was later to develop in the nineteenth century.5 They were joined by Protestant RINGOs from the fifteenth century, the oldest of which claims to be the Moravian Church.6 In Asia, the Church of the East developed extensive geographical distribution from the sixth century,7 and Sufi tariqahs such as the Naqshbandi order expanded their reach across much of the Islamic world from the twelfth century.8 â•… Religious orders are notable not only for their extensive history, geographical reach and in many cases survival into the present day, but also for the crucial role that they played in the development of horizontal relationships among people in different contexts before the emergence of the public sphere.9 Their subsequent influence can be seen in the names of many later organizations dedicated to objectives extending beyond religion, such as the Independent Order of Good Templars, a temperance organization formed in the mid nineteenth century following the model of earlier religious orders. â•… A religious movement that was to play a particularly significant role in the later development of transnational activism and INGOs was the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). Members of this movement were to be critical in the origins of anti-slavery and peace societies. Formed amid the upheaval of mid seventeenth-century England,10 before the end of the century they are said to have become ‘a transnational society with members in America, throughout the “British” isles, and on the Continent’.11 Contrary to popular perceptions, early Quakers were inclined not to eschew revolutionary violence until their January 1661 ‘declaration against plots and fightings’ that was put forward in response to arrests during the Fifth Monarchy uprising.12 â•… The oldest transnational charitable organizations are of religious origin. Particularly significant in their development was the formation in the seventeenth century by Saint Vincent de Paul of Catholic charitable organizations in France and beyond, which today form the basis of the ‘World Wide Vincentian Family’.13 Among these, the International 21


Â� Association of Charities describes itself as ‘the first lay women’s organisation in the world’,14 now with over 250,000 volunteers in more than fifty countries.15 Although the present international organization was created in 1971, the International Association of Charities traces its origins to a ‘Confrérie de la Charité’ established by Saint Vincent de Paul in Châtillon les Dombes in 1617, composed of lay women aiming ‘to visit and to nourish the sick poor’.16 It claims to have ‘internationalized’ by 1634 with the establishment of sister organizations in both France and Italy.17 The organizations established by Saint Vincent de Paul continued a tradition of Catholic confraternities and guilds that may have preceded the 410 sack of Rome, including some that had charitable objectives.18 â•… Of even deeper roots are Christian missionary activities, which developed from the first century AD.19 By the seventeenth century, the missionary work of Roman Catholic religious orders such as the Jesuits was paralleled by that of first Protestant missionary societies, many of which survive to the present day, such as the New England Company (formed in 1649) and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK, formed in 1698).20 Christian missionaries were also confronted with increasingly organized oppositional bodies such as the All Indian Pueblo Council, which traces its origins to the first recorded meeting with the conquistadores of 1598, and which appears to have been well organized by 1680, although the current structure dates to the 1920s.21 Missionary bodies such as SPCK were to be important in providing models of organization later adopted by INGOs with secular objectives, notably the creation of ‘auxiliary societies’ in multiple countries. â•… Although the great majority of INGOs dating to before the mid eighteenth century were of religious origin, there were other notable forms of association. Some of these adopted quasi-religious forms, such as fraternal secret societies. Freemasons developed across state boundaries; the Grand Lodge of England was founded in 1717, for instance, and boasted several lodges beyond Britain and the Empire by 1740.22 In the educational sector, ancient universities would attract scholars and students from multiple countries, and the ‘scientific revolution’ that took place in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was accompanied by the development of associations of scholars. London’s Royal Society, for example, was established in 1660 and developed a pan-European fellowship.23 In the commercial sector, the establishment of ‘colonies’ and ‘consulates’ by merchant guilds in other countries was common practice.24 So too was the 22

EMERGENCE TO 1914

operation on a cross-border basis of groups of performing artists such as I Gelosi.25 Before the late eighteenth century, however, the scope for crossborder associationalism beyond religious activities remained limited.

The Emergence of Modern INGOs, 1767–1869 It may be argued that the period from the late eighteenth century until the mid nineteenth century saw the transition from ancient forms of what are now termed INGOs, such as religious orders and secret societies, to contemporary INGOs in multiple issue-areas. It should be noted that ancient forms of INGO such as religious orders have continued to be founded right up to the present day. However, beginning in the 1760s, and developing at a much enhanced rate in the early nineteenth century, ancient INGOs such as those previously listed in Table 2 were superseded by a greatly more varied array of new INGOs. The scope of these new INGOs is demonstrated in Table 3, and is indicative of several significant divergences from their predecessors with respect to their issuearea focus: (i) diversification; (ii) specialization; and (iii) secularization, although religion remained important for many. Unlike their betterknown successors of the late nineteenth century, few of these organizations were to endure for significant periods. Given their brief lifespan, the new INGOs of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries have in many cases been forgotten until now, but they mark a significant break from the ancient INGOs that preceded them, and they helped make possible the INGOs established on a more enduring basis in the latter half of the nineteenth century. â•… The period during which the novel forms of INGOs such as those listed in Table 3 developed was one of significant change. The term ‘international’ entered into discourse, in respect of which application of the more recent term ‘transnational’ to activities taking place at the time becomes increasingly meaningful, given the historical context. The period coincides broadly with the duration of the first Industrial Revolution, and the political revolutions of the 1770s-1790s, 1830 and 1848, each of which, as the subsequent discussion will show, was to have a significant impact on the development of transnational civil society. This phase was shaped by the political effects of Enlightenment thought, including the demise of fatalistic assumptions with respect to people’s capacity to shape their futures and to organize independently. It was also characterized by 23


Table 3: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded 1760–1855 Category


Anti-Slavery

Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage, 1775 International Association of Artists, 1849 Collins-Cunard, 1850 Universal Office of Navigation & Commerce, 1843 League of the Outlaws, 1834 British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for the Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes, 1822 Society of Universal Instruction, 1833 Society of the Union of Nations, 1834 African Association, 1788 Society of Universal Good-will, 1775 West India Committee, 1775 Aborigines Protection Society, 1837 International Shipwreck Society, 1835 Agence Havas, 1834 Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 1784 International Association, 1834 Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, 1817 Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, 1790 Young Europe, 1834 International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights & Coins, 1855 Royal Jennerian Society, 1803 Society for Promoting Female Education in the East, 1834

Art Cartel Communication Communism Co-operation Education Encyclopedic Exploration Foreigners’ friends Imperial trading Indigenous rights Lifesaving News agency Orientalism Peace Prison reform Republicanism Self-determination Standardization Vaccination Women’s emancipation

significant social transformation, including urbanization and the emergence in industrializing countries of a refashioned class system centred around the bourgeois–proletarian divide. At the same time, the development of nationalism was to take place in a symbiotic relationship with internationalism, as the subsequent discussion will illustrate. 24

EMERGENCE TO 1914

â•… Amongst the most neglected but also most influential processes taking place in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was the expanding interchange of ideas between East and West. This was to play a vital role in the development of novel INGOs in the Atlantic world in this period, especially in the origins of secular humanitarian organizations on a transnational basis. An example is provided in the far-reaching network of lifesaving or ‘humane’ societies that developed at this time. The first of these to be established in the Atlantic world was the Society for the Recovery of the Drowned, formed in Amsterdam in 1767.26 This organization promoted life-saving resuscitation techniques originating in China in the Middle Ages but which by the mid eighteenth century were being taught at the University of Leiden.27 The first humane societies in China, in contrast, may date to the 1300s.28 The oldest for which records exist is the Chinkiang Association for the Saving of Life, which was reputedly ‘established in 1708 by a committee of benefactors, whose names have been handed down to posterity in a laudatory tablet which is still to be seen at Tantu.’29 By the 1790s lifesaving societies had been established in London, Lisbon, Vienna, Copenhagen and Algiers, as well as many locations in British Imperial territories and the United States. In addition to forming a transnational network, many of these organizations included ‘honorary members’ in foreign countries, and many extended their assistance to people of any nationality.30 â•… Exchange of ideas between East and West was also significant in the development of the revolutionary associationalism that evolved on a transnational basis in the late eighteenth century. Amongst the literature of the French Revolution was a Republican Koran, written by JosephAlexandre-Victor Hupay de Fuveau,31 and the perceived example of Â�Turkey—where it was thought by some at the time that ‘the moment that the tyrant begins to lay a heavy hand upon the many, the Mussulmans run instantly to arms’—appears to have motivated European revolutionaries.32 The transnational and transatlantic dimensions of the American, French and Haitian revolutions were considerable, and included the activities of transnational revolutionaries such as Tom Paine and Claude Fournier, as well as of transnational associations and networks including freemasonry.33 A particularly significant revolutionary association was the Paris-based Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, or Â�Cercle Social, which claimed to be a ‘cosmo-political organization’ with affiliates in Dublin, Geneva, Genoa, Hamburg, London, Philadelphia 25


and Utrecht.34 In 1791 the Cercle established an offshoot composed entirely of women: the Society of Women Friends of Truth led by a Dutchwoman, Etta Palm d’Aelders.35 â•… Other revolutionary associations describing themselves as ‘universal’ at this time included the ‘Society of Universal Revolution’ and the ‘Society of Friends of Universal Peace and the Rights of Man’ in Britain.36 The ‘Universal Society of the Friends of the People’ that appeared in London in 1792 appealed to ‘citizens, soldiers and sailors of all nations … you are united to civil society by the bonds of nature … we invite you, therefore, to participate in the glorious cause of freedom’.37 At the same time, plans for a highly idealistic ‘Universal Society’ or ‘Society for the Purposes of completing public Welfare, private Happiness, and universal Peace’ were laid that was ‘to connect itself with all free countries … for the purpose of promoting effectually and extending its different laudable views through the world’.38 Universalistic goals were important in early humanitarian associations too: for instance, by the 1780s the Â�Society of Universal Good-Will which originated in 1775 as an association ‘to relieve any poor Scotsman who might come to Norwich in distress’ aimed to assist ‘every fellow-creature in distress, who is not provided for by law, any government or other charity’, goals it continued to promote in Â�Britain and abroad in revamped form as the Society of Friends of Foreigners in Distress over the next two centuries.39 â•… Beyond ‘humane’ and revolutionary societies, a third major form of transnational association to develop in the late eighteenth century was the anti-slavery society. The religious impulse played a significant role in its development. The first anti-slavery society, formed in Philadelphia in 1775, was the ‘Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage’, the constitution of which stated that ‘setting the oppressed free is evidently a duty incumbent on all professors of Christianity’ and permitted election of ‘foreigners or persons who [do] not reside in this state’ as corresponding members, as had earlier missionary organizations such as SPCK.40 It consisted of ‘mostly, perhaps all of them, Friends or Quakers’.41 The Quaker influence was also evident in the names of later anti-slavery societies, such as the Society of Friends of Blacks established in France in 1788. The creation of that organization was stimulated by Â�Britain’s ‘Society instituted in 1787, for the purpose of effecting the abolition of the slave trade’, an objective achieved in the British context in 1807.42 26

EMERGENCE TO 1914

â•… By the end of the eighteenth century, associational activities in Europe extended far beyond the traditional religious orders, charities, missionaries, fraternities and networks of merchants, performers and scholars of the past. By then, for instance, European imperial trading interests had formed associations to promote their common goals, such as the West India Committee (which survives in the twenty-first century).43 The late eighteenth century also witnessed the formation of early organizations by Europeans dedicated to the study of extra-European cultures, such as the Asiatic Society (created in 1784), which played a critical role in the formation of numerous South Asian scientific organizations and continues to function in Kolkata today.44 Missionaries were also often accompanied by explorers from organizations such as the ‘Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa’ (‘African Association’), formed in London in 1788.45 The early history of transnational environmental concern may also be traced to eighteenth-century networks.46

***

In the first two decades of the nineteenth century, the diversification of INGOs and transnational civil society expanded further. In the area of health, this period saw the formation of the Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox, instituted in 1803. Although this organization concentrated its vaccination efforts in London, from the outset its organizers hoped that ‘the Small-pox may be speedily exterminated from this kingdom, and ultimately from the whole earth’.47 In 1806 Dr Lettsom claimed of this organization that ‘by its efforts not only these kingdoms, but nearly all parts of the world, have been supplied with this salutiferous dew of heaven, the good effects of which will, I hope, be related by some person more competent to its history’.48 A revived version of this organization boasted in 1817 of its widespread honorary members, including the Emperors of all the Russias and Austria, the Kings of Bavaria, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, Prussia, Sardinia, Saxony, Spain, the Two Sicilies, Sweden and Wirtemburgh, the Ottoman Sultan, the Presidents of Switzerland and the United States, the Pope, the Mughal Emperor of India, the Pacha of Baghdad, and the Council of the Five Nations of the Indians of North America.49 The report of that year revealed both the extent and the limits of its cosmopolitanism in its claim that ‘the life preserving cause of vaccination is now extended to every land. The simple Indians in their forests, the Â€

27


Â� Mussulmans, with all their prejudices, and the Heathens with all their superstitious antipathies, learn to appreciate and adopt the practice which saves them from sufferings and death.’50 While the Royal Jennerian Â�Society showed success in gaining impressive ‘protectors’ around the world, another early-nineteenth-century humanitarian organization, the Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline that was formed in London in 1817, is notable for its success in securing the formation of auxiliary societies abroad, including in France and Russia by 1820.51 â•… The Congress of Vienna provided an early opportunity for non-governmental associations to petition an intergovernmental meeting, although it should be noted that individuals had petitioned intergovÂ� ernmental meetings since at least the Congress of Breda in 1667, and Quakers lobbied the Congress of Nijmegen in 1678.52 At the Congress of Vienna, representatives of German Jewish communities requested recognition of Jewish minority rights in German states and representatives of German booksellers asked for press freedom and literary property to be recognized, and these were taken into account in the federal constitution that was drafted for Germany.53 Within Britain, anti-slavery campaigners gathered almost 1 million signatures to 800 petitions for the abolition of the slave trade to be among Britain’s demands at the Â�Congress.54 The British delegation responded, but the outcome was a somewhat vague ‘Declaration of the Powers on the Abolition of the Slave Trade’ that noted that ‘the public voice, in all civilized countries, calls aloud for its prompt suppression’.55 â•… The year 1815 is also notable for the formation of the first peace societies. Opposition to war amongst those of Christian faith may be traced back to the early Church and re-emerged in Europe in a series of sects from the Waldenses in 1170 onwards, including the Swiss Brethren from the 1520s and the Quakers from 1661.56 It was not until 7 June 1814, however, that the earliest known meeting to create a modern peace society took place in London.57 Before a society could be formally established in Britain, the first three peace societies were founded in the United States: in New York in August 1815, and Ohio and Massachusetts in December 1815.58 The following year, the Society for Abolishing War and the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace were formed in London.59 The founders of the first peace societies were members of religious groups such as Quakers and Unitarians, and the development of peace activism was facilitated by the geographically rel28

EMERGENCE TO 1914

atively secure position of the United States and Britain, their comparatively liberal political cultures, and by the general decline of fatalism in Europe that had taken place in the eighteenth century.60 â•… The period following the Congress of Vienna, given the reestablishment of conservative regimes across Europe, was one in which novel INGO formation was constrained. There were exceptions, however. Two pioneering internationalists in France and Britain, Marc-Antoine Â�Jullien de Paris and Robert Owen respectively, experimented in creating their own international organizations. Since 1801 Jullien had put forward an idea for a ‘Société Encyclopédique’ that was intended to centralize knowledge from all fields.61 After the Napoleonic Wars, this dream became partially realized with the formation of a Revue Encyclopédique and its accompanying Société, building on Aubin-Louis Millin’s Magasin Encyclopédique and Annales Encyclopédiques of 1795–1818.62 The Revue appeared from 1819 and was intended to ‘become a means of open correspondence between the … learned of all countries’,63 and the monthly dinners of the Société that took place from 1818 ‘united successively at the same table not only the editors and collaborators of the Revue and their numerous correspondents but also distinguished men of all nations’.64 After the collapse of the Revue following the July revolution, Jullien revived the Société as the Société de l’Union des Nations, ‘whose sole and noble objects were to excite that holy spirit of emulation which tended to make man kind and sociable to man—to eradicate national prejudices—and, by the frequent collision of intellect, to promote peace and good-will throughout the earth, by unitedly and mutually advancing the progress of civilization and improvement’.65 Robert Owen, for his part, formed in 1822 a British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for the Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes ‘by means of education, employment, exchange of productions, &c., in communities of 500 to 2000 individuals’, which attracted the affiliation of London-based ambassadors of numerous European countries, as well as prominent British philanthropists, but which achieved little else.66 In the 1830s, Owen went on to create a highly ambitious ‘Association of All Classes of All Nations’ which aimed ‘to effect, peaceably, and by reason alone, an entire change in the character and condition of mankind, by establishing over the world, in principle and practice, the religion of charity for the convictions, feelings, and conduct of all individuals, without distinction of sex, class, sect, party, country or colour, combined with a well-devised, equitable, and 29


natural system of united property; which united property is to be created by the members of the association, without infringing upon the rights of any private property now in existence’.67 This association attracted a membership in Australia, Britain, France and the United States, and its success in distributing hundreds of thousands of publications led to it its activities being discussed in the British Parliament on account of becoming the ‘creed of a great portion of the working classes’.68 â•… The 1830s were the break-out decade for novel INGOs. The political context was shaped by the upheavals of the first year of the decade: Â�Belgian seccession, Greek independence, the Polish uprising and the July revolution in France. These events have been described as the point at which ‘constitutional theories, nationalist sentiments, democratic credos, and economic doctrines … came vigorously into play’ and at which ‘political parties, classes, and social groups, far removed from earlier conceptions of nobles, guildsmen and peasants, had emerged as actors in this new world of national passions’.69 Many of the new associations of the 1830s were to endeavour to organize on a transnational basis. â•… The new associations of the 1830s include what may have been the first organization to describe itself as ‘international’: the ‘International Association’, a small peace association based in Scotland in the early 1830s. This hitherto neglected organization was reported to have had the popular motto ‘all mankind are brothers’,70 and described itself as being: ‘Of those who desire to find just grounds for mutual esteem and respect,— who cherish peace,—and will act upon the grand principle of collecting and disseminating such information as tends to meliorate the individual and social condition of their fellow creatures.’71 â•… Other novel INGOs of the 1830s include the Société d’Enseignement Universel established in Paris in 1833, which aimed to unite the followers of the ‘Jacotot method’ of ‘intellectual emancipation’, who by this time claimed to be based ‘not only in Paris, in France, in Europe, but in the four corners of the world’.72 The following year, Italian patriot Giuseppe Mazzini created Young Europe, an organization that was intended to be ‘a federation of autonomous national societies’, its founders including representatives of Young Germany, Young Italy and Young Poland.73 The aims of organizations such as Young Europe reveal how closely related the development of internationalism was with that of nationalism.74 The seventeenth ‘general principle’ of the ‘Pact of Fraternity’ that established Young Europe, for instance, claimed that ‘Every people has its special 30

EMERGENCE TO 1914

mission, which will co-operate towards the fulfilment of the general mission of humanity. That mission constitutes its nationality.’75 Young Europe was followed by other internationalist–nationalist organizations such as the People’s International League, established in London in April 1847 ‘to disseminate the principles of national freedom and progress; to embody and manifest an efficient public opinion in favour of the right of every people to self-government and the maintenance of their own nationality; [and] to promote a good understanding between the peoples of every country’.76 â•… At the same time, and closely related, the early international Communist movement developed amongst groups of German exiles in Paris and later London. Formed in 1834, the ‘League of the Outlaws’ may have been the first international revolutionary Communist organization, with a largely artisanal membership based in Frankfurt and Paris.77 It lasted four years and seems to have been influenced by the ‘charcoal burning’ secret societies that operated in Europe in the early decades of the nineteenth century, such as Buonarroti’s Universal Democratic Charbonnerie that aimed ‘to unite all the friends of equality, whatever their country and religion are, by a common centre’.78 The League of the Outlaws was succeeded by the better-known League of the Just, which split from the League of the Outlaws in 1836;79 and subsequently by the Communist League created in London in 1847, which expressed more explicitly the aim of ‘the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, the rule of the proletariat, the abolition of the old bourgeois society which rests on the antagonism of classes, and the foundation of a new society without classes and without private property’, and was more clearly international in that reference to membership of the League as being ‘made up of Germans’ was annulled.80 The Communist League was preceded by the Communist Propaganda Society (later the Universal Communitarian Association) formed in London in 1841 by John Goodwyn Barmby, who claimed to have brought the term ‘communism’ to England from France after a visit in 1840 to establish links between socialists in the two countries.81 Barmby is also credited with ‘the first outline of an international communist organisation’ in his proposed ‘International Association for the promotion of mutual intercourse among all Nations’ of 1840, for which a provisional committee was created in Paris.82 An ‘International Association’ linking Communist groups in Britain, France, Germany and Poland later materialized in the mid 1850s.83 31


â•… Amongst the most intriguing novel INGOs of the 1830s was the Société Générale des Naufrages et de l’Union des Nations created in 1835 in Paris by Caliste-Auguste Godde ‘de Liancourt’, which by the 1840s was being referred to as the Société Internationale des Naufrages (International Shipwreck Society).84 According to its statutes, this organization was set up ‘with a view to uniting the benevolent of all countries’, embraced ‘every species of means for the saving of lives in the case of shipwreck or inundations, and whatever concerns the commerce, industry, and science of nations’, and aimed ‘to be composed of an indefinite number of members of all nations’.85 It appears to have been set up under the patronage of the French King and Queen, the Queen Regent of Spain, the Queen of Portugal and the Algarves and the Duchess of Kent, and was reported to have managed to attract to its membership ‘a great number of admirals, ambassadors and ministers, and princes of all nations, including Turkey, Spain and even China’.86 Amongst its intended methods were the setting up of affiliated establishments in major ports, the award of prizes to those who by their actions had contributed to the saving of the shipwrecked, the facilitation of correspondence among societies for the shipwrecked worldwide, and the publication of a journal (which in the 1840s was entitled L’Internationale) that aimed to cover not only its actions in respect of shipwreck, but also literature, the arts and sciences, commerce and industry.87 It was claimed that the Société Internationale des Naufrages helped to establish over 150 humanitarian organizations in Africa, America, Asia and Europe, from the United States to China, Norway to Zanzibar.88 However, it was to decline precipitously following corruption allegations involving its secretary general Godde in the early 1840s.89 â•… The 1830s came to a close with the establishment in 1839 of the Â�British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS), which unlike earlier antislavery societies based in London looked explicitly beyond Britain and its empire: English Quaker Joseph Sturge called the meeting that planned the BFASS on 27 February 1839 with the objective of ‘promoting the abolition of the slave trade throughout the world by moral and religious influence and such means only as will not directly or indirectly sanction the employment of an armed force for its prevention or suppression’.90 BFASS was established in large part due to a realization that success in bringing about British legislation on the slave trade alone was insufficient: its founders resolved that ‘so long as slavery exists; there is no rea32

EMERGENCE TO 1914

sonable prospect for the annihilation of the slave trade’.91 Despite its small and largely British membership, the BFASS’s international activities were ambitious from the outset: in 1840, for instance, these included lobbying several governments, including interviewing the King of France and deputations in Spain and Portugal, exchange visits with US activists, exposure of slave-owning companies, and the circulation of 8,000 pamphlets in Brazil.92 The Society noted that the following year the Â�Quintuple Treaty for the Suppression of the Slave Trade was signed by Austria, Britain, France, Prussia and Russia.93 â•… Possibly the most notable activity of the BFASS in 1840 was its organization of the ‘General Anti-Slavery Convention’ in London in June of that year. Around 409 campaigners may have attended, including visitors from the United States, France and British colonies.94 At the opening session, Daniel O’Connell declared the meeting to be ‘more important than any which has yet assembled on the face of the globe’.95 The meeting is of note not only for bringing together the anti-slavery movement, but moreover for its influence upon other movements, especially in stimulating the holding of international conventions in numerous issue-areas of civil society interest during the subsequent decade.96 Whereas prior to 1840 international conferences tended to consist primarily of Church councils and post-war intergovernmental peace congresses, the international non-governmental conventions of the 1840s are significant in providing the framework around which new INGOs could later be established on a lasting basis.97 â•… Early suffragists such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton dated the origins of the women’s suffrage movement to the 1840 General Anti-Slavery Â�Convention, as the exclusion of women at this conference stimulated the subsequent convening of the Seneca Falls convention in 1848 that effectively launched the women’s suffrage movement in the USA.98 Stanton recorded that when confronted with being denied the right to speak at the general anti-slavery convention, she and Lucretia Mott ‘agreed to hold a woman’s rights convention on their return to America, as the men to whom they had just listened had manifested their great need of some education on that question’.99 It should also be noted that women’s antislavery organizations were amongst the most active in Britain and the United States in the early nineteenth century;100 and that the earliest women’s peace societies may date to the development by mid century of Elihu Burritt’s Olive Leaf Circles.101 33


â•… Timed to take place just after the second General Anti-Slavery Convention, the first General Peace Convention was held in London in June 1843 and attended by 334 delegates, including twenty-six from the United States and six from continental Europe.102 It was followed in August 1846 by the World’s Temperance Convention, also held in London and featuring delegates from the United States and France as well as Britain and its empire.103 It was proposed that both of these Congresses should be followed by the formation of an international organization, but these plans came to little.104 The 1846 Conference of the Evangelical Alliance, however, led to the formation of a lasting body that was intended to ‘consist of those persons, in all parts of the World, who shall concur in the Principles and Objects adopted by the Conference’.105 â•… With a view to further developing in continental Europe movements already popular in Britain such as for free trade and prison reform, the international congress movement spread to the continent in 1846–7, starting with the holding of the Frankfurt Penitentiary Congress in Â�September 1846.106 Another penitentiary congress was held in Brussels the following year, two days after the city had hosted the International Congress of Economists, organized by the movement for free trade that nine years later formed the International Association for Customs Reform.107 The 1847 penitentiary congress is notable for resulting in the formation in Paris of a Société Internationale de Charité ‘to bring together those in different countries who concern themselves with the plight of the impoverished and working classes’, but its activities were cut short by the revolutionary activities of 1848.108 â•… 1848 had an impact similar to that of 1830: it has been argued that ‘in 1848 the concept of “association” became a general solution to the political crises of the time’ and ‘innumerable new, openly political clubs and associations appeared on the revolutionary stage in Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and Milan.’109 Amongst the impressive array of organizations active in 1848 was the Société Universelle, which described itself as a ‘vast commercial, industrial and agricultural association’ with a membership of 100,000.110 Although the revolutions failed to realize many of the aspirations of democrats and liberals, this was a critical moment for the development of alliances on a transnational basis among socialist and feminist groups.111 For the peace movement, 1848 saw the first of a series of Â�Universal Peace Congresses take place.112 It was also a turning-point in the development of ‘pan-movements’—or ‘macro-nationalisms’—with the convening of the first pan-Slav congress in Prague.113 34

EMERGENCE TO 1914

â•… Beyond the events of 1848, another key factor stimulating the development of INGOs from the 1850s onwards was the convening by governments of Worlds’ Fairs, commencing with the Great Exhibition in London of 1851. Inspired by the Great Exhibition, for example, a Société Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de l’Industrie et du Commerce was set up in Paris that year ‘to create a means of union among everyone, to realise a holy alliance among peoples through the establishment of ongoing relations between intellectual and industrial leaders’.114 â•… The most success to be had in the formation of INGOs in the 1850s was achieved during the Paris universal exhibition in 1855. A number of international congresses were timed to coincide with this exhibition, such as an international congress on charity that motivated the subsequent congresses on ‘Bienfaisance’ that took place in Brussels in 1856 and Frankfurt in 1857, the latter resulting in an effort to create a successor to the Société Internationale de Charité in the form of an Association Internationale de Bienfaisance.115 Official congresses of statisticians and of jurymen and commissioners of the exhibition both passed resolutions promoting a uniform system of weights, measures and money during the exhibition, and at a subsequent private congress an International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Â�Measures, Weights and Coins was formed with British, French and American branches.116 The universal exhibition in Paris in 1855 also stimulated the creation in the following year of the Société Internationale des Études Pratiques d’Économie Sociale to study the well-being of manual workers in all countries.117 â•… Particularly significant is the formation in Paris in 1855 of an international federation by the Young Men’s Christian Associations, which had developed internationally since the formation in London in 1844 of a society ‘for the improving of the spiritual condition of young men engaged in the drapery and other trades’.118 The creation of the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations (WYMCA) in 1855 was of crucial importance in the history of INGOs, as it may have been the first significant and lasting effort to form an international federation of national associations.119 Whereas many INGOs of earlier foundation had begun as national organizations that later expanded internationally, or as small clusters of refugees based in a single city, the WYMCA consisted of widely geographically dispersed member non-governmental organizations in multiple countries from the outset. The conference at 35


which the WYMCA was established was timed to coincide with the World’s Exhibition in Paris, and brought together representatives of YMCAs from Belgium, Canada, England, France, Germany, Holland, Scotland, Switzerland and the United States. Swiss humanitarian Henri Dunant, who was later the leading figure in the establishment of the Red Cross movement, was central to the organization of the foundational conference of the WYMCA.120 The conference participants’ motivations for the formation of an international organization were highly varied, and included the need to overcome divisions amongst the national associations, to agree on common principles, to enable correspondence and travel, and to transfer to the international level the already demonstrated benefits of uniting local YMCAs in national bodies.121

***

As the foregoing discussion has shown, the period between the 1760s and the 1850s was a crucial turning point in the development of INGOs. Prior to this period, INGOs had consisted overwhelmingly of religious organizations, as well as a few other bodies such as fraternal and scientific societies. In the era that approximately parallels the first Industrial Revolution, by contrast, INGOs developed in a much wider range of sectors of activity, with greater specialism of focus and often with a diminished role of religion and secrecy. The INGOs of 1767–1855, many of which proved to be short-lived, mark a point of transition from the earlier ancient forms of INGO and the better-known and commonly more enduring INGO structures of the late nineteenth century onwards. â•… Some of the novel INGOs of the 1760s-1850s, such as the first ‘International Association’ of 1834, were international only in terms of their concern for cross-border issues, rather than in respect of their composition. Others were international preponderantly in the sense of consisting of groups of people of multiple nationalities either in single cities, or a few cities—such as the ‘League of the Just’. Some were nationally-based but at the centre of large intercontinental networks of societies, such as the International Shipwreck Society. Others, such as the Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, had auxiliary societies in multiple countries, following the model of earlier missionary groups. Some, such as the Royal Jennerian Society, had impressive lists of honorary members from around the world on account of their work in multiple countries and continents. Many of them lasted only a few years, but some 36

EMERGENCE TO 1914

were to offer precedents for the more enduring INGOs of the later nineteenth century: Young Europe, for instance, had a pioneering federal structure later taken forward on a more permanent basis by the WYMCA and other INGOs of the later nineteenth century. While most of the novel INGOs of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were to disappear after a few years, a few survive (often in highly diminished form) to the present day, such as the Society of Friends of Foreigners in Distress, and the Asiatic Society in Kolkata. â•… Whereas few of the new INGOs of the 1760s-1850s were to be enduring and geographically widespread, the 1860s witnessed the creation of a significant number of INGOs that did endure—some in terms of continued existence, some in terms of legacy, and some in both senses. The decade began with the creation of one of the oldest Jewish international organizations, the Alliance Israélite Universelle.122 Formed in the context of incidents such as the Mortara case, the Parisian founders of this body in 1860 hoped that it would ‘work everywhere for the emancipation and moral progress of Jews’ and ‘provide effective support to Jews facing persecution’.123 Its activities to this day have included both lobbying and educational work, and it has stimulated the creation of analogous bodies in other countries.124 â•… The year after the formation of the Alliance Israélite Universelle, Paris was also the venue for the creation of one of the earliest scientific INGOs in a specialist field: the Société Universelle d’Ophtalmologie, the precursor to today’s International Council of Ophthalmology.125 The Société Universelle d’Ophtalmologie followed the convening in Brussels in 1857 of the first international ophthalmological congress that aimed to ‘serve as a means of uniting the opthalmologists of all countries … in a more direct, more effective, more close, more lively fashion’ than had been achieved by the Annales d’Oculistique.126 The year after the ophthalmologists formed their association, there was established in Brussels the short-lived International Association for the Progress of the Social Â�Sciences.127 This organization’s goals included not only ‘to develop the study of social science’, but also ‘to ameliorate the physical and moral condition of the working classes’.128 â•… A humanitarian organization of far greater significance was to be established the following year: the International Red Cross. Central to its formation was Henri Dunant, who had already played a vital role in the creation of the WYMCA.129 Having formed groups of volunteers to assist 37


the wounded in the Battle of Solferino of 1859, Dunant pioneered the idea of uniting these workers in a permanent organization and an international treaty with respect to the war-wounded.130 The beginning of the Red Cross may be dated to the formation in February 1863 by the Geneva Society of Public Utility of the ‘International’ Committee for Aid to the Wounded in Situations of War that consisted of five citizens of Geneva.131 A mixed conference of governmental and non-governmental representatives in October of that year agreed that ‘each country shall have a Committee whose duty it shall be, in time of war and if the need arises, to assist the Army Medical Services by every means in its power’.132 By the following year, the first Geneva Convention was signed and the first national societies formed in Belgium, Spain, France and Italy, as well as in many parts of what later became Germany. The close relationship between the Red Cross movement and governments may be one of the principal reasons for its unusual success in spreading globally: by the end of the decade societies existed not only in western and central Europe, but also Russia and the Ottoman Empire. The first East Asian and South American societies were created in the following decade in Japan and Peru respectively.133 â•… The month after the signing of the first Geneva Convention, one of the most notable developments in the international labour movement took place in London. At a meeting in St Martin’s Hall on 28 September 1864 the International Working Men’s Association was formed— the so-called ‘First International’ which aimed ‘at the protection, advancement and complete emancipation, economical and political, of the Working Classes’.134 At the inaugural meeting it was argued that ‘the emancipation of labour is neither a local, nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists’ and the new organization was thought to be needed because ‘all efforts aiming at the great end hitherto failed from the want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labour in each country, and from the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the working classes of different countries’.135 Its transnational development was rapid, with the proliferation of sections in Europe and the USA and proclamations of adherence of hundreds of thousands during the strikes of 1868 and 1870 and the 1871 Paris Commune. Its existence was short-lived, however, since it is claimed that ‘it bore within itself the seeds of its dissolution: diversity aggravated by the adoption of a centralist strategy’.136 The divisions between Marx 38

EMERGENCE TO 1914

and Bakunin were particularly important in the First International’s inability to survive long past the Paris Commune’s suppression.137 â•… In the same year as the International Working Men’s Association was formed in Europe, the trade unions in the United States began to nationalize in response to the industrial depression.138 Given that some of them had members in Canada as well as the United States, several North American trade unions labelled themselves ‘international’ during the 1860s, such as the Iron Molders’ International Union, the Journeymen Cigar Makers’ International Union and the International Typographical Union. These preceded the formation of the better-known international trade secretariats (now known as global union federations) in Europe in the following decades. â•… The early 1860s are also a period when the anti-slavery movement appears to have had one of its most notable successes. The ‘boomerang pattern’ of a transnational advocacy network139 may have been in evidence, with anti-slavery activism in Britain being among the factors that inhibited British recognition of and aid to the Confederacy, which was influential in the US Civil War’s outcome.140 British abolitionists flooded Parliament with petitions and appear to have contributed towards the withdrawal of House of Commons motions for recognition of the Â�Confederacy, although it should be noted that the British government may already have been inclined towards this course of action.141 Furthermore, many anti-slavery activists in Britain refused to countenance warfare as a means for emancipation.142 â•… In continental Europe, the year 1867 saw the international peace movement revitalized. In May of that year, the Ligue Internationale et Â�Permanente de la Paix was formed by Frédéric Passy in France, an organization that was predominantly French and which in 1872 became the Société Française des Amis de la Paix.143 Another Ligue of francophone origin was created in September 1867 in Geneva by Charles Lemonnier: the Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Liberté (LIPL), which is notable for being the first organization to put forward democratization as a mechanism for securing international peace, an idea now known as democratic peace theory.144 That national self-determination was also viewed by participants in this organization as a solution of international conflict is reflected in the appointment as the honorary president of its founding congress of Italian nationalist Garibaldi, who used the occasion ‘to proclaim war’ to advance this cause, thus rendering LIPL’s claim to be a ‘peace’ society open to question.145 39


â•… The year following LIPL’s formation, Marie Goegg founded the shortlived Association Internationale des Femmes in order to support the work of LIPL.146 The Association also aimed ‘to bring an end to the complaints that are made from all directions about the ignorance of women’,147 and some consider the Association to be ‘the first international women’s organization’.148 At the Association’s 1870 congress in Berne, Goegg promoted women’s suffrage; and the organization may have been the earliest INGO to draw international attention to the equal pay issue.149 â•… The 1860s came to a close with the formation of one of the oldest international business associations: the International Hotelmen’s Association, now known as the International Hoteliers Alliance, formed in Koblenz on 11 June 1869 on the initiative of Cologne hotel-owner Otto Caracciola.150 Further afield, the completion of the Suez Canal in that year formed the context of an international commercial congress held in Cairo, which passed resolutions not only concerning the canal (such as ‘that periodical reports be furnished by the Egyptian government to the different chambers of commerce’) but also on more general matters (such as that ‘a uniform monetary system … be established in Egypt, and also in Europe’).151 This was the first in a series of international commercial congresses that was to lead eventually to the formation of the International Chamber of Commerce.152

***

By the end of the 1860s, the transition from ancient to modern INGOs that had begun in the late eighteenth century had been completed. Nongovernmental organizations that claimed to be ‘international’ had become not only more diversified and specialized than earlier INGOs, but had also improved their capacity to organize on an enduring basis in multiple countries. INGOs also increasingly reflected class divisions, with a growing divide between workers’ and bourgeois organizations. Furthermore, the potential for further expansion and diversification of INGOs was evident in the range of private international congresses held in the 1860s that dealt with issues extending beyond those promoted by the INGOs already in existence. These included the first international congress of societies for the protection of animals held in Dresden in 1860,153 a ‘universal’ artistic congress in 1861,154 the first international congress of students in 1865,155 and the first international medical congress in 1867,156 as well as regular congresses on veterinary medicine, botany, pharmacy, astronomy, and archaeology and anthropology.157 40

EMERGENCE TO 1914

â•… Most of the developments considered so far in the period from the late eighteenth century until 1869 were located primarily in Europe and North America, although, as has been shown, interactions between East and West had been critical in sparking them. This period also saw continued expansion in the number of Christian missionary organizations that concerned themselves with other regions, as well as of Western organizations dedicated to the study of Asia, such as the Société Asiatique established in France in 1822, which was followed by similar societies in Britain, the US and Germany.158 They were accompanied by an expanding number of geographical societies, such as the Société de Géographie formed in Paris in 1821 and the Royal Geographical Society formed in London in 1830, which absorbed the African Association in 1831.159 â•… Further developments in respect of European interest in the wider world included the British establishment in 1834 of a Society for Â�Promoting Female Education in the East, which was set up in part in response to concern about perceived ‘degradation of the female sex in many parts of the East’ and the impression that in ‘the East’ women were ‘denied the first rudiments of learning’ and ‘generally regarded as an inferior order of beings’.160 This organization, which promoted ‘Christian education’, distinguished itself from the missionary societies that were already setting up schools in Asia through its formation of an organization of women whose ‘whole time’ was to be dedicated to the establishment of schools for girls in Asia.161 Three years later, the Aborigines Protection Society was formed in London ‘to oppose the exploitation of indigenous peoples in British colonies’; it collaborated with BFASS until the two merged in 1909.162 In 1866, Dunant put forward a plan for a ‘Universal and International Society for the Revival of the Orient’, which he hoped would ‘lead to the resurrection of the Hebrew people as a territorial nationality, to the liberation [sic] of the Holy Land from Islam and to the restoration of the Holy Places’.163 The same year saw the formation in London of the East India Association: founded by the first South Asian British MP, Dadabhai Naoroji, and ‘consisting of Indians as well as Englishmen’,164 its stated goals included ‘independent and disinterested advocacy and promotion by all legitimate means of the interests and welfare of India generally’.165 â•… The role of merchants, educators, secret societies and diasporas in transmitting nationalist ideas between western Europe, the Habsburg empire and the Ottoman empire in the early to mid nineteenth century is also 41


notable.166 In this period a number of Arabs who had studied Enlightenment thinkers in Europe promoted secularism as a path towards Arab revival.167 There further developed more than twenty Islamic revivalist movements advocating a return to fundamental principles, some of which became the basis for resistance movements against European colonialism, and all of which were Sufi in origin except Arabia’s Wahhabis.168 In Persia, meanwhile, the Baha’i faith developed from a Shii-Islamic movement formed in 1844.169 From his time in Adrianople in the 1860s onwards, the faith’s founder Baha’u’llah wrote to the religious and political leaders of the world summoning them ‘to heed … [his] call, cast away the things they possessed, and fear and follow God’.170

***

The transformation of transnational civil society—the transition from ancient to modern INGOs—that took place from the 1760s to the 1860s had been made possible by a vast array of factors. Commentators at the time felt that the world was going through spectacular changes. One author writing in the Revue Encyclopédique in 1827, for instance, stated: ‘The world for us today is rich in great spectacles. Since all communications have become so easy among men; since the dangers, distances, and difficulties of travel have almost disappeared; since trade is speedily connecting all climates, all industries and all the world’s products; since the written thought circulates with ever greater speed, since books spread to all parts of the world, and since all in return send us their journals, our interest focuses on the entire human race … for each generation the horizon of man has been extended, comprising successively his province, his country, his neighbours, Europe, and today the world.’171 â•… Technological developments of the period, such as electrical telegraphy and the steamship, were often referred to by the organizers of the international congresses of the early and mid nineteenth century. At the World’s Temperance Convention in London in 1846, for instance, it was remarked that ‘Nations are now brought near and the great empires of the earth by the printing press and the steam engine are brought into closer communication for all practical purposes than the different provinces of this little island in the days of the Saxon heptarchy’.172 The economic interdependence of the world was also noted, especially in the emerging international workers’ movement: the Communist Manifesto of 1847–8, for instance, argued that ‘in place of the old local and national 42

EMERGENCE TO 1914

seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-dependence of nations’.173 â•… Social changes such as expanding literacy were crucial to the development of transnational civil society in this period. Urbanization played a key role, with cosmopolitan cities such as London and Paris providing the infrastructure for early international non-governmental conferences and organizations. It has also been shown that developing class divisions ensured increasing diversification of international civil society groups along class lines. In addition, the development of what Iriye has subsequently termed ‘global consciousness’ was important, reflected in popular mottos such as that ‘all mankind are brothers’, adopted by the first International Association and many other organizations. Vital to the development of transnational civil society from the eighteenth century onwards had been the ideas associated with the Enlightenment, and the accompanying decline of fatalistic assumptions about the possibility of reform of international relations evident in works such as the proposals for ‘perpetual peace’ put forward by Charles-Irénée Castel de Saint-Pierre, Immanuel Kant and Jeremy Bentham.174 â•… Amongst the most crucial factors underpinning the development of transnational civil society from 1767 to 1869 were political developments. These included the political impacts of the Enlightenment in, for example, expanding the scope for associations to operate openly rather than in secret. The Congress of Vienna was an early opportunity for transnationally coordinated lobbying. Governments also organized international congresses on specialist subjects such as agriculture, in which members of private associations took part. In addition, the hosting of world’s fairs from the mid nineteenth century onwards provided the setting in which many early INGOs, such as the World’s Alliance of YMCAs, were founded, and governments encouraged the holding of international congresses in the host cities of world’s fairs.175 More broadly, the relative stability of the international system in the period of the Concert of Europe facilitated enduring private international contacts. As is evident in the formation of the BFASS, the international nature of political issues of the period was also central to motivating the creation of INGOs. Imperialism facilitated the opening of new parts of the world to civil society actors, such as missionary groups. â•… The close relationship between nationalism and the development of internationalism has been revealed in the aims of groups such as Young 43


Europe. Furthermore, the growth of national associations provided building-blocks for the formation of international federations of national associations. More generally, the consolidation of the nation-state provided the rule of law and stability that facilitated the development of both national and international associational activity. The existence of neutral countries such as Belgium and Switzerland also provided a conducive setting for the holding of international congresses and the hosting of INGO secretariats. â•… The example set by existing organizations and movements was a further dimension facilitating the expansion of transnational civil society in this period. Members of organizations of earlier origins were to play a key role in the creation of new INGOs from the late eighteenth century, such as Quakers in the formation of anti-slavery and peace societies and freemasons in the establishment of republican groups. The missionary society model of ‘auxiliary society’ formation was adopted by later secular associations. The example set by existing organizations is also evident in the formation of a series of organizations describing themselves as ‘British and Foreign’ in the early nineteenth century, the diffusion of peace societies to continental Europe that looked to the Anglo-Saxon model, and the chain of international organizations leading to the creation of the International Working Men’s Association in 1864.176 The role of individual pioneers was also vital, such as Sturge in respect of the anti-slavery and peace movements, Mazzini and Marx in the case of democratic and Communist organizations, and Dunant in the case of the YMCAs and Red Cross.

Consolidation of the ‘First Wave’, 1870–1900 Although the transition from ancient to modern INGOs had already taken place, the last three decades of the nineteenth century were to witness unprecedented expansion in transnational civil society activities. The number of INGOs established in the last three decades of the nineteenth century may have exceeded the number founded in every preceding decade combined.177 The documentary record on INGOs from the 1870s onwards is also richer,178 and in the period from 1870 until 1900 the variety of INGOs and non-governmental meetings further diversified, and INGOs were to be founded increasingly on an enduring basis.179 The following will explore the creation of new INGOs in numerous issue-areas, 44

EMERGENCE TO 1914

exploring in turn standardization, industrial and intellectual property, map-creation, bibliography, international languages, scientific collaboration, environmental conservation, medicine, social welfare, socialism, syndicalism, cooperation, business, education, the professions, transportation, sport, imperialism, pan-nationalism, inter-faith dialogue, temperance, women’s enfranchisement, sex trafficking and peace. It will also be shown how INGOs managed to influence both national policy (such as the granting of women’s right to vote in New Zealand) and international policy (such as international conventions in respect of intellectual property and sex trafficking). The period culminated with transnational mobilization on an unprecedented scale at the Hague Conference of 1899, where it will be shown that novel techniques of transnational lobbying were pioneered. â•… The rapid development of transnational civil society in the three decades from 1870 took place in the context of the ‘second Industrial Revolution’, and landmarks such as the development of ocean liners, QWERTY typewriters and the telephone in the 1870s, and automatic computation, the automobile and electric lighting in the 1880s. The technological developments of this period made clear the need for worldwide standards, such as for measurement. Vital to the promotion of international standards had been INGOs such as the International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins that had been established in 1855. Governments responded in the period under consideration here, which began with an intergovernmental conference on the metric system in 1870 and was followed in 1875 by agreement on the metric convention and the creation of an intergovernmental International Bureau of Weights and Measures.180 Subsequently internationally standardized measures were adopted in numerous fields, including electrical units in 1882 and the prime meridian in 1884, in each case following conferences of scientists.181 International standard-setting was not the exclusive preserve of governments, as some INGOs were to create their own standards: the Phonetic Teachers Association (now International Phonetic Association) formed in Paris in 1886, for example, developed the international phonetic alphabet.182 The pursuit of international standards also applied to human welfare, with early organizations promoting international labour standards including the International Sunday Observance Federation formed in 1876 and the International Association of Labour Legislation formed in 1900, which 45


foreshadowed the work of the International Labour Organization in its efforts towards harmonization of labour laws.183 â•… A key area in which international cooperation for global standards was felt to be needed was industrial and intellectual property. INGOs were central in pioneering demand for an international intellectual property regime, with governments responding with conventions on industrial property in 1883 and intellectual property in 1886.184 From 1857 an Association Universelle pour l’Adoption de la Marque de Fabrique et la Défense de la Propriété Industrielle had promoted ‘defence of the rights of industrial property wherever they might be violated’,185 and the convention on industrial property was the result of a series of meetings that took place after inventors exhibiting at the 1873 Vienna Exposition refused to exhibit until a law protecting their inventions was passed.186 The role of non-governmental activism was especially clear in respect of the intellectual property convention: the International Literary and Artistic Association formed in 1878 by Victor Hugo and other distinguished writers both conceived and organized the 1886 Berne Convention.187 â•… Accompanying the drive for international standards were new efforts towards the unification of knowledge. In the 1880s and 1890s, international committees of scientists were established to map both the world and the sky. International commissions were also created by mathematicians, geologists, chemists and zoologists to develop universal bibliographies of their respective fields, and in 1893 the Royal Society in London established an International Catalogue Committee to develop a bibliography encompassing all natural sciences.188 This was followed in 1895 by the formation in Brussels of the even more ambitious International Institute of Bibliography at the first International Conference on Bibliography that was convened by Belgian lawyer Paul Otlet and the director of the bibliographical programme of the Brussels-based Society for Social and Political Studies, Henri La Fontaine, who aimed to develop ‘a truly universal catalog of all knowledge’.189 The International Institute of Â�Bibliography set about the creation of an extensive Universal Bibliographic Repertory on index cards that by 1897 contained 1.5 million entries and by 1930 nearly 30 million.190 The work of members of the International Institute of Bibliography in developing techniques for finding information on any area of human activity may be considered a precursor to aspects of today’s internet such as search engines.191 â•… A more idealistic enterprise in this period was the pursuit of an international auxiliary language, the evolution of which provides an interest46

EMERGENCE TO 1914

ing case study of the cyclicality of internationalism. The artificial language movement of this era was not unprecedented.192 However, the first major international auxiliary language was invented in 1879 by German priest Johann Martin Schleyer.193 Claiming that it was a revelation that occurred to him one sleepless night, Schleyer named his language Volapük—or ‘world speech’—and within a decade there had developed 283 clubs dedicated to the language worldwide, possibly up to a million speakers, as well as a Universal Association of Volapükists that was formed in 1887.194 However, Schleyer was a victim of his language’s popularity: it soon became simplified by its users in ways he could not accept, and the movement then collapsed on account of the splits that emerged.195 Many turned instead to a language invented in 1887 by Lejzer Ludwik Zamenhof, who called himself Doktoro Esperanto, or ‘Dr Hopeful’, an appropriate name given that he intended his language to be ‘unconditionally accepted by everyone’.196 Although this simpler language has proven to be more enduring than Volapük, the Universala Esperanto-Asocio (an INGO dedicated to promoting the language set up in 1908) estimates the number of speakers in the present day to be in the hundreds of thousands.197 â•… One of the principal objectives of international auxiliary languages such as Volapük was the facilitation of international correspondence.198 During the 1890s there also developed an international network of correspondence clubs that aimed to link people of many nations through correspondence on whatever subjects interested them.199 In France there was formed in 1895 a Society of International Studies and Correspondence—or Internationalis Concordia—that sought to achieve this by such methods as congresses, correspondence, international circles, translation bureaus, and an annual bulletin of its members’ contact details and interests.200 Similar organizations were formed elsewhere, including England’s Round About Club in 1895 and Kosmos in the Netherlands from 1898.201 â•… Amateur efforts such as these were preceded by developments in international scientific collaboration. Amongst the most significant was the formation in 1876 of the Universal Scientific Alliance which aimed ‘to facilitate relations between the men of science distributed throughout all countries of the world’.202 By 1906 this organization had Présidences générales in every continent, including in Buenos Aires, Melbourne, Paris, Oran, Paris and Saigon.203 It also issued its own ‘Diplôme Circulaire’ to facilitate the international movement of scientists.204 This organization was joined in 1899 by the International Association of Academies, formed Â€

47


in Wiesbaden with German, British, French, Russian and US participants, which had the purpose of promoting scientific initiatives requiring international collaboration.205 Nature magazine hoped that this organization would be ‘an international parliament of science’, but although its membership expanded impressively and included Japanese participation from 1906, as one of its founders noted in 1918 ‘the actual scientific output of this association was small’.206 â•… The formation of more specialist scientific INGOs as seen in the 1860s also continued in the following three decades. Particularly significant was the International Statistical Institute, formed in 1885 to promote uniform statistical methods internationally,207 which both proved more enduring than earlier international bodies for social science and became a model for many later INGOs, such as the International Actuarial Association. It was followed in 1893 by the International Institute of Sociology.208 The range of applied sciences joining the INGO movement expanded in this period, with the formation in 1895 of the International Association for Testing Materials.209 As regards purer sciences, international mathematical congresses were convened from 1893 and an International Association for Promoting the Study of Quaternions and Allied Systems of Mathematics was formed in 1899; but international bodies in respect of particular pure sciences tended to be slower to develop than in the applied sciences.210 As for the arts, international congresses that took place in this era include those on the history of art from 1873, photography from 1889, and music and history from 1893.211 â•… Anthropologists were amongst the most prolific attendees of international congresses in the late nineteenth century. The first International Congress of Orientalists took place in Paris in 1873, primarily to study Japan and secondarily other parts of the ‘Orient’.212 These congresses, which today are known as the International Congresses of Asian and North African Studies, have since taken place intermittently, with the first outside Europe taking place in Algiers in 1905.213 Quicker to start meeting outside Europe was the International Congress of Americanists, which first met in Nancy in 1875 and then in Mexico City in 1895. It has been argued that ‘in common with the orientalism of the period, Americanism reinforced European nationalism by identifying a racial and cultural Other to contrast with the attributes of civilization’.214 The late nineteenth century also witnessed the continued formation of associations of Europeans for the study of Asia, such as the Asiatic Society of 48

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Japan that was created in Yokohama in 1872 by British and American residents who wished to find out more about the country in which they lived and which claims today to be ‘Japan’s oldest learned society’.215 The first Latin American Scientific Congress, organized by the Argentinian Scientific Society in Buenos Aires in 1898, on the other hand, developed from interactions among ‘native scientists in the Southern Cone states’.216 This congress was considered to be highly successful and successor congresses followed; but as these congresses expanded, their scientific character diminished: this decline correlated with the expansion of US participation and the pursuit of ‘Pan-American’ objectives.217 â•… At the same time as scientific cooperation developed pan-American as well as pan-European dimensions in the late nineteenth century, growing international coordination in respect of environmental issues became evident. In some cases, cooperation was for the purpose of research, such as in motivating the formation of the Association of International Forest Research Stations in 1892 and an international commission to investigate solar radiation in 1896.218 In other cases, nature tourism was a key motive, such as in the development from 1895 of the International Friends of Nature.219 Concerns regarding food safety were evident in the convening of ‘pure food’ congresses from 1898, and demand for conservation of food resources can be seen in the pressure in Europe for the North Sea Fisheries Convention of 1882.220 A further dimension to the development of early environmentalism was the demand for game reserves: pressure from hunters and preservationists contributed towards a Â�British government proposal in 1899 for an international game convention, although this did not come into force.221 International scientific interest in animals is reflected in the convening of ornithological congresses from 1884 and zoological congresses from 1889. The first international ornithological congress proposed that member societies should lobby governments for an international agreement for the protection of birds, an objective which was ultimately achieved in 1902.222 The World League for Protection of Animals, formed in Germany in 1898, survives as one of the world’s oldest international animal welfare organizations.223 â•… As for human welfare, the most prolific international scientific conferences of the late nineteenth century were dedicated to health issues. A vast range of different aspects of medicine were to become the subject of international congresses between 1876 and 1894, including homeopathy, mental health, laryngology, tropical medicine, neurology, dermatol 49


ogy, therapeutics, physiology, gynaecology and thalassotherapy.224 Significant congresses were also dedicated to particular diseases, such as tuberculosis from 1888 and leprosy from 1897.225 With the proliferation of international congresses on medical science, their opponents also mobilized internationally, and in 1879 there was formed the International League of Anti-Vaccinators, which organized the first international antivaccination congress in Paris in 1880.226 â•… While scientific medical congresses tended not to result in the formation of enduring international organizations, efforts towards the formation of INGOs for the promotion of the interests of medical professionals had more lasting results. The American Dental Society of Europe was formed in 1873 due to concern that ‘certain European dentists falsely claimed to be “American dentists” and, not having the requisite skills, were beginning to cause the reputation of the genuine Americans to be undermined’.227 Twenty-seven years later the World Dental Federation was established, initially primarily to arrange annual dental congresses.228 Following the example of the International Council of Women, the International Council of Nurses was established in London in 1899 in the hope that this would help improve nurses’ professional standing around the world.229 â•… Designed as a complement to the international exhibition on hygiene and rescue work that took place in Brussels in 1876, the first of many international congresses on hygiene and demography was convened by the Royal and Central Society of Rescuers of Belgium, aiming to discuss a wide range of aspects of public health, such as water supply, housing conditions and health services.230 Other congresses and INGOs were set up to discuss more specialist aspects of public health, such as birth control. The Malthusian League was created in 1877 in London, stemming from the secularist movement of late Victorian Britain and concern about population growth.231 Its example was imitated in continental Europe, and from the turn of the century a Fédération Universelle de la Régénération Humaine was set up and international Neo-Malthusian congresses organized.232 Further specialization in transnational civil society treatment of human welfare is evident in the convening of the first international child welfare congress in Paris in 1882,233 and the establishment of a permanent commission of prison reform congresses in 1880 and the International Union of Penal Law in Vienna in 1889.234 With the hosting of a world’s fair in Paris that year, the French capital 50

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hosted ‘the first international congress of working class housing organisations’235 and the formation of the International Society for the Study of Questions connected with Poor Relief.236 â•… The hosting of the world’s fair in 1889 in Paris coincided with the hundredth anniversary of the onset of the French Revolution. It was therefore an ideal setting for the holding of ‘Possibilist’ and Marxist congresses on the anniversary date of the storming of the Bastille.237 The Marxist gathering, which was broadly representative of European and North American socialist parties, is said to be the foundational congress of the Second International, even though the ‘Possibilist’ congress attracted more press attention at the time.238 The Second International is notable for promoting 1 May as an international day for the eighthour working day.239 Although beset with divisions from the outset, Â�following the expulsion of anarchists in 1896 an International Socialist Bureau was created in 1900 when it was felt ‘that it is important for the international congresses, destined to become the parliament of the proletariat, to make resolutions that guide the proletariat in its fight for deliverance’.240 â•… Global union federations also date their origins to the two workers’ international congresses of 1889, on account of the meeting of particular professions on the fringes of these congresses.241 The process towards the formation of global union federations in Europe appears to have started in 1871 with the conclusion of a reciprocal agreement on trade union issues among the glove-makers’ organizations of Germany, Â�Austria and Scandinavia, and the formation in the 1870s of short-lived organizations such as the International Federation of Tobacco Workers in London and the Central Organization of Potters in Germany.242 In 1889, a congress of seventeen representatives of European and US typographers’ unions took place in Paris, which was followed three years later by the formation of the International Typographical Secretariat.243 International secretariats of hatters and shoe-makers have also been traced to meetings in Paris in 1889, although the former organized formally in 1900 and the latter in 1907.244 A lasting International Federation of Tobacco Workers appears to have been formed in Anvers in 1889, and was followed, inter alia, by international federations of miners in 1890, woodworkers in 1891, glassworkers in 1892, metalworkers in 1893, textile workers in 1894 and transport workers in 1897.245 The meetings of the Second International in the 1890s provided convenient opportunities for 51


the negotiations that led to the formation of global union federations, of which there are estimated to have been seventeen by the end of the nineteenth century.246 The global union federations, the most significant of which were those of the metalworkers and transport workers, tended primarily to concern themselves with meeting functional needs, such as exchange of information and facilitation of members’ transfer to new countries, rather than ideological objectives.247 â•… Paris in 1889 was also the location for the holding of an international congress of cooperative distribution societies. This set a precedent for the broader International Co-operative Congress held in London six years later at which the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) was formed.248 Speaking at this congress, Owen Greening noted that the cooperative movement had ‘seemed laggards in the race’ towards international organization by comparison with scientists, trade unions and others, but he also pointed out the comparatively greater scale of the organization that had just been formed, with a total membership of 5 to 6 million, which he termed ‘a new empire of the first rank’.249 With approximately 1 billion people in its member organizations, the ICA claims still to be the largest INGO today.250 The founders of this organization hoped not only ‘to establish commercial relations between the co-operators of different countries for their mutual advantage’ but also ‘to spread a more comprehensive knowledge and conception of the full meaning of mutuality applied to any phase of human life’ and to ‘create new and more durable links in the chain of human brotherhood which co-operation is slowly but surely forging for mankind’.251 â•… Paris in 1889 may also be seen as a turning point for business INGOs (BINGOs), as from that year onwards their number increased significantly, beginning with the International Commission of Agriculture.252 Earlier BINGOs had been created sporadically, amongst the most notable of which was the International Union of Marine Insurance, founded in Berlin in 1874 to promote common standards and ‘to eliminate any mischief arising from undue competition between members’; it remains active today.253 The BINGOs created from 1889 onwards were highly varied. Some reflected the technological developments of the era, such as the International Union of Electricity Stations, formed in 1892.254 Others developed in response to international legislation, such as the International Publishers Association, set up in 1896 ‘to promote all appropriate measures to bring about adhesions to the Berne Convention’.255 52

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In 1897–1900, the International Federation of Commercial Travellers was formed,256 the same period during which the permanent bureau of the international congresses of commercial education was created.257 â•… As for development of international cooperation with respect to education more generally, the last three decades of the nineteenth century saw a series of international congresses on education coinciding with the world’s fairs.258 The holding of the world’s fair in Paris in 1889 provided the opportunity for the formation of a short-lived International Federation of Students259 and the hosting of the first separate international congresses on primary, secondary and tertiary education.260 An International Kindergarten Union was formed in the United States three years later (which is now the Association for Childhood Education International),261 and in 1899 an International Bureau of New Schools was formed in Geneva by Adolphe Ferrière.262 â•… As was the case for labour and business organizations, the period after 1889 saw considerable expansion in the number of international professional organizations. Photographers met during the 1889 Paris world’s fair and subsequently formed an International Union of Photography in 1891.263 In 1895 the International Actuarial Association was formed, modelled on the International Statistical Institute.264 The following year the International Union of Press Associations was formed in Budapest, two years after the first international congress of press associations in Anvers.265 The International Federation of Museum Officials appears to have been formed in 1898 ‘to prevent forgeries and dishonest transactions’.266 â•… For INGOs in respect of transport, Brussels in 1885 rather than Paris in 1889 was the crucial turning point. Congresses in Brussels in 1885 led to the creation of an International Railway Congress Association that within two decades had acquired the affiliation of over 400 railway companies as well as nearly fifty governments in Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas;267 as well as the International Association of Public Transport268 and the Permanent International Association of Navigation Congresses.269 As for road users, the International Touring Alliance was formed in 1898 by cycling clubs to promote international cycle touring, but over time its membership transformed to include motorbike and motorcar associations.270 â•… Two decades before the formation of the International Touring Â�Alliance, the earliest sports INGO was founded: the International Club of Horse Racing, based in Baden-Baden.271 Four years later, an ‘Interna 53


tional Board’ was created for association football to agree rules for the British Home International Championship; the Board was to become the model for the International Rugby Football Board which was set up four years after that.272 The turning point for the formation of international sports federations was 1892, when international organizations for cycling, rowing and skating were established: the primary objective of all three of these organizations was the facilitation of international competitions and agreement upon common rules. Two years later the International Olympic Committee (IOC) was formed by Pierre de Coubertin, who had been planning the revival of the Olympic Games since 1889 ‘in order to organize contacts between our young French athletics and the nations that have preceded us in the way of muscular culture’.273 The congress in Paris at which the IOC was created was preoccupied with the definition of amateurism,274 and the first Olympiad that it organized in Greece in 1896 attracted little press attention, had few visitors given the poor transport connections to Greece, and of the 311 participants 230 were Greek—although this still involved a greater number of international participants than had previous sporting occasions.275 â•… The official report of the 1896 Olympiad gave much of the credit for the organization of the Games to the Greek Crown Prince Constantine.276 A much more controversial example of the role of a royal in the development of international civil society in the last three decades of the nineteenth century is that of King Leopold the Second of Belgium. Â�Leopold’s reign broadly coincided with the period during which Brussels was the centre of internationalism in Europe, an opportunity he exploited as a convenient disguise for his colonial ambitions. In 1876, the year in which Brussels was the host city for the international exhibition on hygiene and rescue work, Leopold invited explorers and geographers to a congress in Brussels ostensibly ‘to found if possible the international work of the rest-houses and scientific posts in Africa’. A quasi-non-governmental International African Association was established purportedly ‘to the profit of science and philanthropy’277 but in fact for Leopold’s personal profit, and within a decade he had ensured that this organization became recognized as the government of Congo and was transformed into the Congo Free State.278 The International African Association was initially warmly received by humanitarians: the Aborigines Protection Society even made Leopold its Honorary President, but by 1896 the Aborigines Protection Society was campaigning 54

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against the abuses that were occurring in the course of the exploitation of Congo’s natural resources, reported to have included the trade in severed hands.279 â•… The following year a very different African Association was formed in London by Trinidadian lawyer Henry Sylvester Williams. This organization of London’s black population may have been the first organization to promote pan-African objectives.280 It aimed ‘to encourage a feeling of unity … to promote and protect the interests of all subjects claiming African descent, wholly or in part, in British colonies, and in other places, especially in Africa’. This Association organized the first Pan-African Congress in London, timed to coincide with the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1900 in order ‘to take steps to influence public opinion on existing proceedings and conditions affecting the welfare of the native in various parts of the world’. The conference, which included delegates from Africa, America, England and the West Indies, not only transformed the African Association into the ‘pan-African’ Association but also issued an appeal ‘to the Nations of the World’ that called for ‘responsible government for the Black colonies in Africa and in the West Indies’ and for the Congo Free State to become ‘a great negro state’.281 â•… Pan-Africanism was one of many ‘macro-nationalisms’ in the late nineteenth century. In the Americas, the Latin American governmental Â�initiatives of the early nineteenth century were succeeded by the US government’s pan-American conferences from 1889. Pan-Atlanticism was evident in the formation of organizations such as the Anglo-American Association in 1871 and the Atlantic Union in 1897. In Europe, panSlavism and pan-Germanism were the most influential ‘pan-movements’. In 1894 the General German League that had been created in 1891 was renamed the ‘Pan-German’ League ‘to awaken and promote racial and cultural homogeneity of all sections of German people’ and to promote ‘continuance of the German colonial movement’.282 In East Asia, panAsianism developed in response to the forced opening of the region to European influence from mid century.283 In Japan the Society for Raising Asia was formed in 1880 and succeeded by the Asia Association, and the East Asian Common Culture Association was created in 1898.284 As for South Asia, the development of Indian national consciousness is evident in the formation in 1876 of the Indian National Association and the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science, and the creation of the Indian National Congress in 1885. 55


â•… With respect to the Ottoman empire, Young Ottoman intellectuals formed in 1865 a secret society known as the ‘Patriotic Alliance’ to promote pan-Ottoman identity; and pan-Turkism and pan-Turanism also developed in this period.285 In contrast, Ibrahim al-Yaziji promoted Arab revitalization and resistance to Ottoman rule and took part in a secret society for this objective in the late 1870s.286 Also significant were Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad Abduh, the Islamic modernists who founded the Salafiyyah movement and from 1884 published a newspaper entitled The Indissoluble Link which promoted Islamic unity against imperialism.287 The activities of al-Afghani and Abduh have been labelled as ‘pan-Islamism’, a term that entered Western discourse in the 1870s,288 and which was adopted by Abdullah Suhrawardy when he transformed the Anjuman-i-Islam289 of London that had been formed in 1886 into the Pan-Islamic Society in 1903.290 â•… The international Zionist movement may be viewed as a further ‘macronationalism’ that developed in the late nineteenth century.291 The pogroms in Russia from the 1880s onwards and the Dreyfus case in France in the 1890s provided the context for the formation in 1897 of the World Zionist Organization at the First Zionist Congress that was convened in Basel by Theodor Herzl, aiming to prepare the way for the establishment ‘for the Jewish people [of ] a legally secured homeland in Palestine’ through ‘fostering the settlement of Palestine … organising the whole of Jewry in suitable local and general bodies … strengthening the national Â�Jewish feeling and … taking preparatory steps to attain any Governmental consent which may be necessary’.292 â•… At the same time as pan-movements such as these were developing for particular religions, efforts were also taken towards inter-faith dialogue and understanding. The most notable of these initiatives was the World Parliament of Religions convened in connection with the Columbian Exhibition in Chicago in 1893, which, like previous world’s fairs, encouraged the holding of international congresses in connection with the exhibition. Charles Carroll Bonney, who was in charge of facilitating the approximately 200 international congresses that took place in Chicago in 1893, saw as the aim of the Congress ‘to present to the world … the substantial unity of many religions in the good deeds of the religious life’.293 Although dominated by Protestants and excluding numerous religions including Sikhism and many African religions, the meeting succeeded in its objective of bringing together to put forward ‘their common 56

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aims and common grounds of union’ speakers from a wide range of backgrounds, including Buddhism, Catholicism, Confucianism, Eastern Orthodox Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Jainism, Judaism, Shintoism, Taoism and Zoroastrianism.294 Of further significance for transnational civil society is the part played by a number of the participants in the congress in the development of religious INGOs. Swami Vivekananda, who spoke on Hinduism at the World Parliament of Religions, for instance, subsequently transformed the Ramakrishna Math into a transnational religious order with centres in the West as well as in India.295 At the end of the nineteenth century, an American Unitarian minister who had helped organize the World Parliament of Religions—Charles Wendte— became the first secretary of the International Council of Unitarian and Other Liberal Religious Thinkers and Workers, known today as the International Association for Religious Freedom.296 â•… In Europe, transnational Roman Catholic religious orders remained amongst the most numerous INGOs to be created in the late nineteenth century. Other Christian groups also formed international bodies at this time, including the World Alliance of Reformed Churches in 1875, the World Methodist Council in 1881, and the Union of Utrecht in 1889.297 Christian youth organizations multiplied in this period too, with the World’s Alliance of Young Women’s Christian Associations formed in 1894 and the World Student Christian Federation the following year.298 In 1878 the East London Christian Mission was transformed into the Salvation Army: within a decade this organization had over 6,000 officers in Britain, Australasia, the Caribbean, continental Europe, North America, South Africa and South Asia.299 The year when the Salvation Army was formed also saw the relocation to India of the headquarters of the Theosophical Society, an organization set up in New York in 1875 ‘to oppose materialism and theological dogmatism … by demonstrating the existence of occult forces unknown to science, in nature, and the presence of psychic and spiritual powers in man’.300 A somewhat contrasting organization was set up in Brussels two years later: the World Union of Free Thinkers which aimed ‘to facilitate propaganda for rationalist ideas through an entente between all those who believe it necessary to liberate humanity from religious prejudice and to assure freedom of conscience’.301 Another organization, the International Union of Ethical Societies which was formed in 1896, sought ‘to disentangle moral ideals from religious doctrines, metaphysical systems and ethical theories’.302 57


â•… Despite facing growing criticism from rationalist organizations, Â�Christian INGOs of the late nineteenth century were a vital component in the development of many of the most substantial transnational social reform movements of the period. The anti-opium movement in the 1870s, for instance, was spearheaded by Christians through organizations such as the Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade, formed in 1874.303 The movement against pornography was also mobilized by Christian puritans, who convened the first international congress against immoral literature in Berne in 1896.304 â•… Amongst the movements in which Christian INGOs were most influential was that for temperance, which had already developed internationally with the 1846 World’s Temperance Convention and the international spread of the Independent Order of Good Templars from 1868. AngloSaxon organizations such as this were joined in continental Europe by the Blue Cross movement, created in Geneva in 1877, which formed an international federation in 1886 that aimed at ‘the salvation of drunkards through faith in Christ’.305 Although far from successful in achieving universal abstinence, temperance organizations attracted large memberships.306 More significantly, temperance organizations were to play a crucial role in other social and political reform movements. â•… By far the most notable example of Christian temperance organizations’ centrality to other movements was that for women’s right to vote. In 1883 the World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) was formed in the United States, with not only the objective of ‘creating a strong public sentiment in favor of personal purity of life, including total abstinence from the use of all narcotic poisons’, but also many wider objectives including ‘the enfranchisement of women of all nations’.307 In the first country to grant women the right to vote—New Zealand—the WCTU was the critical organization in mobilizing the campaign for women’s enfranchisement.308 New Zealand’s women’s suffrage movement was stimulated by the visit of the WCTU’s travelling envoy, Mary Leavitt, and after the successful campaign there suffragists from New Zealand disseminated their ideas and techniques across the world.309 â•… The formation of branches of the World’s WCTU commonly preceded the creation of National Councils of Women. The latter affiliated to the International Council of Women, which also originated in the United States and was formed in Washington, DC at a congress timed to coincide with the fortieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls convention five 58

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years after the World’s WCTU had been created. This organization’s objectives were broader than those of the World’s WCTU: its constitution committed it ‘to the overthrow of all forms of ignorance and injustice’.310 By the end of the nineteenth century there were National Councils in Canada, Germany, Great Britain, New Zealand, Sweden, Italy, the Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland and Argentina as well as the United States.311 It was therefore more successful in internationalization than the International Women’s Rights Congresses that took place in Paris in 1878 and 1889, the latter of which featured just seventeen delegates from outside France.312 â•… As well as the promotion of women’s rights to participation in national politics, one of the core themes of transnational activism concerning women in the late nineteenth century related to their protection. An example can be found in the movement against the practice of footbinding in China, with the formation of anti-footbinding associations from 1874, amongst the most notable of which was the Natural Foot Society set up by ten women of various nationalities in London in 1895.313 Another organization, the Ramabai Association set up by Indian Â�Christian convert Pamita Ramabai in Boston in 1887, aimed to provide refuge for child widows in India.314 In continental Europe, the International Union of Friends of Young Women was set up in 1877 ‘to form a network of protection around every girl obliged to leave her home to earn a living, and so far as possible around every girl alone or in bad surroundings, whatever her nationality, religion or occupation’.315 By 1900 there were 8,000 ‘friends of young women’, of whom the majority were in Â�Germany, Switzerland and France, who gave girls departing their countries letters of introduction to ‘friends’ in the girls’ destinations and pamphlets explaining the Union’s services.316 â•… Given its transnational nature, the issue of sex trafficking was one that attracted particular attention amongst cross-border activists in the late nineteenth century. One key activist was Josephine Butler, who after touring Europe in 1874–5 set up ‘a “British, Continental and General Â�Federation”, with a view to give practical form to the strong though Â�hitherto, to a great extent, latent feeling of abhorrence of the system of state-regulated vice already existing in many of the best minds in France, Switzerland, Italy and Germany, and to arouse a powerful public opinion in support of an agitation similar to our own, which has now commenced in those countries’.317 This organization became known as the 59


International Abolitionist Federation from 1898, consciously drawing parallels between the earlier movement against the slave trade and this movement in respect of the ‘white slavery’ of women and children used as prostitutes.318 The Federation began campaigning in respect of the ‘white slave trade’ in 1877; in 1880 Butler succeeded in lobbying for the conviction of sex traffickers in Belgium, and in 1887 the Federation proposed international legislation against the traffic.319 â•… In 1883 the Bishop of Durham and Ellice Hopkins created the ‘White Cross Army’ that aimed to advance ‘the protection of women and children from prostitution and degradation’ by targeting men. The organization succeeded in establishing branches in Africa, Australia, Canada, China, Great Britain, Jamaica, Japan, New Zealand, Trinidad and the United States, and Hopkins’ pamphlets sold two million copies in Great Britain and the United States.320 Another organization, the International Bureau for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic which was formed in 1899, sent its secretary, William Alexander Coote, to tour Europe to ensure the establishment of national committees to deal with the ‘white slave’ traffic and to send delegates to meet at an international congress in London to discuss the traffic.321 As well as creating the International Bureau, the 1899 congress resolved that an international convention on the ‘white slave’ traffic was necessary; governments eventually agreed to such a convention in 1904.322 â•… Of the many issue-areas with respect to which international women’s organizations were formed in the late nineteenth century, amongst the most significant were those for peace, arbitration and disarmament. Marie Goegg’s International Association of Women had been set up in 1869 to support the peace work of the International League for Peace and Â�Liberty. The following year American suffragist Julia Ward Howe called for a Woman’s Peace Congress for the World to take place in England, although her efforts in this direction were far less successful than her campaign for coordinated ‘women’s peace festivals’ to take place in cities in the United States, western Europe and Constantinople from 1873. From 1887 the WCTU had a Department of Peace and Arbitration and from 1896 the International Council of Women promoted peace and arbitration and hosted an international congress on the issue with representatives from North America, Europe and Australasia in 1899.323 The late 1890s saw international women’s peace organizations proliferate, with the creation in Paris in 1895 of the International Union of Women 60

EMERGENCE TO 1914

for Peace, and the following year in the same city the Universal Alliance of Women for Peace by Education, also known as the International League of Women for General Disarmament, and in 1898 the Association for Peace and Disarmament through Women.324 These organizations not only pioneered the promotion of general disarmament, but also wider reforms of the international system, such as the ‘International Senate’ for the pacific resolution of disputes promoted by the International League of Women for General Disarmament.325 â•… By this time, the peace movement more generally had had success in forming more durable international organizations. As for many other movements, Paris in 1889 was the turning point. That year the first of a renewed series of Universal Peace Congresses took place in Paris from 23 until 27 June, organized by Lemonnier with assistance from Passy.326 Straight afterwards the Continental Hotel in Paris was the venue for the first Interparliamentary Conference that Passy had helped to organize, which brought together representatives from British, continental European, US and Liberian parliaments.327 The Universal Peace Congresses were to be coordinated by an International Peace Bureau that was set up in Rome in 1891,328 and the Interparliamentary Conference of 1889 was the foundational conference of the Interparliamentary Union for Â�Arbitration—two organizations that have survived to the present day.329 â•… Pursuit of international arbitration was central to the objectives of international peace organizations in the late nineteenth century. This was reflected in the names of a number of peace societies of the period, such as the International Arbitration League and the International Arbitration and Peace Association in Britain. Also important in the movement for international arbitration were organizations for international law that developed in the 1870s.330 These included the International Law Association created in Brussels in October 1873, which included amongst its aims ‘the settlement of disputes by arbitration’.331 It rivalled the Institute of International Law that had been created in Ghent the month before, with the ambitious aim ‘to become the organ of the legal conscience of the civilised world’, as well as to promote ‘the maintenance of peace’ and ‘the gradual and progressive codification of international law’.332 Formation of the Japanese Society of International Law followed in 1897; it claims to be ‘the oldest academic society in Japan in the field of law’.333 â•… The issue of arbitration, alongside that of disarmament, mobilized one of the largest transnational campaigns ever to have been undertaken as 61


the nineteenth century drew to a close. The transnational mobilization before and during the Hague Conference of 1899 was the most substantial example of transnational advocacy targeting an intergovernmental conference yet to be carried out.334 The use of arbitration by governments in 1871–90 three times as frequently compared with the previous seven decades provides the context for the activism for arbitration that took place in the 1890s, which included the adoption of a model Code of International Arbitration at the Antwerp Universal Peace Congress in 1894.335 In addition, every Universal Peace Congress of the last decade of the nineteenth century passed resolutions promoting disarmament, including in 1891 a resolution advocating the convening of an intergovernmental meeting to discuss it.336 When such a meeting was advocated in the Russian Tsar’s Rescript of 1898, peace activists claimed to have influenced this decision, although economic motives may have been more important to the Tsar.337 â•… Women played a key role in ensuring that the scale of the non-Â� governmental campaign to persuade governments to take action at the Hague Conference of 1899 was considerable. One international petition circulated by women peace activists and presented at the conference acquired more than 1 million signatures from Europe, Japan and the United States.338 In addition, the ‘first worldwide Women’s Peace DemonÂ� stration’ aiming to pass identical resolutions in 500 centres in eighteen countries was planned for three days before the opening of the conference.339 The conference set up a Commission of Correspondence to handle the many resolutions sent to it, and this meeting was notable for the pioneering of activist techniques for the lobbying of intergovernmental conferences.340 Amongst the techniques pioneered at this conference were the unofficial newspaper covering conference proceedings and the salon where peace activists and government delegates could mingle.341 Although the measures agreed at the first Hague Conference disappointed activists, especially the lack of progress on disarmament, a Permanent Court of International Arbitration was established (albeit ‘neither permanent nor a court’)342 and it may be argued that the widespread public support for the Tsar’s Rescript ensured that governments could not conclude discussions without at least some agreement.343 â•… By 1900 a total of 200 INGOs may have been in existence,344 a figure which is likely to be an underestimate. The range of issue-areas which they encompassed was already extensive, including, inter alia, business, 62

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communications, education, the environment, health, human rights, humanitarian assistance, labour, law, peace, professions, religion, science, sport and women’s rights. While many of the INGOs in existence at this time had very small memberships, some—such as the International Â�Co-operative Alliance—could reasonably claim to speak on behalf of millions of members.345 Furthermore, although the overwhelming majority of INGOs at this time were based in western Europe and North America, several had members elsewhere, especially in Australasia, the Ottoman empire, South America and Japan. The World’s WCTU, for instance, had branches in, inter alia, Armenia, the Bahamas, Bermuda, Brazil, Burma, Ceylon, Chile, China, Egypt, Honduras, India, Jamaica, Japan, Korea, Madagascar, Mexico, Panama, Siam, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Syria, Turkey and Uruguay, as well in North America, Europe and Australasia by 1900.346 There was also a growing number of Asianbased INGOs, such as Ramakrishna Math and the Theosophical Society, as well as a greater number of internationally-oriented national organizations in the region, such as the Japanese Society of International Law. The methods of INGOs had also developed by this time into a wide range of techniques, from non-violent resistance methods such as the strike used by the labour movement, to national and intergovernmental lobbying pioneered especially by peace associations, to the methods of ‘world civic politics’347 such as consumer boycotts promoted by anti-slavery societies. The impact of transnational civil society in this period was also evident in government policy at both the national level (such as in the case of women’s right to vote in New Zealand) and at the intergovernmental level (such as in the outcomes of the first Hague Conference), as well as in the formation of private international standards such as the international phonetic alphabet. â•… The range of factors explaining how transnational civil society had reached this point is extensive. As before, developments in science and technology played a vital role: in the last three decades of the nineteenth century, for instance, developments in electrical engineering required international agreement on standards in which INGOs were to play an important part. The context of the natural environment was also important, with concern regarding issues such as fish stocks and game reserves critical to the development of early conservationist organizations. The global economy was crucial too, with international competition a significant factor motivating the development of labour, business and cooper 63


ative organizations at an international level. The broader context of developments in communications (such as the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869), in the global economy (such as a 2.5-fold increase in the value of world exports at constant prices between 1870 and 1899)348 and in society (such as the rise in emigration from Europe from 655,087 in 1871–80 to 1,330,573 in 1891–1900)349 also facilitated the expansion of transnational civil society in the late nineteenth century. â•… As for the role of external political factors, the hosting of world’s fairs— especially the Paris Universal Exposition coinciding with the hundredth anniversary of the French Revolution in 1889—was a significant opportunity structure for the holding of international non-governmental congresses (the proceedings of many of which were published by the French government) and the formation of new INGOs in a wide range of fields. It was in the period after 1889 that INGO numbers multiplied particularly substantially, with estimates for the number of INGOs founded in the decade from 1889 more than one-and-a-half times those for the preceding ten years.350 As well as world’s fairs, intergovernmental agreements were a significant opportunity structure for INGO formation: the Berne Convention, for instance, motivating the creation of the International Publishers Association. The actions of governments contributed to INGO formation not only positively (i.e. through encouragement such as in facilitating the organization of non-governmental meetings at world’s fairs), but also negatively (i.e. through repression stimulating INGO formation in response); one of the most notable examples of the latter was the development of the World Zionist Organization in the context of anti-Semitic government policies in Europe. â•… Internal political factors were also significant. A number of INGOs proved to be examples that others wished to follow, such as the International Statistical Institute, which formed the model for many later bodies such as the International Actuarial Association. Transnational diffusion of ideas was similarly important, for instance in the spread of ‘pan-isms’ with respect to every region of the world. A number of INGOs primarily associated with transnational activity in one field were to have important influence in stimulating transnational associational activity in other fields: a notable example is the role of the temperance-oriented World’s WCTU in the development of transnational activism for women’s enfranchisement. As in earlier years, individuals also played a vital role, such as Passy in the peace movement, and Butler in the campaign against ‘white slavery’.351 64

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Proliferation and Decline, 1901–1914 This chapter has shown that by the start of the twentieth century many of the principal dimensions of transnational civil society as we now understand it were already evident and represented by INGOs. The following section will reveal that although the number of INGOs and non-governmental conferences expanded at an unprecedented rate in the first decade of the twentieth century, only a few developments in this period built significantly on what had taken place in the nineteenth century. After a discussion of some of these developments, it will be shown not only how short-lived and insubstantial the proliferation of INGOs at this time proved to be, but also the way in which this proliferation contributed towards a detachment from the political context of the time in sectors of transnational civil society. In the second decade of the twentieth century, INGOs contracted dramatically before and during the First World War, and some INGOs played an important role in contributing towards the processes that culminated in this conflict. â•… The onset of the twentieth century was marked by the first Nobel Prizes, that for peace being awarded jointly to Dunant and Passy in 1901: two individuals who had played a vital role in the creation of INGOs over the previous half-century.352 The organization that was established in 1900 to handle the assets left in the will of dynamite-inventor Alfred Nobel for the peace and other prizes—the Nobel Foundation—was one of several internationally-oriented foundations to be created in the opening years of the twentieth century. Others included the Carnegie Foundation, created in 1911, and the Rockefeller Foundation, formed in 1913, both of which have been important in the evolution of international development since, in contrast to many earlier humanitarian bodies, they concentrated on using science to address underlying causes of suffering.353 â•… Accompanying the expansion in internationally-oriented foundations at the onset of the twentieth century was the emergence of international organizations of service clubs. The oldest is Rotary International, which developed from the Rotary Club of Chicago, formed in 1905 ‘for the members to give and to influence business to, and to get business from, fellow-members and persons influenced by them’, but which after about a year—and in the face of external criticism for its ‘self-centred’ orientation—adopted the supplementary goal of ‘enlightenment of its members with regard to, and the participation of its members in, public affairs or community welfare work’.354 With the formation of Rotary Clubs in 65


Â� Canada and Great Britain in 1912, the National Association of Rotary Clubs of America was transformed into the International Association of Rotary Clubs.355 It was later to be joined by international organizations of Lions Clubs and Kiwanians. â•… Further novel forms of INGO in the opening years of the twentieth century included the International Union against Vivisection and the International Central Bureau for the Campaign against Tuberculosis, both formed in 1902; and the International Union for the Protection of Infants and the Universal Society of the White Cross of 1907, both of which made food safety a primary concern.356 That year, the International Vegetarian Union was established in Dresden, an organization which survives to the present day.357 A number of new organizations that mixed governmental and non-governmental participation in this period, and also survive to the present, reflected the technological developments of the time, amongst them the International Institute of Refrigeration, formed in 1909, and the World Road Association, created the following year.358 In 1910 an International Office dedicated to the protection of homeworkers was created in Brussels.359 Three years later the development of an ‘Urban Internationale’ was evident in the formation of the Union Internationale des Villes and the International Garden Cities and Town Planning Association.360 â•… As for the trade union movement, a novel development at the onset of the twentieth century was the creation of the first International Â�Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres in Copenhagen in 1901, which unlike earlier international trade secretariats was not confined to a particular industry. This organization’s objectives were initially fairly limited: ‘keeping the national trade union centres in touch with one another, convening international conferences, preparing trade union statistics, etc.’361 This led to the group being dubbed a ‘post-box’ organization, but it was nevertheless significant in helping develop the reformist approach and greater independence of the trade union movement.362 In Zurich in 1913 the International Secretariat was transformed into the International Federation of Trade Unions, with wider objectives including ‘the protection and advancement of the rights, interests and justice of the wage-workers of all countries and the establishment of international fraternity and solidarity’.363 â•… Beyond Europe the early years of the twentieth century saw the formation of a range of new regional INGOs. Some were formed by Euro66

EMERGENCE TO 1914

peans and/or North Americans based in other regions of the world: in East Africa, for instance, the region’s first Quaker INGO was formed by American missionaries in 1902, and seven years later settlers in Kenya established the East Africa and Uganda Natural History Society. A number of organizations were of mixed composition, such as the Indian Â�Society of Oriental Art created in Calcutta in 1907. Other organizations aimed to promote particular identities. In the case of Arab identity, INGOs formed in this period included the Ligue de la Patrie Arabe that was established in Paris in 1904 and modelled its name on the Ligue de la Patrie Française, and the secret society Al-Qahtaniyah that was created in Constantinople in 1909. The Ligue de la Patrie Arabe aimed ‘to separate, in the interests of Islam and the Arab nation, civil power from religious power’ by creating ‘an Arab empire’ under a ‘constitutional Â�Sultanate based on the liberty of all religions and the equality of all citizens before the law’ and a ‘universal religious caliphate throughout Islam’ which would be ‘completely independent of state policy’.364 In India, the All-India Muslim League was formed in Dhaka in 1906 at an All-India Muhammadan Educational Conference, the latest of a series of conferences that had taken place since 1886. Notable new religious organizations to be established in this period include the Sufi Order in the West formed by Pir Hadrat Inayat Khan in 1910 and the Ahmadiyya Society for the Propagation of Islam that was created in Lahore in 1914. The development of the pan-American movement at this time is reflected in the establishment of a Pan-American Railway Congress Association in 1906, and a Pan-American Society and the American Institute of International Law in 1912. In Latin America, an International Congress of Central American Students was created in 1910, a Workers’ International Centre of Latin American Solidarity in 1913, and a Latin American and Caribbean Alliance of YMCAs in 1914. Organizations that were established in this period to unite people in different regions included the Sociedad Astronomica de Espana y America , formed in 1911; the PanPacific Union, established in 1912; and the Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau, created in 1913.365 â•… In addition to new INGOs such as these, the early years of the twentieth century witnessed a number of significant achievements by international associations and movements that had developed in the nineteenth century. Geographers who had been meeting internationally since 1871 succeeded in persuading governments to take part in significant scien 67


tific initiatives at the beginning of the twentieth century, such as the formation in 1903 of an International Association of Seismology to centralize information on earthquakes.366 The International Association of Labour Legislation created in 1900 formed the ‘first International Labour Office’ in 1901 and persuaded governments in 1906 to agree to ‘the first international labour conventions’, which dealt with the use of white phosphorus and women’s night work.367 The convening of a second Hague Conference the following year may be attributed in part to the efforts of the Interparliamentary Union in persuading Theodore Roosevelt to invite the Tsar to take this initiative forward.368 Although the second Hague Conference achieved little, it is notable for being the occasion upon which peace activists held a parallel non-governmental conference alongside the intergovernmental congress, which may have been the first of its kind; and the International Council of Women and the Salvation Army were both offered deputations.369 The year after the second Hague Conference, the international movement against Leopold’s exploitation of the Congo—in which the leading INGO was the Congo Reform Association (formed 1904), which supported the campaign in Belgium for annexation of the Congo by the Belgian government—saw the transfer of Congo out of Leopold’s hands.370 The following years saw non-governmental participation in the drafting of the 1909 Convention with Respect to the International Circulation of Motor Vehicles, the drafting in 1910 of an intergovernmental Agreement for the Repression of the Circulation of Obscene Publications two years after an international non-Â� governmental congress on the issue, and an intergovernmental Convention respecting Measures for the Preservation and Protection of Fur Seals in 1911, after years of non-governmental campaigning.371 US government actions spurred by Asian missionaries culminated in the Hague Opium Convention of 1912.372 â•… Within sectors of transnational civil society in which INGOs already existed, several enduring new INGOs were created in the opening years of the twentieth century. Fourteen years after the creation in Washington, DC of the International Council of Women, the same city hosted in 1902 a conference at which was established the more explicitly suffragist organization known today as the International Alliance of Women, the constitutional aims of which were centred around information exchange.373 In the case of the environmentalist movement, the following year the organization now known as Fauna and Flora International was estab68

EMERGENCE TO 1914

lished in London as the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, the ‘great object’ of which was ‘the formation of game reserves or sanctuaries’.374 Three years later London was also the location for the establishment of one of the most significant international organizations for standardization: the International Electrotechnical Commission that aimed ‘to consider the question of the standardisation of the Nomenclature and Ratings of Electrical Apparatus and Machinery’.375 â•… A number of lasting business INGOs were also created at this time. In Brussels in 1903 the International Dairy Federation was established to further the development of new techniques such as pasteurization and to combat food fraud.376 The following year the International Textile Manufacturers Federation was established at a congress of cotton-Â� spinners in London, at which it was remarked that ‘the developments of large combinations of labour … have rendered the position of individual employers, or even of small associations of employers, one of increasing difficulty. We have also seen the development of great federations of capitalists, and just as peace between nations is generally maintained by being prepared for war, so in industry experience shows that complete organisation of both employers and employed tends to ensure harmonious working’.377 A precursor to the International Chamber of Commerce was established in Milan in 1906 in the form of an international committee in Brussels intended to coordinate the regular international meetings of chambers of commerce that took place from 1905 onwards and to implement their decisions.378 â•… Several significant international sports organizations that emerged in this period are also worth noting. One particularly productive year was 1904, when the organizations that now coordinate Formula One, the Speedway Grand Prix and the association football World Cup were set up. Eight years later the International Association of Athletics Federations was established after it was noted at the 1912 Stockholm Olympic Games that ‘hints have been made that Swedish interests, in particular, were altogether too much considered in drawing up the lists of events’ in athletics and that a ‘standard programme’ as well as ‘uniform rules and regulations for the competitions’ were needed in athletics in order that ‘all nations will be placed on an equal footing’.379 â•… Although some new INGOs of the early twentieth century proved to be substantial and long-lasting, many more were relatively fleeting. In the decade leading up to the First World War approximately double the 69


number of INGOs were founded in comparison to the previous decade. However, whereas more than half of INGOs founded between 1894 and 1903 survive to the present day, only approximately two-fifths of those established in the next ten years have survived.380 The large number of INGO foundations in the decade before the First World War disguises the insubstantial and/or short-lived nature of many of them. Two particular types of organization in this category stand out: esperantist and temperance INGOs. In addition to general temperance organizations such as the International Bureau against Alcoholism formed in 1907 and the International Prohibitionist Federation created in 1909, there was established a range of specialist bodies such as the International Total Abstainers Association of Railway Workers, the International Bureau of Abstaining Students, the International Committee of Abstaining Priests, and the International Catholic Federation of Total Abstainers. As for the Esperanto movement, in addition to general organizations such as the Universal Esperanto Association dating from 1908, a dazzling array of specialist esperantist bodies were also formed such as the Theosophical Esperantist League, the International Society of Esperantist FreeThinkers, and separate International Associations of Esperantist Bankers, Jurists, Police Employees, Teachers, Postmen, Scientists, Doctors, Vegetarians and Men of Letters.381 â•… It is in the context of this proliferation of INGOs that some elements in transnational civil society lost sight of developments beyond the ascent of international associations. In 1907 approximately twice as many INGOs were formed compared to the previous year, but only a quarter of these survive to the present day. Among them is the Union of International Associations (UIA), best known for publishing in the present day the most comprehensive directory available on INGOs, the Yearbook of International Organizations; this is the successor publication to the Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, the production of which the UIA took over from Austrian pacifist Alfred Fried’s International Institute of Peace, established in 1903 and based in Monaco. The initial objectives of the UIA, however, were far bolder than simply the publication of an annual review of international life and directory of international organizations. â•… The UIA’s founders included Otlet and LaFontaine, who had already had success with their International Institute of Bibliography, which convened an international conference of international associations in 1906.382 In 1907 approximately twenty Brussels-based international organiza70

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tions joined together to form a Central Bureau of International Associations, and this was transformed into the UIA at the first World Congress of International Associations, attracting representatives of 132 international organizations to meet in Brussels in 1910 (a year from which only one third of the INGOs that were established survive).383 The organizers of this conference felt that the congress was the latest development in ‘a vast and continuous movement … [that] tends towards much greater co-operation between similar groups in all countries … [and] to the unification of methods and to international agreements on all points’.384 Representatives of the vast majority of the principal INGOs of the period took part in the congress, as did delegates from thirteen governments, including Australia, Bolivia, China, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Turkey and the United States, as well as central and western European governments (but not Britain, France, Germany or Italy). Among the distinguished list of ‘adhérents’ were such eminent figures as Léon Â�Bourgeois, Andrew Carnegie, Pierre de Coubertin, Baron d’Estournelles de Constant and Wilhelm Ostwald.385 â•… In a booklet published in the year that Germany invaded Belgium, the UIA outlined its aims in English as no less than ‘to bring together the International Associations, in order to pursue the systematic organisation of International Life in all its branches’ and ‘developing the international associations actually existing … by harmonizing their program and their work, and by constituting a world center for their general services’ by means of ‘organization of the representation of all the international associations in a federated body’. The UIA intended that international associations would ‘deliberate in general meetings, where questions of great interest, common to the whole of humanity, may be brought forward; to formulate unanimous views … and … to unify their methods’.386 At the second World Congress of International Associations of 1913, bringing together representatives of 169 international organizations and twenty-two governments (this time including Britain, France and Italy), grandiose plans were approved for an ‘International Palace’ in Brussels ‘worthy of the importance of the organizations that created it’.387 â•… A short distance to the north, the finishing touches were being made to a ‘Peace Palace’ that was to house the Permanent Court of Arbitration in another planned ‘world capital’, The Hague. In the years running up to the First World War, numerous resolutions for the promotion of peace 71


were passed not only by the primary peace movement, but by many other sectors of transnational civil society. The peace work of women’s international organizations since the nineteenth century has already been noted. As for the labour movement, at the time of the Second Balkan War an emergency congress of the Second International in Basle in November 1912 passed a resolution demanding ‘peace in the Balkans, … war on war, peace for the world’, building on an earlier peace resolution passed in Stuttgart in 1907.388 The previous month, the international meeting of chambers of commerce in Boston aimed to ‘exemplify and promote in a practical way the motto expressed at the opening of the Liège Â�Congress, “Commerce is Peace”’.389 â•… For some, such as Norman Angell, the international activities of labour and business offered hope for a more peaceful world. In his well-known work, Europe’s Optical Illusion, Angell asked: ‘if both capital and labour are being pushed by the circumstances of their development into complete internationalisation and coming to take no account of politiconational rivalries, what classes can remain outside such a movement?’390 Angell argued that ‘the movement towards internationalisation may go a long way in many activities without affecting the race for armaments, unless there also takes place a rationalisation of our political conceptions’.391 However, his proposed means for achievement of this objective reveals the thinness of his internationalism: he placed his faith in ‘the practical genius of the English race’.392 â•… Much of the international work of labour and capital in the period leading up to the First World War hardly promoted Angell’s vision of a more harmonious future. The peace resolution of the Second International at Stuttgart in 1907, for instance, was passed in the context of a speech by Rosa Luxemburg which stated ‘we must all think of the Great Russian Revolution in connection with this point of the agenda … in case of war the agitation should be directed not merely toward the termination of war, but also toward utilizing the war to hasten the overthrow of class rule in general’.393 As for INGOs in the business sector, many of those to be created in the opening years of the twentieth century were not simply industry federations, but international cartels, such as the International Rail Makers Association that was revived in 1904. â•… In addition to the evident divisions between capital and labour that were ultimately to contribute towards the Cold War, the nationalistic tendencies that many have cited as a contributory factor to the First 72

EMERGENCE TO 1914

World War were a significant aspect of the movement for the formation of INGOs of the early twentieth century. Hoffman compares civil society of the turn of the century with earlier associational life as follows: ‘In place of the lofty ideals of civic association that transcended the nation but remained rooted in local sociability, international organizations emerged that aimed to assert and organize concrete political or economic interests, for example, of nation states’.394 This process may be seen to have developed in the 1830s in Mazzinian associations such as Young Europe. Early-twentieth-century nationalist organizations such as Young Bosnia—which was responsible for the assassination that sparked the First World War—looked to Mazzinian associations as a model for their activities.395 Furthermore, the ideal of national self-determination was promoted by many who purported to advocate a more peaceful world, such as Angell, who argued that ‘peace under the Turks was equivalent to war; the liberation of the Balkans was the corridor to civilisation’.396 Liberal INGOs of this period, such as LIPL, may therefore be vulnerable to the accusation of holding what Michael Howard has termed ‘an almost unconscious acceptance of the medieval concept of the just war’ in their advocacy of national self-determination.397 â•… It is also worth noting some other ways in which INGOs reflected the development of nationalism in this period. For example, several international organizations formed in the early twentieth century aimed to promote particular languages and cultures, such as the International Federation for the Extension and the Culture of the French Language established at Liège in 1905, and the English Association formed the following year. While the activities of organizations such as these were relatively benign, the same cannot be said of the international organizations for the promotion of eugenics. Amongst the most notorious was the International Society for Racial Hygiene that was established in Â�Germany in 1905 by Alfred Ploetz, who in 1933 was to acclaim Hitler as ‘the man who had the will to implement racial hygiene’.398 Seven years after the formation of the Racial Hygiene Society, the University of Â�London hosted the First International Eugenics Congress with the involvement of leading figures such as Arthur Balfour, Alexander Â�Graham Bell, Émile Borel, Winston Churchill, Paul Doumer, Charles Gide, David Starr Jordan, Reginald McKenna, Arthur Schuster and René Worms.399 To this Congress, Ploetz communicated a paper complaining of the impact of Malthusianism on what he termed ‘the highly endowed Nordic race’, and an International Eugenics Committee was established.400 73


â•… The previous year the University of London had hosted the Universal Races Congress that by contrast has subsequently been credited ‘as one of an important number of agents in the development of liberal thought … away from the Victorian consensus that there was a hierarchy or chain of different racial stocks’.401 While much of the proceedings served to reinforce racial stereotypes, the organizers intended the congress to aim at ‘encouraging between the peoples of the West and those of the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured peoples, a fuller understanding, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier cooperation’.402 Considerable effort was made to ensure representation at the congress from across the globe, each session attracting more than a thousand participants, and plans were made for a permanent secretariat and further congresses, although no subsequent sessions took place.403 â•… Two attendees at the Universal Races Congress were French journalist Jean Pélissier and Lithuanian exile Jean Gabrys, who after a chance meeting upon their return to Paris decided to set up a Central Office of Nationalities in October 1911.404 The Central Office of Nationalities followed a similar path of development to the UIA: in June 1912 it organized an international conference on nationalities, and just as the Central Office of International Associations was turned into the more ambitious UIA, so the Central Office of Nationalities was converted into the more ambitious Union of Nationalities (UON).405 Like the UIA, the UON focused mainly on ‘scientific’ activities, the publication of a journal (the Annales des Nationalités) and the convening of conferences. However, while the UIA concentrated on facilitating relations among international bodies, the UON hoped ‘to promote to the progress of universal and perpetual peace’ through its work on behalf of different nationalities.406 Like one of the earliest INGOs—Mazzini’s Young Europe—the UON was intended ‘to promote the cause of national self-determination [which] Pélissier saw … as a universal panacea that would solve all political problems’.407 Given its purportedly pacific objectives, the UON attracted to its Comité de Patronage such notable figures as Nobel Peace Prize winners Bajer and Fried, as well as LaFontaine of the UIA, which commissioned the UON to report on the demands of nationalities for the 1913 World Congress of International Associations.408 â•… The pages of the Annales des Nationalités, however, reveal a very different picture to the anticipated promotion of peace through national selfdetermination, with numerous articles on the wars associated with the 74

EMERGENCE TO 1914

fragmentation of the Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman and Russian empires in this period, and ominous reports with such headings as ‘Angry Â�Serbia’.409 This did not deter the staff of the UIA from turning towards the promotion of the rights of nationalities. In his 1914 work La Fin de Guerre, Otlet outlined ‘A World Charter’ that promoted not only a ‘Confederation of the States of the World’ but also ‘the inalienable and imprescriptible right’ of nations to demand independence and their own states.410 Like most INGOs, the UIA had to cease most of its activities during the First World War: the last edition of the Annuaire de la Vie Internationale was published in 1912 and the planned third World Congress of International Associations set for 1915 in San Francisco never took place.411 Instead, Otlet chose to cooperate with the UON, which continued to publish the Annales des Nationalités throughout the war and managed to convene a third International Congress of Nationalities in 1916, with Otlet in the chair.412 By this time, however, Gabrys was using the UON as a secret agent for Germany, and the discussions of the congress avoided criticism of Germany and focused on the dissolution of the Russian empire.413 Pélissier subsequently hoped to make use of the UON as a secret agent for France.414 After the collapse of the UON after the First World War, both Pélissier and Gabrys exited the stage in an undignified fashion: while Pélissier’s diary contains ‘comical … entries in which he complains about the way his own insights into what he felt was the great tide of history … had been usurped in the eyes of the world by President Wilson’, the ‘pathetic epilogue’ to Gabrys’ ‘unhappy career came after the Second World War, when, living in Vevey, Switzerland, he insisted that he should be king of Lithuania’.415 â•… The demise of transnational associational activity in the second decade of the twentieth century preceded the onset of the First World War. As Boli and Thomas have pointed out, after 1910 there was a ‘severe collapse’ in the number of INGOs founded, and the rate of INGO dissolution rose dramatically between 1911 and 1913.416 The rate of INGO formation declined approximately 20 per cent each year from 1911 until 1916;417 and the number of international meetings may have fallen from 180 in 1913 to 125 in 1914, and halved each year during the First World War.418 â•… The reversal of fortunes for transnational civil society in the second decade of the twentieth century took place in the context of developing instability in the international system, such as the crises in Morocco and the Balkans. Factors which had previously facilitated the development 75


of transnational civil society in the nineteenth century were in this period to have the reverse effect. It was argued earlier in this chapter that the consolidation of the nation-state provided the context for the consolidation within these states of national civil society, much of which in turn formed transnational links, and that imperialism facilitated the expanding geographical reach of many INGOs. However, imperialism and the empowered nation-state were also among the key aspects of the fragmentation of the early twentieth century. Even many technological advances which had previously facilitated international communication were to be inhibitive of transnational associational life when used for the purposes of war.419 â•… In his pioneering study of European internationalism before the First World War, F. S. L. Lyons argued that in the early twentieth century leading figures in this movement ‘fell into the mistake of assuming they were living in a rational world’: preoccupied with planning for the anticipated third Hague peace congress and third congress of international associations, they evinced not only ‘a wonderful and touching faith in human nature’ but also ‘a remoteness from reality which is almost inexplicable in view of what we know to have been the state of Europe at that time’.420 This remoteness from reality was reflected in the formation of multiple INGOs in increasingly obscure issue-areas, the creation of INGOs of INGOs such as the UIA to unite these organizations, and most especially in the claim of the leaders of such organizations to be, as put forward in the quotation with which this chapter opened, ‘the most representative forces of the different countries in their own particular domain’.421 â•… It may even be argued that, through their promotion of nationalism, some transnational civil society actors themselves encouraged the deterioration of international relations in the first two decades of the twentieth century.422 Michael Howard, for instance, has suggested that liberals and socialists became ‘hypnotised by the apparent transformation of warmongering capitalists into a strong force for peace’ and so ‘underestimated the true dangers’ stemming not only from ‘the balance of power which they had so long denounced’ but also from ‘those new forces of militant nationalism which they themselves had done so much to encourage’ and ‘which combined to destroy the transnational community they had laboured to create’.423 Â€

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Â€

2 1914–1939

The period from the outbreak of the First World War to that of the Second is often overlooked in existing work on transnational civil society,1 and it has commonly been viewed as a period of stagnation in associational life.2 Historical work on the international relations of the interwar era has tended to concentrate on the evolution of interstate diplomacy.3 Authors writing at the time on international affairs in the 1920s and early 1930s, on the other hand, would commonly note ‘the impressive number of societies, philanthropic, scientific, religious, fraternal and commercial, that cut straight across frontiers and bring men together’ with ‘influence and results … too profound to be properly estimated’.4 As this chapter will reveal, the scale of transnational associational life that developed from the First World War until the early 1930s surpassed that which preceded the conflict. The first part of this chapter explores how, despite the First World War’s initially detrimental consequences for much of transnational civil society, it eventually helped facilitate the development of a new generation of INGOs that aimed to address a wide range of issues, including those arising from the conflict and its aftermath. The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 provided a particularly significant opportunity for transnational advocacy, with labour, peace and women’s private international associations, among others, having a significant impact upon proceedings. The subsequent section of this chapter discusses the rapid development of transnational civil society in the 1920s, and the expanded range of INGO activities including interactions with the institutions of the League of Nations and independent non-governmental policy ini

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tiatives. The final part of this chapter looks at how in the 1930s—in a similar pattern to that which took place two decades before—actors in transnational civil society became detached from their circumstances, with the development of large coalitions of INGOs that claimed to Â�represent ‘the public opinion of the world’,5 as international relations deteriorated and transnational civil society fragmented, contracted and lost influence in the years preceding the Second World War.

The First World War, the Paris Peace Conference, and the Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society, 1914–1919 Although the First World War was the occasion for the expansion in volume of activities of some sectors of transnational civil society, such as the international Red Cross movement, for most the onset of the conflict prevented many of their activities from taking place. As the pioneer student of INGOs Lyman Cromwell White argued, ‘it was almost impossible to hold international meetings’ during the conflict and ‘revenues declined, and supporters were busy fighting’.6 Many INGOs of the prewar period were never to function again, such as the International Association of Academies, the International League of Anti-Vaccinators, the International Neo-Malthusian Correspondence and Resistance Bureau, the International Union against Vivisection, the International Union of Ethical Societies, Internationalis Concordia, the Universal Scientific Alliance, and many of the specialist esperantist and prohibitionist INGOs that had been formed in the early twentieth century. The overall rate of INGO formation also continued to decline by approximately one fifth in each of the first three years of the conflict.7 â•… Apart from Europe, however, the rate of organizational formation was relatively unaffected. On the day Germany declared war on Russia, Â�Marcus Garvey established in Jamaica the Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League (UNIA) with a bold set of aims, including ‘to establish a universal confraternity among the race’, ‘to assist in civilizing the backward [sic] tribes of Africa; to strengthen the imperialism of independent African states; to establish Commissionaries or Agencies in the principal countries of the world for the protection of all Negroes, irrespective of nationality’, and later ‘to establish a central nation for the race’.8 By mid 1919 Â�Garvey claimed his organization had a membership of 2 million in thirty branches, based mainly in the United States.9 78

1914–1939

â•… Before US entry into the World War, concern for the humanitarian consequences of the conflict was a significant motivation for INGO Â�formation there. In October 1914 Herbert Hoover established the Â�American Committee for the Relief of Belgium (CRB). This organization was created in response to the danger of famine in occupied Â�Belgium and northern France and was able to facilitate the maintenance of the region’s population at subsistence level throughout the war: despite being a non-governmental body, the CRB had a number of state-like capacities, including concluding agreements with governments and issuing its own passports.10 The year after the CRB was formed, the American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief (now known as the Near East Foundation) was organized in New York by Cleveland Dodge in response to the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman empire, and it claims to have contributed towards the saving of a million lives in the Near East during the First World War.11 â•… The extent to which South America was insulated from the First World War is reflected in the creation in that period of some of its most significant international sports federations, including the South American Football Federation CONMEBOL that was formed in 1916 during the first South American continental football championship in Buenos Aires, and the South American Athletics Federation CONSUDATLE that was established two years later. Another Latin American organization to be formed in this period was the Latin American Odontological Â�Federation, FOLA, established in Chile in 1917.12 Elsewhere, the year 1917 also saw the Bhandakar Oriental Research Institute established in Pune,13 and the East African Women’s League formed in Nairobi.14 â•… Despite the setbacks of the conflict, a few new INGOs were also created in Europe during the First World War. Amongst the most significant was the ‘Zimmerwald Left’, established immediately after an international conference that brought together anti-war socialists in Â�Zimmerwald, Switzerland, in 1915. The ‘Zimmerwald Left’ aimed ‘to serve as a clarion for the revolutionary confrontations that the war would inevitably provoke’ and comprised Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek, Berzin, Â�Borchardt, Platten, Höglund and Nerman.15 Radek introduced them as ‘the first, gradually awakening part of the international working class … with every day our circle will grow, until we are a great militant army’.16 It has been argued that ‘the history of international Communism begins with the Zimmerwald Left, and the “militant army” to which Radek 79


referred would eventually appear in the ranks’.17 The Zimmerwald Left, despite its modest origins, provided the basis for the organization of the Communist (or ‘Third’) International after the Bolshevik Revolution.18 â•… The onset of the First World War also transformed the peace movement. One organization, the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship Through the Churches, was founded in Constance on 2 August 1914 and aimed to bring together ‘the great religious organizations all over the world in the question of international peace and goodwill’.19 The following February, a World Union of Women for International Â�Concord was established in Geneva ‘to spread internationalism by the establishment of a means of communication between the women of the entire world’.20 Two months later, an International Women’s Committee of Â�Permanent Peace was created at a congress of more than a thousand women at The Hague to ensure that women’s views would be represented at the peace settlement that followed the war.21 Earlier in April 1915, The Hague had hosted an international meeting of peace groups at which a ‘Central Organization for a Durable Peace’ was formed and which issued a ‘Minimum Programme’, including amongst its proposals ‘a permanent organization’ for the Hague Conferences ‘with a view to the peaceful organization of the Society of Nations’.22 â•… By 1915 the idea of a ‘League of the nations of Europe’ that Â�Cambridge academic Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson had advocated shortly after the war had begun23 (and of a Society of Nations which Léon Bourgeois had promoted since before the war)24 was gaining ground among peace advocates. In October 1914 Dickinson brought together a group of pacificists—known after its chairman as the Bryce Group—that was to devise plans for a league of nations, the first draft of which was circulated in February 1915 and proposed limited measures for cooling-off periods and mutual defence against attack.25 Three months later, in May 1915, a League of Nations Society was formed in London with Anglican Liberal Â� MP Willoughby Hyett Dickinson as its chairman, which promoted a League of Nations whose member states would ‘unite in any action Â�necessary for insuring that every member shall abide by the terms of the treaty’.26 It was soon followed by the creation in June 1915 in the United States of a League to Enforce Peace (LEP) with William Taft as its Â�President, aiming to promote a League of Nations with its member states committing to use ‘economic and military forces against any one of their number that goes to war’.27 The LEP managed to persuade President Â€

80

1914–1939

Wilson to provide the closing address of its ‘First Annual National Assemblage’ in May 1916, at which he advocated ‘an universal association of the nations to maintain the inviolate security of the highway of the seas … and to prevent any war begun either contrary to treaty covenants or without warning and full submission of the causes to the opinion of the world, a virtual guarantee of territorial integrity and political independence’.28 â•… In his pioneering work on ‘international government’ prepared for the Fabian Research Department and published in 1915–16, Leonard Woolf noted the development of over 500 voluntary international associations after 1840 and claimed that they had ‘contributed towards the solution of the problem of international government’.29 He argued that ‘there is hardly a sphere of life in which a consciousness of international interests has not penetrated, and led to men of every tongue and race joining together in order to promote those interests’.30 He also noted that ‘many of the diplomatic conventions establishing the Public International Unions … and many conventions which have unified the Laws and Administrations of States have … originated in and been worked out by [private] international associations’.31 â•… The Paris Peace Conference of 1919 was therefore seen as an unpreÂ� cedented opportunity for NGOs to influence governments. Amongst the most significant NGOs present in Paris were the League of Nations Societies, which US legal adviser David Hunter Miller credited with having ‘played a great part in the creation, during the world war and partiÂ� cularly in its later period, of an almost universal sentiment in favor of some Association of Nations for international peace’.32 Representatives of League of Nations societies from the victorious countries met in Paris at an international conference from 25 January until 1 February 1919 and agreed to a seven-point programme that they hoped would influence the drafters of the League’s Covenant, who began their deliberations on 3 February. The Societies also agreed to the establishment of a temporary Inter-Allied Bureau of League of Nations Societies, and to investigate how to pursue ‘joint action of a permanent character’.33 The secretary general of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies (IFLNS) that was eventually established in December 1919, Théodore Ruyssen, was to note that the extent to which the content of the League of Nations Covenant resembled the seven-point programme of the League of Nations Societies was considerable, such as admission 81


to the League of states ‘in a position to give effective guarantees of its loyal intention to observe its undertakings’; creation of an ‘International Representative Council’ to ‘stimulate the development of international legislation’, a ‘Permanent Conciliation Committee’, and a ‘Court of Â�International Justice’; armaments limitation; supervision of armaments manufacture; and formation of an international labour body.34 This was thought to be partly the consequence of the actions of two significant attendees at the conference of League of Nations Societies: one being the French delegate to the official Commission on the League of Nations Léon Bourgeois, who led a deputation of the League of Nations Societies to the ‘Big Four’ at the Paris Peace Conference; the second being the British delegate to the official Commission Robert Cecil, who kept in touch with British League of Nations supporters during the deliberations of the official Commission.35 â•… Two days after the League of Nations Societies had assembled in Paris, a congress of the non-Russian nationalities of the Russian empire met in the same city from 3 until 5 February 1919, but failed to come to agreement.36 Nevertheless, many representatives of different nationalities succeeded in presenting their demands to the major powers at the Paris Peace Conference.37 Furthermore, Jewish groups presented requests for provisions in the peace settlement for protection of minorities’ rights in several deputations, and it has been argued that the inclusion of provisions in the minorities treaties agreed in Paris from an earlier ‘Jewish Bill of Rights’ agreed by the American Jewish Congress in December 1918 ‘is irrefutable evidence of the contribution of the American Jewish Congress to their drafting’.38 The International Anti-Opium Association in Peking that was formed in 1918 also felt that its telegrams to the peacemakers succeeded in ensuring the inclusion of ratification of the Hague Opium Convention of 1912 in the peace settlement.39 Less successful was Japan’s League to Abolish Racial Discrimination which cabled Â�Clemenceau on 5 February 1919 to demand ‘of the Peace Conference the final abolition of all racial discrimination’: when Baron Makino proposed an article embodying this to be inserted into the League Â�Covenant eight days later, he had no support from other countries.40 â•… Starting on the same day that the congress of nationalities of the Russian empire began in Paris, labour and socialist representatives from both victorious and defeated states assembled in Berne from 3 to 10 February 1919. This conference adopted a resolution proposing that ‘represen82

1914–1939

tation in the central organ of the League should be, not by delegates of the executive branches of the Governments of the constituted states, but by delegates from the Parliaments representing all parties therein, ensuring thus, not an alliance of Cabinets or Governments, but a union of peoples’.41 Influenced by this resolution, a proposal for regular extraordinary meetings of the League Council to include Parliamentary and NGO representatives was considered during the deliberations of the Commission on the League of Nations on 13 February 1919, but was rejected.42 The international labour and socialist conference at Berne also passed resolutions promoting national self-determination, labour standards, and ‘a permanent Commission, consisting in equal parts of representatives of the States which are members of the League of Nations and of the International Trades Union Federation’; a delegation was sent to Paris to present these resolutions to the President of the Paris Peace Conference.43 The resolutions on labour standards and a permanent international labour commission adopted at the Berne Conference had evolved from the demands for ‘industrial clauses to be inserted into the peace treaty’ adopted at an inter-allied trade union conference in Leeds in 1916.44 The proposal for an international labour office at the Leeds congress is said to be ‘the germ of the ILO as we know it today’.45 At the Paris Peace Conference, the President of the American Federation of Labour, Â�Samuel Gompers, was appointed chairman of the intergovernmental commission on labour legislation that drafted a Labour Charter and the constitution of the International Labour Organization (ILO).46 There was a widespread perception that the creation of the ILO was ‘a response to the revolutionary demands of labour in 1918–1919’.47 â•… Just as the international socialist conference in Berne finished, another international conference in Paris brought together delegates from the allied countries of the International Alliance of Women from 10 until 16 February 1919. President Wilson received a deputation from them in the evening of the first day, and three days later he proposed the creation of an intergovernmental commission to enquire into the international concerns of women, but had to withdraw the proposal in the face of Clemenceau’s opposition to discussion of women’s political status.48 Instead, women’s deputations were permitted to the intergovernmental commissions on labour legislation and the League of Nations. An entire sitting of the international commission on labour legislation was devoted to hearing representatives of the Conference of Allied Suffragists, the 83


International Council of Women and several French women’s associations, and their demands included equal opportunity, ‘equal pay for equal work’, and the creation of national female labour committees. The Â�President of the commission assured the women delegates of the commission’s ‘sincere desire to give satisfaction to the claims of the Associations represented’, and references to equal pay and women’s participation in national inspection systems were present in the commission’s draft articles for insertion into the Versailles Treaty.49 The commission on the League of Nations received a joint deputation of the International Council of Women and Conference of Allied Suffragists on 10 April 1919, at which requests were made for the appointment of women to the League, abolition of the traffic in women and children, women’s right to vote, and international health and education organizations.50 The Covenant of the League of Nations ultimately provided for equal opportunity for women and men to obtain positions in the League and League responsibility to supervise agreements concerning the traffic in women and children.51 â•… The women’s organization that was set up in 1915 to present women’s views at the peace conference, the International Committee of Women for Permanent Peace, left it until May 1919 to convene its post-war congress in Zurich, at which it was transformed into the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF). This congress condemned the Versailles Treaty for having ‘so seriously violate[d] the principles upon which alone a just and lasting peace can be secured’ and sent a deputation to Paris to present its views, but found that ‘none of the women’s proposals was accepted by the Big Four’.52 Nevertheless, in its later relations with the League of Nations, WILPF was to pioneer many techniques for lobbying intergovernmental organizations.53 â•… Another organization that is said to have ‘blazed a path for NGO involvement’ in international affairs54—the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC)—originated in an International Trade Conference that took place in Atlantic City in October 1919. The conference chairman, Alfred Bedford, described this ‘meeting of the industrial, financial and economic leaders of the Allied countries and the United States for a single purpose—the restoration of the world’s commerce to a normal basis’— as ‘the most important international trade meeting in history’ and ‘a corollary to the Peace Conference’.55 The historian of the ICC, however, argued that ‘in so far as the conference, limited by war horizons, marked the reforming of something like the old Allied industrial war front under 84

1914–1939

private command for the purpose of continuing the economic conflict, its program must be considered as an ominous implementation of the Treaty of Versailles.’56 On the other hand, in approving the formation of a ‘permanent organization along broader lines’ than previously, the conference hoped ‘to promote international commerce, to facilitate the commercial intercourse of nations, to secure harmony of action on all international questions involving commerce and industry, and to promote peace, progress and cordial relations between the countries and their citizens by the cooperation of business men and their associations devoted to the development of commerce and industry’.57 â•… The other major business INGO to emerge at this time—the International Organisation of Employers—originated at the first ILO conference, in Washington, DC in November 1919, at which the employer delegates, in contrast to the labour delegates, found themselves to be ‘absolutely disunited … they did not know each other; neither had they exchanged any views as regards the serious problems with which production was directly concerned’.58 As a result they resolved to establish the following year the International Organisation of Industrial Employers to work for the common interests of its members at the ILO. â•… Organizations such as these represented a new generation of INGOs that were much more substantial than their nineteenth-century predecessors, which by comparison White described as more ‘visionary rather than practical’ and ‘more for the sake of being international than for the sake of getting something accomplished’.59 The post-war organizations not only focused more on practical action, but also often had more considerable memberships and financial resources than their precursors, and were to play an often influential role in the international politics of the period. â•… Amongst the most significant of the new generation of INGOs to emerge in 1919 was the organization that today claims to be ‘the world’s largest humanitarian organization’,60 the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), initially known as the League of Red Cross Societies, which was to have more member national associations in the interwar years than there were state members of the League of Nations.61 At a medical conference in Cannes in April 1919, the prime mover behind the Federation, Henry P. Davidson, described the rationale for the organization as ‘a lesson which some of us think we learned during the war … realizing the power of the organizations which have been developed, realizing the need, the demand, for the service which Â€

85


they could render, … we believed that there was one sole and sacred responsibility, and that was that we should co-ordinate our endeavors to go on and do the work that could only be done by the co-ordinated effort of the Red Cross organizations of the world’. In his hope that there would be ‘a time when every nation in the world will have a Red Cross organization’ and ‘when the Red Cross organization will be recognized by the people of the country as the national organization for the general good and welfare of the people within that country’, Davidson emulated (more realistically this time) the goals of earlier humanitarians such as John Murray of the Society of Universal Good-Will of Norwich, who in the eighteenth century ‘projected a centralized global charity with local branches to administer relief ’.62 â•… Another significant humanitarian INGO to be formed in May 1919 was the Save the Children Fund. This emerged from the movement in Britain in opposition to the continuation of the allied blockade after the First World War. Whereas the Fight the Famine Council from which it emerged concentrated on political advocacy against the blockade, the Save the Children Fund aimed to provide direct relief to those suffering as a result of the blockade.63 The goals of one of its founders, Eglantyne Jebb, expanded to include developing ‘a powerful international organisation for child saving which would extend its ramifications to the remoÂ� test corner of the globe’, for which a Save the Children International Union was created in Geneva in 1920.64 â•… One of the clearest examples of the contrast between the INGOs established after the First World War and many of their nineteenth-Â�century precursors is provided in the field of scientific collaboration. Many of the numerous international scientific congresses of the period before the First World War operated with either no permanent organization, or one with few purposes beyond the convening of congresses. From July 1919 this changed significantly. In that month the InterÂ�national Research Council (transformed in 1931 into today’s International Council for Science, ICSU) was established in Brussels ‘to co-ordinate international efforts in the different branches of science …; to initiate the formation of international Associations or Unions deemed to be useful to the progress of science …; [and] to direct international scientific activity in subjects which do not fall within the purview of any existing international associations’.65 It succeeded in facilitating the formation of international unions dedicated to particular sciences, including astronomy, biology, chemistry, geodesy, geography, physics and radio-telegraphy.66 86

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â•… As for the humanities, the International Union of Academies was established at a conference in Paris in October 1919 in order to facilitate relations among the national academies of different countries, organize conferences, and ‘inaugurate, encourage and direct such research work and publications as would appear best to further the progress of archaeology, history, philosophy, the moral, political and social sciences and which necessitate or deserve a high degree of cooperation’.67 In addition to its annual conferences that took place usually in Brussels, its commissions examined subjects as varied as alchemical manuscripts, Grotius, medieval Latin, Byzantine music and Islamic tradition.68 â•… The development of internationalism in educational circles at this time is notable. In February 1919 the Institute of International Education (IIE) was formed in New York ‘to develop international good will by means of educational agencies, and for its specific purpose to act as a clearing house of information and advice for Americans concerning things educational in foreign countries and for foreigners concerning things educational in the United States’.69 As well as facilitating student and professor exchange programmes, this organization claims to have in the 1920s ‘persuaded the U.S. government to create a new category of nonimmigrant student visas’ and to have ‘published the first reference guides to international study’.70 The IIE was formed in response to a perception that ‘The outbreak of the Great War found most Americans, even of the intelligent class, unfamiliar with many of the problems brought to the surface by it.’71 â•… Another response to this problem in 1919 was the establishment of new institutions for the explicit study of international affairs. Some had highly specific objectives, such as the Hoover War Collection, which aimed simply to provide ‘an historical collection on the Great War’ (but which in 1957 was transformed into the Hoover Institution on War, Â�Revolution and Peace).72 More general objectives were proposed at a meeting during the Paris Peace Conference on 30 May 1919 of members of the British and American delegations who discussed ‘the creation of an institute of international affairs … with one branch in England and another in America’.73 The motivation for this was outlined as being ‘the production of sound public opinion’ by ‘a small number of people in real contact with the facts who had thought out the issues involved’, according to its prime mover, Lionel Curtis of the Round Table movement for imperial federation.74 Such were the origins of Chatham House and the Â€

87


Council on Foreign Relations, established in 1920 and 1921 respectively.75 It is also claimed that ‘the world’s first Chair for the study of international politics’ was founded ‘in 1919 at the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth’.76 â•… More INGOs were founded in 1919 than in the previous three years put together.77 Although not all of them were to survive the Second World War, some of even these still managed to achieve considerable memberships in the following two decades; one such organization was the International Confederation of Students, founded in 1919 and within a decade growing to a million members, and achieving some success in the arrangement of international student travel and sports.78 Some smaller organizations, such as the Christian pacifist International Fellowship of Reconciliation, were to prove more enduring.79 Many more of the small INGOs formed in 1919, such as the Society for a League of Religions founded in London in that year, were less successful.80 â•… Several INGOs formed in 1919 followed significant changes in the domestic politics of many countries at this time. Accompanying the enfranchisement of women in eighteen countries in 1918–19, for instance, a wide range of new women’s INGOs were established. The new women’s INGOs of 1919 included US-based women’s service clubs, such as Quota International and Zonta International, which aimed to provide women’s counterparts to earlier service organizations, such as Rotary International and the Kiwanis. Also founded in the United States in 1919 was the Medical Women’s International Association, at the first International Congress of Women Physicians in New York. On the other side of the Atlantic, the International Federation of University Women was founded in London with the aim ‘to promote understanding and friendship between the university women of the nations of the world, and thereby to further their interests and develop between their countries sympathy and mutual helpfulness’.81 â•… Following the ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in January 1919, the World League against Alcoholism was launched in June 1919. It was formed by the Anti-Saloon League of the United States and the Dominion Temperance Alliance of Canada and aimed ‘to attain, by the means of education and legislation, the total suppression throughout the world of alcoholism’.82 The initiative has been described by Ian Tyrrell as a ‘grasp for global moral hegemony’ by ‘evangelical reformers [who] saw Wilsonian democratic idealism … as a model 88

1914–1939

for the extended moral influence of the United States’.83 However, their missionaries were to be ‘rejected abroad’, and the movement ‘finally collapsed with the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1933’.84 â•… A very different agenda for global political transformation was put forward on the other side of the world at the first Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow from 2 until 6 March 1919. The congress consisted of just thirty-five delegates ‘from so-called communist parties in these smaller nations which had formerly comprised the Russian empire … or … war prisoners or foreign radicals who happened to be in Russia at the time’.85 At the congress, Zinoviev appealed not ‘to shrink from creating in the Third International the instrument for creating an international Soviet republic’.86 Subsequently, the GermanAustrian, Swedish, Balkan and Hungarian representatives moved that ‘a united, resolute, international organization of all communist elements’ be founded to ‘destroy the rule of capital, make war impossible, abolish State frontiers, change the entire world into one co-operative community, make a reality of the brotherhood and freedom of the peoples’.87 â•… The founders of the Comintern aimed to ‘support the exploited colonial peoples in their struggles against imperialism’.88 Such struggles were gaining considerable ground in 1919, a year in which Amanullah announced Afghanistan’s independence on 13 April (the day of the Â�Amritsar massacre in India), the 4 May protests took place in Beijing, and the Egyptian revolution occurred. In South Asia, Gandhi used satyagraha in opposition to legislation impeding the home rule movement, and in the same year the pan-Islamic Khilafat movement was launched. At the September 1919 All-India Muslim Conference, the partition of the Ottoman empire was opposed and an All-India Khilafat Committee established.89 In November of that year, the Jamiat al-Ulama-e-Hind was founded in Delhi to ‘provide leadership according to the tenets of Islamic law’ and for ‘strengthening contacts with the rest of the Islamic world’.90 In February of 1919, the First Pan-African Congress took place in Paris, at which a permanent committee was established and a somewhat restrained resolution called for League of Nations supervision of Africa.91 â•… The year 1919 had seen the formation of a greater number of INGOs than any previous year.92 Many of them represented the development of a new generation, more focused on practical action and possession of a substantial membership and financial resource base, whether the 3 million firms that the ICC claimed to represent, the more than 20 million 89


people that were affiliated to the re-established International Federation of Trade Unions, or the million-dollar budget of Rotary International.93 Although the short-term impact of the First World War had been detrimental to transnational civil society, it provided the context not only for the development of this new generation of INGOs, but also for the fruition of many of the goals to which earlier INGOs had aspired, such as the creation of the League of Nations, women’s enfranchisement in many countries, prohibition legislation in the United States, and Â�Communist revolution in Russia.

The Development of Transnational Civil Society in the 1920s Over the course of the 1920s more than twice as many INGOs were founded than had been created in the entire nineteenth century, and whereas 2,699 international conferences took place between 1840 and the First World War, from 1919 until 1932 some 2,018 international conferences were held.94 In this period, INGOs developed substantial relations with the apparatus of the League of Nations, and carried out many independent policy initiatives of their own. The following paragraphs will explore in turn the expanding role of INGOs in a wide range of fields, including humanitarian assistance, human/minority rights, Â�gender equality, anti-colonialism, pan-nationalism, religious identity, Communism and anti-Communism, syndicalism, socialism, business internationalism, standardization, communications, environmentalism, cultural internationalism and peace. â•… Many more enduring INGOs were formed in the 1920s than can be covered in detail in this chapter. Beyond those listed in Table 4, enduring new INGOs of the 1920s worth noting included organizations concerned with: the arts (e.g. International Society for Contemporary Music, 1922); business (e.g. World Energy Council, 1924; International Association of Department Stores and Leading Hotels of the World, 1928); health (e.g. International Council of Ophthalmology, 1927; International Hospital Association, 1929); peace (e.g. War Resisters International, 1921; Universal Love and Brotherhood Association, Japan, 1925); poliÂ� cing (e.g. Interpol [initially an INGO], 1923); the professions (e.g. International Association of Lawyers, 1927; Association of International Accountants, 1928); welfare (e.g. International Federation of Settlements, 1922; International Social Security Association, 1927; International 90

1914–1939

Table 4: Illustrative table of selected INGOs founded 1919–1929, with preWW2 membership data Category


Membership of illustrative INGO preceding Second World War95

Arts

International PEN, 1921

Members in 38 countries

Broadcasting

International Broadcasting Union, 1925

Business

International Chamber of Commerce, 1919

Children

Save the Children International Union, 1920

Environment

International Committee for Bird Preservation, 1922

Ex-Servicemen

Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Servicemen, 1920

Health

International Professional Association of Medical Practitioners, 1926

Humanitarianism Human Rights Migration

Minorities

League of Red Cross Societies, 1919

International Federation for Human Rights, 1922

Permanent International Conference of Private Organisations for the Protection of Migrants, 1924

Congress of European Nationalities, 1925

Broadcasting organizations in 29 countries; ‘estimated wireless audience of 110 million listeners’

More than 800 business associations in 48 countries

34 organizations in 31 countries

Member national sections in 27 countries 8 million ex-servicemen in 66 associations in 11 countries

Member professional associations in 27 countries

Red Cross societies in 62 countries

Member Human Rights Leagues in 18 countries

Approximately 40 associations in 14 countries

33 national minority groups; approximately 40 million people96

91


Peace Professions Religion Science Socialism

International Federation of League of Nations Societies, 1919 International Federation of Library Associations, 1929 International Headquarters of the Sufi Movement, 1923 International Council of Scientific Unions, 1919

League of Nations associations in 38 countries 40 associations in 29 countries Branches in 13 countries Scientific societies in 42 countries and 7 international scientific unions

Labour & Socialist International, 1923

6 million members in 35 countries97

Syndicalism

International Federation of Trade Unions, 1919

Transport

International Air Traffic Association, 1919

Approximately 23 million people in trade union centres in 22 countries98

Students

Women

International Confederation of Students, 1919

International Co-operative Women’s Guild, 1921

Approximately 900,000 students in 34 countries

25 airlines

‘Several million’ members in 34 countries99

Â� Federation of Social Workers, 1928); women (e.g. Associated Country Women of the World, 1929); and youth (e.g. World Organization of the Scout Movement, 1920; World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts, 1928).100 â•… One of the principal reasons for the proliferation of INGOs and their activities in the 1920s was the establishment of the League of Nations, which provided an unprecedented opportunity structure for INGOs. The League of Nations was—in the words of one of the drafters of its Â�Covenant, Robert Cecil—‘a great experiment’; and this is reflected in the early discussions of the League’s Secretariat regarding its relationship with INGOs.101 Apart from a reference in Article 25 to ‘the establishment and co-operation of duly authorised national Red Cross organizations’, the Covenant of the League of Nations did not specify how the 92

1914–1939

League was to handle INGOs.102 In consequence, the Secretariat noted in February 1920 that ‘in all questions connected with international organizations and their relation to the League, it is exceedingly hard to find any general principles. It is hard even to find “very broad rules” for guidance in action. But … if individual problems are dealt with one by one by the people who are intimately concerned with them, … general principles will gradually emerge from the conclusions to which such people come.’103 From the conclusions made by League officials over the following two decades, many precedents were set for the subsequent practice of the United Nations. â•… The British National Council of Women succeeded in persuading Eric Drummond to suggest that ‘it would be very wise to secure a good woman on the Publicity Section through whom we can get in touch, for purposes of propaganda, with the various women’s organizations.’104 He subsequently appointed Lithuanian princess Gabrielle Radziwill to the Secretariat, who was to liaise not only with women’s INGOs but INGOs more generally.105 The Secretariat often sent officials to observe INGO meetings, produced regular bulletins and handbooks on INGOs and their activities, published INGO resolutions in its official journals, circulated summaries of communications received from INGOs to members of the Council, arranged deputations from INGO representatives to the Â�Presidents of the Assembly and Council, and appointed INGO representatives as assessors on specialist League committees such as on refugees, statistics, transport, the traffic in women and children, and other social questions.106 Douglas Williams has argued that ‘under the informal relationship with the League’ INGOs ‘were endowed with greater participatory privileges than they enjoy today’ with the United Nations.107 The ILO’s relationship with non-governmental actors was the most extensive of the League’s bodies, given that half of its composition comprised worker and employer delegates who could not be government officials, and it is the only component of the League to survive to the present day.108 The International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC), on the other hand, disappointed those who hoped that it would ‘do for the liberal professions what the International Labour Office was intended to do for industrial workers’,109 although it did cooperate with a Comité d’Entente des Grandes Associations Internationales in exploring ‘the means of defending and preparing peace in people’s minds through the medium of teaching’.110 93


â•… Amongst the first activities that required collaboration between the League of Nations and INGOs was humanitarian assistance. The cooperation between the Red Cross movement and the League of Nations High Commissioner for Repatriation of Prisoners, Fridtjof Nansen, resulted in the repatriation of 425,000 prisoners of the First World War from Russia in the two years from April 1920.111 Given Nansen’s success in this field, the International Committee of the Red Cross suggested in February 1921 that a League of Nations Commissioner for Russian refugees be appointed, and Nansen took up this position in September 1921.112 Another aspect of the relationship between the Red Cross and Nansen was the response to the Russian famine: a conference convened by the League of Red Cross Societies and the International Committee of the Red Cross in August 1921 created the International Committee for Russian Relief, of which Nansen was High Commissioner and in which participated the Save the Children International Union and the American Relief Administration, who proceeded to feed more than 10 million people.113 Two years later the League of Red Cross Societies and International Committee of the Red Cross cooperated again, this time to raise nearly 300 million Swiss Francs to assist the relief of the victims of the Great Kanto earthquake.114 Lobbying from the League of Red Cross Societies in the 1920s ‘led directly to the establishment of the first ever international organization specifically set up to respond to disaster’: the intergovernmental International Relief Union (IRU), established in 1927 ‘for the benefit of all stricken peoples’, which recognized the ‘free cooperation’ of ‘all other official or non-official organizations that may be able to undertake the same activities’.115 The idea of creating the IRU is attributed to Giovanni Ciraolo of the Italian Red Cross, who was invited to present his ideas to the Council of the League of Nations, and the ‘Red Cross and other interested organisations were consulted at every step in the preparatory work’ of the League of Nations for the IRU.116 The League of Red Cross Societies has also been credited with being ‘largely responsible for the establishment of ’ the International Union against Tuberculosis in 1920, the International Union for Combating Venereal Diseases in 1924, the Standing Committee on the Health and Welfare of Seamen in 1927, and the International Association for the Prevention of Blindness in 1929, as well as establishing ‘in nearly all countries … first aid and home nursing classes, health lectures, … child welfare centres, anti-malarial and anti-tuberculosis dispensaries and sanatoria’.117 94

1914–1939

â•… The relief work of organizations such as the Red Cross was accompanied by that of international voluntary service organizations developing in this period, such as the International Voluntary Service for Peace (Â�Service Civil International), established in 1920 ‘to recruit men and women from all countries who will give practical help in time of natural catastrophes and will carry out voluntarily works of general utility’.118 In the fifteen years following its foundation, this organization drew 2,500 volunteers from Europe, Mexico, India and Iceland to assist in relief after more than twenty natural disasters in Europe and India.119 â•… Over the course of the 1920s, several INGOs were established dedicated to assisting migrants. One of the first was the International Â�Migration Service, created on the initiative of the American YWCA in 1921 on account of ‘the importance of providing assistance in Europe for women and children heading for America from all countries’.120 Within a year the service had branches in eleven countries, and by 1934 it had assisted 20,000 families.121 In 1924, the Permanent International Conference of Private Organisations for the Protection of Migrants was set up with the objective of promoting ‘international cooperation for the protection of migrants’ through the instruments of the League of Nations.122 It was followed in 1927 by HICEM, which united the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society of New York, the Jewish Colonization Association of Paris and Emigdirect of Berlin, and was to play an important role in facilitating the emigration of Jews facing persecution in central and eastern Europe.123 â•… Some of the most significant non-governmental humanitarian work in the 1920s was carried out on behalf of children. The Save the Â�Children International Union was the most prominent INGO in this field: within five years of its formation in 1920 it had committees in forty countries, £4 million had been raised, and relief had been provided to children in thirty countries.124 Its most notable achievement was the Declaration on the Rights of the Child, which was adopted by the Assembly of the League of Nations in 1924 and, along with the creation of the League’s child welfare committee, is said to have ‘marked the passing of social work for childhood into an official object of international relations’.125 The Declaration’s author, Eglantyne Jebb, alongside René Sand of the League of Red Cross Societies, was also central to the formation of the International Council on Social Welfare in 1928, which aimed ‘to facilitate personal contacts, to provide for exchange of information and to 95


promote discussion among social workers and social agencies throughout the world’.126 Another organization, the International Association for the Protection of Child Welfare, which was formed in 1921 and was of mixed governmental and non-governmental participation, was ‘an early example of an NGO–IGO merger’; the League of Nations took over the governmental component in 1924.127 â•… While Save the Children is notable for its promotion of children’s rights, human rights more generally were promoted by organizations such as the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), created by human rights leagues in twenty countries in 1922 to promote ‘the dissemination and application in all countries of the principles of justice, liberty, equality and the sovereignty of the people, as issued in the French Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789 and 1793’ and ‘to work continuously for the extension of the rights of man to all persons and communities (refugees, outlaws, the stateless, the persecuted, national minorities, etc.)’, as well as to promote peace through the League of Nations.128 Since 1898 the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme had worked as ‘a French association to defend the principles of liberty, equality and justice enunciated in the Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789’.129 FIDH, on the other hand, describes itself as ‘the first international organization for the defence of the rights of man’, and in 1927 it launched an appeal to the international community for the adoption of a ‘Global Declaration of the Rights of Man’ and the creation of a permanent international criminal court.130 Ten years earlier, André Mandelstam had presented to the American Institute of International Law a draft declaration on international law that included reference to ‘international rights of the individual’, and by 1929 the International Law Institute had adopted a Declaration of the International Rights of Man that was subsequently endorsed by FIDH in 1931.131 â•… Given the provisions of the minorities treaties that followed the First World War, the protection of minorities was often the focus of practical action by INGOs with respect to human rights in this period. In 1925, a Congress of European Nationalities was set up ‘to form a link between the ethnical minorities of Europe; to facilitate the regular exchange of ideas and cooperation between their responsible leaders with a view to elucidating and solving the problem of nationalities so as to remove the chief cause of European wars’.132 This organization claimed to speak on behalf of 40 million people and to have ‘stimulated the whole treatment 96

1914–1939

of the minority problem in the League of Nations’, which had procedures for responding to minorities’ petitions.133 Because it was felt that the Council of the League of Nations was ‘hampered by the necessity of having to act with excessive caution’ in respect of minorities’ complaints, organizations such as the IFLNS attempted to carry out their own work on behalf of minorities.134 The IFLNS mediated in the disputes between thirty-four minorities and their respective governments between 1923 and 1938, and claimed to have had success in respect of the Danish minority in Germany in 1923, the Bulgarian minority in Romania and the Romanian minority in Bulgaria in 1928.135 â•… The persecution of Jews in Europe at this time formed the context for the formation of the organization now known as the International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism. This organization developed from the League against Pogroms that was established in Paris in 1927 by Â�Bernard Lecache, who aimed to save the life of Samuel Schwartzbard, accused of murdering Symon Petliura, whom Schwartzbard believed was responsible for pogroms in Ukraine. Following the acquittal of Schwartzbard, the organization was transformed into the International League against Anti-Semitism, which with objectives including ‘the reconciliation of peoples, peace among races and equality among men’ as well as defence of ‘the rights of existence and peace of Jews throughout the world’ was to attract a prominent membership including Albert Â�Einstein, Maxim Gorky and Séverine.136 â•… Following the successful promotion of women’s right to vote in many European countries after the First World War, women’s INGOs sought to expand their agenda in the 1920s. The International Alliance of Women, for instance, revised its objects in 1920 beyond the promotion of woman suffrage to include ‘sex equality in practically all fields of political, social and economic life’.137 Women’s INGOs were amongst the most active in making efforts to exploit the new opportunity structure opened by the creation of the League of Nations. At the first League of Nations Assembly in 1920, for instance, a member of the ICW addressed the delegates on the subject of the traffic in women and children, a subject for which a League Advisory Committee was set up with numerous women’s INGOs as assessors or advisory members.138 Women’s INGOs played a particularly pioneering role in the establishment of collaborative bodies to coordinate their work in relation to the League of Nations, such as the Joint Standing Committee of International Women’s OrgaÂ€

Â€

Â€

97


nizations that was set up by the IAW, WILPF, the World’s YWCA and the ICW in 1925.139 The new intergovernmental organizations of the League of Nations system were not simply seen as opportunities, but also threats that needed to be addressed: the formation of the Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker in 1929, for instance, was motivated by the perception that ‘it became daily clearer that the problems created by the work and influence of the International Labour Organisation was a menace to women all over the world, and that nothing but an international organisation would be in a position to combat its attack on the woman worker’.140 â•… A further dimension to the expansion of women’s INGOs’ activities in the 1920s was their effort ‘to become—or at least to appear—what they called “truly international”, [when] they added members and national sections in Latin America, Asia, the Middle East and Africa’.141 The activities of women’s groups beyond Europe and North America, however, were not always successful. A particularly notable example is the movement against female genital mutilation, which in Kenya was confronted by considerable opposition from the nationalist Kikuyu Central Association: it has been argued that ‘the campaign against female circumcision became a symbol for colonial attempts to impose outside values’, and thus may have had a counterproductive effect on those whom it was intended to help.142 â•… The Kikuyu Central Association was one of many nationalist organizations to emerge in the colonies of European countries during the 1920s. The development of Indian nationalism is evident in the formation of a range of All Indian organizations of sectors of the Indian population, such as the All India Trade Union Congress in 1925 and the All India Women’s Conference and the Federation of Indian Chambers of Â�Commerce and Industry in 1927. Beyond colonial Asia, the Japanese are credited with ‘the first attempt to give substance to a vague Pan-Asian sentiment’, with the convening of Pan-Asian Conferences from 1920 by the Japanese Pan-Asian Society.143 Two years later, the Eastern Bond Association was formed in Egypt ‘to work for a close co-operation between Egypt and all other Eastern peoples in their struggle for national liberation, to establish an Eastern League of Nations, to promote cultural, scientific, economic and social bonds among the peoples of the East, to disseminate the “Eastern idea” and to rejuvenate the Eastern civilization’.144 The development of Afro-Asian consciousness was evident 98

1914–1939

in the convening in Delhi in 1929 of an Afro-Asian Conference by Â�Jawaharlal Nehru.145 A series of Pan-African Congresses took place in the decade following the first that had taken place in Paris in 1919. Efforts towards cross-Pacific understanding were evident in the creation in 1925 of the Institute of Pacific Relations and the formation of the Pan-Pacific and South-East Asia Women’s Association (PPSEAWA), following the Pan-Pacific Women’s Conferences of 1928 and 1930. In the Americas, numerous pan-American organizations were created in the 1920s, such as the Pan-American Federation of Architects Associations and the PanAmerican Federation of Labor in 1920 and Soroptimist International of the Americas in 1921. New Ibero-American organizations were also created in the 1920s, such as the Federación Latinoamericana de Prensa Periódica that was established in 1925. INGOs centred around the British Commonwealth and the French-speaking world also multiplied in the 1920s. â•… Amongst the most significant pan-movement organizations to be created in this period followed the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924. In 1926 world Islamic conferences took place in Cairo and Mecca and promoted rival claims to be Caliph.146 The World Muslim Congress INGO that was formed at a subsequent congress in Jerusalem in 1931 was set up ‘to propagate Moslem culture and morals and to promote amongst Moslems a spirit of brotherhood; to safeguard Moslem interests and to preserve Moslem holy places from any interference; to combat any Missionary activities or campaigns amongst Moslems; [and] to establish universities and educational institutions which will endeavour to create conformity in Moslem culture and to teach Arabic language to Moslem children’.147 This organization lobbied for Muslim interests at the League of Nations and developed branches in Palestine, Syria and Transjordan.148 â•… A more radical organization was set up in Ismailia, Egypt, in 1928. The Society of the Muslim Brothers, which initially had a ‘strong touch of Sufism’, was created ‘to raise a new generation of Muslims who will understand Islam correctly’.149 Although many of its branches beyond Egypt before the Second World War were ‘merely based around friends or personal contacts of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers’, the organization reported within a decade of its formation branches in Aden, Bahrain, Djibouti, France, India, Lebanon, Morocco, Palestine, Saudia Arabia, Sudan and Syria, and it was active in Islamic anti-colonial movements 99


in Palestine, North Africa and Syria in the 1930s.150 Its activities were preceded by those of the Young Men’s Muslim Association (formed in reaction to and partly modelled on the World’s Alliance of YMCAs), which was established in Egypt in 1927 and spread to many other Arab territories; its educational and social welfare activities foreshadowed those promoted by the Muslim Brotherhood.151 â•… Keen to exploit anti-colonial sentiment was the international Communist movement, which facilitated the formation in Moscow in 1920 of the League of Islamic Revolutionary Societies that aimed ‘to make the Muslims—who are used like slaves, enslaved and dominated by the imperialists and capitalists—masters of their own fate under the leadership of Turkey’.152 Although this organization is said to have ‘led little more than a fictitious existence’,153 other Communist anti-colonial organizations were more substantial. The League against Imperialism, for instance, set up in 1926, had branches in Britain, France, Germany, India and the Americas.154 â•… Communist organizations were active in numerous aspects of transnational civil society in the 1920s, including freethought (the Proletarian Freethinkers), humanitarian aid (Workers International Relief and International Class War Prisoners’ Aid), peasants (the International Peasant Council), sport (the Red Sports International), tenants (the Tenants’ League), war veterans (the Union of War Veterans), and youth (the Young Communist International).155 Amongst the most substantial was the Red International of Labour Unions (Profintern) that was created in Moscow in July 1921 ‘to fight against the corruptive ulcer, gnawing at the vitals of the world labour union movement, of compromising with the bourgeoisie’ and ‘to carry on decisive battle against the International Bureau of Labour, attached to the League of Nations and against the Amsterdam International Federation of Trade Unions, which by their programme and tactics are but the bulwark of the world bourgeoisie’.156 â•… At the opposite extreme were organizations such as the International Entente against the Third International, created in 1924 by Geneva-based lawyer and ICRC delegate Théodore Aubert, aiming to bring down Communism by ‘all lawful means’ and seeing itself as ‘the world centre of the anti-Bolshevik movement’.157 It was set up to oppose the ‘constant attacks of subversive groups … at the forefront of which is the Third International’ through ‘action at the international level and to defend the principles of order, family, property and fatherland’.158 With branches in 100

1914–1939

twenty-four European countries,159 it has been described as ‘the oldest and largest’ anti-Comintern INGO of the interwar era,160 and has also been considered to have developed into ‘a notorious pro-Nazi, pro-Â�Fascist and pro-Japanese agency’.161 â•… The International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) which the Â�Profintern was designed to oppose dedicated a significant proportion of its efforts in the 1920s to ‘the fight for the defence of democracy’, opposing both Communism and Fascism.162 Although confronted by competition not only from the Profintern but also from the International Federation of Christian Trade Unions, created in 1920, IFTU was considered to have been the most broadly representative INGO of the interwar labour movement, claiming to speak on behalf of 23 million people in 22 countries in 1920.163 It gave aid to Austria and carried out international boycotts against Hungary and Poland in 1920, assisted in relieving the Russian famine in 1921–3, and is credited with having ‘had great influence in the work of the League of Nations’ and ‘played a vital role not only in the actual workings of the ILO but in supplying the support and pressure needed to secure national ratifications of its conventions’.164 In much of its work, especially that which targeted the League of Nations, IFTU cooperated with the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), an organization which united labour and socialist political parties and was created as a successor to the Second International at a congress in Â�Hamburg in 1923. The LSI’s influence was ‘mainly of a propagandist or educational nature’, but it was influential in facilitating joint action by socialist delegates in League of Nations deliberations.165 â•… Even more influential at the League of Nations was the International Chamber of Commerce. As Ridgeway has noted, ‘as early as January, 1922, it had been established that the Secretariat of the Economic Â�Section of the League would consult the International Chamber as the representative of business men’.166 The ICC was invited to send consultants to numerous League of Nations conferences in the 1920s, such as the 1923 International Conference on the Simplification of Customs Formalities, the Final Act of which bore the signatures not only of representatives of governments but also of the ICC.167 Given perceived shared interests in peace and economic stability, the ICC and IFTU were happy to cooperate in the promotion of ‘economic disarmament’, such as at the League of Nations’ World Economic Conference of 1927, at which the League appointed ‘special delegates’ from these organizations and other INGOs 101


such as the ICA, and to monitor the outcomes, of which a Consultative Committee including INGO representatives was appointed.168 The ICC played a particularly important role in the development of the Dawes Plan: Francis Delaisi argued that ‘the Dawes Plan was really the work of the International Chamber of Commerce … what thirty-two diplomatic conferences with the help of countless meetings of ambassadors and interviews between heads of governments were unable to achieve, has been done by a private business organization’.169 Considered to be ‘a world parliament of business’,170 it also created in 1923 its own ‘world court of business’, the International Court of Commercial Arbitration, which facilitated the settlement of sixteen international disputes among businessmen within the first four months of operation.171 The ICC also facilitated the development of international standards, such as in respect of uniform bills of lading.172 â•… The work of the ICC and other INGOs such as the IEC towards standardization was accompanied from 1926 by that of the International Federation of National Standardization Associations. Although this organization did not survive the Second World War and found it difficult to overcome the divisions between advocates of metric and imperial measures, its contributions included standards for paper sizes (A1, A2, A3, A4 etc.), and the use of ‘nano’ to refer to 10–9, and the application of sound to motion pictures.173 â•… New technological developments, such as motion pictures, radio and aircraft, led to the formation of a range of new business associations after the First World War. The International Air Traffic Association (IATA), created by six airlines at The Hague in 1919, played an important role in standardizing travel documents and technical norms, and in organizing timetables and connecting flights.174 With a 500-fold increase in the number of radio transmitters between 1920 and 1925, the International Broadcasting Union (IBU) was set up in 1925; it divided wavelengths in Europe to prevent interference in the ‘Plan of Geneva’, which formed the basis for subsequent intergovernmental radio conventions, and the IBU set up in 1927 ‘a sort of “air police”’ to monitor the wave lengths being used by broadcasters’.175 â•… Independent non-governmental initiatives were also pioneered by environmental INGOs in the 1920s. The organization now known as the International Tree Foundation, for instance, set up in 1924 by St Barbe Baker, carried out substantial tree planting programmes.176 Other nota102

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ble environmental INGOs from the 1920s include the International Committee for Bird Preservation (1922, the precursor to BirdLife International, ‘the World’s largest partnership of conservation organisations’),177 the International Bureau of Societies for the Protection of Animals and Anti-Vivisection Societies (1925), and the International Humanitarian Bureau of Animal Lovers (1928). Although INGOs took part in several international environmental conferences in the interwar years, their impact was limited.178 Nevertheless, the educational activities of organizations such as the International Humanitarian Bureau of Animal Lovers, which ‘desired to show the civilising influence and importance of the movement for the protection of animals and humane education in relation to human character and international peace’,179 are worth noting. â•… Amongst the most prominent aspects of INGO activities in the 1920s was the promotion of what at the time was often termed ‘moral disarmament’, and what Akira Iriye has subsequently described as ‘cultural internationalism … a variety of activities undertaken to link countries and peoples through the exchange of ideas and persons, through scholarly cooperation, or through efforts at facilitating cross-national understanding’.180 Particular effort was dedicated to the revision of textbooks, including a Franco-German ‘international institute for textbook revision in the cause of peace’, formed in 1926 and based in Amsterdam.181 Â�Iriye’s key example of an organization dedicated to cultural internationalism is the Institute of Pacific Relations, which was set up in Honolulu in 1925 ‘to study the conditions of life of the Pacific peoples with a view to the improvement of their mutual relations’.182 Although educational and research activities such as these were widespread in the 1920s, not all educational and research INGOs in this period promoted cultural internationalism, the most notorious example being the International Federation of Eugenics Organizations, established in 1924. â•… Cultural internationalism was a component of the exceptionally diverse international peace movement, in which participated a vast array of sectors of transnational civil society in the decade following the First World War, in addition to organizations for which the promotion of peace was their primary purpose. Given their direct experience of the violence of the First World War, ex-service personnel’s INGOs were central to the large ‘secondary’ peace movement that developed in the 1920s.183 The Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Service Men (FIDAC) that was created 103


in November 1920 and claimed a membership of 8 million by 1929, for instance, described its ‘main object’ as ‘the prospect of peace’.184 This organization was joined in 1925 by the International Conference of Associations of Disabled Soldiers and Ex-Servicemen (CIAMAC), with a membership of 2.5 million by 1929, which (unlike FIDAC) sought to unite allied and defeated ex-service personnel in the promotion of FrancoGerman rapprochement.185 â•… Most of the principal sectors of transnational civil society in the 1920s dedicated at least part of their activities to the promotion of peace. In the case of the women’s movement, for instance, the ICW convened an international conference on the causes of war in 1924, in conjunction with the British Empire Exhibition in London, and in 1927 the IAW convened a peace study conference in Amsterdam.186 In respect of the labour movement, IFTU organized a World Peace Congress in The Hague in 1922, and the LSI conducted a mass petition campaign for disarmament in 1929.187 â•… A key aspect of the promotion of peace in Europe in the 1920s was the development of organized pan-Europeanism. At the core of this movement was Austrian Count Richard Nikolaus Coudenhove-Kalergi, who argued that ‘between the “national” period of humanity and the period that will come one day of the organisation of the whole world as a single federation of States, we must pass through a “continental period”, a time when narrow national patriotism changes into patriotism for the whole world’.188 He set up in 1923 the International Pan-European Union which was joined in 1926 by the Association for European Cooperation to promote a united Europe ‘to prevent war, … to prevent economic ruin, [and] … to defend Europe from the Bolshevik danger’.189 â•… The principal INGOs of the primary peace movement of the interwar period differed considerably from those preceding the First World War. Although organizations such as the International Peace Bureau and the Inter-Parliamentary Union continued to operate, their activities were dwarfed by those of newer bodies, such as the International Federation of League of Nations Societies and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, which were particularly adept at lobbying the institutions of the League of Nations. The IFLNS, for example, sent a delegation to be received by the President of the League of Nations Assembly each year from 1923; had its resolutions printed in the League of Nations Assembly Journal; and successfully lobbied for the circulation 104

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of summaries of INGO communications by the League of Nations Â�Secretariat to the members of the League of Nations Council.190 â•… With Geneva being the seat of the League of Nations, the hub of INGO activity in the 1920s had shifted to there from Brussels. Numerous INGOs, such as WILPF and WSCF, chose to relocate to Geneva. Others, such as the Friends’ International Service and the ICW, set up special offices in Geneva to lobby the League of Nations. Several new organizations for the study of international affairs were set up in Geneva in the 1920s, such as the Geneva Research Centre and the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, both established in 1920. At the end of the decade, the Federation of International SemiOfficial and Private Institutions (FIIG) was founded in Geneva to promote the common interests of the INGOs based there, which had multiplied tenfold between 1920 and 1926.191 FIIG aimed in particular to secure privileges for INGO representatives from the cantonal authorities and from the League of Nations, such as in respect of access to observers’ seats and League of Nations documentation—facilities that were later to become aspects of consultative status for INGOs at the United Nations.192 â•…The Handbook of International Organisations published in 1929 by the League of Nations contained entries for 478 international organizations, of which more than nine-tenths were non-governmental.193 Approximately 300 INGOs had been established during the 1920s alone.194 Not only had the number of INGOs grown substantially, but so too had their size: the International Co-operative Alliance, which in 1913 had 2 million members, claimed by 1929 a membership of 56 million people with a capital of just under £1 billion.195 Many INGOs had exerted significant influence in the 1920s, with international agreements as varied as the Dawes Plan and the Declaration on the Rights of the Child stemming largely from non-governmental initiatives. During the 1920s, INGOs had not only influenced intergovernmental policy, but also carried out independent policy initiatives of their own in a diverse range of fields including business arbitration, environmental conservation, humanitarian assistance and protection of minorities. â•… The expanded scale and influence of INGOs in the 1920s took place in the context of technological, economic, social and political developments, towards many of which INGOs themselves in part contributed. Technological developments that improved international communica 105


tions in this decade, such as radio broadcasting and air travel, were accompanied by new INGOs like the IBU and IATA, which played a key role in their governance. The context of post-war economic recovery was in part facilitated by INGO initiatives such as the ICC’s role in the Dawes Plan. Also important were wider social and political developments, such as the enhanced political role of women in many countries; as one feminist pamphlet published in 1915 argued, an increased role for ‘woman’ in political life was significant because ‘she has neither part nor share in the slaughter of humanity, and she may speak where man dare not … because to her has fallen the task of bringing into the world those human souls and bodies which in war are but food for cannon, [she] is able to realize what man is not able.’196 The context of the First World War was particularly important in the mobilization of INGOs in the decade following the armistice, given both the short-term humanitarian consequences of the conflict that many INGOs aimed to address, and the long-term desire to prevent the war’s recurrence which, through their international work, many INGOs aimed to render possible. The spread of democratic institutions at the national level in many countries following the First World War provided greater scope for associational activities, both national and transnational, and the ‘Wilsonian’ ideals associated with the 1919 Paris peace settlement provided legitimacy for many of the goals pursued by INGOs in the following decade. Amongst the most important contextual factors of all was the work of the League of Nations in Geneva, with Alfred Zimmern arguing in 1929 that the League of Nations had ‘brought to the table both new subjects of international discussion and new types of men to deal with them’, including ‘non-Â� governmental experts nominated by responsible international bodies, such for instance as the International Chamber of Commerce’.197

From Consolidation to Collapse, 1930–1939 In the opening years of the 1930s, the secretary of the Quaker International Centre in Geneva (and later chairman of the International Â�Consultative Group), Bertram Pickard, observed that Geneva had become ‘the world’s capital … the most important and strategic centre for private international organisations of every sort and size’.198 By this time, he argued, the ‘galaxy’ of INGOs now in existence covered ‘every conceivable field—as well as some almost inconceivable! … ranging as they 106

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do from big and powerful organisations like the Red Cross and the InterParliamentary Union, to the obscure and sometimes dubious organisation with high-sounding programme, imposing letter-head, a Secretary and President perhaps and—that is all!’199 In this context, as in the opening years of the twentieth century, components of transnational civil society were developing ambitions that exceeded their means. Pickard noted how at the turn of the decade Paul Otlet of the Union of International Associations was putting forward ‘an ambitious proposal for what he calls a Mundaneum at Geneva … which would comprise a great University, Exhibition, Library, and House of International Organisations … designed to be a scientific, documentary and educational World Centre, representative of organised humanity as distinct from the organisation of Governments in the League of Nations’—a resurrection of his proposals for a ‘world centre’ in Brussels from 1911 to 1913.200 The following paragraphs will explore the development in the early 1930s of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, especially around the World Disarmament Conference of 1932–4, which made grand claims with respect to their representativeness. This chapter will then conclude with a discussion of how, as the 1930s developed, INGOs lost influence at the League of Nations, became increasingly exploited by governments, and fragmented along the geopolitical divisions of the period. â•… The initial years of the 1930s witnessed the continuation of many of the trends with respect to the expansion of transnational civil society that had taken place in the 1920s. The rate of organizational formation remained high in these years, and included significant new women’s organizations in 1930 such as Equal Rights International, the International Federation of Business and Professional Women and the Pan-American Women’s Association. The continued expansion of transnational civil society beyond Europe in this period is reflected in the convening in Â�January 1931 of the All-Asian Women’s Conference in Lahore, which ‘was originated by Mrs. Cousins, International Representative of the Women’s Indian Association of Madras after her world tour’, and which sent a representative to liaise with the League of Nations in Geneva.201 The continuing development of inter-organizational cooperation among INGOs in the same years is reflected in the creation of a Liaison Â�Committee of Women’s International Organizations—including the International Council of Women, the International Alliance of Women and the World’s Alliance of YWCAs—in London in November 1930, 107


in order to render possible ‘special conferences or demonstrations to be held jointly when matters of international importance arise’.202 â•… The single most significant international issue to transnational civil society at the beginning of the 1930s was the pursuit of international disarmament through the League of Nations, which was organizing the World Disarmament Conference due to open in February 1932. No sooner had the Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations transformed itself from a temporary to a permanent organization in February 1931, than it decided that it ‘should concentrate its activities for the present year on work to ensure the success of the Disarmament Conference’, and set up a Disarmament Committee of Â�Women’s International Organizations for this purpose.203 It was joined that year by Disarmament Committees of Christian, Students’ and League of Nations Associations, as well as a Joint Disarmament Commission established by the International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labour and Socialist International.204 The following year there were also established ‘inter-organizational councils’ of US, British and French NGOs based in Geneva.205 â•… At the opening of the World Disarmament Conference in February 1932, each of the transnational Disarmament Committees took part in what was billed as ‘an event unique in the history of mankind’—a special session of the official conference at which ‘the delegates accredited from fifty nations sat in their assigned places and listened to the voice of 200 million people united in the demand for international peace, and for freedom from the heavy load of arms under which the world is now groaning’.206 The delegates were presented with what may have been the largest international petition ever to have been circulated in terms of the proportion of the world’s population that signed it: the petition demanding the success of the World Disarmament Conference circulated by the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, which acquired the signatures of more than 12 million people in more than fifty territories, including Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Ceylon, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, Fiji, Haiti, Hawaii, India, Indonesia, Jamaica, Japan, Madagascar, Mexico, New Zealand, Newfoundland, Nigeria, Â�Palestine, South Africa, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, Uruguay, the USA and numerous European countries.207 They also heard from representatives from each of the Disarmament Committees of Christian, League of Nations, Students’, and Women’s Organizations, as well as the Interna108

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tional Union of Catholic Women’s Organizations, the International League for the Rights of Man and Citizenship, the Labour and Socialist International and the International Federation of Trade Unions.208 The journal produced jointly by the leadership of many of these organizations to cover the proceedings of the World Disarmament Conference claimed that at this special session of the Conference, ‘the “public opinion of the world” so often rightly or wrongly invoked, was in evidence’.209 â•… In July 1932, each of the Disarmament Committees, together with CIAMAC, joined forces to form an International Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament), which with a claimed combined membership of 100 million people described itself as ‘the largest and most effective effort to mobilize public peace opinion yet attempted in the realm of peace organisation. Never before has there been an international coordinated effort on so wide and effective a scale.’210 This organization’s principal achievement was a coordinated global demonstration for disarmament in October 1933, with over 1,000 demonstrations for disarmament taking place in each of France, the United Kingdom and the United States, and over 6,000 organizations in thirty countries sending messages of support to a mass demonstration in Geneva on 15 October 1933, to which the British and French Prime Ministers, the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Soviet Union and the US Secretary of State all sent messages of support.211 However, these efforts came too late: the day before the mass demonstration in Geneva, Hitler had already pulled Germany out of both the World Disarmament Conference and the League of Nations. â•… Many statesmen felt that INGOs had too much influence in the deliberations of the World Disarmament Conference.212 The numerous inconsistencies in their propaganda for disarmament led statesmen such as British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald to complain in October 1932 that INGO leaders should ‘take the trouble just to think out what are the problems of negotiation as well as the joys of declaration’.213 When the World Disarmament Conference reconvened in 1933, there was no special session for INGOs to present to delegates their demands; the International Consultative Group noted in March 1933 that ‘the delegates were not sympathetic to such public demonstrations and were tired of expressions of public opinion’.214 Claims to represent the ‘public opinion of the world’ by coalitions of INGOs lobbying the World Disarmament Conference were by then looking increasingly hollow. 109


â•… As Charnovitz has pointed out, ‘After 1932 only a few new episodes of NGO involvement occurred within the League’.215 Amongst the most notable occurred in 1935 when ‘in response to the request of the Latin American delegations, the Council invited fifteen transnational women’s organisations to present statements on the nationality and status of women’.216 The Latin American request was in response to the efforts of ‘US feminists working through the Inter-American Commission of Women’217 that had been set up in 1928 at the sixth Pan-American Conference.218 As Carol Miller has noted, ‘Throughout 1936 and 1937 the League received information from member states and women’s organisations that generated the publication of several hundred pages of data on the worldwide status women’,219 but efforts towards League of Nations conventions on women’s rights and nationality proved to be unsuccessful.220 â•… In his pioneering study of INGOs, White found ‘In the latter years of the League’s existence, … considerable dissatisfaction among the INGOs regarding what they considered to have been a growing tendency of the League to withdraw from collaboration and co-operation’.221 A particularly significant development occurred in 1936 when the non-governmental assessors were removed from the League of Nations Committee on Social Questions.222 White posited that ‘this may have been due to the fact that as certain ways of doing things became firmly established, officials became more and more reluctant to accept proposals which would upset the established routine or which would mean additional work’.223 Pickard argued that INGOs at the time believed that it was ‘because as Munich approached, governments and inter-governmental agencies tended to cold shoulder NGOs as a bit of a nuisance’.224 â•… Before the decline of INGO relations with the League of Nations, the Great Depression already had a detrimental impact. White found that ‘beginning in 1932, the great decline in income slowed down the extension of activities for several years’.225 From 1932 onwards, the rate of new INGO formation was slower than in the 1920s: the number of INGOs established in the second half of the 1930s was little more than half the figure for the late 1920s.226 Although several significant new INGOs were established, including the International Youth Hostel Federation in 1932, the International Federation of Film Producers’ Associations in 1933, the International Union Against Cancer in 1934, Alcoholics AnonyÂ�mous World Services in 1935 and the Ford Foundation in 1936,227 many of the new INGOs of this period reflected fragmentary trends. 110

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â•… Amongst the international organizations with the highest rate of new formations in the 1930s were international cartels. According to one contemporary estimate: of 81 cartels surveyed in 1936, 17 of them were formed in 1930–2 and 28 in 1933–5 (in contrast to 27 in the 1920s).228 The League of Nations cited estimates of the total number of international cartels in the interwar years that were far greater, about 1,200 by the late 1930s, and quoted estimates claiming that ‘42 per cent of world trade between 1929 and 1937 was cartelized or influenced by looselyknit associations or conferences’.229 It outlined the different perspectives on international cartels, from those who viewed them ‘as public dangers, disrupting the competitive forces of the market, working for the sole benefit of their members, disregarding the common interest, and damaging world trade and the world economy’ to those who regarded international cartels as ‘attempts to establish order in an Â�otherwise chaotic situation, putting an end to the ruinous struggle for export outlets by granting to each member country a certain share in the world’s markets’.230 â•… Hara and Kudo claim that ‘it is within the process of economic reconstruction after the First World War that the full-scale establishment of international cartels can first be observed’.231 Amongst the factors responsible for the development of international cartels in this period they cite ‘the imbalance that arose between production and consumption … caused by the construction or enlargement of production facilities to meet the urgent demand that arose during the war’, the ‘international agreements concerning patent rights and production method exchanges’ in this period, and ‘the intensification of international competition’ leading to efforts to ‘set up international cartels in order to preserve their domestic markets for domestic producers’.232 In the 1930s, the last of these motivations appeared to predominate. Hexner noted that the National Socialist Government of Germany ‘looked upon all international economic mechanisms as instruments with which to increase its war potential and to weaken its future adversaries’ and quoted (with a degree of scepticism) authors attributing ‘the destruction of the Weimar Republic to cartels’.233 â•… During the interwar years the practice of ‘state manipulation’ of INGOs became exceptionally prevalent, extending far beyond the use of international cartels by National Socialist Germany.234 The practice was partiÂ� cularly evident among the member branches of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies. Commonly considered at the 111


time to be the pre-eminent INGO for international peace in the interwar years, the IFLNS managed to acquire member branches in forty countries by 1930.235 Some member branches had considerable memberships and independence from government: with a peak membership of 406,868 in 3,040 branches in 1931, the League of Nations Union in Great Â�Britain was ‘undoubtedly the most substantial peace association in history’.236 Elsewhere, however, the state of the League of Nations associations was very different. They were commonly dependent on their respective governments for assistance: in the case of the Czech League of Nations movement, the Czech government is reported to have supported both a ‘national’ Czech League of Nations Union (run from the offices of the Prague Fascist Club and whose leadership was reported to have ‘no faith in the League or international cooperation’ and ‘no records of membership’)237 as well as more pacificist League of Nations societies within the country in order to play them off against each other as it saw fit.238 In many countries, including in Czechoslovakia, different League of Nations Societies represented different ethnic groups, and a particularly common practice was to exploit League of Nations societies in the pursuit of the demands of different nationalities across central and eastern Europe. In the case of the Bulgarian League of Nations society, for instance, the organization was reported by the IFLNS to have been composed largely of emigrants from territory detached from Bulgaria in the Treaty of Neuilly and was ‘rather a Society for minorities and treaty revision rather than a full collaborator in our work for the League of Nations’.239 â•… Governmental manipulation of private associations was evident long before the crises of the 1930s. Rosenberg has argued that in the 1920s the US ‘government undertook … vigorous steps to shape the international impact of private citizens and groups’ and especially under Hoover often ‘informally awarded a private group or corporation official blessing or monopolistic privileges in return for carrying out some element of American foreign policy’.240 Elaborating on this argument, Suri claims that this resulted in restructuring ‘the economies of Latin American and Asian countries along lines that benefited exporters in the United States’ and ‘disempowered local citizens’.241 â•… In the 1930s, while the US government turned increasingly away from these practices and towards ‘official cultural and economic agencies’,242 more generally INGOs became increasingly caught up in the international contest among Fascist, Communist and capitalist states. Within 112

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Germany from 1925, Hoffman has argued ‘the far Right permeated bourgeois and workers’ associational culture, which had been predominantly liberal or socialist before 1914. In other words, the Nazis conquered Â�German civil society from within.’243 Following the assumption of power by Hitler in Germany in 1933, Mussolini believed that ‘fascism has become a universal phenomenon … The dominant forces of the nineteenth century, democracy, socialism, liberalism have been exhausted … the new political and economic forms of the twentieth-century are fascist.’244 In June 1933, he set up the Comitati d’azione per l’Universalità di Roma (CAUR) as a Fascist rival to the Communist International, aiming ‘to cull statements of allegiance from various foreign movements calling themselves “fascist”, and to integrate these “fascisms” into a loose organization which paid fealty to the genius of Mussolini and the leadership of Italian fascism’.245 CAUR organized an international congress of Fascist groups in Montreux in December 1934, attended by delegates from Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Greece, Ireland, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Sweden and Â�Switzerland, as well as Italy.246 CAUR’s director claimed that ‘nothing prevents … all our nationalisms from proclaiming the universality of fascist doctrine on certain fundamental points … And so the “super-national” idea harmonizes perfectly with the national idea.’247 Leeden has argued that, at this congress, ‘There was virtually unanimous support for the notion of an International which would unite the forces of youth on the continent against the dual enemies of Bolshevik materialism and capitalist egotism’, and ‘the Congress provided for the creation of a permanent commission for universal fascism … to be the Secretariat for the Fascist International, a supreme co-ordinating committee for fascistic propaganda and communication’.248 â•… Mussolini’s ability to charm international youth organizations in the mid 1930s appeared to be considerable, and in May 1935 he was apparently recognized as ‘the spiritual head of youth’ by the leadership the International Confederation of Students, Pax Romana, and the Federation of Jewish Students.249 However, as Morgan has pointed out, the experience of the Montreux congress ‘seems to provide further and conclusive evidence of the impossibility of organising a fascist International’: the congress split on the issue of race, and ‘the permanent commission met twice only, in early 1935’.250 CAUR lost the support of the Italian regime, since it was thought that ‘the foreign movements with whom the 113


CAUR were dealing were not in the least interested in participating in a great work of fascist indoctrination, but only in Italian lire’.251 â•… As Morgan has noted, ‘No German Nazi representative attended Montreux and, apparently, nobody from Germany was invited’.252 National Socialist Germany financed alternative projects, such as the ‘International Action of Nationalisms’, which held an international meeting in December 1934 in Zurich and had a membership including Dutch, English, French, German, Irish and US representatives: its oxymoronic slogan was ‘Nationalists of all countries, unite!’253 â•… The best-known exploitation of an INGO by Nazi Germany came in the form of the 1936 Berlin Olympics. Arnd Krüger has described how International Olympic Committee founder ‘Coubertin … welcomed the Nazi Olympics as fulfilling his ideals … [and] several aspects of the 1936 Olympics have become essential parts of future Games, such as the torch relay, [and] the Olympic bell (with the swastika) alongside the Olympic rings—a harbinger of corporate sponsorship’.254 The German Olympic Committee that was supposed to organize the Games ‘was under the direct control of the Reichssportführer’, Hans von Tschammer und Osten, ‘whose storm troopers had killed several workers’ sportsmen and children’.255 A Propaganda Committee was established as a part of the Games’ Organizing Committee and its ‘concerted propaganda effort … made the Olympic Games of Berlin the first truly modern Games … the first live television coverage of any sports meet was in Berlin at the time of the Olympics … [and the] interior propaganda was so successful that until the early 1970s very little criticism was voiced against these Games inside Germany’.256 Krüger concludes that ‘the Nazis used the cover of the Olympic excitement to carry out the normal and more questionable affairs of state … and as the party that accompanied the Olympic pause continued, so more quietly were the concentration camps filled’.257 While opposition to the Berlin Games was expressed through organizations such as the International Committee for the Defence of the Olympic Idea, the boycott movement over the issue of the treatment of Jews proved to be a failure258 and the International Olympic Committee President hailed the Nazi Games as ‘the best ever’.259 â•… Much of the opposition to Fascism in the 1930s was organized through Communist front organizations. Willi Muenzenberg, ‘founder of the Communist Youth International and architect of the front organizations’,260 chaired the ‘First International Anti-Fascist Congress’ in Â�Berlin 114

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in March 1929, which aimed ‘at rallying the broad masses of the workers and the intellectuals in all countries to mass action against Â�Fascism’.261 Three years later, on the initiative of the political commission of the ExeÂ� cutive Committee of the Communist International, a conference was held in the same city in March 1932 ‘to plan a campaign against imperialist war, which would become “the starting-point of an effort to win over new masses by party slogans”’.262 The result is what became known as the ‘Amsterdam-Pleyel movement’, named after the International Congress against War held in Amsterdam in August 1932, which established the World Committee against Imperialist War;263 and the European Anti-Fascist Workers’ Congress, held in the Pleyel Hall in Paris in June 1933, which created the European Workers’ Anti-Fascist Union.264 The organizations established by these conferences merged in August 1933 to form the ‘Joint World Committee against Imperialist War and Fascism’, later abbreviated to World Committee against War and Â�Fascism, which aimed no lower than ‘to co-ordinate the actions in the whole world against war and fascism’ and appealed ‘to the hand and brain workers in all parties, the trade unions of all tendencies, to the peasants and members of the middle classes, to the youth and the women’.265 The World Committee organized several international anti-Fascist congresses in 1933 and 1934, aiming to coordinate the anti-Fascist work of youth, women and students, respectively, and spawned an array of committees such as the Women’s World Committee against War and Â�Fascism and the World Students’ Committee against War and Fascism. Although commonly regarded as ‘a fellow travelling organization of limited creÂ� dibility’,266 the World Committee achieved some success in appealing beyond the Communist movement, counting among its British women supporters Vera Brittain, Charlotte Despard, Sylvia Pankhurst, Margaret Storm Jameson and Ellen Wilkinson.267 â•… Another front organization formed in 1933 that was to attract ‘a wide array of international notables’ was the World Committee for the Relief of the Victims of German Fascism.268 This organization was set up by Muenzenburg following the burning of ‘objectionable’ books by the Nazis in May 1933,269 and was to become well-known for circulating The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror, which contained vivid images of people murdered by the Nazis and purported to prove that ‘It was the morphia-fiend Goering who set fire to the Reichstag’.270 Muenzenberg biographer Sean McMeekin has argued that, despite clear evidence that the book ‘was, in 115


short, a fraudulent hack job’, until the 1960s ‘most historians adopted the Brown Book’s thesis about Goebbels planning and executing the Â�Reichstag fire by sending a team of conspirators through Goering’s “secret tunnel”’.271 Muenzenberg’s ‘Commission of Inquiry into the Origins of the Reichstag Fire’, which staged a counter-trial in London in September 1933 to support the Brown Book’s case, is also credited with having provided ‘the first international citizens’ tribunal’.272 â•… Following the success of his Brown Book campaign, Muenzenberg ‘seemed in many ways to be losing his political touch’.273 The development of the Popular Front in 1934, however, provided the context for continued proliferation of Communist front organizations into the later 1930s. The peace movement was amongst the most affected transnational social movements, especially following the entry of the Soviet Union into the League of Nations in 1934. With the work of the International Consultative Group fading into irrelevance following the collapse of the World Disarmament Conference, a new effort to coordinate the peace work of multiple INGOs came in the form of the International Peace Campaign (IPC), formally launched in March 1936. Claiming in the late 1930s to be ‘at the present time the most powerful expression of international public opinion’, the IPC achieved the support of forty INGOs with a combined membership estimated to encompass 400 million people.274 Supporting organizations included ICG members, such as CIAMAC, the IFLNS and the Disarmament Committee of Â�Women’s International Organizations; the International Co-operative Alliance; the International Alliance of Women; international trade secretariats; the World Jewish Congress; and numerous international peace societies.275 It had national committees in forty countries, and its international congress in Brussels in September 1936 brought together 4,100 delegates and was hailed by Britain’s Daily Herald as ‘the greatest peace congress in history’.276 The IPC promoted a four-point programme emphasizing ‘the sanctity of treaty obligations’, disarmament, League of Nations actions ‘for the remedying of international conditions that might lead to war’, and especially ‘strengthening the League of Nations for the prevention and stopping of war by the more effective organization of Collective Security and Mutual Assistance’.277 Although able to coordinate substantial transnational campaigns in favour of collective security and boycotting Japanese goods in 1937–8, the IPC swiftly collapsed the following year after the announcement of the Nazi–Soviet Pact.278 The 116

1914–1939

international bureau of the IPC in Geneva was predominantly staffed by Communist agents, including its principal organizer Louis Dolivet (previously of the World Committee against War and Fascism), who aimed to ensure that the organization’s efforts were consistent with the objectives of Soviet foreign policy.279 â•… As well as stimulating the proliferation of front organizations in the late 1930s, the growing number of Fascist governments in this period also had a detrimental effect upon the membership of more independent INGOs. White argued that the rise of Fascism in Germany ‘led to the withdrawal of important national groups from certain organizations, especially those dealing with international relations, labor, reform, and religious matters’, including the loss of German membership of IFTU in 1933 and Rotary International in 1937, although German groups ‘continued to participate in cartels and in organizations concerned with economic, scientific and health questions, sports, and general technical or administrative matters’.280 The explanation for the prohibition of Â�German membership of Rotary International in 1937 provided by the Nazi Chief Justice Walter Buch was that the ban was ‘based primarily on the form of its organization. Rotary spreads around the earth. It is divided into a large number of districts … organized under a common President … With that arises a condition in which a foreigner may give orders to a community in Germany which might produce conflicts of conscience in Germans respecting their duties to their nation.’281 Especially following the 1937 war, Japanese members of INGOs were confronted with a similar situation.282 â•… Although many INGOs found their memberships squeezed as a result of the ascent of Fascism, a significant number strengthened their resolve in the face of the developing threat.283 Having lost 5 million members in 1933, IFTU subsequently doubled its membership by 1937, as its remaining member organizations conducted effective recruitment drives and new groups joined, such as Indian unions in 1934 and the American Â�Federation of Labor in 1937.284 While much of the movement against Fascism became polarized as a result of penetration by front organizations, the common threat stimulated among liberal INGOs a ‘process of interchange and of deepening our consciousness of belonging together’.285 â•… The atrocities of Fascist governments also stimulated the formation of several significant new INGOs to address the consequences. The International Rescue Committee traces its origins to the formation of an 117


American branch of the International Relief Association in 1933 ‘to help save anti-Nazi leaders targeted by the Gestapo, and to guide those in imminent danger to safety in free countries’.286 The International Institute of Social History, for its part, was established in the Netherlands in 1935 ‘to act as a safehouse for radical and working class literature, not least of all from Germany’.287 The geographical scope of its collections expanded during the 1930s ‘according to the further expansion of national-socialism’.288 â•… A particularly large number of organizations were established to confront the persecution of Jews in Germany, such as the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League to Champion Human Rights and World Jewish Relief in 1933. Three years later the First World Jewish Congress took place in Geneva and formed a permanent organization, the purposes of which were to include promotion of ‘Jewish representation to the outside world … the new emancipation … economic equality … immigration possibilities … struggle against Hitlerism … [and] legal and economic defence’.289 â•… The developing repression and ‘bureaucratization’ in the Soviet Union in the 1930s was also confronted by new INGO activity. The best-known is the work of the international Trotskyite movement, beginning with the formation of the International Left Opposition in Paris in April 1930, which proclaimed that ‘the regime dominant in Russia and the [Communist] International are moving towards catastrophe’.290 Having initially considered itself to be a ‘fraction’ within the Communist International, by 1933 Bauer of the International Left Opposition adhered to a declaration ‘on the necessity and principles of a new International’ on account of the ‘slavish dependence of the sections of the Comintern on the Soviet leadership’ and the Comintern’s becoming ‘not only incapable of fulfilling its historic role but also … more and more of an obstacle in the way of the revolutionary movement’.291 The Fourth International (World Party of the Socialist Revolution) was eventually established at a congress in France in September 1938.292 From the outset Trotsky admitted that ‘we are a weak International … we have no reason to boast that we are strong, but we are what we are’.293 â•… With transnational civil society in Europe split by the ideological divisions of capitalism, Communism and Fascism, transnational civil society elsewhere showed growing independence in the 1930s. The organization that ‘was and remains the leading arbiter in questions of Arabic terminology’, the Academy of the Arabic Language in Cairo, was 118

1914–1939

established in 1932.294 This period also witnessed the activities of the World Society in Shanghai, the co-founder of which—Lee Shih-tseng— created the Sino-International Library in 1933.295 The Islamic Research Association, created in February 1933 in Mumbai, was ‘mainly at the initiative and through the efforts of the famous scholar of Islamic studies and Arabicist, Mr. Asaf Ali Asghar Fyzee’,296 and in 1935 the International Academy of Indian Culture in New Delhi was established by another eminent Indian professor, Raghuvira.297 Japan witnessed a number of new foundations: the Asahi Glass Foundation in 1933 to promote research into applied chemistry,298 the Society for Oriental Researches in 1935, the Arachnological Society of East Asia and the Society for Research in Asiatic Music in 1936, and the Institute of Oriental Classics in 1938.299 â•… With respect to religious INGOs, in Cameroon in 1934 the African Protestant Church was created with the initial aim ‘to conduct church services, and have church publications including the Bible available in the local language (and not the Bulu used by the missionaries)’; it was to evolve ‘to embrace members of a wide range of ethnic groups— Ngoumba, Batanga, some Pygmies, Bamileke, and even Bulu’.300 Two years later, the Divine Life Society was founded in India by Swami Sivananda Saraswati, whose work ‘popularized the belief that advaita vedanta contains the spiritual truth underlying all religions’, in a similar fashion to Ramakrishna Math.301 In 1938, Rissho Kosei-kai—the Society of the Community of Believers in Accordance with Buddhist Principles—was created in Japan by two former members of Reiyukai,302 aiming at ‘the revival of true Buddhism as the means to bring full enlightenment to every individual’.303 â•… As for regional organizations, by far the most impressive growth in the 1930s took place in South America. The expansion in the number of Latin American women’s organizations was particularly notable, and included the Club Internacional de Mujeres in 1933, the United Women of the Americas in 1934, and the Unión Femenina Ibero-Americana in 1936.304 South America also played an important role in the development of INGOs at the global level: amongst the best-known examples is Uruguay’s facilitation of FIFA’s first World Cup in 1930. As Goldblatt has noted, Uruguay was ‘the only country prepared to put its money on the table’, having won the football event in the 1928 Olympic Games.305 â•… When confronted with the pressures that culminated in the Second World War, European transnational civil society experienced in the late Â€

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1930s some of the most ambitious efforts to bridge global divisions. Amongst the most significant was the agreement by leading ecumenical organizations in 1937 to unite ‘in a body representative of the Churches and caring for the interests of each movement’,306 although it took until 1948 for the World Council of Churches—‘the broadest and most inclusive among the many organized expressions of the modern ecumenical movement’—to be established.307 An even bolder organization was created in 1936: the World Congress of Faiths, which aimed towards ‘that essential basis of all religions upon which any firm World Fellowship can be founded and the peace of the world secured’.308 â•… Possibly the most ambitious objectives were put forward by the first organizations promoting ‘world government’. The pioneer organization in this field is generally held to be the Campaign for World Government, set up in 1937 in the United States by Rosika Schwimmer and Lola Maverick Lloyd, which published calls for ‘the preliminary steps necessary for a representative World Convention to draft the … constitution for an all-inclusive … Federation of Nations’.309 The following year saw the establishment in the United Kingdom of Federal Union, which ‘experienced “an arduous struggle for recognition. The project was ridiculed by nine out of ten people talked to; the tenth expressed sceptical sympathy.”’310 However, after the publication of Clarence Streit’s Union Now: A Proposal for a Federal Union of the Democracies of the North Â�Atlantic in 1939, Federal Union’s popularity increased significantly, attracting 2,000 members by July 1939.311 â•… The position of the world federalist movement in 1939 was in contrast to many of the other sectors of transnational civil society. In May of that year, Théodore Ruyssen, secretary general of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, produced a paper addressing the question: ‘Is unofficial international collaboration passing through a crisis?’312 He argued that, following the adjournment of the World Disarmament Conference in 1934, despite an increase in the number of INGOs, ‘in vain through the past five decisive years have efforts been sustained by the unofficial organisations; in vain have they communicated to the League of Nations and to the Governments the resolutions and appeals of their countless congresses’.313 He observed that ‘the meagre fruits of unofficial international activity’ could not be attributed ‘to the hostility of the totalitarian states alone’, since ‘even in the countries remaining faithful to liberal doctrine and to working democratic insti120

1914–1939

tutions the influence of private initiative, mainly in the field of international policy, is today less efficacious than it was just a short time ago’.314 â•… When he surveyed the leaders of pre-eminent INGOs at the time, Ruyssen found considerable agreement upon the factors they believed to be responsible for this decline. There was a concentration on the external political environment in which INGOs operated, such as the way in which ‘gradually in every country more and more functions are concentrated in the State which feels all the more in a position to make light of popular grievances or aspirations’. They also noted how governments needed to make decisions rapidly given the speed of events in the late 1930s, as well as the increasing degree of governmental control of the media, and the greater information at the disposal of governments in contrast to private citizens. There was also acknowledgement of the role of transnational civil society itself: a number of respondents argued that ‘in the democratic countries, the Governments put themselves in a situation of obvious inferiority to the totalitarian states if they let themselves be buffeted about by fluctuations of an unstable public opinion deeply divided against itself ’ and that ‘the mediocre success of propaganda undertaken on international questions has had a depressing effect in certain circles’.315 â•… Factors which had previously facilitated the expansion of transnational civil society in the short term in the 1920s had worked in the longer term to contribute towards the inhibitive economic and political environment of the 1930s. The economic recovery of the 1920s had been in part underpinned by unsustainable lending, with the encouragement of INGO initiatives such as the ICC’s role in the Dawes Plan.316 The post-war democratizations that had helped open up civil society space had also in some cases been built upon unsustainable foundations, the proportional electoral system in Germany for instance facilitating the entry into parliament of extremist political parties.317 â•… The divisions in international politics in the late 1930s reflected the divisions within and between the components of transnational civil society at the time. That the world had become divided along ideological lines reflected the success of transnational movements such as that for international Communism. As for the liberal internationalist movement, the claims of some of its leaders to represent the ‘public opinion of the world’ had underestimated the divisions that existed even before the deterioration of the later 1930s. Furthermore, although liberal internationalists failed to bring about a successful conclusion to the World 121


Disarmament Conference, their promotion of disarmament in the 1920s and early 1930s may have been substantial enough to be one of the factors contributing towards the rejection of proposals for modest German rearmament put forward by Weimar Germany’s last moderate leaders, an outcome which substantially undermined their positions in Â�Germany.318 Once they had been replaced by Hitler’s regime, the residual pro-Â� disarmament feeling in the remaining liberal states of Europe is claimed— in the words of Winston Churchill—to have contributed towards making these states ‘an easy prey’ in the build-up to the Second World War by acting as one of the factors inhibiting their drive to rearm against the expansionist threat.319

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3

1939 TO THE PRESENT DAY

Contrary to conventional wisdom, the evolution of transnational civil society from the Second World War until the present day did not follow a straightforward path of linear expansion.1 Instead, the period witnessed a complex but broadly cyclical pattern of evolution. The first section of this chapter commences by discussing how the Second World War had a similar impact to that of the First, including stimulating the formation of new INGOs beyond Europe and dealing with the conflict’s consequences; and how US-based NGOs played a particularly significant role in the peace settlement, including the creation of new intergovernmental organizations, and the human rights provisions of the United Nations Charter. It then explores the way in which divisions in transnational civil society contributed towards the intensification of international tensions at the onset of the Cold War, which in turn further divided transnational civil society along East–West lines, to be accompanied by divisions on North–South lines as decolonization took place. The divisions to which the Cold War and decolonization contributed in turn provided the context for the formation of a new generation of INGOs that were more geographically dispersed than previously, and that were concerned with new issues such as nuclear disarmament and bridging the East–West and North–South divides. The second part of this chapter explores how this paradoxical impact of the geopolitical divisions of the Cold War period helped stimulate considerable expansion of transnational civil society from the 1960s until the 1980s. It looks at the development of INGOs in the so-called ‘new social movements’ of the period, new transnational

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networking forms, growing geographical reach of transnational civil society, the ascent of transnational corporations as targets for transnational activism, the development of ‘politics beyond the state’2 and the role of transnational civil society in the ending of the Cold War. The final section of this chapter discusses how, in the 1990s, intergovernmental conferences, neo-liberal economic globalization and the internet provided significant opportunities for transnational civil society, and facilitated the formation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, some of which aimed to adopt more horizontal forms of organization than had been seen previously, but some of which had ambitions exceeding their means, not unlike those of the transnational coalitions preceding the two world wars. This section shows how claims in respect of the development of ‘global’ rather than merely ‘transnational’ civil society in the 1990s proved to be somewhat hollow given the decline that took place in the subsequent decade. The analysis concludes with a discussion of the potential turning point which transnational civil society is confronting in the second decade of the twenty-first century.

The Second World War, the Onset of the Cold War and the Division of Transnational Civil Society The commencement of the Second World War was received as a defeat for internationalists: the new secretary general of the International Â�Federation of League of Nations Societies remarked in September 1939 that ‘twenty years of endeavour to substitute the rule of law for the arbitrament of war, to build an international society … have been spent in vain’.3 As with the First World War, the Second World War was to have a greatly detrimental impact upon transnational civil society. The rate of INGO formation in 1939 was approximately half that of 1938, and remained at a similarly low level for each of the following five years.4 Organizations as diverse as the Communist International, the Inter-Allied Â�Federation of Ex-Servicemen, the International Confederation of Students and the International Consultative Group for Peace and Â�Disarmament failed to survive the conflict.5 Many of the INGOs that endured had to reduce their activities: the International Alliance of Women, for instance, had to abandon its London headquarters for financial reasons, to postpone many of its meetings and to transfer its journal to the Women’s Publicity Planning Association (which diluted the journal’s content), in addition to having several of its leaders killed by the Nazis.6 124


â•… In the regions of the world that were relatively unaffected by the war, on the other hand, new INGOs continued to multiply. The growth rate in the Americas was particularly high. New formations in 1940 alone included the Inter-American Bar Association, the Inter-American Statistical Institute, the Pan-American Association of Ophthalmology, the Latin American Society for Plastic Surgery and the Chamber of Â�Commerce of Latin America. A similar number of inter-American organizations were formed each of the following three years, and in 1944 the Pan-American Liaison Committee of Women’s Organizations was created.7 The opportunity that the conflict in Europe presented for transnational civil society in the Americas is particularly vividly illustrated in the creation of the Inter-American Statistical Institute in 1940: the war in Europe was perceived in the Americas to have had such a profound impact on Europe-based INGOs that it was assumed that many had perished, including, as Stuart Rice observed, the International Statistical Institute (ISI, which in fact survives to the present day), so an Inter-American body was established ‘to carry forward the traditional work of the ISI within the comparatively peaceful area of North and South America’.8 â•… Beyond the Americas, the volume of new INGOs created during the Second World War was much smaller; but in Africa these included the East African Dental Association in 1943, and in Asia the Indian Institute of World Culture in Bangalore in 1945. Of greater significance were new Islamic INGOs formed during the conflict. The Islamic Â�Cultural Centre, inaugurated in London in 1944, apparently owed its existence to the British war cabinet’s desire in 1940 to pay ‘tribute to the thousands of Indian Muslim soldiers who had died in battle for the British Empire during the First World War and whose successors were making a significant contribution to the current war effort’.9 The year following this decision, in the context of the increasing likelihood of Indian independence, Jamaat-e-Islami was established in Lahore, which ‘stated as its goal the pursuit of ḥukūmat-e-ilāhiya, an Islamic state’ in contrast to the secular-liberal state promoted by the Muslim League; following the partition of India, it developed into a transnational network of political parties promoting this objective across South Asia.10 â•… Some of the most significant new INGOs to be formed during the Second World War were pan-Arab. During the 1930s, an increasing number of societies had been created in Egypt promoting a pan-Arab identity that encompassed North African as well as Asian Arabic speakÂ€

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ers, such as the Arab Progress Society in 1930, the Society for Arab Unity and the Committee for the Spread of Arab Culture the following year, the Arab Bond Society in 1936, and the Association of Arab Unity and the Bond of Arabism in 1939.11 Pan-Arab organizations formed elsewhere in the 1930s included the Nationalist Action League in Syria in 1933 and al-Muthanna in Iraq in 1935, and in the context of the Â�Palestine Arab rebellion many of these organizations joined together in 1937 to form an organization ‘to adopt a nationalist programme of the Arab nationalist youth from the [Atlantic] Ocean to the [Persian] Gulf ’.12 In 1940, the Arab Baath (Resurrection) Socialist Party was formed in Syria, which was to describe itself as ‘a popular national revolutionary movement striving for Arab unity, freedom and socialism’,13 and developed branches in other countries from 1948.14 With the British government encouraging pan-Arabism during the Second World War, the Arab Union Club was reformed in Egypt in 1942 and became a society to promote the combination of all Arabic-speaking territories ‘under one political government, while each of them would be able to choose the kind of regime and way of life she pleases’.15 It aimed ‘from its outset … to form branches in all Arab countries’,16 which it succeeded in doing in Â�Baghdad, Beirut, Damascus and Jaffa in addition to Cairo.17 Its objectives were endorsed by the Egyptian Prime Minister, and all of the territories in which it had branches (except Palestine) were to become founding members of the Arab League.18 â•… Another organization considered to have been a precursor to the Arab League is the General Arab Women’s Federation, which was established as a result of the Arab Feminist Conference in Cairo in 1944. This conference was organized by the Egyptian Feminist Union leader Huda Shaarawi, who in 1938 had convened the Eastern Women’s Conference for the Defence of Palestine at which an international Permanent Â�Central Committee of Women for the Defence of Palestine had been established.19 By 1944, she was promoting the broader objective of ‘a pan-Arab feminist union’ to ‘strengthen feminist movements inside individual Arab countries, while enhancing their participation in the international feminist movement’.20 In the early 1940s, pan-Arab professional congresses also became increasingly frequent,21 and by the end of the war some of these were transformed into permanent international organizations, such as the Union of Arab Pharmacists that dates its establishment to 1945.22 â•… In Europe and North America, many of the most significant INGOs created during the Second World War were established to deal with the 126


conflict’s humanitarian consequences. Just as the Allied blockade in the First World War had stimulated the formation of Save the Children in the UK in 1919, in 1942 the Allied blockade of German-controlled territory in the Second World War was to provoke the formation of what became Oxfam. The Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (Oxfam) was one of several local Famine Relief Committees set up in Britain in 1942 in response to famine in Greece by ‘religious leaders, Quakers, pacifists and Idealists’, including figures such as Gilbert Murray of the League of Nations Union. It is said to have started as a ‘political protest group’, which ‘only began to collect funds to aid in the relief of occupied Europe as a positive contribution towards its main objective, establishing the principle that there was a primary duty to relieve suffering’.23 The initial objectives of the national Famine Relief Committee set up in May 1942 (five months before the Oxford committee set up in support of it), however, were put very cautiously: ‘To obtain authentic information as to food conditions in German-controlled or invaded countries; to promote schemes for the sending of food, vitamins and medical aid into such countries, wherever control is possible, in co-operation with existing organisations.’24 Across the Atlantic the following year, Catholic Relief Services was formed in response to President Roosevelt’s plans for coordinated dissemination of governmental funds for humanitarian relief in Europe.25 At the end of the war in 1945, they were joined in Great Â�Britain by Christian Aid, originally known as Christian Reconciliation in Europe; and in the United States by CARE, originally known as the Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe, which began life distributing US army food rations to those in need in Europe.26 â•… Alongside humanitarian relief, an equally important rationale for INGO formation during the Second World War was the reduction of the likelihood of another conflict. One perceived avenue towards this goal was the promotion of intercultural dialogue. In 1941, the East and West Association was founded by Pulitzer Prize-winning author Pearl S. Buck and her second husband, aiming to carry out similar educational exchange activities between the United States and Asia to those pioneered by the Institute of Pacific Relations.27 The same year saw the establishment of the Council on Intercultural Relations (later renamed Institute for Intercultural Studies) by US cultural anthropologist Â�Margaret Mead, which was intended ‘as a clearing house for the study of personality and culture in the various countries of the world’ in order to proÂ€

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vide information that could ‘both hasten victory and provide an optimum setting for postwar reconstruction’.28 â•… Greater in number were the associations promoting a new international organization to replace the League of Nations in the post-war era. The associations that had promoted world government in the late 1930s were joined in 1940 by a US Federal Union, formed by Clarence Streit, and by the World Government Association, also based in the United States and also aiming ‘to promote world government on democratic principles’.29 The following year World Federation was set up by Ely Cuthbertson in New York to promote a ‘World Federation Plan’ that would promote a global federation consisting of eleven regional federations; and in 1943 the Citizens Conference on International Economic Union was created to promote free trade, stable currencies and international economic union.30 Following the war in 1945 the Committee to Frame a World Constitution was organized in Chicago, to promote a highly ambitious plan for a Federal World Republic with tax-raising and passport-issuing powers.31 â•… More practical were the numerous organizations set up in the United States during the conflict that were dedicated to studying the problems of post-war settlement. The most notable of these was the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, established by James T. Shotwell and Clark M. Eichelberger of the US League of Nations Association in November 1939, to ‘review the past … and build upon the history of the League of Nations plans for an organization of lasting peace’.32 The Commission’s members were described as ‘a who’s who in international relations scholarship from the fields of education, government, labor and business’.33 The following year John Foster Dulles formed the Federal Council of Churches’ Commission on a Just and Durable Peace, ‘to clarify the mind of our churches regarding the moral, political and economic foundations of an enduring peace’.34 In 1941 these organizations were joined by the Free World Association, organized by Louis Dolivet of the International Peace Campaign, which aimed towards ‘educating public opinion for world organization’ without diminishing sovereignty to the extent that it ‘would limit or subordinate America or any other country’.35 The same year saw the formation by former members of the International Consultative Group of the Institute on World Organization, to study ‘political, economic, and social problems relating to world organization in order to aid in promoting a durable and just peace’,36 and of the Â€

Â€

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Post War World Council by former participants in the Keep America out of the War Congress.37 Numerous organizations of academics Â�dedicated to the study of post-war peace problems were also set up, such as the Universities Committee on Post-War International Problems in 1942 and the Institute on Postwar Reconstruction set up at New York University the following year.38 â•… The preliminary report issued by the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace in November 1940 promoted as ‘the alternative to organization by conquest … organization by consent’, through ‘international institutions to preserve human freedom, social justice, economic progress, and political security’ that would ‘assure a dynamic peace with the minimum sacrifice of national sovereignty’.39 The report advocated not only international tribunals, international legislative bodies, renunciation of force and collective security, but also regional organizations, ‘human and cultural rights … in international covenants’ and economic and social cooperation.40 â•… Appended to the report was a paper by Walter Lichtenstein which advocated the distribution of ‘international loans, particularly, those designed to assist backward [sic] nations in developing their economy’ by an international bank that would also distribute ‘funds … in times of crisis to assist nations which cannot by their own effort extricate themselves from financial difficulties’.41 Two years later, in December 1942, the economists and other prominent figures who in 1943 were to form the Citizens Conference on International Economic Union appealed to the President and Congress of the United States to promote ‘international economic union’ through the formation of ‘an international lending agency’, ‘a currency stabilization agency’, ‘a trade and tariff agency’ and ‘a credit and exchange agency’.42 By this time, planning for post-war economic stabilization at the British and US Treasuries had become advanced, and was to result in the formation of the International Â�Monetary Fund and World Bank at the Bretton Woods conference in 1944. As G. John Ikenberry has argued, although much of the credit for the establishment of these organizations has been attributed to ‘the ideas and diplomacy of John Maynard Keynes and Harry Dexter White’, they were ‘part of a larger collection of economists and policy specialists’ extending beyond government and universities and including organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations.43 Shoup and Minter date ‘the first specific mention of the need for both an International Monetary Fund Â€

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and an International Bank for Reconstruction and Development’ to the Council’s Jacob Viner’s February 1942 proposal for ‘an international exchange stabilization board and … an international bank to handle short-term transactions not directly concerned with stabilization’.44 â•… Since September 1939, the Council on Foreign Relations had assisted the US Department of State in its post-war planning, and the Royal Institute of International Affairs played a similar role in the United Kingdom.45 The Department of State also intended to consult many other organizations, including groups based outside the US such as the British League of Nations Union, since it was felt that they could constitute ‘very helpful allies … to the all-important task of gaining public support for this Government’s post-war foreign policy’.46 Among the organizations consulted, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace was credited by Dulles with having made an ‘indispensable contribution to the creation of the United Nations’.47 James Shotwell of this organization took part in the State Department’s Advisory Committee on Post-War Foreign Policy, which contained ‘individuals from private life’ in addition to civil servants. 48 The Council on Foreign Relations was represented in this body by its Â�President Â�Norman Davis, Hamilton Fish (editor of Foreign Affairs) and Percy Bidwell.49 The Advisory Committee’s Special Subcommittee on International Organization featured James Shotwell as a member and Clark Eichelberger, also of the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, ‘practically in the capacity of a member’.50 â•… Louis Sohn was to note ‘a remarkable resemblance between a number of the Commission [to Study the Organization of Peace]’s proposals and the text of the Charter’ of the United Nations adopted at the San Â�Francisco conference in 1945.51 A total of 47 of the Commission’s members took part in the discussions of the conference, and James Shotwell and Clark Eichelberger presided over the meetings of the consultants to the US delegation and chaired the committee of consultants on human rights issues respectively.52 Representatives of 42 ‘private national organizations’ were invited to serve as consultants to the US delegation.53 In her survey of their work, Dorothy Robins concluded that the consultants were particularly influential ‘in the Charter provisions promoting education, human rights, and trusteeship, expanding and raising economic and social activities to a major position, and incorporating consultative machinery in Article 71’.54 130


â•… The ‘suitable arrangements for consultation with non-governmental organizations’ by the Economic and Social Council in Article 71 of the Charter stemmed from the proposals of the ‘ABLE’ (agricultural, business, labour and education) consultants led by Shotwell for the Economic and Social Council to have ‘direct contact with the groups who, from day to day, are confronted by the practical results of national and international economic and social policies’.55 In the formal meeting of the US delegation at which Article 71 was discussed, the representative of the sub-Â� committee responsible for drafting it stated that they ‘had made an effort to get as much of the consultant’s [sic] draft into the proposal [for the text of Article 71] as possible’ and the Secretary of State ‘expressed the view that the draft would give the consultants about what they wanted’.56 The appeal by the leaders of the February 1945 World Trade Union Â�Conference that their new organization be granted a special status also proved significant.57 However, as Douglas Williams has argued, ‘the professional diplomats successfully limited what they saw as the damage by confining the NGOs to the economic and social side of the picture’.58 â•… Possibly the most significant contribution of the consultants at the San Francisco Conference may have been their contribution to the human rights provisions of the United Nations Charter. The US Secretary of State Stettinius informed them that they ‘could justly claim credit for getting a consideration of human rights into the Charter’.59 The violation of human rights by the German government during the Second World War had been important in stimulating INGO mobilization during the conflict. Some INGOs, such as CIMADE (the Inter-Movement Evacuees Committee, which was established on 18 October 1939 to assist evacuees from Alsace and Lorraine), played an important role in proviÂ� ding direct assistance to those fleeing persecution.60 Others, such as the International League for the Rights of Man (established in New York in 1941 to continue the work of the French League for the Rights of Man whose members had been dispersed by the conflict), focused on inclusion of references to human rights in the post-war peace settlement.61 A pioneering role has been attributed to H. G. Wells, who promoted a ‘Â�Declaration of Rights’ in a letter to The Times of 23 October 1939, and who is credited with influencing Roosevelt’s advocacy of ‘Four Freedoms’ in January 1941.62 At the San Francisco Conference, the announcement by US NGO consultants that ‘it would come as a grievous shock if the constitutional framework of the Organization would fail to make adeÂ€

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quate provision for the ultimate achievement of human rights and fundamental freedoms’ is commonly thought to have been central to the US delegation’s promotion of the UN Charter’s human rights provisions, although, as Ian Clark has argued, ‘the essentials of the Consultants’ demands were already embraced in draft amendments’.63 â•… The reference to ‘non-governmental organizations’ in Article 71 of the United Nations Charter brought the term into common usage. The role of these organizations in contributing towards this and other components of the Charter has commonly been seen as a starting point for analyses of how ‘a close partnership was developing’ between non-governmental and inter-governmental international organizations, ‘a major challenge to the geopolitics of the emerging Cold War that was threatening to divide the world’.64 However, as Bertram Pickard noted, the arrangement for consultation with the United Nations was ‘not only a denial of integral participation of certain non-governmental elements as in the ILO but also in effect a so-far-and-no-further obstacle to any continuance of the pragmatic but close IGO–NGO partnership developed under the League’.65 Whereas, he argued, ‘the League’s characteristic consultation with the NGOs of that day, though non-statutory, took the form nevertheless of “participation without vote,”’ in the United Nations’ arrangements this privilege was ‘jealously reserved … for the specialized agencies, and expressly denied to NGOs’.66 The term ‘non-governmental organization’ defined NGOs in terms of what they were not, a less positive denotation than the terminology of previous eras, such as ‘private international organization’. By 1945, there was a widespread perception among governmental policy-makers that ‘private international organizations’ had had too much influence in the League of Nations era, especially at the World Disarmament Conference, so the provisions of the UN Charter expressly limited INGO input to the economic and social spheres.67 â•… Furthermore, some INGOs were to play a role in the exacerbation of tensions as the Cold War developed in the late 1940s. At the end of the Second World War, many INGOs were reconstituted: in 1945, for instance, the International Air Traffic Association was succeeded by the International Air Transport Association, and the International Â�Federation of Trade Unions by the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU). The number of INGOs founded in 1945 was as high as in the early years of the 1930s, a rate of formation that was to double in the following year and to be sustained for the following two decades.68 More than twice as 132


many INGOs were formed in the first two decades of the Cold War than had been formed in any previous two decades,69 but much of the expansion can be accounted for by the division of transnational civil society along Cold War lines in this period. â•… A significant number of INGOs split in two in the early 1940s. As Peter Willetts has argued, ‘several international NGOs came to be more sympathetic to the communists than Western opinion could tolerate’ and ‘as a result Western groups split from the world organizations and formed their own rival international NGOs’.70 The best-known example is the secession of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) from the WFTU in 1949. In the opening speech of the Â�ICFTU’s founding conference, H. L. Bullock stated: ‘We are here to learn by our mistakes, and to see more clearly than we did on that earlier occasion the significance of the contemporary conflict between the democratic and the totalitarian way of life. We must not make the mistake of trying to comprehend in our new World Confederation contradictory and irreconcilable objects and aims.’71 The formation of the WFTU in 1945 had seen unprecedented cooperation between Communist and non-Communist trade unions, but Christian trade unions did not take part from the outset, and, as Denis MacShane has argued, the relationship between the US and Soviet members of the WFTU were ‘ragged from the very outset of the WFTU’s existence’.72 WFTU’s failure to secure a higher status in the United Nations system than other non-governmental bodies ‘was a humiliation’, and by the end of 1946 WFTU had ‘failed … to establish its own institutional raison d’être, by providing services or organizing interventions with effect’.73 The US participant in the WFTU, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, was used by Truman to build support for the Truman Doctrine, and promoted WFTU as the trade union participant in the distribution of Marshall Aid, an issue which split the movement and was to lead to the secession of the ICFTU in 1949. However, MacShane has argued that ‘the confrontation within trade unions domestically and internationally was one of the causes rather than a consequence of the Cold War’ since ‘intra-left hostility in the trade union movement was deep rooted’.74 â•… Divisions along Cold War lines within transnational civil society that preceded, and potentially contributed towards, the collapse of US–Soviet relations were not confined to the international trade union movement. The numerous Communist front and anti-Communist organizations of Â€

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the period preceding the Second World War were described in the preceding chapter. During the conflict, further new organizations exacerbated the development of an East–West divide within transnational civil society, such as the International Monarchist League created in 1943, which claimed that its founders ‘had seen what had happened in Â�Central Europe when the Hohenzollern and Habsburg monarchies had been overthrown, leaving the vacuum to be filled by Nazism, and they feared that the fall of the Romanian, Bulgarian, Yugoslav and Albanian thrones would lead to the eastward expansion of the communist domination’.75 â•… At the end of the conflict, a considerable number of new Communist front INGOs were created. The most significant women’s and youth organizations to be founded in 1945, for instance, were the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY ) and the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF), both of which became perceived to be Communist front organizations, despite some non-Communist support and their apparently relatively innocuous founding objectives, respectively: of ‘close international understanding and cooperation amongst the youth … with respect for the diversity of ideas and national conditions’ and ‘coordination of the activity of millions of women who, during the last war, got together to oppose with all their might fascism, the cause of misery and war, to defend the liberty of their peoples’.76 They were joined the following year by a larger number of Soviet-leaning organizations, including the International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL), the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), the International Union of Students (IUS), the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) and the World Federation of Teachers Associations (FISG).77 â•… At the opposite end of the spectrum was the Liberal International, which was established in 1947 with the objective of uniting ‘not only political Liberals, but freedom loving people of all nations so that a united stand might be made against the enemies of democracy’.78 Many of the Communist front INGOs founded in the mid 1940s found themselves confronted by the creation in the later 1940s of rival non-Communist counterparts in their respective fields of activity. In 1946, for instance, WFDY was confronted by the (re-)formation of the (pro-Western) International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY ); while in 1948 WFDY was confronted by the creation of the World Assembly of Youth and the IOJ was confronted by the formation of the International Federation of Free Journalists (IFFJ). As Willetts has pointed out, the formation of rival 134


pro-Soviet and anti-Communist INGOs in the same fields of activity spilled over into politics at the United Nations: ‘in ECOSOC the West used its voting majority against … “communist-front” NGOs’, so in 1950 the IOJ lost its consultative status and the WFDY was demoted to the lowest category of consultative status; and in 1951 the IUSY was awarded a higher category of consultative status than WFDY, and the IFFJ was given the consultative status which the IOJ had lost.79 â•… Hindrances such as these did little to stem the proliferation of Â�Communist front NGOs in the 1950s. The World Peace Council, created in 1949, convened the 1952 International Economic Conference in Moscow, at which the Committee for the Promotion of International Trade was established; and the World Congress of Doctors in 1954, at which the International Medical Association was created. These were followed by the formation of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Â�Organization (AAPSO) and the Permanent International Committee of Mothers, conceived by the WPC and WIDF respectively. Throughout the decade, many of the Communist front organizations reported vast increases in membership, largely on account of population growth in Communist member countries.80 â•… The apparent growth in membership of Communist front INGOs in the 1950s disguised the diminishing representation of Western organizations in their membership. In the 1950s, John Clews argues, ‘disillusioned Western students formed the Co-ordinating Secretariat of National Unions of Students (Cosec) as an alternative to the IUS, followed some time afterwards by the International Commission of Jurists as the non-Communist alternative to the IADL, … [and] Western journalists … set up the International Federation of Journalists as a democratic alternative’ to the IOJ.81 â•… The formation of AAPSO in 1958 reflected not only the division of transnational civil society along Cold War lines, but also the development of a further fissure in transnational civil society between North and South. The Cairo conference of 1957–8 at which AAPSO was created was described as ‘a striking manifestation of the fundamental changes in the world, which consist in that the peoples of Asia and Africa, who but recently were oppressed, enslaved and deprived of elementary human rights, have now emerged in the world arena, have become an irresistible force that must be reckoned with’.82 The objective of AAPSO, ‘to promote and strengthen cooperation between the peoples of the two con 135


tinents’,83 is indicative of the increasingly regional orientation of INGOs in the period following the Second World War. â•… Whereas before the Second World War Europe-based INGOs tended to view their objectives in global terms (even though their memberships were often predominantly European), after the conflict an increasing number focused their attention purely on the European region. What had been the International Broadcasting Union, for instance, was revived in 1950 as the European Broadcasting Union. Furthermore, a significant number of organizations focused on promoting purely European rather than global economic and/or political cooperation, such as the European League for Economic Cooperation and the European Union of Federalists (formed in 1946), and the Socialist Movement for the United States of Europe and the United Europe Movement (formed in 1947). Although the later formation of the Council of Europe and the European Coal and Steel Community fell far short of the more ambitious objectives of several of these organizations, the new regional intergovernmental organizations of the 1940s and 1950s became centres around which new regional INGOs would be formed, in Europe, the Arab states and the Americas. â•… In Africa, as Snyder has noted, ‘the idea of Pan-Africanism was revived after World War II with the withdrawal of European imperialist powers from the continent’.84 In 1958, the year of the first Conference of Independent African States and the formation of the UN Economic Commission for Africa, the All African People’s Conference took place in Accra and established a permanent organization aiming both ‘to accelerate the liberation of Africa from Imperialism and colonialism’ and ‘to develop the feeling of one community among the peoples of Africa with the object to the emergence of a United States of Africa’.85 â•… In Asia, where significant new regional intergovernmental organizations were yet to be established, indications of a trend towards regionalization of INGOs were also evident. A pioneering conference convened in India in 1947 by the Indian Council of World Affairs led to the establishment of the Asian Relations Organization.86 The conference was boycotted by the Muslim League, and Nicholas Mansergh noted that ‘it was clearly revealed throughout the discussions at the Conference that Asia is not a unit’.87 This was reflected by the evolution of the Asian Relations Organization, which ‘after ten years of inconsequential existence … was quietly dissolved in 1957’.88 136


â•… While Indian efforts towards pan-Asian regional organization had little effect, Pakistani efforts towards pan-Islamic organization were more successful. The World Muslim Congress that had been founded in 1926 had ‘practically gone into oblivion’ following the Jerusalem congress of 1931, but ‘after the creation of Pakistan, it was reactivated and it started functioning from its newly established permanent headquarters in Karachi’.89 In East Jerusalem in 1952, ‘the prime example of a transnational Islamist political movement’ was formed by Shaykh Taqiuddin al-Â� Nabhani, who created Hizb ut-Tahrir with the aim of ‘reinstating Islam through a popular Islamic revolution which would install a Caliph’.90 â•… Split along East–West and North–South lines and with a growing trend towards regionalization, international non-governmental organizations in the 1950s were less central to international politics than they had been before the Second World War. Even the United Nations, as Lador-Lederer observed, generally ‘took account of the nuisance value of NGOs rather than of their positive nature’.91 Jeremi Suri has further argued that there is ‘little evidence that’ in the 1940s and 1950s INGOs ‘made much of a tangible difference to policy or everyday life’.92 â•… Despite their divisions, within the sectors in which INGOs operated in the 1940s and 1950s there were several occasions upon which their influence was considerable. This was commonly the case when there was a significant intergovernmental political opportunity structure. One of the outstanding examples of INGO influence in the 1940s was their contribution to the development of human rights norms, taking further the commitment by states to human rights in the Charter of the United Nations, which provided the political opportunity structure for INGO human rights campaigners. Both the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948 were in large part responses to INGO pressure.93 René Cassin, the leader of numerous Paris-based INGOs and ‘principal architect of the Universal Declaration’, noted the importance in the drafting process for the UDHR of the ‘encouragement and assistance’ of INGOs in refining the clauses of the Declaration, especially women’s INGOs, ‘whose contribution was especially valuable when the definitive provisions of the Declaration regarding marriage, the family and children were being worked out’.94 According to Korey, Cassin and Eleanor Roosevelt also came to the conclusion that, rather than governments, ‘it was the NGOs who would take on the challenge of transform 137


ing the words of the Declaration from a standard into reality’.95 Beyond their input into the UDHR, international women’s NGOs were significant in promoting international agreement upon the principle of ‘equal pay for equal work’ embodied in the 1951 Equal Remuneration Convention and the broader 1958 Employment (Discrimination) Convention of 1958.96 â•… INGOs in the 1940s and 1950s were also an important aspect of what has commonly been described as ‘one of the most significant transformations of the postwar international scene’97—decolonization. Despite their often short-lived existences, bodies such as the Asian Relations Organization and the African and Asian ‘people’s conferences’ have been credited with an important role in the ‘awakening’ of Asia and Africa.98 Furthermore, non-governmental networks were central to the dissemination of techniques for resisting colonial rule, with the independence campaigns of Nkrumah, Kaunda and Nyerere ‘modelled … explicitly on Gandhian lines’.99 â•… Although one impact of decolonization was to promote the fragmentation of transnational civil society along regional lines, another was to promote its dispersal beyond its traditional principal loci in Europe and the Americas. Whereas in 1938 the League of Nations recorded the existence of just five INGOs with headquarters in Asia and none with headquarters in Africa, by 1951 the Union of International Associations recorded ten INGOs with headquarters in Asia (of which five had had headquarters in Asia by 1938) and four INGOs with headquarters in Africa, all of which had been founded after 1941.100 â•… The period following the Second World War also saw the formation of several of the most significant INGOs that operate in the present day. This took place in the context of developments such as post-war economic recovery, relative political stability in comparison with the war years, and further improvements in communications, such as commercial jet aeroplane travel from the 1950s. Many of the new INGOs to be established in the late 1940s and 1950s took forward on a more permanent basis the work of pre-war organizations, with the International Organization of Standardization created in 1946 building on the work of the earlier International Federation of National Standardization Associations, and the World Medical Association and the International Hotel and Restaurant Association formed in 1947 taking further the earlier work of the International Professional Association of Doctors and the 138


International Hotel Alliance respectively. The World Council of Churches, established in 1948, represented the completion of decades of work by the Faith and Order and Life and Work movements towards creating a lasting ecumenical organization; while the joint inter-governmental and non-governmental International Union for the Conservation of Nature, set up in 1948, built on the work of the International Office for the Protection of Nature, established twenty years earlier. The World Veterans Federation, created in 1950, and the Socialist International, set up the following year to promote ‘democratic socialism’, succeeded the activities of the earlier Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Servicemen and the Labour and Socialist International respectively.101 Other new INGOs, such as the International Federation of Agricultural Producers, set up in 1946, the World Movement of Mothers and the International Union of Family Organizations, founded in 1947, and the World Fellowship of Buddhists, set up in 1950, signified the formation of INGOs on behalf of new groups of people in the post-war era. â•… A further set of new INGOs aimed to tackle areas of activity previously neglected by INGOs. In some cases technological and social developments were important, such as the growing use of motorized road transportation, with the International Road Federation being set up in 1948 on account of ‘a pressing need for a new international organization to attract attention to the growing economic and social importance of good highways’.102 In other cases mobilization took place in the context of developing international norms, such as for human rights; the ‘first postwar worldwide homosexual association’ was established in Amsterdam in 1951: the International Committee for Sexual Equality.103 A particularly significant new INGO to be established in 1948–52 was the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), which was created on account of a perceived need for ‘world-wide co-operation of all groups and persons to promote knowledge of population trends and world resources in relation to the standards of family needs’, given the population growth in newly decolonized territories such as India, where IPPF’s inaugural congress took place in 1952.104 IPPF now claims to be ‘one of the world’s largest organizations’ with ‘more service delivery points than McDonald’s’ and active in the promotion of sexual and reproductive health in more than 170 countries.105 â•… Amongst the most significant new organizations of the late 1940s and 1950s were those that were established to address the issues that under 139


pinned the global divisions along East–West and North–South lines. Especially concerned with challenging the East–West divide were the new INGOs for the promotion of international peace. Some viewed the promotion of global organizations as central to their programme, such as the World Federation of United Nations Associations that was established in 1946 to work ‘for world peace and security through the United Nations’, and the United World Federalists set up the following year to unite those with somewhat more ambitious objectives.106 The invention of the atomic bomb was important in sparking the formation of a new generation of peace organizations centred around preventing nuclear war, such as the Federation of Atomic Scientists set up in 1945, and later the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) and the Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs, all of which were launched in 1957 and spearheaded what Carter describes as ‘the first wave of protests against nuclear weapons and nuclear testing [that] can accurately be described as a movement’.107 â•… As regards the North–South divide, INGOs concerned with aid and international development became increasingly significant in addressing the issues underpinning this fissure in the 1950s. By this decade, organizations that had been set up initially to deal with the humanitarian consequences of the Second World War in Europe were expanding their activities to assistance to developing countries, with Oxfam sending relief in response to crop failure in Bihar, India, in 1951, and CARE turning its attention to South America.108 They were also joined by new charitable INGOs such as World Vision in 1950, War on Want and Caritas Internationalis in 1951, International Voluntary Services in 1953, Medical Assistance Programs International in 1954 and ATD Fourth World in 1957. In the mid 1950s, an Overseas Development Office was established by the Ford Foundation, the overseas expenditure of which exceeded that of many UN development agencies, while the formation in 1957 of the Society for International Development is seen as a landmark in the professionalization of INGO involvement in international development. In 1958, the World Council of Churches is credited with setting the world’s first target for overseas development assistance at 1 per cent of each high-income country’s GNP.109 â•… In the post-war years, INGOs had contributed both to Cold War tensions and to decolonization, which in turn had contributed towards divisions in transnational civil society. However, the East–West and 140


North–South divisions of the period also formed the context for the emergence of a new generation of INGOs that aimed to challenge these divisions. The new INGOs of the 1940s and 1950s challenging the East–West and North–South divisions that had emerged both in transnational civil society and in world politics more generally laid the foundations for the revitalization of transnational civil society in the subsequent three decades.

The Revitalization of Transnational Civil Society from the 1960s to the 1980s It has become widely recognized that the 1960s was for INGOs ‘their breakout decade in the Cold War’, during which the number of INGOs more than doubled.110 In many ways, it was the fragmentation of the period that helped to reinvigorate transnational civil society. As Ian Clark has argued in respect of the historical development of globalization, ‘the cold war’s ultimate effect has been one of integration, not disintegration, and although it created deep fissures between East and West, this served the purpose of integration within the West, stimulated an attempted incorporation of the Third World into the First, and may contribute to a single global system in the cold war’s aftermath’.111 The multiple fragmentary forces of the 1960s helped to stimulate a wide range of INGO responses: competition between East and West in the emerging ‘Third World’ stimulated the development movement in the ‘first development decade’; evidence of human rights abuses by Cold War governments helped mobilize the contemporary international human rights movement; the Cuban Missile Crisis and Vietnam War stimulated the peace movement in the 1960s; and evidence of humanity’s destruction of the natural habitat motivated the creation of the contemporary international environmentalist movement. â•… The 1960s opened with the publication of a ‘non-Communist manifesto’ by Walt Whitman Rostow: his Stages of Economic Growth, which aimed to address ‘the central challenge of our time … the challenge of creating, in association with the non-Communist politicians and peoples of the preconditions and the early take-off areas, a partnership which will see them through into sustained growth on a political and social basis which keeps open the possibilities of progressive, democratic development’.112 As Iriye has argued, although ‘this kind of developmentalism was clearly seen as an instrument for waging the Cold War … such 141


ideas could serve internationalist purposes’ and underpinned ‘a vision, shared by intergovernmental and international nongovernmental organizations alike, that developing nations of the world should be closely integrated into the international economy’.113 The result, as Brian Smith has noted, was a ‘dramatic increase in governmental subsidies’ to international development NGOs from the 1960s onwards, with governments increasingly recognising their greater ability ‘to get to the grassroots level … than foreign governmental agencies’.114 â•… Governments also appeared to be increasingly susceptible to INGO advocacy on the development issue from the 1960s onwards, with campaigning by War on Want in the UK being credited with having ‘contributed to Britain being, in 1964, the first donor country to have a separate development ministry’.115 In addition to a growing trend towards advocacy among development INGOs, there was also a significant increase in their number from the 1960s onwards.116 New organizations such as the International Organization for Cultivating Universal Human Spirit, founded in Japan in 1961, and the Aga Khan Foundation, created in 1967, reflected their increasing diversity. The result of the proliferation of development INGOs was a need for greater coordination of their activities, a purpose which became increasingly served by new collaborative organizations such as the International Council of Voluntary Â�Agencies, established in 1962 to build on earlier cooperation on refugee issues.117 Chabbott has further argued that ‘a specialised cadre of international-development professionals’ emerged from the 1960s onwards as a result of the increasing professionalization of development INGOs, supported by the creation of research institutions such as the Institute of Development Studies, founded at the University of Sussex in 1966.118 â•… The Cold War context was to stimulate in a very different way the international human rights movement. In the introduction to a landmark article in The Observer of 28 May 1961 by British barrister Peter Â�Benenson, it was stated that ‘on both sides of the Iron Curtain, thousands of men and women are being held in gaol without trial because their political or religious views differ from those of their Governments’.119 Considering that ‘the spread of dictatorship, the tensions that have resulted from the Cold War, and the increasing cleavage between races of different colour, have combined to make state persecution of the individual the gravest social problem of the 1960s’, Amnesty International was launched by Benenson in 1961 officially ‘to mobilize public opinion in defence of 142


those men and women who are imprisoned because their ideas are unacceptable to their governments’.120 As Buchanan has noted, for Benenson ‘1961 was not any old year—it was the anniversary of the emancipation of the serfs in Russia and the outbreak of the American Civil War’.121 Benenson’s ‘underlying purpose’, which he hoped ‘those who are closely connected with it will remember, but never publish’, was ‘to find a common base upon which the idealists of the world can co-operate’, ‘in particular to absorb the latent enthusiasm of great numbers of such idealists, who have, since the eclipse of Socialism, become increasingly frustrated’; he also stated that ‘it matters more to harness the enthusiasm of the helpers than to bring people out of prison … Those whom the Amnesty Appeal primarily aims to free are the men and women imprisoned by cynicism, and doubt.’122 This has been interpreted as indicating that Amnesty International was launched to address the ‘unmet demand for activism among certain populations in the free world’.123 â•… Amnesty International’s initial work concentrated on informationgathering and letter-writing in respect of political prisoners in the First, Second and Third Worlds, and within three years 1,367 prisoners had been ‘adopted’ by its 360 groups, established in fourteen countries, with 329 prisoners released.124 Amnesty International was awarded UN consultative status in 1964 and made use of the procedures later established by ECOSOC for reporting human rights abuses to the UN Human Rights Commission.125 As Clark has argued, Amnesty International also expanded its activities to include promotion of ‘stronger, preventative international norms concerning prisoner treatment’, most notably in its 1970s campaign against torture, which contributed towards the UN’s 1975 Declaration on the issue.126 â•… With respect to the peace movement, the context of the possibility of nuclear annihilation evident in the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and the escalation of the Vietnam War in the later 1960s was particularly significant in its development. At the time of the Cuban Missile Crisis, peace activists in the United States are thought to have staged ‘America’s larÂ� gest open-air demonstration for peace up to that time’.127 In addition, Lawrence Wittner has provided evidence that during the Cuban Â�Missile Crisis the US government’s ‘caution reflected … its sensitivity to public opinion’, with Kennedy fearing ‘demonstrations, peace groups marching in the streets, perhaps a divisive public debate’, and ‘US diplomatic messages—particularly the claim that “sane” people would not fight a nuclear 143


war—illustrated the centrality of the ideas popularized by nuclear disarmament groups’.128 He further argues that in the 1960s, ‘pressured by a worldwide movement and wary of public opinion, the leaders of most nations ultimately proved capable of making substantial changes in their nuclear policies’, such as the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963 and the Non-Proliferation Treaty of 1968.129 â•… Despite the apparent influence of the nuclear disarmament movement in government responses to the Cuban Missile Crisis, in the aftermath of that crisis the nuclear disarmament movement is generally thought to have ‘faded away’.130 The Vietnam War, on the other hand, stimulated new forms of peace activism, such as the ‘teach-in’ pioneered at theÂ� Â�University of Michigan on 24 March 1965.131 Students played a central role in the movement against the Vietnam War, forming a Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam in 1968.132 That year witnessed ‘an explosion of revolutionary student movements’, believing ‘that they were taking part in a world-wide struggle against the existing order in East and West, and in North and South’.133 It is claimed that at this time there emerged a set of ‘new social movements’ encompassing peace, feminist, environmentalist and many other forms of activism which were thought to be ‘a product of a shift to a postindustrial economy’ and ‘different from social movements of the industrial age’, with a focus on moral, identity and lifestyle concerns rather than economic redistribution, and a preference for non-institutional political channels and nonhierarchical forms of organization.134 While what exactly was ‘new’ about the ‘new social movements’ has been much debated,135 and although, as this book has described, peace, feminist, environmentalist and many other forms of activism have extensive previous histories, there are undoubtedly some novel characteristics of INGOs formed from the 1960s onwards in respect of issues such as the environment and feminism. â•… The establishment of the World Wide Fund for Nature in 1961 to provide greater financial resources for ‘the already existent but weak worldwide conservation movement’ may be interpreted as an incremental development, but was significant in that it provided unprecedented levels not only of funding to conservationist projects, totalling more than $5 million in the organization’s first decade, but also of public awareness of conservation issues.136 Similarly important in transforming public awareness of environmental issues was the publication of Rachel Â�Carson’s Silent Spring in 1962, which, together with ‘the effects of affluence, the 144


age of atomic testing, … a series of well publicized environmental disasters, advances in scientific knowledge, and the influence of other social movements’, has been credited with sparking an ‘environmental revolution’ in 1962–70, during which a ‘new environmentalism’ developed, which was more ‘activist and political’ than earlier forms of environmentalism, and more concerned with a need for humanity to avoid ‘environmental catastrophe’.137 The result was a new wave of environmentalist INGOs. Friends of the Earth, established in 1969, broke from the established conservation movement in having as its ‘specific purpose the task of Â�waging political battles to protect the environment’.138 Greenpeace, initially the Don’t Make a Wave Committee that was established in the same year as Friends of the Earth, broke from traditional environmentalism in its use of high-profile non-violent direct actions that ‘use the media as a weapon’.139 â•… In the 1970s, environmental INGOs played a significant role in preÂ� parations for the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, at which they were permitted to speak at certain sessions and ran parallel conferences and journals, reintroducing to United Nations conferences intergovernmental procedures and activist tactics previously used at the Hague conferences and those of the League of Nations.140 The key outcome of this conference, the establishment of the United Nations Environment Programme in Nairobi, motivated the formation of a network of environmentalist INGOs: the Environment Liaison Center International in Nairobi in 1974, the same year as the European Environmental Bureau was set up to lobby the EU. As McCormick has argued, ‘the post-Stockholm era saw renewed growth in the formation of new NGOs’ with ‘2,320 environmental NGOs in less developed countries, of which 60 per cent had been formed since Stockholm, and 13,000 in more developed countries, of which 30 per cent had been formed since Â�Stockholm’ by 1982.141 More generally, the number of INGOs more than quadrupled between 1972 and 1984, from 2,795 to 12,686.142 â•… Women’s INGOs evolved in the 1960s and 1970s in a similar fashion to environmentalist INGOs. As with the environmentalist movement, literature on the subject had a crucial impact, in this case the publication of The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan in 1963, which ‘has been credited—or blamed—for destroying, single-handedly and almost overnight, the 1950s consensus that women’s place was in the home’ and with having ‘ignited the women’s movement, launched a social revolution and Â€

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“transformed the social fabric” of the United States and countries around the world’.143 The events of 1968 are thought to have been similarly significant, promoting mobilization in ‘a decentralized and antihierarchical organizational form’.144 As Moghadam has argued, the ‘second wave feminism’ that developed in the United States and elsewhere in the 1960s ‘was initially nationally based and nationally oriented’.145 The new international women’s INGOs of the 1960s consisted primarily of women’s business and professional associations, such as the International Union of Women Architects (1963), the International Association of Women and Home Page Journalists (1964) and the International Federation of Women’s Travel Organizations.146 The following decade, however, saw international women’s mobilization transformed. â•… Established INGOs played an important part in this process, which, having taken part in the development of the 1967 United Nations Â�Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women in 1967, persuaded the United Nations General Assembly in 1972 to declare 1975 ‘International Women’s Year’, and in the following ‘Decade for Women’ over a third of women’s INGOs were founded.147 The Mexico conference in International Women’s Year was important in provoking the establishment of new women’s INGOs that ‘made it their priority to mobilize women and co-ordinate local and national activities through networking’, such as the International Feminist Network and the International Women’s Tribune Center set up in 1976, in contrast to earlier women’s INGOs that restricted networking to an ‘elite’ of ‘those women active at the international level’.148 New women’s INGOs were also Â�dedicated to an increasingly broad range of issues, such as development, domestic violence and the environment.149 With the Decade for Women coinciding with the second Development Decade, ‘the two events melded into each other in the sense that a core dimension for grappling with women’s issues became the concern for “incorporating women into development”’, and a result of women’s INGO pressure was the endorsement of ‘remarkably strong feminist positions … as UN policy for development’.150 However, splits between Northern and Southern women’s INGOs were exacerbated over the development issue, and new women’s INGOs that aimed to tackle the development issue from a Southern perspective were established, such as the Association of African Women for Research and Development in 1977 and Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era in 1984.151 Organizations such as Women Â�Living 146


Under Muslim Laws and the Sisterhood is Global Institute (SIGI), both also formed in 1984, on the other hand, have bridged international divisions in their pursuit of women’s rights in Muslim countries.152 â•… The new forms of networking and more radical forms of activism of the 1970s extended beyond the women’s and environmentalist movements. In the case of humanitarian INGOs, a more radical form of mobilization is evident in the creation of Médecins Sans Frontières in 1971 ‘to ensure medical and surgical aid regardless of the location of the disaster’ by ‘veterans of the 1968 rebellion’ who had joined the French Red Cross and ‘were horrified not only by the carnage [in Biafra] but also by the Red Cross principle of neutrality, which ruled out any public condemnation’.153 Iriye has argued that ‘as a founder of the organization wrote, … [MSF] was frankly “subversive”; it would not always wait for, or go through, government authorization before acting, and it would not hesitate to publicize its activities or the plight of the people it assisted’.154 The creation of Africare, also in 1971, which ‘was conceived in Africa— in the Republic of Niger’ and which ‘from the beginning … was always there to work with the people and not to superimpose a plan for them’, also marked a novel development in aid organizations, as did the creation of Appropriate Health Resources Technologies Action Group in 1976 to assist health workers in developing countries to gain access to information.155 A further transformation was evident in the responses to the famine in Africa in the mid 1980s, when the major Western-based Muslim charitable organizations Islamic Relief Worldwide and Muslim Aid were founded in the United Kingdom in 1984 and 1985 respectively.156 However, this is also the point at which humanitarian aid became a cause célèbre, prompting such ad hoc celebrity-driven coalitions as Live Aid and USA for Africa, which succeeded in raising considerable sums, but much of which was used by the Ethiopian government ‘to drive out suspect populations, what we now call ethnic cleansing, and to resettle Ethiopians on state-run farms that employed forced labour’.157 â•… As well as witnessing the transformation of existing transnational social movements, such as for aid and development, human rights, peace, women’s rights and the environment, the period from the 1960s to the 1980s also saw the emergence of INGOs representing new issues and sectors of society. The beginning of this period saw the formation of the organization that claims to be ‘the only independent and authoritative global voice for consumers’, Consumers International, which was established in 147


1960 as the International Organization of Consumers Unions (IOCU), ‘to act as a clearinghouse among member organizations for consumer tests methods, plans and publications of consumer organisations’.158 As outlined in later paragraphs, IOCU and its regional members were to play a central role in mobilizing international networks in the 1970s and 1980s.159 Another self-proclaimed unique organization to be established in the 1960s was Survival International, which claims to be ‘the only organization working for tribal peoples’ rights worldwide’ and was founded in 1969 following the publication of an article on the ‘genocide’ of Amazonian Indians.160 A number of other groups of people also became better-represented by INGOs in subsequent years, such as the elderly (the International Federation on Ageing was set up in 1973, the International Federation of Associations of the Elderly in 1980 and HelpAge International in 1983), homosexuals (the International Â�Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association was established in 1978) and the disabled (the Disabled People’s International was established in 1981). Technological advances in this period both facilitated and were facilitated by INGOs, with computer networking pioneered by non-Â� governmental organizations such as Human Rights Information and Documentation Systems International (HURIDOCS, 1982), Interdoc (1984), PeaceNet (1985), GreenNet (1986), and ultimately the Association for Progressive Communications (1987), which ‘for the period from 1989 to 1995 … was the core of the internet’.161 â•… Amongst the most notable trends in the three decades from 1960 was the greater geographical dispersal of INGOs and their memberships following decolonization in Africa and Asia. According to UIA data, whereas the proportion of INGOs with members in Europe in 1960 was approximately four times greater than those with members in Asia and more than six times greater than those with members in Africa, by 1988 the proportion was only approximately two and a half times greater than those with members in either Africa or Asia.162 Furthermore, the location of INGO secretariats became increasingly dispersed in this period: data collated by Sikkink and Smith indicates that whereas in 1963 77 per cent of the secretariats of INGOs with social change objectives were located in Europe in contrast to 6 per cent in ‘any global South country’, by 1983 this had changed to 68 per cent and 17 per cent respectively.163 Some of the expansion in South-headquartered INGOs is accounted for by the multiplication of INGOs in issue-areas already well-represented 148


in the region by INGOs, such as religion, with the formation of organizations such as the Muslim World League in Makkah in 1962 and Vishva Hindu Parishad in Mumbai in 1964. Further evidence of building on previous trends is provided in the expansion of Latin American INGOs in this period, with notable new Latin American INGOs including Â�Confederación Latinoamericana de Cooperativas de Ahorro y Crédito in 1970 and Servicio Paz y Justicia in 1974. The most remarkable growth in South-headquartered INGOs took place among the African states that became independent in the early 1960s, with significant new INGOs including the Organization of African Trade Union Unity in 1973. A further key development was the formation of South-centred networks, such as the Third World Network established in Penang, Malaysia, in 1984 on account of ‘a growing disillusionment and frustration about the inadequacy of established international agencies (like the UN organisations) in effectively taking up Third World issues’ and the need to provide ‘closer co-operation among NGOs in Third World countries’ that ‘have adopted alternative patterns of development that are based on the fulfilment of self-determined basic needs’.164 Groups such as the Third World Network contrasted with earlier South-oriented INGOs such as AAPSO, not only in their more decentralized nature, but also in their comparative independence from governments. The organization which helped to create the Third World Network, the Consumers Association of Penang (a participant in IOCU), helped spawn a wide range of Southbased networks, such as the Pesticide Action Network (1982), the AsiaPacific People’s Environmental Network (1983), and the World Rainforest Movement (1986), reflecting the growing diversity of South-based INGOs in the period.165 Also reflective of this growing diversity was the establishment of organizations such as the Arab Organization for Human Rights in 1983 and the Asian Women’s Human Rights Council established three years later. â•… While decolonization was to have a significant impact on the geographical dispersal of INGOs, the growth of transnational corporations (TNCs) in this period was to have a considerable impact on forms of INGO mobilization. In 1973 the United Nations reported that ‘In the past quarter of a century the world has witnessed the dramatic development of the multinational corporation into a major phenomenon in international economic relations’, the activities of which ‘rival in terms of scope and implications traditional economic exchanges among nations’.166 149


Â� Foreign direct investment quadrupled between 1960 and 1975 and then more than doubled by 1985, and in 1988 the United Nations described TNCs as ‘the most important actors in the world economy’ given that ‘the biggest TNCs have sales which exceed the aggregate output of most countries’.167 It is in the context of a growing European challenge to the post-war preponderance of US-based TNCs in the early 1970s that the World Economic Forum developed following ‘a meeting of European business leaders in January 1971, to “discuss a coherent strategy for European business to face challenges in the international marketplace”’.168 There also developed in the 1970s significant new INGOs to facilitate international business transactions, such as the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT), a cooperative to facilitate international bank transfers set up in 1973 with support from 239 banks from 15 countries.169 â•… The rise of the TNC as a significant economic and political actor in world politics provided a new target for social change INGOs, alongside the traditional target of governmental and intergovernmental actors. During the 1970s a growing number of national NGOs were formed aimed at promoting corporate social responsibility by corporations based in their countries, such as the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR) created by US churches in 1973. Organizations dedicated to monitoring TNCs were also set up, such as the Transnational Information Exchange established in 1977. In terms of transnational activism, a pioneering case of mobilization against a TNC is provided by the campaign that developed in the 1970s in respect of Nestlé’s marketing of breast milk substitutes in developing countries, highlighted in War on Want’s 1974 pamphlet The Baby Killer. When published in Â�German as Nestlé tötet Babys by Swiss NGO Arbeitsgruppe Dritte Welt (AgDW), Nestlé sued the group for libel, which attracted significant media coverage and stimulated the formation in 1976 of a transnational network to gather information on TNC promotion of baby milk.170 The following year the Infant Formula Action Committee (INFACT) was created in the United States to boycott Nestlé until it ceased promotion of infant formulas, a campaign which spread to Canada, New Zealand and Australia in 1978, the United Kingdom in 1980, Sweden and West Germany in 1981, and France in 1982.171 Following the WHO/Â�UNICEF meeting that was convened to discuss the issue in 1979, War on Want, AgDW, INFACT, ICCR, Oxfam and IOCU formed the International 150


Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN), which aimed ‘to act as a monitor of corporate activity around the world, using the recommendations of the October 1979 meeting as a guideline’ and ‘eventually brought together 100 groups working in sixty-five countries’ in every continent.172 Within two years, the Code of Marketing for Breast Milk Substitutes was adopted by the World Health Assembly, despite US and corporate opposition.173 Finally, in 1984, Nestlé and the International Nestlé Boycott Committee, which had been set up by boycotters in 1979 to negotiate with Nestlé, agreed a joint statement confirming Nestlé’s ‘compliance with the International Code’.174 â•… Over the course of the period from the 1960s until the 1980s, INGO targeting of TNCs contributed to the enrichment of what Paul Wapner refers to as ‘politics beyond the state’ or ‘world civic politics’, by which INGOs help shape world affairs not only by influencing states, but also by ‘working within and across societies themselves’, including by targeting corporations.175 The boycotting of slave-grown goods by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society in the early nineteenth century was indicative that ‘politics beyond the state’ is far from new.176 However, it gained renewed prominence from the 1960s onwards. Amongst the examples cited by Wapner are the decline in demand for seal pelts following a campaign by environmentalist INGOs including Greenpeace from the 1960s onwards, which rendered the 1983 EEC ban on seal pelts that followed the drop in demand ‘an afterthought and ultimately unnecessary’; and the cessation of the practice of catching dolphins in the process of tuna fishing by the three largest tuna companies following the launching of an international non-governmental campaign by the Earth Island Institute in 1985.177 â•… Transnational networking targeting governments in the same period has given rise to another significant concept: the transnational advocacy network operating through the ‘boomerang pattern’ by which ‘when the links between state and domestic actors are severed, domestic NGOs may directly seek international allies to try to bring pressure on their states from outside’.178 As with ‘world civic politics’, transnational advocacy networks date at least to nineteenth-century anti-slavery activism.179 The bestknown examples, however, took place in the late twentieth century, such as the transnational campaign against apartheid in South Africa and the network in respect of Argentine disappearances from 1976, where ‘rapid change occurred because strong domestic human rights organizations doc 151


umented abuses and protested against repression, and international pressures helped protect domestic monitors and open spaces for their protest’.180 The activities of the Argentine Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo inspired relatives of disappeared elsewhere in Latin America, leading to the formation in 1981 of the Latin Â�American Federation of Associations for Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared (FEDEFAM), which lobbied for an international convention on disappearances, and which in turn inspired the creation of similar associations in other continents, such as the Asian Federation against Involuntary Disappearance and the African Network against Forced Disappearances.181 â•… By far the boldest claims with respect to the impact of transnational non-governmental networking in the period from the 1970s onwards relate to the processes which ultimately brought about the end of the Cold War. In the context of the breakdown of détente in the late 1970s and early 1980s, a ‘second generation’ of INGOs in the nuclear disarmament movement was formed, which brought together peace activists from both sides of the Iron Curtain. One of the most important initiatives was launched by US and Soviet physicians, who ‘took advantage of an important “opportunity”: the ill health of the Soviet Union’s ageing leaders’, who approved the sending of a Soviet delegation of physicians to the 1980 conference in Geneva at which International Physicians for Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) was founded.182 In the same year, an Appeal for European Nuclear Disarmament (END) was launched in Great Britain calling for a Europe free of nuclear weapons and a transnational movement to promote this, ‘loyal not to “East” or “West”, but to each other’.183 The signing of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty seven years later was attributed by Gorbachev to ‘powerful anti-nuclear initiatives’ such as IPPNW, without which ‘it is unlikely that this Treaty would have come about’.184 END was to be yet more influential on account of its forging of ‘citizen-to-citizen links across the East– West divide, which even opponents of the peace movement conceded were significant’.185 â•… It may be argued that while peace activism played a role in bringing the Cold War to an end from the top down on account of its influence on intergovernmental agreements such as the INF Treaty, the work of END and human rights groups played a role in bringing the Cold War to an end from the bottom up, by assisting the citizen mobilization against the Communist regimes in central and eastern Europe that culminated 152


in the revolutions of 1989. The 1975 Helsinki Final Act sparked the formation of a ‘transnational Helsinki network’ including groups on both sides of the Cold War divide for the monitoring of its human rights provisions, such as the Moscow Helsinki Group and the US-based Helsinki Watch (now Human Rights Watch).186 On the day that the former disbanded, the latter formed an International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHR) to ‘defend the rights of beleaguered Helsinki groups in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, encourage the formation of Helsinki groups in West European countries where none existed, and establish a coordinating office in Vienna’.187 Following the revolutions of 1989, Václav Havel told Helsinki Watch, ‘I know very well what you did for us, and perhaps without you, our revolution would not be’.188 â•… In the period from the 1960s until the 1980s, INGOs had been influential in transforming national policy (such as in helping provoke the creation of overseas development ministries), intergovernmental policy (for instance, in campaigning for intergovernmental agreements against torture), corporate behaviour (such as in the case of Nestlé’s marketing of breast milk substitutes) and in developments as varied as the creation of the internet and the end of the Cold War. INGO numbers had increased more than tenfold during these three decades, from less than 1,300 in 1960 to more than 14,000 in 1989.189 This expansion included INGOs representing ‘new social movements’ and South-based institutions such as the Third World Network. INGOs dealt with a wider range of issue-areas and had become more geographically dispersed, and there had developed less hierarchical, networked forms of cross-border mobilization. â•… The revitalization of transnational civil society from the 1960s onwards had taken place in the context of the geopolitical divisions on East–West and North–South lines. The issues surrounding these divisions, such as the nuclear arms race and economic inequalities, were the focus for many of the new INGOs of this period. Also important were scientific discoveries, particularly those concerning the natural environment, which transformed transnational action in this field from the 1960s. The emergence of ‘new social movements’ and their transnational organizations took place in the context of cultural, social and economic changes, including the development of ‘youth culture’, ‘post-material’ values and the ‘postindustrial’ economy. Other economic transformations were also significant, with the growing economic and political role of transnational Â€

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corporations forming the context for greater INGO activity in relation to these actors. The ‘third wave’ of democratizations190 that took place in this period expanded national-level political openings, while the convening of United Nations conferences such as the Stockholm conference provided the context for revitalized INGO input into global governance. Developments within transnational civil society itself were also important: the apparent failures of earlier movements, for instance, stimulated the creation of new INGOs such as Amnesty International. Individuals played a particularly crucial role, whether authors such as Rachel Carson, Â� or INGO founders such as Peter Benenson.

From Coalitions to Crisis, 1990 to the Present Day The end of the Cold War, and the apparent role that transnational civil society had played in it, facilitated the perception in the 1990s that civil society could be not only transnational in nature, but even global.191 In 1990, for example, Rein Müllerson argued that ‘it is necessary not only to get rid of “iron curtains,” but to work together to create a global civil society’.192 It was widely noted that the notion of civil society had been critical to those who were ultimately successful in challenging Communism in central and eastern Europe in the 1980s.193 In a landmark article on the ‘emergence of global civil society’ in 1992, Ronnie Lipschutz argued that its development had been facilitated by states’ loss of sovereignty to international and sub-national institutions and governments’ reduced role in welfare provision, and that it was a response to hegemony of the liberal capitalist world order.194 â•… The idea of an emergent global civil society in the early 1990s fitted well with the common perception at the time that it was possible to build a ‘new world order’. US President George H. W. Bush’s speech promoting this objective on 11 September 1990 advocated ‘a world where the rule of law supplants the rule of the jungle’ and a reinvigorated ‘United Nations that performs as envisioned by its founders’.195 The convening of multiple United Nations conferences in the early 1990s was a significant opportunity for ‘global civil society’ to make itself evident. At the Rio Earth Summit held in 1992, 1,400 non-governmental organizations were officially accredited, and about 9,000 took part in an unofficial parallel forum.196 Representatives of INGOs played an important role in the official preparations for the conference, and amongst the outcomes of Â€

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the conference was provision for ‘strengthening the role of major groups’ including INGOs as part of the sustainable development agenda.197 Discussion of women’s human rights at the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights the following year and their inclusion as a key component of the Declaration arising from the conference reflected the impact of the Global Campaign for Women’s Human Rights and the Global Tribunal on Violations of Women’s Human Rights that it organized.198 â•… Consisting of multiple organizations and networks, the Global Â�Campaign for Women’s Human Rights is an example of a global coalition, a form of mobilization that became increasingly prevalent in the 1990s.199 Amongst the most broad-based to develop was CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation which emerged in 1991–3 on the initiative of a range of civil society leaders from North and South America, Europe, Africa, Asia and the Middle East who aimed to form ‘a global alliance of individuals and organisations which might strengthen civil society institutions, advocate for the cause of civil society among the world’s decision-makers and stimulate dialogue among civil society organisations and across the nonprofit, business and public sectors’.200 Like the Union of International Associations founded eighty years before, its principal achievements have included the publishing of data on ‘global civil society’. It achieved a membership of 400 non-governmental organizations by 1997.201 â•… That year a similar-sized global coalition—the International Campaign to Ban Landmines—and its organizer Jody Williams were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize ‘for their work for the banning and clearing of antipersonnel mines’.202 The Campaign’s extensive role in the negotiations leading up to the 1997 Ottawa Landmines Convention was described by the Canadian Foreign Minister as ‘a new type of diplomacy suited to a new era’.203 The following year saw a similar role played by the Coalition for an International Criminal Court in the proceedings leading up to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.204 In both cases, the achievements of the coalitions reflected the new opportunities provided by the post-Cold War context and the coalitions’ working relationship with intergovernmental bodies and responsive states, as well as the coalitions’ well-coordinated and broad-based mobilization.205 â•… Amongst the most frequent targets of transnational coalitions in the 1990s were the international financial institutions: the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The transnational coalition that formed 155


in opposition to the World Bank-funded Narmada Dam played an important part in encouraging the World Bank not only to launch its first independent review into a project funded by it under implementation, but also to set up in 1993 an inspection panel ‘to provide an independent forum to private citizens who believe that they or their interests have been or could be directly harmed by a project financed by the World Bank’.206 In the same year, Transparency International was established on the initiative of Peter Eigen, who had previously endeavoured with little success to pursue an anti-corruption agenda within the World Bank, as an INGO dedicated to combating international corruption.207 â•… New international agreements and intergovernmental organizations that reflected the ascendance of the liberal capitalist world order in this period—such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA, 1994) and the World Trade Organization (WTO, 1995)—provided the context for the development of what is now commonly referred to as the ‘global justice movement’.208 A key turning point is often viewed to have been the Zapatista uprising in Mexico, timed to coincide with the launch of NAFTA in January 1994. This indigenous people’s movement rapidly developed a solidarity network beyond the borders of Mexico through pioneering use of the internet. It also convened in 1996 an Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, which attracted more than 3,000 people from many countries and was to form the model for the later World Social Forums.209 The following year, a broad network of non-governmental bodies mobilizing through the internet played an important part in delegitimizing OECD negotiations for the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, which collapsed in 1998.210 This set the context for the so-called ‘Battle of Seattle’ during the 1999 WTO ministerial meeting in that city. Between 14,000 and 30,000 activists demonstrated in Seattle on a wide range of issues including environmentalism, human rights and labour rights, the bringing together of which is a key feature of the global justice movement.211 â•… Transnational corporations were as commonly the targets of transnational campaigns in the 1990s as governments and intergovernmental organizations. By this time a wide range of strategies had evolved for attempting to bring about corporate change. These included both confrontational methods such as boycotts and shareholder activism (both notably used against Shell in the mid 1990s) and more cooperative Â�methods such as codes of conduct, for example the Coalition for Envi156


ronmentally Responsible Economies (CERES) principles (1989), and the Clean Clothes Campaign’s model code (1998).212 In respect of confrontational strategies, the internet provided not only a new means of communication for activists, but also a new means of non-violent coercion through ‘hacktivist’ techniques such as denial of service attacks, website hijacking and defacement, and mass emailing.213 As for cooperative methods, the decade witnessed remarkable growth in the number of private certification schemes, such as the Forest Stewardship Council (1993), Marine Stewardship Council (1997) and Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (1997). â•… By the turn of the millennium the number of INGOs had expanded considerably, although growth in the 1990s had been at a slower rate than in the 1980s. It is estimated that between 1989 and 1999 the number of INGOs increased by 21 per cent, from 14,333 to 17,364.214 Amongst the new organizations to be established in this period were bodies aiming to speak on behalf of previously under-represented groups in transnational civil society, such as officially unrepresented peoples in the case of the Unrepresented Peoples and Nations Organization (set up in the Hague in 1991), peasants in the case of La Via Campesina (established in Mons, Belgium, in 1993), shack and slum dwellers in the case of Shack/Slum Dwellers International (founded in South Africa in 1996), and migrants and asylum seekers in the case of the No Border Network (established in 1999).215 Other new INGOs aimed to promote previously neglected ideas: the Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and for Citizens’ Action (ATTAC) that was established in France in 1998, for example, drew reinvigorated attention to James Tobin’s 1972 proposal for a tax on all spot conversions of currencies.216 New transnational issues on the international agenda also stimulated the formation of new INGOs, with the issue of HIV/AIDS stimulating the creation of the International Council of AIDS Service Organizations in 1990, the International Community of Women Living with HIV/AIDS in 1992, the International HIV/AIDS Alliance in 1993 and the International AIDS Â�Vaccine Initiative in 1996.217 In addition, new INGOs were formed as a result of the development of new technologies, most notably the internet with respect to which were founded the Internet Society in 1992 to ‘provide assistance and support to groups and organizations involved in the use, operation, and evolution of the Internet’ and the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) in 1998, in part ‘to set pol 157


icy for and direct the allocation of number blocks to regional number registries for the assignment of Internet addresses’.218 The US government paper from which ICANN originated provided the rationale for its creation: ‘As the Internet becomes commercial, it becomes inappropriate for U.S. research agencies … to participate in and fund these functions … We propose the creation of a private, not-for-profit corporation (the new corporation) to manage the coordinated functions in a stable and open institutional framework.’219 â•… The growth rate of INGO formation in the 1990s varied considerably between different regions of the world. For example, the rate of formation of new INGOs in Asia was approximately one third higher than that in western Europe, a contrast which may be attributed in part to the differences in the rates of population growth and political and economic development in these regions, as well as the different starting points in respect of pre-existing numbers of INGOs.220 Organizational forms which had previously been under-represented in Asia expanded in number: with respect to the promotion of human rights in the region, for instance, in 1994 the Asia Pacific Human Rights Information Centre was set up in Osaka and the Asia Pacific Human Rights NGOs Facilitating Team in Bangkok, and four years later the Asia Pacific Human Rights Network in New Delhi. In 1997 the Asian Network for Free Elections was established, claiming to be ‘Asia’s first regional network of civil society organizations’ and aiming ‘to promote and support democratization at national and regional levels in Asia’.221 Following the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the expansion in the number of INGOs founded in eastern Europe in the 1990s was even faster (at a rate approximately eight times greater than that in western Europe), with new formations including the Network of East–West Women in Croatia in 1991 and the Environmental Partnership for Sustainable Development established in the same year in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland. Although the expansion of INGOs in Africa was at a similar rate to that in western Europe in the 1990s, this region also witnessed the formation of significant new INGOs in this period, such as the African Business Roundtable (1990), the African Refugees Foundation (1993), Africa Humanitarian Action (1994), the Africa Infrastructure Foundation (1994) and the African Women Empowerment Guild (1995). Among Arabic-speaking countries notable new INGOs included the Arab NGO Network for Environment and Development (1990) and the Arab NGO Network for Development (1996).222 Â€

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â•… The prospect of a new millennium was perceived by many transnational civil society actors to be a significant opportunity to extend their efforts. Motivated by the belief that ‘the Biblical tradition calls for a Jubilee year, when slaves are set free and debts cancelled’, the first Jubilee 2000 campaign was formally launched in 1996 by a coalition of UKbased Christian and development INGOs.223 By the year 2000 there were sixty-nine associated coalitions around the world, and the signatures of 24 million people in more than sixty countries had been acquired for a petition demanding the cancellation of unaffordable debts of poor countries.224 It is claimed that the Jubilee 2000 movement ‘achieved levels of debt cancellation far beyond what its supporters initially thought possible’ and ‘moved donors to more than double the amount of debt relief on offer’ through the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative of the international financial institutions.225 â•… In the first year of the new millennium, an even bolder transnational civil society project was launched: the World Social Forum (WSF). The progenitor of this initiative was a Brazilian entrepreneur, Oded Grajew, who had played an important role in promoting corporate social responsibility and wider dialogue between business and civil society in Brazil through organizations such as the Ethos Institute for Business and Social Responsibility. At the time of the World Economic Forum in 2000, Â�Grajew put forward the idea for an alternative forum to ‘show to people that another globalization is possible. Another world is possible when you make the first step the social, not the economic.’226 The support of a range of Brazilian and international NGOs was secured (including the Landless Workers Movement, the Brazilian Business Association for Citizenship and ATTAC), as was the financial assistance of the Ford Foundation and the Workers’ Party-controlled Brazilian regional authorities, enabling the first World Social Forum to take place in January 2001, which brought together 5,000 civil society representatives from 117 countries in addition to thousands of activists from Brazil.227 The organizers decided that the Forum should continue as ‘an open meeting place for reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals, free exchange of experiences and interlinking for effective action, by groups and movements of civil society that are opposed to neoliberalism and to domination of the world by capital and any form of imperialism, and are committed to building a planetary society directed towards fruitful relationships among Humankind and between it and the Earth’.228 159


â•… The optimism of the World Social Forum’s slogan ‘another world is possible’ was mirrored in the considerable literature on the ‘rise’ of transnational civil society that had developed over the course of the 1990s. In one study of the subject published at the turn of the millennium, for instance, Ann Florini argued that ‘the power of transnational civil society manifests itself at virtually every stage of policy making’ and ‘transnational civil society may be creating the basis of a global polity’.229 New research centres were established in multiple universities dedicated to the study of the apparently emerging global civil society, and the Centre for the Study of Global Governance at the London School of Economics and Political Science used the onset of the new millennium to launch a series of Global Civil Society yearbooks, the objective of which—‘to provide the beginnings of a systematic profile of the contours, composition, and developments of global civil society’—echoed that of the Annuaires de la Vie Internationale produced by the International Institute of Peace and the Union of International Associations nearly a century earlier.230 â•… A common characteristic of much of this literature was emphasis upon apparent achievements of transnational civil society in the 1990s, the significance of which may be called into question. For example, one of the most celebrated apparent achievements was the supposed ‘significant victory’ of a coalition of peace associations ‘in persuading governments to adopt UN resolutions asking the International Court of Justice (ICJ), or World Court, for its first-ever advisory opinion on the legal status of the threat or use of nuclear weapons’ in 1996.231 The outcome was an ambiguous opinion, arguing both that ‘the threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, and in particular the principles and rules of humanitarian law’ and that ‘there is in neither customary nor conventional international law any comprehensive and universal prohibition of the threat or use of nuclear weapons as such’.232 Moreover, given that—as the Court itself highlighted in its opinion—the Court ‘states the existing law and does not legislate’, the World Court Project was of limited significance in terms of transforming international law, let alone states’ practices.233 â•… The situation was similar in respect of many other celebrated campaigns of the 1990s, such as the International Campaign to Ban Landmines. When receiving the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf of this organization, Jody Williams proclaimed that ‘Together we are a superpower!’234 However, this claim looks somewhat hollow if it is considered that all of the states 160


with a realistic claim to superpower status—China, Russia and the United States—remain non-signatories to the Ottawa Landmines Convention. Apparent achievements such as the World Court opinion on nuclear weapons and the Ottawa Landmines Convention seem small, indeed, compared with many of the major developments to which INGOs contributed in earlier periods of history discussed in this volume.235 â•… Further developments that appeared to signal the ascent of transnational civil society in the 1990s may also be called into question. The expansion in the number of INGOs, for instance, may reflect a growing division of transnational civil society into low-membership organizations. Theda Skocpol observed that at the national level in the United States ‘between the 1970s and the 1990s older voluntary membership federations rapidly dwindled, while new social movements and professionally managed civic organizations took to the field in huge numbers’.236 The same can be said of developments internationally. Older mass-Â� membership organizations saw participation rates dwindle, especially in the case of the labour movement: a 1997 International Labour Organization report indicated that ‘workers’ organizations are experiencing serious difficulties almost everywhere and are losing members’.237 Even an organization as venerable as the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies appears to have seen its membership halve during the 1990s, following an increase during the 1980s.238 â•… While large-membership organizations commonly witnessed declining participation, the number of exceptionally specialist INGOs increased remarkably in the 1990s. Examples from 1993 include the International Hologram Manufacturers Association, the World Association of Â�Lebanese Neurosurgeons and the World Potato Congress. This proliferation of specialist INGOs echoes that which took place in the decade before the First World War, although many of the concerns of that period, such as temperance and Esperanto, had long since faded in popularity. â•… It has commonly been argued that as older, hierarchical, membershipbased INGOs faced declining participation, transnational civil society in the 1990s increasingly featured more horizontal, decentralized, networkbased forms of mobilization, such as became especially prominent in the development of the ‘global justice’ movement.239 Some argue that within this movement there developed ‘submerged networks’ such as the Movement Against Economic Globalization (INPEG) that ‘come to the fore only around certain campaigns or exercise resistance through a particu 161


lar lifestyle’.240 It is commonly argued that these ‘attempts to practice politics in horizontal network-based ways … are meant to be more participatory and democratic than conventional structures’.241 However, as David Chandler has argued, the ‘rejection of … mass politics’ that is characteristic of these forms of mobilization may instead reflect the ascendance of a ‘new breed of post-modern activist [who] is more concerned to act as a moral individual than to engage in collective political action’.242 â•… As well as being characterized by diminished reliance upon mass membership politics, transnational civil society in the decade following the end of the Cold War also featured a growing homogenization of activities. The dataset on transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) produced by Smith and Wiest indicates that the proportion of TSMOs with a multi-issue focus following 1988 was approximately double that in the period before 1976.243 Many INGOs that had previously developed a strong reputation in particular fields broadened the scope of their activities far beyond their initial areas of concern in the 1990s. In the case of aid and development INGOs, a noted trend was a growing concern for international advocacy among those that had previously primarily focused on service delivery. The various national Oxfams, for instance, united in 1995 to form an international advocacy office in Washington, DC.244 Oxfam International, which was founded in the same year, concerned itself not only with issues with which the Oxfams had traditionally been associated such as emergency relief and aid Â�distribution, but also issues as varied as peace and security, indigenous people’s rights and climate change.245 From the opposite direction, organizations initially primarily concerned with civil and political human rights increasingly turned their attention to issues such as poverty and armed conflict, with for instance Amnesty International becoming increasingly involved in these issues under the direction of Pierre Sané.246 The blurring of agendas became most apparent in the development of coalitions with the aim of resisting economic neo-liberalism: a Friends of the Earth spokesperson was quoted in 2002 stating that ‘For the past 10 years we have been locating ourselves more in the bigger economic debate … By the time that we got to Seattle we are all campaigning on the same basic trend.’247 â•… However, far from undermining neo-liberal globalization, much of transnational civil society became co-opted by it.248 In the post-Cold War era, businesses became increasingly adept at forming INGOs of their 162


own to campaign on the major issues of the era. In 1995, for instance, the World Business Council for Sustainable Development was created, which has the aim of promoting ‘business leadership as a catalyst for sustainable development and to support the business license to operate, innovate and grow in a world increasingly shaped by sustainable development issues’.249 As for INGOs of independent origin, these increasingly cooperated with businesses in multi-stakeholder initiatives such as the Ethical Trading Initiative (1998), the Fair Labor Association (1998), the Global Reporting Initiative (1997) and Social Accountability International (1997). The effect of the homogenization of INGOs’ activities and their co-optation by business has been a diminishing of genuine alternatives at the global level.250 â•… At the regional level, on the other hand, divisions within transnational civil society became increasingly apparent in the 1990s. Divisions in transnational civil society along East–West lines that had emerged during the Cold War continued into the post-Cold War era, even as intergovernmental relations improved: in respect of the international trade union movement, for instance, the division between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions was to continue to the present day.251 As for the North–South divide, Jackie Smith has noted that whereas ‘before the mid 1980s, most transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) organized across the North–South divide … since the mid 1980s data show that more TSMOs are organized exclusively within either the global North or South’.252 Whereas 72 per cent of TSMOs formed before 1990 were transÂ�regional, this was the case in respect of only 47 per cent of those formed after 1989.253 According to Smith this reflects the seizing of new regional opportunity structures provided by institutions such as the European Union, but she acknowledges that ‘polarization may … explain … some of this shift towards regional organizing’.254 â•… Regional polarization of transnational civil society in the decade following the end of the Cold War was exacerbated by many of the activities of those aiming to work across the North–South divide. While a convergence of environmentalist and development agendas is suggested by the ascent of ‘sustainable development’ discourse in the post-Cold War era, a number of campaigns with this agenda in mind have been vulnerable to the critique that the environmental dimension has been promoted at the expense of the alleviation of poverty. This has commonly been 163


observed in relation to campaigns opposing the development of large dams, such as Nam Theun 2, which faced ‘NGO reports … [that] exaggerated the biodiversity importance of the future reservoir basin, much of which was already degraded’ and which ‘ignored … the extreme impoverishment of the local population’, as well as the possibility of much greater destruction if dam-building were to take place without World Bank safeguards.255 Transnational non-governmental campaigns with well-intended objectives in the 1990s all too commonly had counterproductive outcomes, such as the promotion in 1993 in the United States of a ban on textile imports made by child labour that may have ‘forced young girls into much more abusive forms of work such as street trading, domestic work, and prostitution’.256 The movement against the Multilaterial Agreement on Investment may also have ‘fought the wrong enemy’ in opposing an agreement that may have benefited developing economies.257 â•… Much of the infrastructure of transnational civil society in the postCold War years remained geographically limited: three-quarters of TSMOs, for instance, were still headquartered in the global ‘North’.258 North-based humanitarian and development INGOs were particularly vulnerable to critique for their questionable legitimacy and accountability, given the social divide between those whom they aimed to serve and those on whom they depended for funding.259 It has commonly been noted that in the development field in the post-Cold War era there was ‘a rapid growth in NGO service provision, as neoliberal development policies … emphasized a decreasing role for governments as direct service providers’.260 The substantial role for NGOs in some developing countries may have had the impact of weakening already fragile state institutions.261 It has even been argued that humanitarian assistance may have contributed towards the collapse of state structures in 1990s Â�Somalia.262 The weakening by transnational civil society actors of state structures in developing countries was one among the many factors that helped to open up space for illiberal non-state actors. Failed states became bases for fundamentalist organizations, including groups associated with al-Qaeda, which was responsible for the terrorist attacks on the United States of 11 September 2001 that were to have a profound effect upon international relations, including transnational civil society.263 â•… Whereas between 1999 and 2000 the number of recorded INGOs had increased from 17,364 to 18,323, the figure dropped in 2001 to 18,067.264 Although INGO numbers appear to have recovered in the subsequent 164


seven years, much of this expansion was accounted for by continued regional polarization of transnational civil society: estimates indicate that regional INGOs increased in number at a rate 81 per cent greater than other INGOs.265 The developing transnationalization of far right and other extremist groups was a key feature of the polarization of the first decade of the twenty-first century.266 It has been argued that ‘In terms of the positions on globalisation, it could be said that the early 2000s were dominated by regressives and rejectionists (neoliberals, global warriors and jihadists, and those who favour a return to the nation state and sovereignty)’.267 By contrast, many liberal INGOs that had previously flourished in the late twentieth century were to collapse in the new millennium. Amongst the most notorious examples was the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights, which according to its former President ‘was forced to submit a request of bankruptcy’ in 2007 on account of the organization’s former financial manager ‘having embezzled a large amount of money over several years’.268 Wider aspects of ‘global civil society’ deteriorated in the first decade of the twenty-first century, too: for instance, World Values Survey data indicate that the importance attached to ‘tolerance and respect for other people’ in China, India and the United States, having increased in the 1990s, decreased in the first decade of the twenty-first century.269 â•… The financial crisis of 2008 further compounded the challenges facing transnational civil society. After two decades of growth, development aid originating from non-governmental sources fell in 2009 by 7 per cent.270 For some INGOs, revenues decreased dramatically: the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, for instance, saw net voluntary contributions decline from CHF 459,569,000 in 2008 to CHF 287,282,000 in 2009.271 INGO numbers declined again, as they had done in 2001, with an estimated 21,991 operating in 2008 falling to 21,684 in 2009.272 Among the casualties of the financial crisis was Healthlink Worldwide (formerly Appropriate Health Resources Technologies Action Group), which was dissolved following ‘a severe financial shortfall for the organisation’s running costs’.273 In contrast to the considerable international coordination of transnational civil society mobilization in response to economic globalization in earlier years, it has been argued that ‘the reaction of civil society to the global crisis of 2008 … mainly emerged at the national level’ in the immediate aftermath of the crisis.274 â•… Much of what had been celebrated in the 1990s as landmark achievements for transnational civil society turned out in the following decade 165


to have had limited impact. This was especially evident in respect of the Beijing Platform for Action agreed at the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women, in which it was widely thought that ‘the role of NGOs was highlighted, perhaps more strongly than ever before’ and which was believed at the time to have ‘established clearly that women are a global force for the twenty-first century’.275 A decade later, the United Nations official responsible for supporting the negotiations argued that ‘it seems that we were wrong … The ten-year review … was barely able to adopt an anodyne one-page declaration that said that the Platform was still valid.’276 â•… Many of the campaigns that appeared to have been successful in the 1990s were to face insurmountable obstacles in the following decade. The International Campaign to Ban Landmines, for instance, proved unable to convince the leading non-signatories to the Ottawa Landmines Convention—China, Russia and the United States—to adjust their position. In some cases, INGOs’ activities may have impeded progress. Negotiations taking forward the climate change arrangements agreed at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, for example, made greater progress at the 2010 Cancun talks, at which INGOs were comparatively marginalized, than at the 2009 Copenhagen summit, at which non-governmental lobbying efforts were greatly more extensive, and following which the Director of the German NGO Forum on Environment and Development, Juergen Maier, challenged NGOs ‘to take a self-critical look at themselves and ask to what extent they actually contributed to the poor result of the climate negotiations’.277 â•… The large collaborative projects of international non-governmental actors that had become a key feature of transnational civil society by the turn of the millennium commonly failed to meet the expectations that they had raised. In the case of the most ambitious initiative, the World Social Forum, the first few years of its existence witnessed remarkable growth: regional social forums were established in Europe and Africa in 2002 and in Asia in 2003, and participation in the global event peaked at 155,000 in 2005, a year in which large-scale global civil society events of all types also reached a peak.278 However, despite their events being held in three locations around the world in 2006, participation in the WSF declined that year by nearly a quarter.279 It was to fall again when held in Nairobi the following year, by which time accusations of having descended into ‘just another NGO fair’ had become prevalent.280 According to Karen Worth and Owen Buckley, the WSF had ‘become a funfair 166


for the expression of ideas from academics and NGO/government workers, which has led to a form of elitism that the WSF attempted to avoid at its inception’.281 The WSF’s claim that ‘another world is possible’ has looked increasingly hollow. â•… New transnational coalitions of NGOs formed in the first decade of the twenty-first century commonly found that they were unable to build on the apparent achievements of earlier coalitions. A notable example is the Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) formed in 2004, which with more than 100 national coalitions and over 300 supporting organizations from six continents claims to be ‘the world’s largest civil society movement calling for an end to poverty and inequality’.282 While its aims echo those of the earlier Jubilee 2000 campaign, GCAP has to date failed to emulate its achievements. Although GCAP appeared to play an important role in persuading G8 leaders in 2005 to double Official Development Assistance, Willetts has argued that governments ‘in practice did not deliver on this promise’.283 â•… As for loose, horizontal transnational networks of activists, even highly extensive examples of these often failed to wield the influence they desired in the years following the attacks of 11 September 2001. Amongst the most notable cases were the mobilizations in opposition to the US-led intervention in Iraq in 2003. On a day of transnationally coordinated action, 15 February 2003, 16 million people around the world are estimated to have protested against the intervention.284 Hailed by some authors as ‘a peaceful superpower’, the movement could do nothing to prevent the invasion that took place the next month.285 In the reconstruction activities following the US-led invasions of Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003, many aid organizations found that they could not effectively carry out humanitarian work and had to leave, their activities paralleled by those of US governmental initiatives.286 â•… The resilience of the state in the twenty-first century is an often-noted phenomenon.287 While there are many aspects to this resilience, several of the most notable apply to the state’s relationship with INGOs and transnational civil society. In some respects, governments’ ability to exclude non-state actors from decision-making may have been enhanced in the twenty-first century. At the international level, for instance, the new millennium saw previous consultative mechanisms of intergovernmental organizations dissolved, such as the NGO–World Bank Committee, which was replaced by a World Bank–Civil Society Forum; this 167


Forum has been accused of ‘pitting northern and southern NGOs against one another’ and having ‘greatly reduced’ the influence of international NGOs.288 At the national level, governments may also have enhanced their ability to limit the activities of transnational civil society actors, such as through legislation requiring compulsory registration of NGOs.289 â•… It may further be argued that governments have increased their capaÂ� city to manipulate INGOs. Amongst the best-known mechanisms is making INGOs dependent on governments for funding: between 2008 and 2009 alone government funding of humanitarian NGOs is estimated to have increased by 10 per cent.290 A more direct means of manipulation has been through initiation of GONGOs (government-organized non-governmental organizations), recent examples of which may include the International Council for Democratic Institutions and State Sovereignty (apparently a Russian government front organization)291 and Hugo Chavez’s Bolivarian Circles.292 â•… States’ resilience in the twenty-first century has been commonly underpinned by reinvigorated nationalism. Echoing the situation 100 years before, it has been argued that ‘in the early twenty-first century ethnic nationalism appears to be the world’s most ubiquitous, intractable and devastating socio-political force’.293 While much of the evidence for transnational civil society may be impressive, the scale of nationalist sentiment may be even greater. A comparison between two of the world’s largest petitions is indicative: whereas that of the internationalist Jubilee 2000 coalition acquired 24 million adherents in 166 countries, a petition circulated in China five years later opposing Japanese permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council appears to have received the support of 41 million people in forty-one countries.294 â•… The limitations of transnational civil society in the first decade of the new millennium are explained by a range of factors, including dynamics both external and internal to transnational civil society. As has been outlined in the foregoing paragraphs the geopolitical divisions of the twentyfirst century along regional and religious lines formed the context within which transnational civil society also became increasingly regionally divided. The economic downturn towards the end of the decade has further been shown to have constrained the resources of transnational civil society actors. More generally, the broad context of globalization, which in the late twentieth century was facilitative of the flourishing of transnational civil society, at the same time facilitated the development of 168


transnational non-state actors that use far from civil methods, such as global terrorist networks, as well as xenophobic nationalist movements which may prey on those struggling to compete in the globalized world economy.295 Even the information technologies which have in some respects facilitated transnational civil society mobilization have also proven effective as instruments of governmental monitoring and suppression of civil society activities.296 â•… Transnational civil society itself may have contributed towards the processes which limited its operation in the early twenty-first century. The development of fundamentalist and nationalist groups that challenge the values of transnational civil society, for instance, may in part be a reaction to a perceived threat to local cultures of the supposedly ‘global’ concerns of transnational civil society actors, which all too commonly have been susceptible to portrayal as ‘virtually a fifth column for Western interests’.297 Acceptance of governmental funding by INGOs can enhance such perceptions, which are compounded by the susceptibility of many INGOs to accusations of being ‘unelected and accountable only to their funders’.298 One of the most prominent trends of the twenty-first century has been the apparent co-optation of transnational civil society actors by corporate and governmental agents of neo-liberal globalization, not only through funding but also through integration in multi-stakeholder corporate social responsibility schemes. This may have contributed to the appeal of fundamentalist and nationalist alternatives. â•… Despite the setbacks of the first decade of the twenty-first century, transnational civil society actors were not without achievements in this period. For instance, although there was waning governmental interest in United Nations global conferences following the ‘mega conferences’ of the 1990s,299 non-governmental access may have increased, such as at the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg at which civil society representatives were consulted at multiple stages of negotiations.300 In addition, although the number of new transnational coalitions of INGOs declined, some of those that were established were not without impact, such as the Cluster Munition Coalition established in 2003 which is credited with playing a role in securing the 2008 Convention on Cluster Munitions.301 In respect of humanitarian relief, it is thought that, in response to the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami of 2004, INGOs ‘broke new ground’ in terms of the extent of their contribution.302 169


â•… Although the Cold War division of the international trade union movement between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the ‘free’ trade unions continued into the twenty-first century, other divisions in the international trade union movement were reconciled, with the ‘Christian’ trade unions in the World Confederation of Labour joining with ICFTU in 2006 to form the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC). Another notable development in the early twenty-first century was the proliferation of ‘solidarity economy networks’ that endeavoured to show how genuine alternatives to neo-liberal economic globalization were viable, such as the Intercontinental Network for the Promotion of the Social Solidarity Economy (RIPESS).303 Other novel INGOs took further the exploitation of new technologies to advance social causes, notably Avaaz, which ‘operates only through the Internet’, mobilizing more than 2 million supporters in online petitions on multiple issues, and which is said to have had an ‘astonishing’ impact at the 2007 Bali climate change summit, when the Canadian government’s delegation credited Avaaz with motivating the delegation’s change of position.304 â•… Considerable efforts were also made by existing INGOs to address criticisms of their accountability and legitimacy. The first decade of the twenty-first century saw the establishment of new coalitions directly addressing the issue of INGO accountability, such as the Humanitarian Accountability Project. In 2006, the International NGOs Accountability Charter was launched, aiming to be ‘the authoritative voice and standard code of practice for all INGOs’.305 Other coalitions made efforts towards diversifying their membership beyond their rich-country origins: Publish What You Pay, for example, expanded from a coalition of six OECD-based groups in 2002 to a global campaign of 600 groups by 2011, four-fifths of which were based in developing countries.306 In the reverse direction, some INGOs previously based in developing countries set up fund-raising offices in developed countries: for instance, the Â�Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), which claims to be ‘the largest development organisation in the world … employing more than 60,000 people’ opened ‘resource mobilisation organisations’ in Great Britain and the United States in 2006.307 â•… The bridging of geographical divides by the transformed structures of organizations such as BRAC and Publish What You Pay was paralleled by efforts towards bridging cultural divides by other elements of transnational civil society. While peace activism such as that in opposition to 170


the Iraq invasion of 2003 may have failed to prevent the intervention, it has been credited with helping to challenge perceptions of a so-called ‘clash of civilizations’ at the popular level.308 Possibly the largest petition ever to have been gathered apparently obtained in 2008 the support of more than 60 million Pakistanis in opposition to terrorism.309 There were also numerous new initiatives in the early twenty-first century aimed specifically at the promotion of intercultural dialogue and understanding, such as the Anna Lindh Foundation established in 2005 and claiming to run ‘the largest and most diverse Network of civil society organizations involved in the promotion of intercultural dialogue across the Mediterranean’, and the Global Movements of Moderates launched in Malaysia in 2012 as ‘a loose confederation of like-minded individuals, organisations, state-actors, non-state actors and intelligentsia committed to promoting an enduring and just peace by beseeching the need for critical engagement that corresponds to the universal principles of justice, excellence and equilibrium’.310 â•… In regions of the world that at the time remained dominated by illiberal forms of government, there were signs of opening up and development of civil society space at the onset of the twenty-first century. In China, for instance, a 700 per cent increase in social unrest instances was noted in the decade to 2004, as was ‘growth in registered and unregistered NGOs’.311 In 2007, ‘the world’s largest ever text message campaign’ is credited with resulting in the suspension of plans for the building of a chemical plant in Xiamen.312 Among Arab countries, numerous ‘Arab reform’ initiatives were launched in the first decade of the twenty-first century, with 2004 alone witnessing the Arab NGOs Beirut Summit, the Doha Declaration of Democracy and Reform, the Alexandria Charter and the Sana’a Declaration.313 Initiatives for the promotion of human rights in Arab states also multiplied, including the Arab Centre for International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Education (2000) and the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (2003). More significantly, protest movements such as Kifaya in Egypt have been associated with ‘a new emphasis on political ethics and social civility … to replace preoccupations with “political Islam” of the 1990s’.314 â•… The Arab Spring of 2011, for which movements such as Kifaya provided part of the context, featured significant transnational dimensions. In addition to regional dynamics such as the demonstration effects of developments in Tunisia upon other Arab countries, there were signifi 171


cant transregional processes. In the case of the Egyptian revolution, for instance, activists leading the 6 April youth movement that played a crucial role in organizing demonstrations in January 2011 were trained by an INGO set up in Serbia in 2003 to ‘support nonviolent democratic movements through transfer of knowledge on strategies and tactics of nonviolent struggle … worldwide’.315 A better-known transregional dynamic in the Arab Spring has been the role of global social media such as Facebook and Twitter.316 The events in Arab countries were in turn to influence protest movements further afield, including for political reform in China and Russia, as well as the ‘Occupy’ movement in the United States and beyond which claimed to be ‘fighting back against the corrosive power of major banks and multinational corporations over the democratic process’.317 â•… Given the context of the Arab Spring and its effects, it might appear that the second decade of the twenty-first century marks the onset of a new cycle in the evolution of transnational civil society.318 Statistics from the beginning of the decade may support this assertion. Having previously fallen, INGO numbers appear to have risen in 2010 by 6.4 per cent.319 Similarly, it appears that some INGOs recovered in 2010 from the economic fallout of the 2008 financial crisis, with the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies’ net voluntary contributions in 2010 nearly double those of 2009.320 â•… Despite indications of recovery such as these, transnational civil society remains in a fragile state in the second decade of the twenty-first century. Many of the efforts towards reform of transnational civil society actors remain limited: the International NGOs Accountability Charter, for example, acquired the participation of just twenty-five INGOs as full members by June 2013.321 Initiatives for reform of international economic relations, such as ‘solidarity economy networks’, also remain exceptionally limited. Furthermore, governments have retained considerable ability to control and curtail civil society actors: four-fifths of the growth of registered NGOs in China, for instance, is accounted for by the formation of GONGOs.322 Many of the principal efforts towards intercultural dialogue—including the Anna Lindh Foundation and the Global Â�Movement of Moderates—are also of governmental rather than grassroots origin, while non-governmental efforts towards transnationalization of the far right, such as the attempt to create a pan-European ‘anti-Islamic alliance’, have persisted.323 At the grassroots level, regional and religious divisions 172


continue to limit the prospects for transnational civil society: while new liberal actors may have been critical to the protests that facilitated the removal of authoritarian leaders in the Arab Spring, it is religious movements including and inspired by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood that have tended to benefit electorally.324 As yet, transnational civil society has not transformed into a truly global civil society.

173

CONCLUSION

Transnational civil society and international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), far from being ‘“new” forces in international politics’ as is all too commonly assumed in existing work,1 have been shown in this volume to have an extensive history, dating to the eighteenth century and even earlier. This volume has further revealed the considerable significance of these phenomena in the major transformations of world politics in the last two centuries. From specific developments such as the French and American Revolutions, the formation of the League of Nations and United Nations, decolonization and the ending of the Cold War, to wider phenomena such as democratization and the reduced conceivability of direct great power war, the contemporary history of international relations is incomplete without taking into account the role of transnational civil society actors. â•… The scale of transnational civil society activities in the past has commonly exceeded that of such activities in the present, especially if participation as a proportion of the world’s population is taken into account. If one compares, for example, transnational mobilization for disarmament in the early 1930s with ‘global justice’ mobilization in the postCold War era, a greater proportion of the world’s population signed the 1930s women’s disarmament petition than the Jubilee 2000 petition, and a greater proportion of the world’s population took part in the International Consultative Group than the Global Call to Action against Poverty.2 Transnational civil society may also be more divided in the present day than in earlier phases: whereas before the Second World War the majority of INGOs claimed to be universal, the splits which developed in the Cold War era have in many cases continued in the post-Cold War era. This is the case with the international trade union movement, which

175


remains divided between the World Federation of Trade Unions and the International Trade Union Confederation. Furthermore, apparent achievements of transnational civil society in the post-Cold War era, such as the Ottawa landmines convention, limited debt reduction agreements and the collapse of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, appear small indeed when compared with earlier developments to which transnational civil society contributed, such as the abolition of the slave trade and women’s enfranchisement in many countries. â•… As this volume has also revealed, accounts of the origins of the two World Wars and the Cold War, and perceptions of a supposed ‘clash of civilizations,’ are also incomplete without reference to transnational civil society actors. So, while it has been common to believe that the evolution of transnational civil society has taken place in a linear pattern, this volume has suggested an alternative, cyclical account. Peaks of transnational civil society activism were reached in the first decade of the twentieth century, the early 1930s and the late 1990s. In each of these periods, INGOs formed large coalitions around major issues, and made claims with respect to their apparently unprecedented significance. In all three cases, such assertions were followed by periods of contraction and fragmentation. â•… Just as globalization and fragmentation in general terms have tended to exist in a dialectical relationship,3 so too have liberal transnational civil society actors and illiberal forms of mobilization, whether internationalism and nationalism before the First World War, or ‘global justice’ activism and religious intolerance in the contemporary era. In its exploration of each of the three major ‘peaks’ and ‘troughs’ of transnational civil society activism, this volume has shown the importance of technological changes, environmental factors, economic developments, social changes and external political circumstances, as well as of transnational civil society itself in explaining the evolution. In the case of all these factors, there is an important distinction to be made between short-term and longterm impacts. In some cases, such as the World Wars, factors that in the short term have been inhibitive of transnational civil society activities have in the long term facilitated reconstruction. On the other hand, in the case of many other factors, while in the short term the impact upon transnational civil society may have been facilitative, in the long term the factor has also served to undermine the phenomenon. Â€

176

CONCLUSION

The Three Waves of Transnational Civil Society Before the mid eighteenth century, the variety of what are now termed INGOs was limited, consisting of institutions such as religious orders, charities, missionary societies, merchant associations, fraternal societies and scientific bodies. The period from the mid eighteenth until the mid nineteenth centuries was a significant period of transition, as multiple new INGOs were formed in a greatly expanded variety of fields, including, inter alia, anti-slavery, art, communication, communism, cooperation, education, exploration, imperial trading, indigenous rights, lifesaving, peace, prison reform, republicanism, standardization, vaccination and women’s emancipation. Although many of these associations were shortlived and geographically limited in scope, they provided precedents for the more numerous, more enduring and more diverse INGOs that were established from the 1870s until the 1890s. At the onset of the twentieth century the number of INGOs could be counted in the hundreds, and some, such as the International Co-operative Alliance, could count their membership in the millions. The geographical reach of many INGOs by this point was already intercontinental, and their influence had been evident in national policy (in respect of women’s right to vote in Â�Oceania), international policy (at the 1899 Hague Peace Conference) and transnational policy (in the setting of transnational standards such as the phonetic alphabet). Following the formation in the first decade of the twentieth century of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, such as at the second Hague Conference and in the form of the Union of International Associations, the second decade of the twentieth century, even before the onset of the First World War, saw INGO formations and international meetings decline, and dissolutions of INGOs increase dramatically.4 â•… While some sectors of transnational civil society failed to recover from the impact of the First World War, for others, particularly INGOs beyond Europe and those concerned with post-war reconstruction, the First World War provided new opportunities. Following this conflict, INGO growth took place at a rate even greater than in the nineteenth century, and many of the new INGOs of this era were more concerned with practical action and had a larger membership and financial base than those preceding the war. Transnational civil society had a significant impact on the Paris peace settlement, including the creation of the League of Nations. The League 177


of Nations in turn developed an extensive working relationship with INGOs, exceeding that of the United Nations era, and in the 1920s INGOs had a wider influence, such as in the development of the Dawes Plan. As in the period preceding the First World War, however, the 1930s saw the formation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs, such as the International Consultative Group, just as INGO revenues, memberships and new formations began to decline, governmental manipulation of INGOs increased, and transnational civil society became increasingly polarized along the geopolitical divisions of the period. â•… The Second World War had a similar impact on transnational civil society to the First, its initial detrimental consequences counterbalanced by the facilitation of organizational expansion beyond Europe and in response to the conflict’s consequences. Sectors of transnational civil society played a part in the deterioration of international relations culminating in the Cold War, a period during which transnational civil society experienced divisions along not only East–West but also North–South lines following decolonization in Asia and Africa. Nevertheless, the Cold War and decolonization also provided the context for even more rapid expansion in INGO numbers and geographical spread than at any time previously. The second half of the twentieth century witnessed the development of ‘new social movements’, new transnational networks, and new targets such as transnational corporations and the problems associated with the North–South and East–West divisions, to the diminution of which sectors of transnational civil society contributed. At the onset of the new millennium, INGO numbers were approximately 100 times greater than a hundred years previously, and in the late twentieth century transnational civil society had contributed towards developments varying from the creation of the internet to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. By this time, however, there had again developed large transnational coalitions of INGOs claiming to represent wide sectors of transnational civil society, as the divisions that were to polarize transnational civil society in the first decade of the twenty-first century became more apparent.

Explaining the Three Waves In each of the three waves of transnational civil society explored in this volume, factors identified in the Introduction in Table 1, including the 178

CONCLUSION

technological, environmental, economic, social and political contexts as well as factors internal to transnational civil society itself, played a role in the short-term ascent and long-term descent of transnational civil society.5 With respect to technological factors, periods of rapid growth in transnational associational activity took place in the context of improvements in communications, such as the electrical telegraph, railways and the steamship in the nineteenth century, radio and air travel in the 1920s, and the internet more recently. On the other hand, technological developments have also provided the context for phases of decline, especially when harnessed by governments, such as in pursuit of the First and Second World Wars or in the monitoring of civil society actors’ electronic communications more recently. Environmental developments, too, have been both facilitative of transnational non-state action, given their crossborder nature that inhibits governments’ abilities to handle them on their own, and also detrimental when acting as a source of conflict over scarce resources. Phases of rapid expansion of transnational civil society have occurred in parallel with phases of increased economic interdependence, such as in the late nineteenth century and in the period following the World Wars. In the context of downturns in the economic cycle, such as in the 1930s and following the financial crisis of 2008, on the other hand, contraction has also taken place in transnational civil society, with INGO revenues declining in each of these periods. Social changes, such as urbanization, international migration and cognitive liberation of populations from traditional ways of thinking towards ‘global consciousness’, have formed the context for phases of expansion of transnational civil society, but have also provided targets for those still attached to traditional rather than cosmopolitan ideas. â•… The external political context has played a particularly vital role in the evolution of INGOs and transnational civil society. The contrasting shortterm detrimental and long-term facilitative contributions of the World Wars and the Cold War to the development of transnational civil society have been highlighted in the previous section of this chapter. In the case of many other external political factors, the contrast has been between short-term facilitative impacts and long-term detriment. The dialectical relationship between globalization and fragmentation has been especially significant in the evolution of transnational civil society. In the nineteenth century, the consolidation of the nation-state, nationalism and imperialism each had both short-term facilitative and long-term centrif 179


ugal impacts on transnational civil society. In the post-war era, decolonization similarly facilitated not only expansion of the geographical reach and issue-area scope of transnational civil society actors, but also their division on North–South and regional lines. Political opportunity structures, such as the world’s fairs, the creation of the League of Nations and the convening of United Nations global summits, provided foci for expanding transnational civil society activities in the late nineteenth century, 1920s and 1990s respectively. In the long term, however, there was a detrimental impact when these opportunity structures were withdrawn, as world’s fairs and United Nations global conferences fell out of favour and as the League of Nations withdrew from cooperation with INGOs. â•… Amongst the factors that should not be overlooked in explaining both the ascent and decline of transnational civil society are dynamics within transnational civil society itself. In the expansion of transnational civil society, processes of diffusion have been critical, for instance the emulation of precedents in organizational structure set by INGOs such as the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations and the International Statistical Institute in the nineteenth century, and the diffusion of civil society ideas and non-violent resistance tactics between the Western and Eastern blocs in the years culminating in the ‘revolutions of 1989’. Also important has been individual leadership, notable examples including Henri Dunant in the nineteenth century and Peter Benenson in the twentieth. In phases of decline, exhaustion (such as demobilization following the success of anti-slavery activism in the nineteenth century) and factionalization (such as the divisions which took place in the 1930s and 2000s) have both been important. Also playing a part in phases of decline has been support in transnational civil society for factors contributing to fragmentation in world politics, such as nationalism in the late nineteenth century, disarmament in the 1930s and substitution for the welfare roles of fragile states in the post-Cold War era. Developments that in the short term may have been indicative of transnational civil society successes, such as widespread diffusion of nationalist ideas in the nineteenth century, slow rearmament in liberal states in the 1930s and diminished governmental authority in fragile states in the 1990s, may in the long term have acted centrifugally upon transnational civil society when exploited by illiberal actors. â•… Cyclicality in the dynamics internal to the evolution of transnational civil society is evident in multiple aspects. In phases of expansion of trans180

CONCLUSION

national civil society, a key rationale for the formation of new INGOs has been to fill an apparent void left following the demise of earlier groups: this has been observed particularly prominently in the origins of Amnesty International. In the reverse direction, a consistent theme in this volume has been the development of over-ambitious goals among the leadership of some transnational civil society actors just as circumstances have turned against them. In each of the three waves of transnational civil society examined in this volume the demise of transnational civil society was immediately preceded by the creation of large transnational coalitions of INGOs claiming to speak for ‘the most representative forces of the different countries’ (in the period before the First World War), the ‘public opinion of the world’ (in the period preceding the Second World War) or ‘global civil society’ (in the period preceding the 11 September 2001 attacks). Such claims revealed detachment from the developing divisions in transnational civil society and the world’s population more generally in each of these phases, which were ultimately to overwhelm transnational civil society on each occasion.

Future Possibilities The second decade of the twenty-first century appears to be a hinge point in the development of transnational civil society. With developments at the start of the decade including recovering INGO numbers and funding and the upheavals of the Arab Spring, it might be argued that a new cycle is beginning, recovering from the divisions that marred transnational civil society in the previous decade. On the other hand, many of the divisive trends of the early twenty-first century appear to be continuing, such as regionalization of INGOs and considerable popular support for nationalist and religious fundamentalist social movements. Ironically, the apparent success of liberal democratic social movements in the popular uprisings of 2011 may be opening up greater political space for those who challenge the liberal norms commonly associated with transnational civil society. â•… If there are any ‘lessons’ for those claiming to represent transnational civil society that appear to be justified by the narrative put forward in this volume, it is that care should be taken not to raise expectations to an excessive degree. The leadership of INGOs and transnational coalitions of INGOs should avoid claims to speak on behalf of ‘the public 181


opinion of the world’ or ‘global civil society’, when such organizations have only ever represented a segment of the world’s population. Furthermore, those who argue that ‘another world is possible’ need to consider the failures of their predecessors to build such alternatives. Liberal internationalists seeking to reform the international system before each of the two World Wars and Communist idealists who sought an alternative to capitalist economic relations were to find not only that their alternatives were to be crushed by the systems to which they were opposed, but also that their efforts were to worsen the already unpleasant externalities of the normal operation of the international system and of capitalist economic relations, which in turn set back transnational civil society. â•… For the historian, it is hoped that this volume has helped open up an exciting research agenda beyond the governmental concerns that have been the predominant focus for political history over the last two centuries.6 There is a vast volume of primary source material on transnational civil society actors which remains to be explored, especially in relation to early INGOs up to the mid nineteenth century. While this book has endeavoured to provide a perspective extending beyond just the Â�European and North American contexts that have dominated research into transnational civil society to date, there remains considerable potential for greater exploration of the evolution of transnational civil society in Africa, Asia and South America. Perhaps most importantly of all, this volume has highlighted the importance not only of exploring the apparent achievements of transnational civil society on which existing literature has tended to concentrate, but also the failures of transnational civil society, from which as much may be learned.7

182

pp. [1–3]

NOTES

INTRODUCTION 1.â•‡Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2010), p.â•–316. 2.â•‡Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), p.â•–7. 3.â•‡Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–13. 4.â•‡John Keane, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p.â•–8. 5.â•‡Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, p.â•–17. 6.â•‡Ann M. Â€Florini and P. Â€J. Â€Simmons, ‘What the World Needs Now?’, in Ann M. Â€Florini (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000), p.â•–7. For further elaboration of the definition of ‘transnational’ see Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, ‘Transnational Relations and World Politics: An Introduction’, International Organization, 25/3 (1971), p.â•–331. 7.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp.â•–200, 2. 8.â•‡Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, p.â•–12. 9.â•‡Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997). 10.â•‡See, for instance, Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, pp.â•–4, 15. 11.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA: George S. Â€Ferguson Company, 1933). 12.â•‡‘Chapter X. Â€Economic and Social Council’, http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/ chapter10.shtml, last accessed 29 September 2010. 13.â•‡United Nations document E/INF/23, 30 April 1948, ‘Arrangements of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations for Consultation with Non-Governmental Organizations: Guide for Consultants’, p.â•–16, cited in Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.â•–3. 14.â•‡The leading repository of data on INGOs—the Union of International Associations—

183

pp. [3–5]

NOTES

typically includes only organizations operating in three or more countries (in its categories A to D), although it also lists ‘internationally-oriented national organizations’ (in its category G). 15.â•‡Peter Willetts, ‘What Is A Non-Governmental Organization?’, http://www.staff.city.ac.uk/p. willetts/CS-NTWKS/NGO-ART.HTM, last accessed 2 August 2010. 16.â•‡Peter Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global Governance (London: Routledge, 2011), p.â•–30. 17.â•‡Q uotations from Shamima Ahmed and David M. Â€Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), p.â•–ix; Craig Warkentin, ‘Nongovernmental Organizations’, in Jan Aart Scholte and Roland Robertson (eds.), Encyclopedia of Globalization (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), p.â•–883; and Sanjeev Khagram and Sarah Alvord, ‘The Rise of Civic Transnationalism’, in Srilatha Batliwala and L. Â€David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), pp.â•–66–7. 18.â•‡Lester M. Â€Salamon, Helmut K. Â€Anheier and Associates, ‘Civil Society in Comparative Perspective’, in Lester M. Â€Salamon, Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Regina List, Stefan Toepler, S. Â€Wojciech Sokolowski and Associates (eds.), Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies, 1999), p.â•–4; Kaldor, Global Civil Society. 19.â•‡Paul S. Â€Reinsch, Public International Unions: Their Work and Organization: A Study In International Administrative Law (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1911), pp.â•–2, 4. 20.â•‡White, Structure of Private International Organizations, p.â•–11. 21.â•‡John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International NonGovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999); Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), p.â•–11. 22.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–9 and 1910–11 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1909, 1911). 23.â•‡Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, p.â•–4. See also Charles Chatfield, ‘Intergovernmental and Non-Governmental Associations to 1945’, in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997), p.â•–21. 24.â•‡While there is some attention in existing literature to the period preceding 1850, the coverage remains limited. See, however, Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); and Steve Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance’, Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (1996–7), pp.â•–183–286. 25.â•‡John M. Â€Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 26.â•‡The ‘English School’ of international relations, in particular, had a tendency to discuss the evolution of world politics in terms of the expansion of European international society; see Hedley Bull and Adam Watson (eds.), The Expansion of International Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984). 27.â•‡Michael Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), p.â•–16. 28.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, for instance, limits its coverage to six themes.

184

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pp. [5–10]

29.â•‡Jessica T. Â€Matthews, ‘Power Shift: The Rise of Global Civil Society’, Foreign Affairs, 76/1 (1997), pp.â•–50, 53. 30.â•‡A notable example is Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). 31.â•‡Ashwani Kumar, ‘Global Civil Society: Emergent Forms of Cosmopolitan Democracy and Justice’, in Ashwani Kumar and Dirk Messner (eds.), Power Shifts and Global Governance: Challenges from South and North (London: Anthem Press, 2010), p.â•–45. 32.â•‡Ahmed and Potter, NGOs in International Politics, p.â•–21. 33.â•‡These include Matthews, ‘Power Shift’; Florini, Third Force; and Don Eberly, The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom Up (New York, NY: Encounter Books, 2008). 34.â•‡See especially Iriye, Global Community. 35.â•‡Not all existing studies put forward a purely linear perspective: for instance, Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries’ puts forward a cyclical perspective with respect to INGO influence on intergovernmental bodies, and Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture notes dips in INGO foundations in the 1910s and 1930s. 36.â•‡John Boli, ‘International Nongovernmental Organizations’, in Walter W. Â€Powell and Richard Steinberg, The Non-Profit Sector: A Research Handbook (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2nd edn, 2006), p.â•–334. Some have noted a diminution since then; see Jackie Smith, ‘Globalization and Transnational Social Movement Organizations’, in Gerald F. Â€Davis, Doug McAdam, W. Â€Richard Scott and Mayer N. Â€Zald (eds.), Social Movements and Organization Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.â•–233. 37.â•‡Union of International Associations, ‘L’Union des Associations Internationales et la Constitution d’un Centre International’, in Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale. Séconde série. Volume II. Â€1910–1911 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1912), pp.â•–33–5. 38.â•‡Khagram and Alvord, ‘Rise of Civic Transnationalism’, p.â•–67. 39.â•‡Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy (London: Earthscan, 2004), p.â•–3; Helmut Anheier, ‘Measuring Global Civil Society’, in Anheier et al., Global Civil Society 2001, p.â•–221. 40.â•‡Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007), p.â•–114. 41.â•‡Anheier, ‘Measuring Global Civil Society’, p.â•–229. 42.â•‡Hedley Bull, ‘International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach’, World Politics, 18/3 (1966), p.â•–361. 43.â•‡Numerous publications influenced the composition of this table: see the books cited throughout this volume. Amongst the most significant were: Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002); Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998); Charles Tilly, Social Movements, 1768–2004 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2004); Dieter Rucht, ‘The Transnationalization of Social Movements: Trends, Causes, Problems’, in Donatella della Porta, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World (London: Macmillan, 1999), pp.â•–206–22; Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001); Joe Bandy and

185

pp. [9–12]

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Jackie Smith (eds.), Coalitions Across Borders: Transnational Protest and the Neoliberal Order (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005); Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); Geir Lundestad, ‘Why Does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics, 41 (2004), pp.â•–265–76; and David Held, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999). 44.â•‡A broad array of literature was taken into account in the production of this analytical framework, including that on NGO life cycles, social movement cycles of contention, and the explanatory frameworks in Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries’, and Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture. 45.â•‡On this point, see especially Manuel Castells’ trilogy, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996–8). See also Jodi Dean, Jon W. Â€Anderson and Geert Lovink (eds.), Reformatting Politics: Information Technology and Global Civil Society (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006). 46.â•‡On the role of technology in the development of transnational civil society in the nineteenth century see Keane, Global Civil Society?, pp.â•–44–5. 47.â•‡INGOs dealing with information and communications technology consistently raise concerns about this; see, for instance, Association for Progressive Communications, ‘Three Cyber Evils in South Korea’, http://www.apc.org/en/news/three-cyber-evils-south-korea, last accessed 4 October 2010. 48.â•‡Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp.â•–21, 2. 49.â•‡See, for instance, Peter H. Â€Gleick, ‘Environment and Security: The Clear Connections’, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 47/3 (April 1991), pp.â•–17–21. 50.â•‡Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, pp.â•–24–30. 51.â•‡Keane, Global Civil Society?, pp.â•–46, 66. 52.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–6. 53.â•‡Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.â•–27. 54.â•‡Kaldor, Global Civil Society, p.â•–112. 55.â•‡Susan D. Â€Moeller, Compassion Fatigue: How the Media Sell Disease, Famine, War and Death (New York: Routledge, 1999). 56.â•‡Noha Shawki, ‘Political Opportunity Structures and the Outcomes of Transnational Campaigns: A Comparison of Two Transnational Advocacy Networks’, Peace & Change, 35/3 (2010), pp.â•–381–411. 57.â•‡Jackie Smith, ‘Characteristics of the Modern Transnational Movement Sector’, in Smith et al., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, p.â•–57. 58.â•‡Louis Kriesberg, ‘Social Movements and Global Transformation’, in Smith et al., Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics, pp.â•–4–7. 59.â•‡Kaldor, Global Civil Society, p.â•–118. 60.â•‡Smith, ‘Characteristics of the Modern Transnational Social Movement Sector’, p.â•–57. 61.â•‡Anheier et al., ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, p.â•–7. 62.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–270. 63.â•‡Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.â•–28. 64.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–269.

186

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pp. [12–21]

65.â•‡Geir Lundestad, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics, 41/2 (2004), p.â•–265. 66.â•‡Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp.â•–145–6. 67.â•‡Tarrow has noted transnational processes such as global issue framing and transnational diffusion in The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 68.â•‡Tarrow, Power in Movement, pp.â•–147–8. 69.â•‡On the resources available to the transnational historian, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Researching Transnational History: The Example of Peace Activism’, in Bob Reinalda (ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Non-State Actors (London: Ashgate, 2011), pp.â•–35–46. 70.â•‡Notable (and often overlooked) exceptions include James H. Â€Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999); and W. Â€H. Â€van der Linden, The International Peace Movement, 1815–1874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul, 1987). 71.â•‡This is beginning to be addressed; see, for instance, Daniel Laqua (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tauris, 2011). 1.â•‡EMERGENCE TO 1914 1.â•‡Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914), p.â•–6. 2.â•‡S. Â€G. Â€Wilson, ‘Voluntary Associations: An Overview’, in John S. Â€Kloppenborg and Stephen G. Â€W ilson (eds.), Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World (London: Routledge, 1996), p.â•–3. 3.â•‡The Sovereign Constantinian order has the earliest foundation date in the database of the Union of International Associations. Its history is introduced in Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George, ‘History of the Constantinian Order’, http://www.constantinianorder.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23&Itemid=18, last accessed 11 October 2010. 4.â•‡John Boli and David V. Â€Brewington, ‘Religious Organizations’, in Peter Beyer and Lori Beaman (eds.), Globalization, Religion and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), p.â•–214. 5.â•‡The St John Ambulance movement was created in 1877 by a revived British-based Order of St John, a distinct organization from the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes, and of Malta. 6.â•‡Moravian Archives, ‘Unity Statutes of 1464’, p.â•–2, http://www.moravianarchives.org/images/ pdfs/Unity%20Statutes%20of%201464.pdf, last accessed 13 October 2010. On the history of the Moravian Church, see Edmund de Schweinitz, Â�History of the Church Known as the Unitas Fratrum or the Unity of the Brethren (Bethlehem, PA: Moravian Publication Office, 1885). 7.â•‡John Philip Jenkins, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia—And How It Died (New York: HarperCollins, 2008).

187

pp. [21–22]

NOTES

8.â•‡John Obert Voll, ‘Islam as a Special World-System’, Journal of World History, 5/2 (1994), pp.â•–221–2. For an assessment of the emergence of tariqahs, see J. Â€Spencer Trinningham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). 9.â•‡Brian T. Â€Froehle, ‘Religious Orders’, in Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Stefan Toepler and Regina List (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society (New York: Springer, 2010), p.â•–1303. 10.â•‡H. Â€Larry Ingle, First Among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). 11.â•‡Richard L. Â€Greaves, ‘The “Great Persecution” Reconsidered: The Irish Quakers and the Ethic of Suffering’, in Muriel C. Â€McClendon, Joseph P. Â€Ward and Michael MacDonald (eds.), Protestant Identities: Religion, Society and Self-Fashioning in Post-Reformation England (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), p.â•–232. 12.â•‡Martin Ceadel, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 1730–1854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p.â•–148. 13.â•‡Their website is located at http://famvin.org, last accessed 13 October 2010. 14.â•‡International Association of Charities, ‘History’, http://www.aic-international.org/content. php?m=9&sm=5&l=en, last accessed 13 October 2010. 15.â•‡Association Internationale des Charités, AIC Info, 16 (2009), p.â•–8. 16.â•‡Pierre Coste (ed.), Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondence, Entretiens, Documents, vol.â•–xiii (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1924), document 126, p.â•–423. 17.â•‡International Association of Charities, ‘History’, http://www.aic-international.org/content. php?m=9&sm=5&l=en, last accessed 13 October 2010. 18.â•‡Kerry O’Halloran, ‘Charity and Religion’, in Helmut K. Â€Anheier, Stefan Toepler and Regina List (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Civil Society (New York: Springer, 2010), p.â•–111. 19.â•‡Dana L. Â€Robert, Christian Mission: How Christianity became a World Religion (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009). 20.â•‡Their websites are at http://www.newenglandcompany.org and http://www.spck.org.uk respectively. On the New England Company, see William Kellaway, The New England Company, 1649–1776: Missionary Society to the American Indians (London: Longman, 1961); and on the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, see W. Â€O. Â€B. Â€Allen and Edmund McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698–1898 (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1898). 21.â•‡A brief introduction to the All Indian Pueblo Council is provided in Mathew Martinez, ‘All Indian Pueblo Council’, http://www.newmexicohistory.org/filedetails.php?fileID=416, last accessed 14 October 2010. 22.â•‡Jessica L. Â€Harland-Jacobs, Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and British Imperialism, 1717– 1927 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), p.â•–104; Peter Clark, British Clubs and Societies, 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000), p.â•–321. 23.â•‡Royal Society, List of Fellows of the Royal Society, 1660–2007 (London: Royal Society Library and Information Service, 2007). 24.â•‡Roberta Dessi and Sheilagh Ogilvie, Social Capital and Collusion: The Case of Merchant Guilds (CESifo Working Paper No.â•–1037 (Munich: CESifo, 2004), p.â•–6. On merchant guilds, see Sheilagh Ogilvie, Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 1000–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011).

188

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25.â•‡Robert Henke and Eric Nicholson (eds.), Transnational Exchange in Early Modern Theater (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008). 26.â•‡Alexander Johnson, An Account of Some Societies at Amsterdam and Hamburgh for the Recovery of Drowned Persons, and of Similar Institutions at Venice, Milan, Padua, Vienna and Paris (London: John Nourse, 1773). 27.â•‡Clayton Evans, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft and Organisations (London: Conway Maritime Press, 2003), pp.â•–15–18. 28.â•‡Evans, Rescue at Sea, p.â•–269. 29.â•‡G. Â€R. Â€G. Â€Worcester, The Junks and Sampans of the Yangtze (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 1971), p.â•–311. 30.â•‡Amanda Bowie Moniz, ‘Cosmopolitanism in the Early American Republic’, GHI Bulletin Supplement, 5 (2008), pp.â•–10–14, 15–16. 31.â•‡Joseph-Alexandre-Victor d’Hupay, Alcoran républicain, ou Institutions fondamentales du gouvernement populaire ou légitime, pour l’administration, l’education, le mariage et la religion (Fuveau: Généralif, 1795). See also James H. Â€Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999), p.â•–79. 32.â•‡John Oswald, Review of the Constitution of Great Britain. Third Edition. (Paris: Gillet & Co., 1792), p.â•–31. On John Oswald’s work in Paris see David V. Â€Erdman, Commerce des Lumières: John Oswald and the British in Paris, 1790–1793 (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1986). 33.â•‡Bernard Vincent, The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2005); Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–73; R. Â€R. Â€Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1775–1800. 1: The Challenge (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959), p.â•–245. 34.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–39; ‘A Copy of a Letter written to H. Â€Bancal (April the 15th 1791) by M. Â€Fauchet for the Confederation of the Friends of Truth’ (in English), folio 190, Roland papers, NAF 9534, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris; Bulletin des Amis de la Verité, l’an premier de la République, p.â•–4. Details of its work are provided in its journal, La Bouche de Fer (1790–1791). 35.â•‡Gary Kates, ‘“The Powers of Husband and Wife must be Equal and Separate”: The Cercle Social and the Rights of Women, 1790–91’, in Harriet B. Â€Applewhite and Darline G. Â€Levy (eds.), Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1990), pp.â•–172–3. 36.â•‡References to these organizations can be found in Mary Thale (ed.), Selections from the Papers of the London Corresponding Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp.â•–21, 398. 37.â•‡Universal Society of the Friends of the People, Universal Society of the Friends of the People (London: Universal Society of the Friends of the People, 1892), p.â•–2. 38.â•‡George Edwards, Form and Foundation, Views and Laws, proposed for the Consideration of the Members of An Universal Society ([London], [1792]), pp.â•–1, 15. 39.â•‡Society of Universal Good-Will, An Account of the Scots Society in Norwich, from its Rise in 1775 until it received the additional Name of the Society of Universal Good-Will in 1784 (Norwich: W. Â€Chase, 1784), pp.â•–3, 63. 40.â•‡William Frederick Poole, Anti-Slavery Opinions before the year 1800 (Cincinnati: Robert

189

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Clarke, 1873), pp.â•–43–4; Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, Constitution of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (Philadelphia, PA: Joseph James, 1787), article vi; Clark, British Clubs and Societies, p.â•–210. 41.â•‡Poole, Anti-Slavery Opinions, p.â•–43. 42.â•‡Société des Amis des Noirs, Discours sur la Nécessité d’établir à Paris une Société pour concourir, avec celle de Londres, à l’abolition de la traite de l’esclavage des Negres. Prononcé le 19 février 1788, dans une Société de quelques amis, rassemblés à Paris, à la prière du Comité de Londres (Paris: Société des Amis des Noirs, 1788). 43.â•‡On the history of the West India Committee, see Douglas Hall, A Brief History of the West India Committee (St Lawrence, Barbados: Caribbean Universities Press, 1971). 44.â•‡Its website is at http://www.asiaticsocietycal.com. On the Asiatic Society’s early history, see O. Â€P. Â€Kejariwal, The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of India’s Past, 1784–1838 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988); and Shiv Visvanathan, Organizing for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995). 45.â•‡Robin Hallett (ed.), Records of the African Association, 1788–1831 (London: Thomas Nelson, 1964). 46.â•‡Richard H. Â€Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). 47.â•‡Royal Jennerian Society, Address of the Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox (London: W. Â€Phillips, 1803), p.â•–18. 48.â•‡ Annual Register, 1806, p.â•–407. 49.â•‡Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox (London: James Swan, 1817), pp.â•–22–6. 50.â•‡Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society, p.â•–6. 51.â•‡Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline, Report of the Committee of the Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline and for the Reformation of Juvenile Offenders, 1820 (London: T. Â€Bensley, 1820), p.â•–xxxviii. 52.â•‡Trygve Lie, The Right of Petition (Report by the Secretary General), United Nations Document E/CN.4/419, 11 April 1950, section 12, p.â•–12. 53.â•‡I bid., section 13, p.â•–12. 54.â•‡Adam Zamoyski, Rites of Peace: The Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna (London: Harper Press, 2007), p.â•–200. 55.â•‡‘General Treaty signed in Congress at Vienna, June 9, 1815; with the Acts thereunto annexed’, The Parliamentary Debates from the Year 1803 to the Present Time, vol.â•–xxxii (London: T. Â€C. Â€Hansard, 1816), p.â•–200. 56.â•‡Ceadel, Origins of War Prevention, pp.â•–141–51. 57.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 12. 58.â•‡New York Peace Society, ‘Origin of Peace Societies in this Country’, Advocate of Peace, 2, 1838, p.â•–157. 59.â•‡Martin Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 1854–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.â•–23. 60.â•‡I bid., chapter 2. 61.â•‡ Revue Encyclopédique, vol.â•–27 (1825), pp.â•–21–2. 62.â•‡I bid., vol.â•–1 (1819), p.â•–17.

190

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63.â•‡I bid., vol.â•–1 (1819), p.â•–15. 64.â•‡I bid., vol.â•–36 (1827), p.â•–255. 65.â•‡Quoted in The Crisis and National Co-Operative Trades’ Union and Equitable Labour Exchange Gazette, 25/3 (15 February 1834), p.â•–207. 66.â•‡ The Annual Subscription Charities and Public Societies in London (London: John Murray, 1823), pp.â•–103–4. 67.â•‡Association of All Classes of All Nations, Constitution of the Association of All Classes of All Nations (Manchester: A. Â€Heywood, 1837), p.â•–2. 68.â•‡Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, third series, vol.â•–51 (London: Hansard: 1840), cols. 1184, 1186. 69.â•‡Tuba Agartan, Woo-Young Choi and Tu Huynh, ‘The Transformation of the Capitalist World, 1750–1850’, in William G. Â€Martin (coordinator), Making Waves: Worldwide Social Movements, 1750–2005 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008), p.â•–29. 70.â•‡John Saunders (ed.), The People’s Journal, vol.â•–2 (London: People’s Journal Office, 1847), p.â•–29. 71.â•‡International Association, Journal of the International Association (Glasgow: Rutherglen, 1834), p.â•–7. 72.â•‡Société d’Enseignement Universel, Procès-verbal de la Séance Publique tenue à l’Hôtel-de-Ville (Salle Saint Jean) le 17 Janvier 1836 (Paris: Mansut Fils, 1836), pp.â•–8–11. 73.â•‡Roland Sarti, Mazzini: A Life for the Religion of Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997), p.â•–80. 74.â•‡For an in-depth exploration of this theme in respect of Young Europe, see Karma Nabulsi, ‘Patriotism and Internationalism in the “Oath of Allegiance” to Young Europe’, European Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), pp.â•–61–70. 75.â•‡Giuseppe Mazzini, Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini. Vol.â•–III. Â€Autobiographical and Political (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1891), p.â•–33. 76.â•‡Q uoted in Alejandro Colas, International Civil Society: Social Movements in Global Politics (Cambridge: Polity, 2002), p.â•–55. 77.â•‡Murray N. Â€Rothbard, ‘Karl Marx: Communist as Religious Eschatologist’, Review of Austrian Economics, 4 (1990), p.â•–164. 78.â•‡W. Â€H. Â€van der Linden, The International Peace Movement, 1815–1874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul, 1987), pp.â•–245, 250–1; Arthur Lehning, ‘Buonarroti and His International Secret Societies’, International Review of Social History, 1 (1956), p.â•–120. 79.â•‡Friedrich Engels, ‘On the History of the Communist League’, reproduced at http://www. marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1847/communist-league/1885hist.htm, last accessed 18 October 2010. 80.â•‡Michael Löwy, The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx (Leiden: Brill, 2003), p.â•–132. 81.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, pp.â•–182, 254, 255; John Fletcher Clews Harrison, Robert Owen and the Owenites in Britain and America: The Quest for the New Moral World (London: Routledge, 1969), p.â•–175. 82.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–254. 83.â•‡A. Â€Müller Lehning, ‘The International Association (1855–1859)’, International Journal for Social History, 3 (1938), p.â•–222.

84.â•‡Journal de la Société Générale des Naufrages et de l’Union des Nations, 1 (October 1835), pp.â•–1–15.

191

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85.â•‡United Society of Nations for the Purpose of Saving the Lives of Shipwrecked Persons and their Property, with that of Commercial Traders, ‘Constitutive Statutes’, The Naval Magazine, 2 (1837), p.â•–600. 86.â•‡M. Â€Montbrion (ed.), Dictionnaire Universel du Commerce, de la Banque et des Manufactures, 4th edn, vol.â•–2, H-Z (Paris: Adolphe Delahays, 1851), p.â•–421. 87.â•‡United Society, ‘Constitutive Statutes’, p.â•–600. 88.â•‡Augusta Liancourt, Biographical Notes on Callistus Augustus Count de Godde-Liancourt, founder of over one hundred and fifty humane societies in Africa, America, Asia and Europe (London: Whittacker & Co., 1877). 89.â•‡Contrasting accounts are provided in L’International: Journal des Intérêts Communs des Peuples Civilisés from October 1842 and in the Mémoires Officiels de la Société Internationale des Naufrages of 1842. 90.â•‡Minute Book 1, HSS.Brit.Emp.S.20.E2/6, British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society Archives, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, p.â•–1 (italics not present in original text). 91.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, The First Annual Report of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (London: Johnston and Barrett, 1840), p.â•–5. 92.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, A Chronological Summary of the Work of the British & Foreign Anti-Slavery Society during the Nineteenth Century, 1839–1900 (London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1901), p.â•–2. 93.â•‡BFASS, Chronological Summary, p.â•–3; see also Steve Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance’, Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (1996–7), p.â•–192. 94.â•‡Douglas H. Â€Maynard, ‘The World’s Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840’, Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 47/3 (1960), p.â•–456. 95.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention (London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1841), p.â•–12. 96.â•‡Maynard, ‘World’s Anti-Slavery Convention’, p.â•–469. 97.â•‡Douglas Maynard, ‘Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107/3 (1963), p.â•–220. 98.â•‡Elizabeth Frost-Knappman and Kathryn Cullen-DuPont, Women’s Suffrage in America (New York: Facts on File, 2005), p.â•–49. 99.â•‡Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Â€Anthony and Matilda Joslyn Gage (eds.), History of Woman Suffrage (Rochester, NY: Susan B. Â€Anthony, 1887), p.â•–61. 100.â•‡Clare Midgley, Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 1780–1870 (London: Routledge, 1992). 101.â•‡Jane Potter, ‘Valiant heroines or pacific ladies? Women in war and peace’, in Deborah Simonton (ed.), The Routledge History of Women in Europe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2004), p.â•–273. 102.â•‡Peace Society, The Proceedings of the First General Peace Convention (London: Peace Society, 1843), p.â•–2. 103.â•‡Thomas Beggs, The Proceedings of the World’s Temperance Convention (London: Charles Gilpin, 1846), pp.â•–131–7. 104.â•‡Maynard, ‘Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement’, pp.â•–223–4.

192

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105.â•‡Evangelical Alliance, Report of the Proceedings of the Conference (London: Partridge and Oakey, 1847), p.â•–286. 106.â•‡This was organized by Georg Varrentrapp, who had visited Britain and wished to promote the solitary system; see Sebastian Scheerer, ‘The Delinquent as a Fading Category of Knowledge’, in Vincenzo Ruggiero, Nigel South and Ian Taylor (eds.), The New European Criminology: Crime and Social Order in Europe (London: Routledge, 1998), p.â•–428. 107.â•‡The economists’ meeting was organized by the Belgian Association for Commercial Liberty, which had been created in 1846 and was inspired by the work of Britain’s antiCorn Law movement, which had been operating since the late 1830s; see Association Belge pour la Liberté Commerciale, Congrès des Économistes réuni à Bruxelles (Brussels: Deltombe, 1847). The International Association for Customs Reform aimed to create branches in Britain, France, Germany, Sardinia, Spain and Switzerland, but remained predominantly Belgian; see Association Internationale pour les Réformes Douanières, Congrès International des Réformes Douanières (Brussels: Weissenbruch, 1857), p.â•–xviii; van der Linden, International Peace Movement, p.â•–605. 108.â•‡Annales de la Charité, 1858, pp.â•–282–3. Plans for the creation of such an organization can be traced to Edouard Ducpetiaux, Projet d’Association pour le Progrès des Sciences et la Réalisation des Réformes Morales et Sociales (Brussels, 1843). 109.â•‡Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman, Civil Society, 1750–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.â•–42. 110.â•‡L’Organisateur du Travail, 9 avril 1848, p.â•–1. 111.â•‡Harry Liebersohn, ‘1848’, in Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), p.â•–1. On early transnational connections between feminist activists see Bonnie S. Â€Anderson, Joyous Greetings: The First International Women’s Movement, 1830–1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). 112.â•‡Van der Linden, International Peace Movement, pp.â•–322–53. 113.â•‡Louis L. Â€Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1984), p.â•–22. 114.â•‡F. Â€ d’Olincourt, Société Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de l’Industrie et du Commerce. Statuts (Paris, Imprimerie Lacour et Cie, August 1851), p.â•–3. 115.â•‡Annales de la Charité (1858), p.â•–283. 116.â•‡James Yates, Narrative of the Origin and Formation of the International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (London: Bell and Daldy, 1856). 117.â•‡Frédéric Le Play (dir.), Les Ouvriers des Deux Mondes, Tome Premier (Paris: J. Â€Claye, 1857), pp.â•–9, 19. Its present-day successor is the Société d’économie et de science sociales. 118.â•‡Clarence Prouty Shedd, History of the World’s Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations (London: SPCK, 1955), p.â•–16. 119.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.â•–4. 120.â•‡Shedd, History of the WYMCA, pp.â•–113–14, 102. 121.â•‡Young Men’s Christian Association, Report of the General Conference held in Paris, August, 1855 (London: Young Men’s Christian Association, 1856), esp. pp.â•–17, 20, document 7672, archives of the World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations, Geneva.

193

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122.â•‡B’nai B’rith International traces its origins to a New York Jewish fraternal organization set up in 1843, but its development as an international organization dates to the 1880s: Hasia R. Â€Diner, The Jews of the United States, 1654–2000 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2004), p.â•–191. 123.â•‡Alliance Israélite Universelle, Alliance Israélite Universelle (Paris: A. Â€Wittersheim, 1860), p.â•–22; Narcisse Leven, Cinquante Ans d’Histoire: L’Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1910, Tome Premier (Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan, 1911), p.â•–69. 124.â•‡Elie Kedourie, ‘The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1960’, in Elie Kedourie, Arab Political Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp.â•–75, 78. 125.â•‡Lazar Focsaneanu, ‘Le Droit International de la Recherche Scientifique et Technique’, Annuaire Français de Droit International, 12/12 (1966), p.â•–390. The present International Council of Ophthalmology dates to 1927. 126.â•‡Le Dr Â€Warlomont, Congrès D’Ophthalmologie de Bruxelles. Compte-Rendu (Paris: VictorMasson, 1858), pp.â•–vii-viii. The initial members of the Society are listed in Annales d’Oculistique, 23 (1860), p.â•–252. 127.â•‡Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales, Congrès de Bruxelles (Brussels: A. Â€Lacroix, 1863). An Académie Inter-Nationale des Sciences Appliquées aux Arts et Manufactures also appears to have operated in the early 1860s: L’Inter-National: Moniteur Officiel de l’Académie Inter-Nationale des Sciences des Arts et Manufactures, 1/1 (5 January 1861), p.â•–2. 128.â•‡Letter of the comité fondateur of the Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales, 15 May 1862, documents of the Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales, file 147b R 3, Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Brussels. 129.â•‡Caroline Moorehead, Dunant’s Dream: War, Switzerland and the History of the Red Cross (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1999). 130.â•‡‘Preface’, in Henri Dunant, The Origin of the Red Cross (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Â€Winston, 1911), pp.â•–v-vi. 131.â•‡David P. Â€Forsythe, The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.â•–17. 132.â•‡International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘Resolutions of the Geneva International Conference: Geneva, 26–29 October 1863’, http://www.icrc.org/IHL.nsf/52d68d14de6 160e0c12563da005fdb1b/1548c3c0c113ffdfc125641a0059c537?OpenDocument, last accessed 22 October 2010. 133.â•‡International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘Dates of Foundation of National Societies from 1863 to 1963’, International Review of the Red Cross, 5/54 (1965), p.â•–500. 134.â•‡General Council of the First International, The General Council of the First International, 1866–1868: Minutes (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), p.â•–261. 135.â•‡International Working Men’s Association, Address and Provisional Rules of the International Workingmen’s Association, London, September 28th 1864 for the Celebration of the 60th Anniversary (Brussels: Labour and Socialist International, 1924), p.â•–12. 136.â•‡Jacques Freymond and Miklós Molnár, ‘The Rise and Fall of the First International’, in Milorad M. Â€Drachkovitch (ed.), The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864–1943 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1966), pp.â•–21, 35. 137.â•‡Paul Thomas, Karl Marx and the Anarchists (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985), pp.â•–250–1.

194

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138.â•‡John B. Â€Andrews, ‘Nationalisation (1860–1877)’, in John R. Â€Commons (ed.), History of Labour in the United States, vol.â•–2 (Washington, DC: Beard Books, 2000), pp.â•–45, 86–7. 139.â•‡See Introduction. 140.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), p.â•–51. 141.â•‡Betty Fladeland, Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Anti-Slavery Cooperation (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1972), pp.â•–388–9, 405, 386. 142.â•‡Howard Temperley, British Anti-Slavery, 1833–1870 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1972), pp.â•–256–7. 143.â•‡Ligue Internationale de la Paix, Premier Bulletin (Paris: Frédéric Passy, 1867); Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–79–81; van der Linden, International Peace Movement, pp.â•–639– 73. 144.â•‡Grégoire Wyrouboff, Le Congrès de la Paix (Versailles: Cerf, 1867); Sudhir Hazareesingh, Intellectual Founders of the Republic: Five Studies in Nineteenth-Century French Political Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–251. 145.â•‡Henry Richard quoted in Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–80. 146.â•‡Richard J. Â€Evans, The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America, and Australasia, 1840–1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977), p.â•–247. 147.â•‡Marie Goegg, ‘Proposition de créer une Association Internationale des Femmes, en connexion avec la Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté’, Les États-Unis d’Europe (1868), p.â•–38. 148.â•‡Bob Reinalda, ‘The International Women’s Movement as a Private Political Actor between Accommodation and Change’, in Karsten Ronit and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (Abingdon: Routledge, 2000), p.â•–171. 149.â•‡Bob Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–151. 150.â•‡Internationale Hotelier Veeinigung, ‘History’, http://www.i-hv.de/geschichte.html, last accessed 27 October 2010. On the organization’s history, see Internationaler HotelbesitzerVerein, 60 Jahre Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 1869–1929 (Köln: Dumont, 1929). 151.â•‡Resolutions quoted in Alexander Russel, Egypt: The Opening of the Great Canal (Edinburgh: Scotsman, 1869), pp.â•–48–9. An earlier ‘international’ commercial convention was the Portland International Commercial Convention of 1868, which was ‘for the purpose of concentrating public attention upon Portland Harbor, as the cheapest port’: J. Â€M. Â€W. Â€Yerrinton, Proceedings of the International Commercial Convention held in the City of Portland, ME, August 4th and 5th 1868 (Portland: B. Â€Thurston, 1868), p.â•–3. 152.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale. Séconde série. Volume I. Â€1908–1909 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1909), p.â•–941. These were preceded by overseas chambers of commerce (e.g. British chambers of commerce in Bengal and Canton established in 1834), and East India and China Associations set up in London in 1836 and Liverpool in 1839 to assist British chambers of commerce in Asia; see Ian Nish, ‘British Mercantile Cooperation in the India-China Trade from the End of the East India Company’s Trading Monopoly’, Journal of South East Asian History, 3 (1961), pp.â•–74–91. 153.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–687. 154.â•‡Cercle Artistique, Littéraire et Scientifique d’Anvers, ‘Congrès Artistique’, Revue Universelle des Arts, 3 (1861), p.â•–133. An earlier INGO of artists was the Association Interna-

195

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NOTES

tionale des Artistes set up by Paul Justus in Paris in 1849; see Association Internationale des Artistes, Exposé des Motifs (Paris: Association Internationale des Artistes, 1849). 155.â•‡Commission Permanente des Étudiants de Liège, Congrès International des Étudiants (Brussels: Bauvais, 1866), p.â•–12. 156.â•‡Congrès Médical International de Paris, Congrès Médical International de Paris (Paris: Victor Masson, 1868), p.â•–1. 157.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–1286; the French Archaeological Society had been convening international archaeological congresses since 1845: Société Française d’Archéologie, Séance Académique Internationale (Caen: A. Â€Hardel, 1863), p.â•–4. 158.â•‡The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland in 1823, the American Oriental Society in 1842, and the Deutsche Morgenländische Gesellschaft in 1845. 159.â•‡Royal Geographical Society, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol.â•–1 (London: John Murray, 1832), p.â•–257. 160.â•‡Rev. David Abeel, ‘An Appeal to Christian Ladies in Behalf of Female Education in China and the Adjacent Countries’, in Society for Promoting Female Education in the East, History of the Society for Promoting Female Education in the East (London: Edward Suter, 1847), pp.â•–261–2. 161.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 272. 162.â•‡Charles Swaisland, ‘The Aborigines Protection Society, 1837–1909’, in Howard Temperley (ed.), After Slavery: Emancipation and its Discontents (London: Frank Cass, 2000), p.â•–265. 163.â•‡Van der Linden, International Peace Movement, p.â•–918. 164.â•‡P. Â€N. Â€Chopra, B. Â€N. Â€Puri, M. Â€N. Â€Das and A. Â€C. Â€Pradhan, A Comprehensive History of Modern India (New Delhi: Sterling, 2003), p.â•–157. 165.â•‡East India Association, ‘Rules of the East India Association for Promoting Indian Interests’, Journal of the East India Association, 1/1 (1867), p.â•–8. 166.â•‡Agartan et al., ‘Transformation of the Capitalist World’, pp.â•–25–9. 167.â•‡John M. Â€Owen IV, The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and Regime Change, 1510–2010 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), p.â•–211. See also Azzam Tamimi, ‘The Origins of Arab Secularism’, in John L. Â€Esposito and Azzam Tamimi (eds.), Islam and Secularism in the Middle East, pp.â•–13–28. 168.â•‡Kemal H. Â€Karpat, The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp.â•–21, 23. 169.â•‡Oliver Scharbrodt, Islam and the Baha’i Faith: A Comparative Study of Muhammad ‘Abduh and ‘Abdul Baha ‘Abbas (London: Routledge, 2008), pp.â•–34–7. 170.â•‡Peter Smith, An Introduction to the Baha’i Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p.â•–25. 171.â•‡J. Â€C. Â€L. Â€Sismondi, ‘L’Amérique’, Revue Encyclopédique, 33 (1827), p.â•–17. An alternative translation is provided in R. Â€R. Â€Palmer, From Jacobin to Liberal: Marc-Antoine Jullien de Paris, 1775–1848 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), p.â•–192. 172.â•‡Q uoted in Maynard, ‘Reform and the Origin of the International Organization Movement’, p.â•–220. 173.â•‡Q uoted in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition (London: Verso, 1998), p.â•–39.

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174.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–12–14. 175.â•‡John Culbert Faries, The Rise of Internationalism (New York: W. Â€D. Â€Gray, 1915), p.â•–75. 176.â•‡Beyond the ‘British and Foreign’ organizations already mentioned, there were the British and Foreign Bible Society created in 1804, the British and Foreign School Society formed in 1808, and the British and Foreign Sailors’ Society established in 1818. Similarly titled organizations appeared elsewhere, such as the French and Foreign Bible Society that was formed in Paris in 1833. 177.â•‡See, for instance, Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations 1981 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1981), section U. Â€See also Georges Patrick Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.â•–viii. 178.â•‡The data-gathering of the Union of International Associations in the years before the First World War concentrated on the period from the 1870s onwards. 179.â•‡Existing historical accounts of INGOs have commenced with the 1870s: see, for example, the chapters in John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press). 180.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–1287. 181.â•‡F. Â€S. Â€L. Â€Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, 1815–1914 (Leyden: A. Â€W. Â€Sythoff, 1963), pp.â•–122, 229, 235; Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, pp.â•–97–102. 182.â•‡A. Â€P. Â€R. Â€Howatt and Richard C. Â€Smith (eds.), Modern Language Teaching: The Reform Movement, vol.â•–3 (London: Routledge, 2002), p.â•–xxvii. 183.â•‡International Labour Office, International Labour Standards: A Workers’ Education Manual. Fourth (revised) edition (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1998), p.â•–5. 184.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–201–2. 185.â•‡Association Universelle pour l’Adoption de la Marque de Fabrique et la Défense de la Propriété Industrielle, Statuts—Règlement (Paris: Association Universelle pour l’Adoption de la Marque de Fabrique et la Défense de la Propriété Industrielle, 1857), p.â•–4. 186.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–127. 187.â•‡B. Â€Zorina Khan, The Democratization of Invention: Patents and Copyrights in American Economic Development, 1790–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), p.â•–302. For more on the role of the ALAI in the development of the Berne Convention see Isabella Löhr, Die Globalisierung Geistiger Eigentumsrechte (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010), pp.â•–67–70. Its efforts succeeded those of earlier meetings, such as the Congress on Literary and Artistic Property held in Brussels in 1858; see Édouard Romberg, Compte Rendu des Travaux du Congrès de la Propriété Littéraire et Artistique (Brussels and Leipzig: Émile Flateau, 1859). 188.â•‡Eckhardt Fuchs, ‘The International Catalogue of Scientific Literature as a Mode of Intellectual Transfer: Promises and Pitfalls of International Scientific Co-operation before 1914’, in Christophe Charle, Jürgen Schriewer and Peter Wagner (eds.), Transnational Intellectual Networks: Forms of Academic Knowledge and the Search for Cultural Identities (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2004), pp.â•–167–8, 172. 189.â•‡W. Â€Boyd Rayward, ‘The Origins of Information Science and the International Institute of Bibliography/International Federation for Information and Documentation’, in Trudi

197

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Bellardo Hahn and Michael Buckland (eds.), Historical Studies in Information Science (Medford, NJ: Information Today, 1998), pp.â•–23–4. 190.â•‡Rayward, ‘Origins of Information Science’, p.â•–24. 191.â•‡W. Â€Boyd Rayward, ‘Visions of Xanadu: Paul Otlet (1868 to 1944) and Hypertext’, Journal of the American Society for Information Science, 45/4 (1994), pp.â•–235–50. 192.â•‡For instance, a Universal Language Society operated in Madrid in the 1860s to promote the ‘universal language’ developed by Bonifacio Sotos Ochando: Société de la Langue Universelle, ‘Note de la Société de la Langue Universelle établie à Madrid’, Bulletin de la Société de la Langue Universelle, 1 (1861), p.â•–30. See also Andrew Large, The Artificial Language Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987). 193.â•‡Umberto Eco, The Search for the Perfect Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), p.â•–319. 194.â•‡Peter Glover Forster, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton, 1982), pp.â•–45–6. 195.â•‡Eco, Search for the Perfect Language, p.â•–319. 196.â•‡Lejzer Ludwik Zamenhof, ‘The Making of an International Language’, in J. Â€C. Â€O’Connor, Esperanto [The Universal Language]: The Student’s Complete Textbook (New York: Fleming H. Â€Revell), p.â•–7. 197.â•‡Universala Esperanto-Asocio, ‘An Update on Esperanto, December 2009’, http://www. uea.org/info/angle/an_ghisdatigo.html, last accessed 6 November 2010. 198.â•‡Charles E. Â€Sprague, Hand-book of Volapük (New York: Charles E. Â€Sprague, 1888), p.â•–vii. 199.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.â•–106. 200.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–539– 40; Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.â•–106. 201.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.â•–107. 202.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–537. The organization began life as the Institution Ethnographique: Léon de Rosny, ‘But de l’Institution’, Bulletin Officiel de l’Institution Ethnographique, 1 (1876–7), pp.â•–109–12. 203.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–538. 204.â•‡Elisabeth Crawford, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 1880–1939: Four Studies of the Nobel Population (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p.â•–39. 205.â•‡Peter Alter, ‘The Royal Society and the International Association of Academies 1897–1919’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 34/2 (1980), p.â•–245. 206.â•‡Quotations in Alter, ‘Royal Society and the International Association of Academies’, pp.â•–246, 253. 207.â•‡International Statistical Institute, ‘Statuts de l’Institut International de Statistique’, in Bulletin de l’Institut International de Statistique. Tome I (Rome: Imprimerie Héritiers Botta, 1886), p.â•–17. Uniform statistical methods had earlier been a key objective of the 1853 international statistical congress: Commission Centrale de Statistique de Belgique, Compte Rendu des Travaux du Congrès Général de Statistique réuni à Bruxelles les 19, 20, 21 et 22 Septembre 1853 (Bruxelles: M. Â€Hayez, 1853), p.â•–143. 208.â•‡Réné Worms, Annales de L’Institut International de Sociologie. I (Paris: V. Â€Giard & E. Â€Brière, 1895), p.â•–vi. 209.â•‡Brian Cotterell, Fracture and Life (London: Imperial College Press, 2010), p.â•–189. 210.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–1023–4. 211.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, pp.â•–189–93.

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212.â•‡Julien Duchateau, Une Création Scientifique Française: Le Premier Congrès International des Orientalistes (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1875), p.â•–8. 213.â•‡International Congress of Asian and North African Studies, ‘What is ICANAS?’, http:// www.icanas38.org.tr/icanas_ing/UntitledFrameset-9.html, last accessed 8 November 2010. 214.â•‡Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, Mexico at the World’s Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996), p.â•–91. 215.â•‡Asiatic Society of Japan, ‘Who We Are’, http://www.asjapan.org/About/welcome.htm, last accessed 9 November 2010; Asiatic Society of Japan, ‘History of the Asiatic Society of Japan’, http://www.asjapan.org/About/history.htm, last accessed 9 November 2010. 216.â•‡Rodrigo Fernos, Science Still Born: The Rise and Impact of the Pan American Scientific Congresses, 1898–1916 (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2003), p.â•–7. 217.â•‡Fernos, Science Still Born, pp.â•–8, 10, 13. 218.â•‡Hans Pretzsch, Forest Dynamics: Growth and Yield (Berlin: Springer 2009), pp.â•–104–5; Hans-Jürgen Bolle, International Radiation Commissions, 1896 to 2008: Research into Atmospheric Radiation from IMO to IAMAS (Oberpfaffenhofen: IAMAS, 2008), p.â•–7. 219.â•‡Naturfreunde Internationale, ‘Chronik der Naturfreunde Internationale’, http://www.nfi. at/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=3&Itemid=9, last accessed 8 November 2010. 220.â•‡Nico Schrivjer, Development without Destruction: The UN and Global Resource Management (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2010), p.â•–20. 221.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–208. 222.â•‡Otto Herman, The International Convention for the Protection of Birds (Budapest: Victor Hornyánszky, 1907), pp.â•–66–7, 126. 223.â•‡World League for Protection of Animals, ‘About the World League for Protection of Animals’, http://www.wlpa.org/about_wlpa.htm, last accessed 9 November 2010. 224.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, pp.â•–190–3. 225.â•‡Shubhada S. Â€Pandya, ‘The First International Leprosy Conference, Berlin, 1897: the Politics of Segregation’, História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos, 10/1 (2003), pp.â•–161–77. 226.â•‡Ligue Internationale des Antivaccinateurs, Convent. de Décembre 1880 tenu à Paris les 10, 11, 12 et 13 (Paris: Bureaux du Réveil Médical, 1881). On this organization, see Pierre Darmon, La Longue Traque de la Variole: Les Pionniers de la Médecine Préventive (Paris: Perrin, 1986). 227.â•‡American Dental Society of Europe, ‘History of the Society’, http://www.ads-eu.org/ index.php?menuID=2, last accessed 9 November 2010. 228.â•‡E. Â€ Sauvez, IIIe Congrès Dentaire International, Paris, 8 au 14 Aout 1900: Comptes Rendus (Paris: L’Odontologie, 1901), pp.â•–68–79; John Ennis, The Story of the Fédération Dentaire Internationale (London: Fédération Dentaire Internationale, 1967), p.â•–193. 229.â•‡Barbara L. Â€Brush, Nurses of All Nations: A History of the International Council of Nurses, 1899–1999 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, 1999), p.â•–1. 230.â•‡International Congress of Hygiene and Demography, Congrès International d’Hygiène, de Sauvetage, et d’Économie Sociale, Bruxelles, 1876 (Paris: Germer Baillière, 1877), pp.â•–xvii-xix. This was a successor to the Brussels hygiene congress of 1852. 231.â•‡Angus McLaren, Birth Control in Nineteenth-Century England (London: Croom Helm, 1978), p.â•–107.

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232.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale: Séconde série. Volume II. Â€1910–1911 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1912), p.â•–1067. 233.â•‡Lionel Rose, The Erosion of Childhood: Childhood in Britain, 1860–1918 (London: Routledge, 1991), p.â•–235. 234.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale, 1908–1909, pp.â•–831– 8; Richard F. Â€Wetzell, ‘From Retributive Justice to Social Defence: Penal Reform in Fin-de-Siècle Germany’, in Suzanne Marchand and David Lindenfeld (eds.), Germany at the Fin-de-Siècle: Culture, Politics and Ideas (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 2004), p.â•–71. 235.â•‡Anne Power, Hovels to High Rise: State Housing in Europe since 1850 (London: Routledge, 1993), p.â•–34. A permanent committee was formed in 1900: Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–781. 236.â•‡John H. Â€Weiss, ‘Origins of the French Welfare State: Poor Relief in the Third Republic, 1871–1914’, French Historical Studies, 13/1 (1983), p.â•–59. 237.â•‡James Joll, The Second International, 1889–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974), p.â•–33. 238.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 35. 239.â•‡Rosa Luxemburg, ‘What Are the Origins of May Day?’, in Selected Political Writings of Rosa Luxemburg (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), pp.â•–315–16. 240.â•‡International Socialist Bureau, Cinquième Congrès Socialiste International tenu à Paris du 23 au 27 Septembre 1900. Compte Rendu Analytique Officiel (Paris: Société Nouvelle de Librairie et d’Édition, 1901), pp.â•–101–2. 241.â•‡Geert van Goethem, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1913–1945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), p.â•–111. 242.â•‡Leon A. Â€Dale, ‘International Trade Secretariats’, Industrial Relations, 22/1 (1967), p.â•–100. 243.â•‡Lewis L. Â€Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929), pp.â•–97–8. 244.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1910–1911, pp.â•–1305, 1285. 245.â•‡Walther Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Années: Fédération Syndicale Internationale, 1901–1945 (Brussels: Institut E. Â€Vandervelde, 1964), pp.â•–31–6. 246.â•‡Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism, p.â•–98. 247.â•‡Van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.â•–111. 248.â•‡International Co-operative Alliance, Report of the First International Co-operative Congress (London: P. Â€S. Â€King and Son, 1895), p.â•–3. 249.â•‡Q uoted in ICA, Report, p.â•–49. 250.â•‡ICA, ‘Introduction to ICA’, http://www.ica.coop/ica/index.html, last accessed 7 May 2012. 251.â•‡ICA, Report, pp.â•–38, 52–3. 252.â•‡Commission Internationale d’Agriculture, Congrès International d’Agriculture tenu à Paris du 4 au 11 Juillet 1889 (Paris: Lahure, 1889). 253.â•‡Peter Koch, 125 Years of the International Union of Marine Insurance: From an Alliance of Insurance Companies in Continental Europe to a Worldwide Organization of National Associations (Karlsruhe: Verlag Versicherungswirtschaft, 1999), p.â•–12. 254.â•‡Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations 1981, entry H2714d. 255.â•‡Cercle de la Librairie, Congrès International des Éditeurs (Paris, 15–18 Juin 1896) … Documents—Rapports—Procès-Verbaux (Paris: Cercle de la Librairie, 1896), pp.â•–224–6.

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256.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1910–1911, p.â•–1741. 257.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–955. 258.â•‡Robert Sylvester, ‘Historical Resources for Research in International Education’, in Mary Hayden, Jack Levy and Jeff Thompson (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Research in International Education (London: SAGE, 2007), p.â•–12. 259.â•‡Faries, Rise of Internationalism, p.â•–1707. 260.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–927, 931, 935. 261.â•‡Association for Childhood Education International, ‘ACEI History’, http://acei.org/about/ history/, last accessed 11 November 2010. 262.â•‡Sylvester, ‘Historical Resources’, p.â•–14. 263.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1910–1911, p.â•–2429. 264.â•‡International Actuarial Association, Premier Congrès International d’Actuaires, Bruxelles, 2–6 Septembre 1895. Documents. Deuxième Edition (Brussels: Imprimerie Bruylant-Christophe & Compagnie, 1900), p.â•–430 265.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–613. 266.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938 (Geneva: League of Nations, 1938), p.â•–142. 267.â•‡International Railway Congress Association, Congrès des Chemins de Fer, Bruxelles: 8 au 15 Août 1885, Compte Rendu Général (Brussels: P. Â€Weissenbruch, 1886), p.â•–vi; Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–959–60. 268.â•‡Union International Permanente des Tramways, Assemblée Générale des 24 et 25 Septembre 1886. Procès-Verbal (Brussels: Guyot, 1886), pp.â•–6–16; International Association of Public Transport, ‘The International Association of Public Transport Turns 125!’, http://www. uitp.org/about/history.cfm, last accessed 12 November 2010. 269.â•‡Kamil A. Â€Bekiashev and Vitali V. Â€Serebriakov, International Marine Organizations (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1981), p.â•–217. 270.â•‡Alliance Internationale de Tourisme, AIT: 100 Years of Mobility, 1898–1998 (Geneva: Alliance Internationale de Tourisme, 1998). 271.â•‡Alfred Fried, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1907 (Monaco: Institut International de la Paix, 1907), p.â•–183. Some date the International Yacht Racing Union to 1875, but this organization was not created until 1907; the English Yacht Racing Association was set up in 1875. 272.â•‡Tony Collins, A Social History of English Rugby Union (London: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–158. 273.â•‡Q uoted in Melchior de Polignac, ‘Baron Pierre de Coubertin’, Bulletin du Comité International Olympique, 6 (1947), p.â•–13. 274.â•‡International Olympic Committee, ‘Le Congrès de Paris’, Bulletin du Comité International des Jeux Olympiques, 1/1 (1894), pp.â•–1–2. 275.â•‡Christopher R. Â€Hill, Olympic Politics: Athens to Atlanta, 1896–1996 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), pp.â•–23–9. 276.â•‡Pierre de Coubertin, Timoleon J. Â€Philemon, N. Â€G. Â€Politis and Charalambos Anninos, The Olympic Games in 1896 (Athens: Charles Beck, 1897), p.â•–11. 277.â•‡Q uoted in Neal Ascherson, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (London: Granta, 1999), pp.â•–91–2, 98.

201

pp. [54–57]

NOTES

278.â•‡Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa (London: Pan Macmillan, 1999), p.â•–87. 279.â•‡Edmund D. Â€Morel, King Leopold’s Rule in Africa (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1905), pp.â•–ix, 136; Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost, p.â•–173. 280.â•‡Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa (London: Methuen, 1974), pp.â•–176–7. 281.â•‡Q uotations from Geiss, Pan-African Movement, pp.â•–177–8, 180, 191–2. 282.â•‡Q uoted in Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, p.â•–46. 283.â•‡Sven Saaler, ‘Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History: Overcoming the Nation, Creating a Region, Forging an Empire’, in Sven Saaler and J. Â€Victor Koschmann (eds.), PanAsianism in Modern Japanese History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p.â•–3. 284.â•‡Saaler, ‘Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History’, p.â•–4. 285.â•‡Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.â•–119–23. 286.â•‡C. Â€Ernest Dawn, ‘The Origins of Arab Nationalism’, in Rashid Khalidi, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih and Reeva S. Â€Simon (eds.), The Origins of Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), p.â•–8. 287.â•‡Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, p.â•–135. 288.â•‡Azmi Özcan, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 1877–1924 (Leiden: Brill, 1997), p.â•–24. 289.â•‡There were numerous organizations of the same name throughout Indian cities in the late nineteenth century, the first of which appears to have been formed in Bombay in 1876: Özcan, Pan-Islamism, p.â•–69n. 290.â•‡Shaikh Mushir Hosain Kidwai, Pan-Islamism (London: Lusac, 1908), p.â•–1. 291.â•‡Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.â•–159–76. 292.â•‡Executive of the Zionist Organization, The Jubilee of the First Zionist Congress, 1897–1947 ( Jerusalem: Executive of the Zionist Organization, 1947), p.â•–73. 293.â•‡Q uoted in Richard Hughes Seager (ed.), The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the World’s Parliament of Religions, 1893 (Peru, IL: Open Court, 1993), p.â•–5. 294.â•‡Tomoko Masuzawa, The Invention of World Religions: How European Universalism was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p.â•–266; Seager, Dawn of Religious Pluralism, pp.â•–5–8. 295.â•‡Cyrus R. Â€Pangborn, ‘The Ramakrishna Math and Mission: A Case Study of a Revitalization Movement’, in Bardwell L. Â€Smith (ed.), Hinduism: New Essays in the History of Religions (Leiden: E. Â€J. Â€Brill, 1976), pp.â•–108–10. 296.â•‡International Association for Religious Freedom, ‘The Beginning’, http://www.iarf. net/2008site/AboutUs/OurPriorities/History/vi_hi_beginning.htm, last accessed 23 November 2010. 297.â•‡Thomas E. Â€Fitzgerald, The Ecumenical Movement: An Introductory History (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004), pp.â•–66–9; Ruth Rouse and Stephen Charles Neill (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume 1, 1517–1948 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004). 298.â•‡‘Minutes of the Meetings held in Connection with the Formation of the World’s Student Christian Federation, Wadstena, Sweden, August 17–19, 1895’, box 213.01.1, World Council of Churches Archives, Geneva. 299.â•‡George S. Â€Railton, Twenty-One Years’ Salvation Army (London: Salvation Army Publishing Offices, 1889), p.â•–255.

202

NOTES

pp. [57–59]

300.â•‡H. Â€P. Â€Blavatsky, The Original Programme of the Theosophical Society and Preliminary Memorandum of the Esoteric Section (Adyar, Madras: Theosophical Publishing House, 1966), p.â•–2. 301.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–700. On the Freethinkers’ International, see Daniel Laqua, ‘“Laïque, Démocratique et Sociale”? Socialism and the Freethinkers’ International’, Labour History Review, 74/3 (2009), pp.â•–257–73. 302.â•‡Q uoted in Colin David Campbell, Toward a Sociology of Religion (London: Macmillan, 1971), p.â•–74. 303.â•‡Hunt Janin, The India-China Opium Trade in the Nineteenth Century ( Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Company, 1999), p.â•–178. 304.â•‡Annie Stora-Lamarre, ‘Censorship in Republican Times: Censorship and Pornographic Novels Located in L’Enfer de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 1800–1900’, in Lisa Z. Â€Sigel (ed.), International Exposure: Perspectives of Modern European Pornography, 1800–2000 (Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005), pp.â•–60–1. An International Bureau against Immoral Literature had been formed in 1893. 305.â•‡Q uoted in Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–268. 306.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–270. 307.â•‡World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, ‘Constitution and By-Laws of the World’s W.C.T.U.’, in World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union, Minutes of the Second Biennial Convention (Chicago, IL: Woman’s Temperance Publishing Association, 1893), p.â•–296. 308.â•‡Ian R. Â€Tyrrell, Woman’s World/Woman’s Empire: The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), p.â•–223. 309.â•‡Melanie Nolan and Caroline Daley, ‘International Feminist Perspectives on Suffrage: An Introduction’, in Carline Daley and Melanie Nolan (eds.), Suffrage and Beyond: International Feminist Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1994), p.â•–13. 310.â•‡National Woman Suffrage Association, Report of the International Council of Women assembled by the National Woman Suffrage Association, Washington, DC, United States of America, March 25 to April 1, 1888 (Washington, DC: Rufus H. Â€Darby, 1888), p.â•–451. 311.â•‡Richard Evans, The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America and Australasia, 1840-1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977), p. 250. 312.â•‡Evans, The Feminists, pp.â•–246–7. France was nevertheless important in the development of women’s participation in freemasonry, with the creation of the International Order of Co-Freemasonry in 1893. 313.â•‡Keck and Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders, p.â•–62. 314.â•‡Kumari Jayawardena, The White Woman’s Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia during British Colonial Rule (London: Routledge, 1995), pp.â•–55–6. 315.â•‡Article 2 of its constitution, quoted in Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–277. 316.â•‡T. Â€ Fallot, Une Noble Entreprise: L’Union Internationale des Amies de la Jeune Fille (Valence: A. Â€Ducros, 1902), p.â•–77; Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–278. Similar objectives were pursued by the Travelers’ Aid Societies that developed in late-nineteenth-century USA and by the Catholic Association for the Protection of Girls, created in 1897. 317.â•‡Josephine E. Â€Butler, The New Abolitionists: A Narrative of a Year’s Work, Being an Account

203

pp. [60–62]

NOTES

of the Mission undertaken to the Continent of Europe by Mrs Josephine E Butler, and of the Events Subsequent Thereupon (London: Dyer Brothers, 1876), p.â•–103. 318.â•‡Stephanie A. Â€Limoncelli, The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010), pp.â•–44, 46. 319.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–280; Limoncelli, Politics of Trafficking, p.â•–46. 320.â•‡Paula Bartley, Prostitution: Prevention and Reform in England, 1860–1914 (London: Routledge, 2000), p.â•–156. 321.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–203; Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–280. 322.â•‡National Vigilance Association, The White Slave Trade: Transactions of the International Congress of the White Slave Trade Held in London on the 21st, 22nd, and 23rd June 1899 (London: Office of the National Vigilance Association, 1899), pp.â•–13–18; Minutes of the International Congress on the White Slave Traffic held at Westminster Palace Hotel on June 21st, 22nd and 23rd 1899, 4IBS/1/1, Box FL192, Archives of the International Bureau for the Suppression of Traffic in Persons, Women’s Library, London; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–203. 323.â•‡Harriet Hyman Alonso, Peace as a Women’s Issue: A History of the U.S. Â€Movement for World Peace and Women’s Rights (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1993), pp.â•–45–6, 49, 54. 324.â•‡Sandi Cooper, ‘The Work of Women in Nineteenth Century Continental European Peace Movements’, Peace & Change, 9/4 (1983), pp.â•–19–20. 325.â•‡Le Désarmement Général: Organe de la Ligue Internationale des Femmes pour le Désarmement Général, 1/1 ( July 1896), p.â•–7. 326.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–137. 327.â•‡Ralph Uhlig, Die Interparliamentarische Union, 1889–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1988), p.â•–69. 328.â•‡Cesar Facelli and Antonio Teso, Troisième Congrès International de la Paix (Rome: Unione Cooperativa Editrice, 1892), pp.â•–114–18. 329.â•‡The ‘for Arbitration’ part of the latter organization’s name was dropped in 1908. Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–137–8. 330.â•‡Organizations for international law were preceded by the creation of a Society for Comparative Legislation in Paris in 1869; see Peter Cruz, Comparative Law in a Changing World (London: Cavendish Publishing, 2nd edn 1999), p.â•–15. 331.â•‡International Law Association, Reports of the First Conference held at Brussels, 1873, and of the Second Conference held at Geneva, 1874 (London: West, Newman & Co., 1903), p.â•–44. 332.â•‡Institute of International Law, Annuaire de l’Institut de Droit International. Première Année (Gand: Bureau de la Revue de Droit International, 1877), pp.â•–18–19 (translation from http://www.idi-iil.org, last accessed 9 April 2010, where present text of statutes is identical to original). 333.â•‡Masaharu Yanagihara, ‘Message from the President, Oct. 2009’, http://wwwsoc.nii.ac.jp/ jsil/english_contents/president/index.html, last accessed 18 November 2010. 334.â•‡The earlier Berlin Congress of 1878 is notable for being the first intergovernmental meeting to adopt a specific procedure for receiving petitions; see Lie, Right of Petition, section 15, p.â•–17. Another precedent was set at the 1889–90 Brussels Slave Trade Conference,

204

NOTES

pp. [62–65]

lobbied by the BFASS and the Aborigines Protection Society, which resulted in a treaty that included a clause aiming to ‘encourage, aid and protect’ private abolitionist societies; see Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–196. 335.â•‡Sandi Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism: Waging War on War in Europe, 1815–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp.â•–91, 94. 336.â•‡Merze Tate, The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907 (New York: Macmillan, 1942), pp.â•–70–3. 337.â•‡Thomas K. Â€Ford, ‘The Genesis of the First Hague Peace Conference’, Political Science Quarterly, 51/3 (1936), p.â•–381. 338.â•‡Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.â•–98. 339.â•‡Ute Kätzel, ‘A Radical Women’s Rights and Peace Activist: Margarethe Lenore Selenka, Initiator of the First Worldwide Women’s Peace Demonstration in 1899’, Journal of Women’s History, 13/3 (2001), p.â•–51. 340.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–197. 341.â•‡I bid., p.â•–197; Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.â•–98. 342.â•‡Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, p.â•–69. 343.â•‡Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism, p.â•–103. 344.â•‡Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.â•–14. 345.â•‡At the first international cooperative congress, Owen Greening estimated the movement’s membership in 1895 to be 5 to 6 million, or 20 million if the family members of each individual member were to be included: ICA, Report, p.â•–49. 346.â•‡Katharine L. Â€Stevenson, A Brief History of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union: Outline Course of Study for Local Unions (Evanston, IL: The Union Signal, 1907), p.â•–56. 347.â•‡Paul Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics’, World Politics, 47/3 (1995), pp.â•–311–40. 348.â•‡Angus Maddison, Monitoring the World Economy, 1820–1992 (Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1995), p.â•–239. 349.â•‡Imre Ferenczi and Walter F. Â€Willcox, International Migrations, Volume I: Statistics (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1929), pp.â•–231–2. 350.â•‡See, for example, the figures in Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations 1981, section U; and Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. Speeckaert noted a rise in INGO foundations from forty in the 1880s to seventythree in the 1890s: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii. 351.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–368. 352.â•‡Frederick W. Â€ Haberman, Nobel Lectures in Peace, 1901–1925 (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 1999), pp.â•–3–4. 353.â•‡Colette Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, in John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), p.â•–229. A year before the formation of the Carnegie Foundation, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace was created ‘to hasten the abolition of international war’, the Board of Trustees of which chose to concentrate its attention upon educational and scientific activities: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Epitome of the Purpose, Plans and Methods of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1919), pp.â•–7–8.

205

pp. [65–68]

NOTES

The Carnegie Endowment was preceded by other organizations for the study of international relations, such as the Ecole des Hautes Etudes Internationales and the Association for International Conciliation, created in Paris in 1904 and 1905 respectively. 354.â•‡Chesley R. Â€Perry, ‘A Page From Rotary History’, The Rotarian, February 1931, p.â•–43. 355.â•‡The Rotarian, September 1912. 356.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–689, 865, 889; Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), p.â•–15; Société Universelle de la Croix Blanche de Genève, Compte-Rendu des Travaux du 1er Congrès International pour la Répression des Fraudes Alimentaires et Pharmaceutiques, Genève, les 8–12 Septembre 1908 (Geneva: Isaac Soullier, 1909). 357.â•‡Its activities were preceded by the largely unsuccessful attempts from 1889 to form an international Vegetarian Federal Union in London: International Vegetarian Union, ‘Vegetarian Federal Union, 1889–1911’, http://www.ivu.org/history/vfu/index.html, last accessed 23 November 2010. 358.â•‡These were known at the time as the International Association of Refrigeration and the Permanent International Association of Road Congresses. 359.â•‡Comité Central de l’Exposition du Travail à Domicile, 1er Congrès International du Travail à Domicile réuni à Bruxelles en Septembre 1910. Compte Rendu des Séances (Louvain: Charles Peeters, 1911); Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, pp.â•–1117–18. 360.â•‡Pierre-Yves Saunier, ‘Sketches from the Urban Internationale, 1910–50: Voluntary Associations, International Institutions and US Philanthropic Foundations’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 25/2 (2001), pp.â•–380–403. 361.â•‡International Federation of Trade Unions, First Special International Trade Union Congress, London, November 22–27, 1920 (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1920), pp.â•–2–3. 362.â•‡Van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.â•–15. 363.â•‡Q uoted in van Goethem, Amsterdam International, p.â•–16. 364.â•‡Negib Azoury, Le Réveil de la Nation Arabe dans l’Asie Turque (Paris: Plon, 1905), pp.â•–245– 6. 365.â•‡Brief information on most of the organizations listed in this paragraph is available at Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010. 366.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, pp.â•–230–4. 367.â•‡International Labour Office, International Labour Standards, p.â•–5. Plans for much more extensive labour standards were cut short by the onset of the First World War: Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, pp.â•–154–5. 368.â•‡Tate, Disarmament Illusion, p.â•–34. 369.â•‡Caroline E. Â€Playne, Bertha von Suttner and the Struggle to Avert the World War (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1936), p.â•–155; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–197. 370.â•‡Ascherson, King Incorporated, pp.â•–254, 259. 371.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–207–10. 372.â•‡W illiam O. Â€Walker III, Opium and Foreign Policy: The Anglo-American Search for Order in Asia, 1912–1954 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), p.â•–15.

206

NOTES

pp. [68–72]

373.â•‡National American Woman Suffrage Association, Report. First International Woman Suffrage Conference held at Washington, USA, February 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 1902, in connection with and by invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (New York: International Woman Suffrage Headquarters, 1902), p.â•–17. The women’s movement was also joined by more traditionalist INGOs in this period, such as Pro Gentilezza, a women’s INGO formed in Rome in 1910 that aimed to promote ‘la propre gentilesse’: Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1910–1911. 374.â•‡Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, 1 (1904), p.â•–5. 375.â•‡International Electrotechnical Commission, Report of Preliminary Meeting held at the Hotel Cecil, London, on Tuesday and Wednesday, June 26th and 27th 1906 (London: International Electrotechnical Commission, 1906), p.â•–6. 376.â•‡International Dairy Federation, Congrès International de Laiterie organisé par la Société Nationale de Laiterie de Belgique, Bruxelles, 8, 9, 10 et 11 Septembre 1903: Compte Rendu des Séances; Voeux Émis (Brussels: K. Â€Brants & Co., 1904), pp.â•–1–3, 147–8, 159–60. 377.â•‡International Committee of the International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton-Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the Proceedings of the First International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations held at the Tonhalle, Zürich, May 23 to 27, 1904 (London: Marsden, 1904), p.â•–60. 378.â•‡Union of International Associations, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1908–1909, p.â•–942. 379.â•‡Erik Bergvall (ed.), The Fifth Olympiad: The Official Report of the Olympic Games of Stockholm 1912 (Stockholm: Wahlström and Widstrand, 1913), pp.â•–420–1. 380.â•‡These statistics are based on calculations using the data in the Union of International Associations’ Yearbook of International Organizations. Speeckaert estimated the increase to be from 73 in the 1890s to 192 in the 1900s: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii. 381.â•‡Details of these bodies can be found in the 1908–1909 and 1910–1911 editions of the Union of International Associations’ Annuaire de la Vie Internationale. 382.â•‡‘Historique de l’Union des Associations Internationales’, box PP-PO-210, Union of International Associations Archives, Mundaneum, Mons. 383.â•‡Georges Patrick Speeckaert, ‘A Glance at Sixty Years of Activity (1910–1970) of the Union of International Associations’, in Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations, 1910–1970: Past, Present, Future (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1970), p.â•–27. 384.â•‡‘Letter of Invitation’, in Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 9–11 Mai 1910 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1911), p.â•–10. 385.â•‡Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales 1910, pp.â•–831–7, 839–74. 386.â•‡Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations, pp.â•–7, 11. 387.â•‡Union of International Associations, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 15–18 Juin 1913 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914), pp.â•–ii, cxlvi. 388.â•‡Q uoted in Joll, Second International, p.â•–156. 389.â•‡Boston Chamber of Commerce, Fifth International Congress of Chamber of Commerce and

207

pp. [72–75]

NOTES

Commercial and Industrial Associations, September and October 1912 (Boston, MA: Boston Chamber of Commerce, 1913), p.â•–10. 390.â•‡Norman Angell, Europe’s Optical Illusion (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., n.d.), p.â•–118. 391.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 120. 392.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 104. 393.â•‡Q uoted in Olga Hess Hankin and H. Â€H. Â€Fisher, The Bolsheviks and the World War: The Origins of the Third International (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1940), pp.â•–56–7. 394.â•‡Hoffman, Civil Society, pp.â•–76–7. 395.â•‡Billington, Fire in the Minds of Men, p.â•–334. 396.â•‡Q uoted in Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: Hurst & Co., 2008), p.â•–50. 397.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 51. 398.â•‡Richard Evans, Rereading German History, 1800–1996: From Unification to Reunification (London: Routledge, 1997), p.â•–147. 399.â•‡Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics I: Papers Communicated to the First International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1912), pp.â•–xi-xvii. 400.â•‡Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics II: Report of Proceedings of the First International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1913), pp.â•–5, 189. 401.â•‡Paul Rich, ‘“The Baptism of a New Era”: The 1911 Universal Races Congress and the Liberal Ideology of Race’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7/4 (1984), p.â•–534. 402.â•‡Executive Council of the Universal Races Congress, Record of the Proceedings of the First Universal Races Congress (London: P. Â€S. Â€King, 1911), p.â•–2. 403.â•‡Michael D. Â€Biddiss, ‘The Universal Races Congress of 1911’, Race, 13/1 (1971), pp.â•–38, 45. 404.â•‡Jean Pélissier and *** (i.e. Jean Gabrys), Les Principaux Artisans de la Renaissance Nationale Lituanienne: Hommes et Choses de Lituanie (Lausanne: Bureau d’Informations de Lituanie, 1918), p.â•–206. 405.â•‡On the early history of the Office Central see Les Annales des Nationalités,1/2 ( JuinJuillet 1912), pp.â•–66–9. 406.â•‡Les Annales des Nationalités, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), rear inside cover. 407.â•‡D. Â€R. Â€Watson ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central des Nationalités, 1912–1919’, English Historical Review, 110, 1995, p.â•–1191. 408.â•‡ Les Annales des Nationalités, 1/1 ( Janvier 1912), p.â•–1; Les Annales des Nationalités, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), p.â•–54. 409.â•‡Les Annales des Nationalités, 2/1 ( Janvier 1913), p.â•–37. 410.â•‡Paul Otlet, ‘A World Charter’, Advocate of Peace, 79/2 (1917), p.â•–44. 411.â•‡The plans for the third conference are in Union of International Associations, Les Congrès de 1915 à San Francisco: La 3e Session du Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914). 412.â•‡Otlet’s documentation of this event is in boxes PP-PO-168, PP-PO-169 and PP-PO-236, Union of International Associations Archives, Mundaneum, Mons. The proceedings are in Union of Nationalities, Compte Rendu de la IIIme Conférence des Nationalités réunie à Lausanne 27–29 Juin 1916 (Lausanne: Office Central de l’Union des Nationalités, 1917). 413.â•‡Alfred Erich Senn, ‘Garlawa: A Study in Emigré Intrigue, 1915–1917’ (1967), pp.â•–418–20.

208

NOTES

pp. [75–78]

414.â•‡Watson, ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central’, p.â•–1198; Georges-Henri Soutou, ‘Jean Pélissier et l’Office Central des Nationalités, 1911–1918: Renseignement et Influence’, Rélations Internationales, 78 (1994), pp.â•–153–74. 415.â•‡Watson, ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central’, p.â•–1205; Senn, ‘Garlawa’, p.â•–424. 416.â•‡John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas, ‘World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of International Non-Governmental Organization’, American Sociological Review, 62/2 (1997), p.â•–175; Boli and Thomas, Constructing World Culture, p.â•–24. 417.â•‡Calculations based on UIA data. Speeckaert noted a fall from 131 INGO foundations in 1905–9 to 112 in 1910–14: Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii. 418.â•‡Union of International Associations, ‘Un siècle de Réunions internationales’, Monthly Review ( January 1949), p.â•–6. 419.â•‡Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp.â•–47–8. 420.â•‡Lyons, Internationalism in Europe, p.â•–369. 421.â•‡Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center, p.â•–6. 422.â•‡On the promotion of nationalism by transnational civil society actors in the early twentieth century, see the above discussion of LIPL, the Union of International Associations and the Union of Nationalities. 423.â•‡Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience, p.â•–72. 2.â•‡1914–1939 1.â•‡Some recent work is addressing this deficit: see, for instance, Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007); and Daniel Laqua (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tauris, 2011). 2.â•‡Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, Civil Society, 1750–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.â•–82. 3.â•‡See, for instance, Zara Steiner, The Lights that Failed: European International History 1919– 1933 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 4.â•‡Philip Marshall Brown, International Society: Its Nature and Interests (New York: Macmillan, 1923), p.â•–120. See also Pitman Potter, An Introduction to the Study of International Organization (New York: The Century Co., 1922), pp.â•–289–301; and Lyman Cromwell White, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA: George S. Â€Ferguson Company, 1933), pp.â•–11–12. 5.â•‡ Disarmament, 15 February 1932, p.â•–6. 6.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.â•–5. 7.â•‡Calculations based on Union of International Associations (UIA) data. Speeckaert estimated a decline in INGO foundations from 112 in 1910–14 to 51 in 1915–19: Georges Patrick Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.â•–viii. 8.â•‡Edmund David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison, WN: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp.â•–16–17.

209

pp. [78–82]

NOTES

9.â•‡Marcus Garvey, The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (London: Frank Cass, 1967), p.â•–129. 10.â•‡Peter Macalister Smith, International Humanitarian Assistance: Disaster Relief Actions in International Law and Organization (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1985), pp.â•–11–12. 11.â•‡Near East Foundation, ‘Near East Foundation Celebrates 90th Year’, http://www.neareast. org/images/uploads/90thanniv_1.pdf, last accessed 2 December 2010, p.â•–1. 12.â•‡Federación Odontológica Latinoamericana, ‘Un poco de Historia…’, http://www.folaoral. com/quienes_somos_historia.htm, last accessed 2 December 2010. 13.â•‡Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, ‘History’, http://www.bori.ac.in/history.htm, last accessed 2 December 2010. 14.â•‡East African Women’s League, ‘Formation of the EAWL’, http://www.eawl.org/Formation%20of%20the%20EAWL.html, last accessed 2 December 2010. 15.â•‡R. Â€Craig Nation, War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Internationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989), pp.â•–99–101. 16.â•‡Q uoted in Nation, War on War, p.â•–101. 17.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 101. 18.â•‡Robert V. Â€ Daniels, A Documentary History of Communism, Volume 2: Communism and the World (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tauris, 1987), p.â•–5. 19.â•‡Quoted in Daniel Gorman, ‘Ecumenical Internationalism: Willoughby Dickinson, the League of Nations, and the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship Through the Churches’, Journal of Contemporary History, 45/1 (2010), p.â•–57. 20.â•‡World Union of Women for International Concord, The World Union of Women for International Concord Founded at Geneva, Switzerland, February 1915 (Geneva: World Union of Women for International Concord, 1915), p.â•–3. 21.â•‡International Women’s Committee of Permanent Peace, International Congress of Women, The Hague, 28th April—May 1st 1915: Report (Amsterdam: International Women’s Committee for Permanent Peace, 1915), p.â•–42. 22.â•‡Q uoted in Leonard Woolf (ed.), The Framework of a Lasting Peace (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1917), p.â•–63. 23.â•‡Martin Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 1854–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p.â•–204. 24.â•‡Léon Bourgeois, Pour la Société des Nations (Paris: Bibliothèque-Charpentier, 1910). 25.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–204–5. 26.â•‡Q uoted in Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–206. 27.â•‡Q uoted in League to Enforce Peace, Enforced Peace: Proceedings of the First Annual National Assemblage of the League to Enforce Peace (New York: League to Enforce Peace, 1916), p.â•–8. 28.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 163. 29.â•‡Leonard Woolf, International Government (New York: Brentano’s, 1916), p.â•–166. 30.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 166. 31.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 173. 32.â•‡David Hunter Miller, The Drafting of the Covenant, Volume One (New York: G. Â€P. Â€Putnam’s Sons, 1928), p.â•–iii. 33.â•‡ League of Nations Journal and Monthly Report, February 1919, p.â•–72. 34.â•‡Théodore Ruyssen, The League of Nations Societies and their International Federation: Raison

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d’etre, Activities, Results (Brussels: International Federation of League of Nations Societies, 1930), p.â•–12. 35.â•‡Donald Birn, The League of Nations Union, 1918–1945 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), pp.â•–12, 15. On the work of the IFLNS, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Internationalism in a Divided World: The Experience of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, 1919–1939’, Peace & Change, 37/2 (2012), pp.â•–227–52. 36.â•‡D. Â€R. Â€Watson, ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central des Nationalités, 1912–1919’, English Historical Review, 110 (1995), p.â•–1204. 37.â•‡Steve Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance’, Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (1996–7), p.â•–214. 38.â•‡Christian Raitz von Frentz, A Lesson Forgotten: Minority Protection under the League of Nations, The Case of the German Minority in Poland, 1920–1934 (Münster: Lit Verlag, 1999), p.â•–49. 39.â•‡International Anti-Opium Association in Peking, The War Against Opium (Tientsin: Tientsin Press, 1922), p.â•–iii. 40.â•‡Naoko Shimazu, Japan, Race and Equality: The Racial Equality Proposal of 1919 (London: Routledge, 1998), pp.â•–51–2; David Hunter Miller, The Drafting of the Covenant, Volume Two (New York: G. Â€P. Â€Putnam’s Sons, 1928), p.â•–325; see also Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p.â•–96. 41.â•‡Independent Labour Party, International Socialism and World Peace: Resolutions of the Berne Conference, February 1919 (London: Independent Labour Party, 1919), p.â•–4. 42.â•‡Miller, Drafting of the Covenant, Volume One, p.â•–273. 43.â•‡Independent Labour Party, International Socialism and World Peace, pp.â•–5–15. 44.â•‡Q uoted in Geert van Goethem, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1913–1945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006), p.â•–18. 45.â•‡International Labour Office, International Labour Standards: A Workers’ Education Manual. Fourth (revised) edition. (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1998), p.â•–6. 46.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–215; International Labour Office, International Labour Standards, pp.â•–7–8. 47.â•‡Charles Howard Ellis, The Origin, Structure and Working of the League of Nations (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1928), p.â•–220; see also Clark, International Legitimacy and World Society, p.â•–122. 48.â•‡Arnold Whittick, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979), p.â•–70; ‘Secretary’s Notes of a Conversation held in M. Â€Pichon’s Room at the Quai d’Orsay, Paris, on Thursday 13 February 1919 at 3pm’, in United States Department of State, Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States: The Paris Peace Conference, 1919, Volume III (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1943), pp.â•–1022–3. 49.â•‡James T. Â€Shotwell (ed.), The Origins of the International Labor Organization, Volume Two: Documents (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934), pp.â•–273–85, 412. 50.â•‡Miller, Drafting of the Covenant, Volume Two, pp.â•–361–2. 51.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–725, 739. 52.â•‡Gertrude Bussey and Margaret Tims, Pioneers for Peace: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, 1915–1965 (London: WILPF British Section, 1980), pp.â•–29–33. 53.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–213. 54.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 222.

211

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55.â•‡Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, International Trade Conference, 1919 (Chamber of Commerce of the United States of America, [1919]), pp.â•–9–10. 56.â•‡George L. Â€Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace: Twenty Years of Business Diplomacy through the International Chamber of Commerce (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), pp.â•–36–7. 57.â•‡Chamber of Commerce of the USA, International Trade Conference, pp.â•–470–1. 58.â•‡Quoted in White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–36. 59.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 5. 60.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, ‘Home’, http://www. ifrc.org/, last accessed 8 December 2010. 61.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938 (Geneva: League of Nations, 1938), p.â•–84. 62.â•‡League of Red Cross Societies, Proceedings of the Medical Conference held at the invitation of the Committee of Red Cross Societies, Cannes, France, April 1 to 11, 1919 (Geneva: League of Red Cross Societies, 1919), pp.â•–18–19, held in the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies archives, Geneva; Amanda Bowie Moniz, ‘Labours in the Cause of Humanity in Every Part of the Globe’: Transatlantic Philanthropic Collaboration and the Cosmopolitan Ideal, 1760–1815 (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 2008), p.â•–286. 63.â•‡Clare Mulley, The Woman who Saved the Children: A Biography of Eglantyne Jebb (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009), p.â•–246. 64.â•‡Union Internationale de Secours aux Enfants, ‘Fondation de l’Union’, Bulletin de l’Union Internationale de Secours aux Enfants, 1/1–2 (10–20 January 1920), pp.â•–1–12; quotation from Mulley, Woman who Saved the Children, p.â•–298. 65.â•‡Arthur Schuster (ed.), International Research Council: Constitutive Assembly held at Brussels, July 18th to July 28th, 1919, Reports of Proceedings (London: Harrison & Sons, 1920), p.â•–222. 66.â•‡Frank Greenaway, Science International: A History of the International Council of Scientific Unions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp.â•–26–8. 67.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–105. 68.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–112–13. 69.â•‡Institute of International Education, First Annual Report of the Director (New York: Institute of International Education, 1920), p.â•–2. 70.â•‡Institute of International Education, ‘A Brief History of IIE’, http://www.iie.org/en/WhoWe-Are/History, last accessed 9 December 2010. 71.â•‡Institute of International Education, First Annual Report, p.â•–1. 72.â•‡E. Â€D. Â€Adams, The Hoover War Collection at Stanford University California: A Report and an Analysis (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1921), p.â•–8; Hoover Institution, ‘About the Hoover Institution’, http://www.hoover.org/about/herbert-hoover, last accessed 9 December 2010. 73.â•‡Q uoted in M. Â€L. Â€Dockrill, ‘The Foreign Office and the “Proposed Institute of International Affairs 1919”’, International Affairs, 56/4 (1980), pp.â•–666–7. 74.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 666. 75.â•‡Inderjeet Parmar, ‘Anglo-American Elites in the Interwar Years: Idealism and Power in the Intellectual Roots of Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations’, International Relations, 16/1 (2002), pp.â•–53–75. 76.â•‡David Long and Brian C. Â€Schmidt (eds.), Imperialism and Internationalism in the Discipline of International Relations (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005), p.â•–6.

212

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77.â•‡Estimates derived from UIA data. 78.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1929 (Geneva: League of Nations, 1929), p.â•–88; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–128. 79.â•‡This organization provides a survey of its activities in International Fellowship of Reconciliation, ‘IFOR History Highlights’, http://www.ifor.org/index.html, last accessed 9Â€December 2010. 80.â•‡Details of the Society for a League of Religions are provided in League of Nations Search Engine, ‘Society for a League of Religions’, http://www.lonsea.de/pub/org/333, last accessed 9 December 2010. 81.â•‡‘Minutes of the Meeting of Delegates held at Bedford College, London, Wednesday, July 14th, 1920’, International Federation of University Women Archives, Aletta, Amsterdam. 82.â•‡World League against Alcoholism, International Convention, Toronto, Canada, November 24th –29th, 1922 (Westerville, OH: American Issue Press, 1922), p.â•–494. 83.â•‡Ian Tyrrell, Reforming the World: The Creation of America’s Moral Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), pp.â•–209–210. 84.â•‡Tyrrell, Reforming the World, pp.â•–220, 226. 85.â•‡Balabanova quoted in Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, Volume I, 1919–1922 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p.â•–6. 86.â•‡Q uoted in Degras, Communist International, p.â•–16. 87.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–17, 19. 88.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 23. 89.â•‡Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), pp.â•–74–6. 90.â•‡Minault, Khilafat Movement, pp.â•–80–1. 91.â•‡Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe, and Africa (London: Methuen, 1974), pp.â•–239–40. 92.â•‡Estimates from UIA, Yearbook of International Organizations. 93.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–6. 94.â•‡Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–214. 95.â•‡Source of membership data: League of Nations, Handbook of International Organizations (Associations, Bureaux, Committees, etc.), 1938 (Geneva: League of Nations, 1938), except where otherwise indicated. 96.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968), p.â•–195. 97.â•‡Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi (Geneva: Vox Populi Committee, 1932), p.â•–20. 98.â•‡Lewis L. Â€Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p.â•–202. 99.â•‡‘International Co-operative Women’s Guild, December 1931’, dr. 50/33895/31137, R.3604, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 100.â•‡Founding dates from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010. 101.â•‡Robert Cecil, A Great Experiment: An Autobiography (London: Jonathan Cape, 1941). On this theme, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘A “Great Experiment” of the League of Nations Era: International Nongovernmental Organizations, Global Governance, and Democracy

213

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Beyond the State’, Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 18/4 (2012), pp.â•–405–23. 102.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–220. 103.â•‡Note by Baker, 13 February 1920, R.1007, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 104.â•‡Drummond to Monnet, 23 June 1919, R.1332, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 105.â•‡International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World: The Dynamic Story of the International Council of Women since 1888 (London: Routledge, 1966), pp.â•–54, 143. 106.â•‡For a list of INGO conferences attended by League delegates, see ‘Représentation du Secretariat aux divers congrès, conférences, etc. auxquels il a été invité’, R.1600, League of Nations Archives, Geneva; for the discussions leading to decision to provide summaries of INGO communications to the Council, see dossier 27124, R.1598, League of Nations Archives, Geneva; on INGO deputations, see Alexandre Berenstein, Les Organisations Ouvrières: Leurs Compétences et Leur Rôle dans la Société des Nations (Paris: Pedone, 1936), pp.â•–239–40; on the appointment of INGO representatives as assessors, see White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–248–52; on the League and INGOs in general, see Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–220–37. 107.â•‡Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations: The System in Crisis (London: Hurst & Co., 1987), p.â•–260. 108.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–217, 219. 109.â•‡F. Â€P. Â€Walters, A History of the League of Nations (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p.â•–190. 110.â•‡Statement by the ICIC director Julien Luchaire, ‘Réunion des Grandes Associations Internationales pour l’Education de la Jeunesse. Prémière Réunion du 10 Décembre 1925’, Comité d’Entente des Grandes Associations Internationales records, FOL-R-829(1), Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris. 111.â•‡Walters, History of the League of Nations, p.â•–100. 112.â•‡League of Nations, Ten Years of World Co-operation (Geneva: League of Nations, 1930), p.â•–269. 113.â•‡Peter Walker and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.â•–26–7. 114.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, ‘90 Years of Improving the Lives of the Most Vulnerable’, http://www.ifrc.org/meetings/events/ solferino/156400-IFRC-historical-EN_LR.pdf, last accessed 15 December 2010, p.â•–4. 115.â•‡Q uoted in Walker and Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World, pp.â•–29–30. 116.â•‡League of Nations, Ten Years of World Co-operation, p.â•–281. 117.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–188–9. 118.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–77. 119.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–193. 120.â•‡Linda Guerry, ‘A Transnational Approach to Migration: The Service International d’Aide aux Émigrantes and its Marseilles Office in the First Half of the 20th Century’, Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Seventeenth International Conference of the Council for European Studies, Grand Plaza, Montreal, Canada, 15 April 2010, p.â•–4. 121.â•‡Guerry, ‘A Transnational Approach to Migration’, p.â•–4; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–178. 122.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–71.

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123.â•‡Valery Bazarov, ‘HIAS and HICEM in the System of Jewish Relief Organisations in Europe, 1933–41’, East European Jewish Affairs, 39/1 (2009), pp.â•–69–78. 124.â•‡Mulley, Woman Who Saved the Children, p.â•–298. 125.â•‡Dominique Marshall, ‘The Construction of Children as an Object of International Relations: The Declaration of Children’s Rights and the Child Welfare Committee of the League of Nations, 1900–1924’, The International Journal of Children’s Rights, 7/2 (1999), pp.â•–103–4, 129. 126.â•‡International Conference on Social Work, First International Conference on Social Work, Paris, July 8th—13th 1928, Volume I (Paris: International Conference on Social Work, 1928), p.â•–23. 127.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–233. 128.â•‡‘Statuts de la Fédération’, Cahiers des Droits de l’Homme, 1922, p.â•–305; League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–85; Henri Sée, Histoire de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme (1898–1926) (Paris: Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, 1927), pp.â•–191–222. 129.â•‡Article 1 of the constitution of the Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, Records of the Assembly General of 4 June 1898, F Δ Rés 842/2, Ligue des Droits de l’Homme papers, Bibliothèque de Documentation Internationale Contemporaine, Nanterre. 130.â•‡Fédération Internationale des Ligues des Droits de l’Homme, ‘Les Grands Combats de la FIDH’, http://www.fidh.org/IMG/article_PDF/article_a448.pdf, last accessed 16 December 2010, p.â•–1. 131.â•‡Jan Herman Burgers, ‘The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea in the Twentieth Century’, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.â•–450–3. 132.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–59. 133.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–195; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–229–30. 134.â•‡Report by Willoughby Dickinson to the Federation Council, 17 February 1923, box P.99, Archives of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 135.â•‡Théodore Ruyssen, ‘The Federation’s Action in Minority Questions’, Bulletin of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies (1938), pp.â•–42–3. 136.â•‡International League against Racism and Anti-Semitism, ‘Histoire de la LICRA’, http:// www.licra.org/fr/histoire-licra, last accessed 2 March 2012; quotations are from the organization’s statutes in Ligue Internationale contre l’Antisemitisme, Bulletin de la LICA, 3–4 (1929), p.â•–3. 137.â•‡Whittick, Woman into Citizen, p.â•–75. 138.â•‡International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World, p.â•–47; League of Nations, Ten Years of World Cooperation, p.â•–291. 139.â•‡Minutes of the first preliminary meeting of the Joint Standing Committee of International Women’s Organizations, London, 7 July 1925, file 1, Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam. 140.â•‡Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, Report of the Conference held in Berlin, June 15th and 16th, 1929 (London: Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, 1929), p.â•–6.

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141.â•‡Leila J. Â€Rupp, ‘Constructing Internationalism: The Case of Transnational Women’s Organizations, 1888–1945’, The American Historical Review, 99/5 (1994), p.â•–1580. 142.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck, and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), p.â•–70. 143.â•‡Louis L. Â€Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1984), p.â•–220. 144.â•‡Yehoshua Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930–1945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986), p.â•–151. 145.â•‡Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms, pp.â•–221–2. 146.â•‡Martin Kramer, Islam Assembled: The Advent of the Muslim Congresses (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), pp.â•–86–122. 147.â•‡‘The Organic Law of the General Moslem Congress as passed at the 14th Meeting held on Tuesday, the 15th December, 1931’, in Anita L. Â€P. Â€Burdett (ed.), Islamic Movements in the Arab World, 1913–1966, vol.â•–2 (Slough: Archive Editions, 1998), p.â•–486. 148.â•‡Kramer, Islam Assembled, pp.â•–139–40. 149.â•‡Q uoted in Brynjar Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement, 1928–1942 (Reading: Garnet, 1998), pp.â•–37–8. 150.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 155–6. 151.â•‡Selma Botman, Egypt from Independence to Revolution, 1919–1952 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1991), pp.â•–116–17. 152.â•‡Q uoted in Kramer, Islam Assembled, p.â•–175. 153.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 71. 154.â•‡Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, Volume 2, 1923– 1928 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p.â•–354. 155.â•‡Jane Degras (ed.), The Communist International, 1919-1943: Documents, Volume 3, 19291943 (London: Frank Cass, 1971), p. 17. 156.â•‡Red International of Labour Unions, ‘Constitution of the Red International of Labour Unions’, http://www.marxists.org/history/international/profintern/1921/constituÂ�tion. htm, last accessed 20 December 2010. 157.â•‡Rainer Baudendistel, Between Bombs and Good Intentions: The Red Cross and the ItaloEthiopian War, 1935–1936 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), p.â•–22. 158.â•‡Q uoted in Michel Caillat, Mauro Cerutti, Jean-François Fayet and Jorge Gajardo, ‘Une Source Inédite de l’Histoire de l’Anticommunismeâ•–: Les Archives de l’Entente Internationale Anticommuniste (EIA) de Théodore Aubert (1924–1950)’, Matériaux pour l’Histoire de Notre Temps, 73 (2004), p.â•–28. 159.â•‡Entente Internationale contre la IIIe Internationale, Vade-Mecum Anti-Bolchevique (Paris: Union Civique, 1927), front inside cover. 160.â•‡Joseph D. Â€Dwyer (ed.), Russia, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe: A Survey of Holdings at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1980), p.â•–184. 161.â•‡The New Republic, 107 (1942), p.â•–132. 162.â•‡Walther Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Années: Fédération Syndicale Internationale, 1901–1945 (Brussels: Institut E. Â€Vandervelde, 1964), p.â•–61. 163.â•‡Lewis L. Â€Lorwin, Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929), p.â•–202. 164.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–79–81. 165.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 85.

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166.â•‡Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace, p.â•–146. 167.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–223. 168.â•‡Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace, p.â•–244; Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–223–4. 169.â•‡Lyman Cromwell White, ‘Peace by Pieces: The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations’, Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 264 (1949), p.â•–89. 170.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–20. 171.â•‡Ridgeway, Merchants of Peace, pp.â•–317, 326. 172.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–23. 173.â•‡Craig N. Â€Murphy and JoAnne Yates, The International Organization for Standardization (ISO): Global Governance through Voluntary Consensus (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–16. 174.â•‡Camille Allaz, The History of Air Cargo and Airmail from the 18th Century (London: Christopher Foyle Publishing, 2004), p.â•–53. 175.â•‡International Broadcasting Union, The Problems of Broadcasting (Geneva: International Broadcasting Union, 1930); White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–54–6. 176.â•‡James M. Â€Fitzwilliams, ‘St Barbe Baker: Far-Sighted Pioneer’, Environmental Conservation, 14/2 (1987), pp.â•–164–8. 177.â•‡BirdLife International, ‘About BirdLife’, http://www.birdlife.org/worldwide/index.html, last accessed 11 May 2012. 178.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, pp.â•–235–6, 239–41. 179.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–42. 180.â•‡Akira Iriye, Cultural Internationalism and World Order (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), pp.â•–2–3. 181.â•‡Iriye, Cultural Internationalism and World Order, p.â•–75. 182.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1938, p.â•–22. 183.â•‡On the distinction between the ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ peace movement, see Martin Ceadel, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 1730–1854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp.â•–20–1. 184.â•‡FIDAC: Bulletin of the Allied Legions, 2/1 (1926), p.â•–2. 185.â•‡Elliott Pennell Fagerberg, The ‘Anciens Combattants’ and French Foreign Policy (Ambilly, Annemasse: Les Presses de Savoie, 1966), p.â•–152. 186.â•‡International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World, pp.â•–51–2; Whittick, Woman into Citizen, pp.â•–96–100. 187.â•‡J. Â€Oudegeest, ‘The World Peace Congress’, The International Trade Union Movement, 2/6 (1922), pp.â•–1–5; Labour and Socialist International, Fourth Congress of the Labour and Socialist International, Vienna, 25th July to 1st August 1931: Reports and Proceedings (Zurich: Labour and Socialist International, 1932), pp.â•–64–5. 188.â•‡Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, ‘The Pan-European Outlook’, International Affairs, 10/5 (1931), p.â•–638. 189.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 638. 190.â•‡Ruyssen, League of Nations Societies and their International Federation, p.â•–17. 191.â•‡Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève, La Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève:

217

pp. [105–109]

NOTES

Ses Buts et Son Activité (Geneva: Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève, 1937), pp.â•–3–4. 192.â•‡‘Relations with Private Organisations,’ U9333/5202/70, Foreign Office General Correspondence, National Archives, Kew. 193.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations, 1929; White, Structure of Private International Organizations, p.â•–15. 194.â•‡Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii. 195.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–33; White, Structure of Private International Organizations, p.â•–178. The capital figure is for 1930. 196.â•‡Anonymous pamphlet entitled Militarism versus Feminism: An Enquiry and a Policy Demonstrating that Militarism Involves the Subjection of Women (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1915), quoted in Jill Liddington, The Long Road to Greenham: Feminism and AntiMilitarism in Britain since 1820 (London: Virago, 1989), p.â•–100. 197.â•‡Alfred Zimmern, The Prospects of Democracy and Other Essays (London: Chatto and Windus, 1929), p.â•–341. 198.â•‡Bertram Pickard, ‘Geneva—The World’s Capital’, Friendship: The Journal of the Friends Hall and Walthamstow Educational Settlement, 12 (October 1931), p.â•–1. 199.â•‡Bertram Pickard, ‘Geneva: The Pivotal Point of International Co-operation’, The World Outlook, 8 (August 1929), p.â•–59. 200.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 60. 201.â•‡All Asian Women’s Conference, All Asian Women’s Conference. First Session. Lahore, 19th to 25th January 1931 (Bombay: The Times of India Press, 1931), pp.â•–25–6, 165–6. 202.â•‡Minutes of the first meeting of the Temporary Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations, London, 4 November 1930, file 1, Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Â�Amsterdam. 203.â•‡Minutes of the Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations, Crosby Hall, London, 12 February 1931, file 1, Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations Archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam. 204.â•‡Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, pp.â•–87–99. 205.â•‡‘Report of the American Committee in Geneva of the League of Nations Association, September 15th, 1932’, box 34, James T. Â€Shotwell Papers, Columbia University, New York. 206.â•‡Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi (Geneva: Vox Populi Committee, 1932), p.â•–15. 207.â•‡Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, pp.â•–233–6. 208.â•‡Vox Populi Committee, Vox Populi, p.â•–15. 209.â•‡Disarmament, 15 February 1932, p.â•–6. 210.â•‡‘Memorandum concerning future development’ by Mr Â€and Mrs Pickard, 18 November 1933, box 2, International Consultative Group Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 211.â•‡Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, p.â•–147. 212.â•‡This had included the appointment of peace campaigners to government delegations, such as Mary Woolley to the US delegation: Chandor to Roosevelt, 7 October 1933, file OF404, Roosevelt papers, Roosevelt Presidential Library, Hyde Park, New York. 213.â•‡Ramsay MacDonald to Rev Maldwyn Jones, 12 October 1932 (unsent), box 73, Sir John Simon Papers, Bodleian Library, Oxford.

218

NOTES

pp. [109–112]

214.â•‡Minutes of the meeting of 22 March 1933, box 2, International Consultative Group Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 215.â•‡Charnovitz, ‘Two Centuries of Participation’, p.â•–246. 216.â•‡Carol Miller, ‘“Geneva—the Key to Equality”: inter-war feminists and the League of Nations’, Women’s History Review, 3/2 (1994), p.â•–231. 217.â•‡Leila J. Â€Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), p.â•–219. 218.â•‡Francesca Miller, ‘Latin American Feminists and the Transnational Arena’, in Emilie L. Â€Bergmann (ed.), Women, Culture and Politics in Latin America (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1990), p.â•–17. 219.â•‡Miller, ‘“Geneva—the Key to Equality”’, p.â•–235. 220.â•‡Paula F. Â€Pfeffer, ‘“A whisper in the assembly of nations”: United States’ participation in the International Movement for Women’s Rights from the League of Nations to the United Nations’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 8/5 (1985), pp.â•–459–71. 221.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–254. 222.â•‡Bertram Pickard, The Greater United Nations (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1956), pp.â•–53–4; White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–254–5. 223.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–254. 224.â•‡Pickard, Greater United Nations, p.â•–54. 225.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–6. 226.â•‡Speeckaert estimated the number of new INGOs formed in the 1930s at 225, compared with 295 in the 1920s (including 97 in 1935–9 compared with 163 in 1925–9): Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales, p.â•–viii. 227.â•‡Foundational dates from the websites of the organizations and the Union of International Associations. 228.â•‡Laurence Ballande, Les Ententes Economiques Internationales: Etude Monographique et Statistique (Paris: Librairie Technique et Economique, 1937), pp.â•–320–2. 229.â•‡League of Nations, International Cartels: A League of Nations Memorandum (Lake Success, NY: United Nations Department of Economic Affairs, 1947), p.â•–2. 230.â•‡League of Nations, International Cartels, p.â•–12. 231.â•‡Terushi Hara and Akira Kudo, ‘International Cartels in Business History’, in Akira Kudo and Terushi Hara (eds.), International Cartels in Business History (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1992), p.â•–1. 232.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 1–2. 233.â•‡Ervin Hexner, International Cartels (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1945), pp.â•–12–13. 234.â•‡Jeremi Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, in Patrick Finney (ed.), Palgrave Advances in International History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p.â•–237. 235.â•‡Davies, ‘Internationalism in a Divided World’, p.â•–230. 236.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–272. 237.â•‡‘The movement on behalf of the League of Nations in Central and Eastern Europe and Turkey’, report by A. Â€von Bodman, IFLNS Special Propaganda Campaign, 1932–3, box

219

pp. [112–115]

NOTES

P.107, International Federation of League of Nations Societies papers, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 238.â•‡Report on a visit to the League of Nations Unions in Czechoslovakia in May 1926, box P. Â€107, International Federation of League of Nations Societies papers, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 239.â•‡‘The movement on behalf of the League of Nations in Central and Eastern Europe and Turkey’, report by A. Â€von Bodman, IFLNS Special Propaganda Campaign, 1932–3, box P.107, International Federation of League of Nations Societies papers, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 240.â•‡Emily S. Â€Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890–1945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982), p.â•–230. 241.â•‡Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, p.â•–237. 242.â•‡Rosenberg, Spreading the American Dream, p.â•–231. 243.â•‡Hoffman, Civil Society, p.â•–83. 244.â•‡Quoted in Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003), p.â•–168. 245.â•‡Michael Arthur Leeden, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928–1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972), pp.â•–109–10. 246.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 114–15. 247.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 116–17. 248.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–117–18, 122. 249.â•‡ Ibid., p.â•–130. 250.â•‡Morgan, Fascism in Europe, pp.â•–168–71. 251.â•‡Leeden, Universal Fascism, p.â•–126. 252.â•‡Morgan, Fascism in Europe, p.â•–169. 253.â•‡Leeden, Universal Fascism, p.â•–113. 254.â•‡Arnd Krüger, ‘Germany: The Propaganda Machine’, in Arnd Krüger and William Murray (eds.), The Nazi Olympics: Sport, Politics and Appeasement in the 1930s (Urbana and Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2003), p.â•–29. 255.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–29, 20. 256.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–21, 27. 257.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 35. 258.â•‡Moshe Gottlieb, ‘The American Controversy over the Olympic Games’, American Jewish Historical Quarterly, 67 (1972), pp.â•–181–213. 259.â•‡David Clay Large, Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936 (New York: W. Â€W. Â€Norton & Company, 2007), p.â•–317. 260.â•‡Bernard S. Â€Morris, ‘Communist International Front Organizations: Their Nature and Function’, World Politics, 9/1 (1956), p.â•–77. 261.â•‡‘The International Anti-Fascist Congress in Berlin’, International Press Correspondence, 1929, p.â•–293. It was convened by the ‘Committee for the Organisation of an Anti-Fascist Congress’: Willi Muenzenberg, ‘The Forthcoming Anti-Fascist Congress in Berlin’, International Press Correspondence, 1929, p.â•–148. 262.â•‡E. Â€H. Â€Carr, The Twilight of Comintern, 1930–1935 (London: Macmillan, 1982), p.â•–387. 263.â•‡‘The International Anti-War Congress’, International Press Correspondence, 1932, p.â•–824.

220

NOTES

pp. [115–118]

A precursor to this committee was the ‘Committee for the Defence of the Soviet Union against Imperialist War-Mongers’: Carr, Twilight of Comintern, p.â•–386. 264.â•‡‘A Congress of the United Anti-Fascist Front’, International Press Correspondence, 1933, p.â•–574. 265.â•‡‘Amalgamation of the World Committee against Imperialist War with the European Workers’ Anti-Fascist Union’, International Press Correspondence, 1933, pp.â•–856–7. 266.â•‡Martin Ceadel, Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 1872–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p.â•–303. 267.â•‡Jill Liddington, The Road to Greenham Common: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain since 1820 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989), p.â•–157. 268.â•‡Sean McMeekin, The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willi Münzenberg, Moscow’s Secret Propaganda Tsar in the West (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.â•–262. 269.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 262. 270.â•‡World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933), plates 16 and 17 and p.â•–142. 271.â•‡McMeekin, Red Millionaire, pp.â•–265, 267. 272.â•‡Arthur Jay Klinghoffer and Judith Apter Klinghoffer, International Citizens’ Tribunals: Mobilizing Public Opinion to Advance Human Rights (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p.â•–21. 273.â•‡McMeekin, Red Millionaire, p.â•–273. 274.â•‡‘Bref aperçu sur le RUP’, by the International Secretariat [Geneva], [c. January 1938], file 186, Rassemblement Universel pour la Paix archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam. 275.â•‡International Peace Campaign, The Growth and Importance of the International Peace Campaign ([Geneva: International Peace Campaign, 1938]), p.â•–ii. 276.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 4–6. 277.â•‡International Peace Campaign, Structure, Progress and Future of the I.P.C. ([London: International Peace Campaign], 1937), p.â•–2. 278.â•‡Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnationalism: The International Federation of League of Nations Societies and the International Peace Campaign, 1919–1939 (MPhil thesis, University of Oxford, 2002), pp.â•–78–80, 89–90. 279.â•‡Thierry Wolton, Le Grand Recrutement (Paris: Grasset, 1993), p.â•–148–58. 280.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–6. 281.â•‡Quoted in Otto D. Â€Tolischus, ‘Rotary clubs put under Nazis’ ban’, New York Times, 25Â€August 1937. 282.â•‡White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–7. 283.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 7. 284.â•‡Schevenels, Quarante-Cinq Années, pp.â•–145, 222–3. 285.â•‡W. Â€A. Â€V isser’t Hooft of the World Student Christian Federation, quoted in White, International Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–7. 286.â•‡Alton Kastner, ‘A Brief History of the International Rescue Committee’ (New York: International Rescue Committee, [2001]), http://www.rescue.org/sites/default/files/ resource-file/history_of_the_IRC.pdf, last accessed 16 June 2011, p.â•–2. 287.â•‡Peter Beilharz, ‘The Amsterdam Archive’, Labour History, 58 (1990), p.â•–93.

221

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NOTES

288.â•‡A. Â€J. Â€C. Â€Rüter, ‘Prof. Mr. Â€N. Â€W. Â€Posthumus’, Bulletin of the International Institute of Social History, 8/1 (1953), p.â•–4. 289.â•‡Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, Protocole du Premier Congrès Juif Mondial, Genève, 8–15 Août 1936 (Geneva: Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, 1936), pp.â•–84–7. 290.â•‡Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991), p.â•–254. 291.â•‡E. Â€Bauer, J. Â€Schwab, P. Â€J. Â€Schmidt and H. Â€Sneevliet, ‘On the Necessity and Principles of a New International’, The Militant, 23 September 1933, reproduced at http://www. marxists.org/history/etol/document/1930s/four.htm, last accesÂ�sed 17 June 2011. 292.â•‡Socialist Workers Party of the United States, The Founding Conference of the Fourth International (World Party of the Socialist Revolution): Program and Resolutions (New York: Socialist Workers Party of the United States, 1939), reproduced at http://www.marxists. org/history/etol/document/fi/1938–1949/fi-1stcongress/index.htm, last accessed 17 June 2011. 293.â•‡Q uoted in Alexander, International Trotskyism, p.â•–271. 294.â•‡Shlomit Shraybom-Shivtiel, ‘The Development of the Coining System in Hebrew and Arabic and the Problem of Compound Words’, in Judith Rosenhouse and Ami-Elad Bouskila (eds.), Linguistic and Cultural Studies on Arabic and Hebrew (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2001), p.â•–195. 295.â•‡Leu Chien-ai, ‘A Victory for Bibliophiles’, Taiwan Review, 4 January 1995. 296.â•‡Ziyaud-Din A. Â€Desai, Centres of Islamic Learning in India (New Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1978), p.â•–85. 297.â•‡S. Â€R. Â€Bakshi and S. Â€K. Â€Sharma (eds.), Delhi Through the Ages (New Delhi: Anmol, 1995), p.â•–249. 298.â•‡Asahi Glass Foundation, ‘History’, http://www.af-info.or.jp/en/about/index.html, last accessed 17 June 2011. 299.â•‡Dates are from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 19 November 2010. 300.â•‡Richard A. Â€Joseph, ‘Church, State and Society in Colonial Cameroun’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 13/1 (1980), pp.â•–31–2. 301.â•‡Lise McKean, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996), p.â•–164. 302.â•‡An organization formed in 1920 that describes itself as ‘an international non-profit, nonreligious multicultural humanitarian organization with over 2 million members in 18 countries worldwide’: Reiyukai, ‘What is Reiyukai?’, http://www.reiyukai.org/, last accessed 5 July 2011. 303.â•‡Peter B. Â€Clarke, ‘“Success” and “Failure”: Japanese New Religions Abroad’, in Peter B. Â€Clarke (ed.), Japanese New Religions in Global Perspective (Richmond: Curzon Press, 2000), p.â•–297. 304.â•‡Shirlene Soto, ‘Women in the Revolution’, in W. Â€Dirk Raat and William H. Â€Beezley (eds.), Twentieth-Century Mexico (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1986), p.â•–22. 305.â•‡David Goldblatt, ‘The Odd Couple: Football and Global Civil Society’, in Mary Kaldor, Martin Albrow, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2006/7 (London: SAGE, 2007), p.â•–161.

222

NOTES

pp. [120–123]

306.â•‡Leonard Hodgson, The Second World Conference on Faith and Order, held at Edinburgh, August 3–18, 1937 (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1937), p.â•–273 307.â•‡World Council of Churches, ‘What is the World Council of Churches?’, http://www. oikoumene.org/en/who-are-we.html, last accessed 5 July 2011; ‘Constitution for the World Council of Churches’, box 31.007/2, World Council of Churches Archives, Geneva. 308.â•‡Foreword by Sir Francis Younghusband in A. Â€Douglas Millard (ed.), Faiths and Fellowship: Being the Proceedings of the World Congress of Faiths held in London, July 3rd-17th, 1936 (London: J. Â€M. Â€Watkins, 1936), p.â•–11. 309.â•‡Q uoted in Lawrence S. Â€Wittner, Rebels against War: The American Peace Movement, 1933– 1983 (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1984), p.â•–134. 310.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, p.â•–386, citing Federal Union News, December 1944, p.â•–13. 311.â•‡Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–386–9. 312.â•‡Théodore Ruyssen, ‘Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?’, International Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament) Surveys and Reports, 16, 10 May 1939, box 7/II, International Consultative Group for Peace and Disarmament Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 313.â•‡Ruyssen, ‘Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?’, p.â•–2. 314.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 3. 315.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 8. 316.â•‡Barry J. Â€Eichengreen, Capital Flows and Crises (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2004), p.â•–32. 317.â•‡Peter James, The German Electoral System (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), p.â•–10. 318.â•‡On the apparent missed opportunities for modest German rearmament under a moderate leadership, see A. Â€C. Â€Temperley, The Whispering Gallery of Europe (London: Collins, 1938), chapter 10; F. Â€S. Â€Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1986), p.â•–124; Dick Richardson, ‘The Geneva Disarmament Conference, 1932–1934’, in Dick Richardson and Glyn Stone (eds.), Decisions and Diplomacy: Essays in Twentieth Century International History (London: Routledge, 1995), p.â•–71. Central to the failure of these proposals was the absence from the discussions of French leader Tardieu, who had put forward an ambitious alternative plan designed to ‘cut the ground from beneath the feet’ of left-wing proponents of disarmament in advance of elections; see Davies, Possibilities of Transnational Activism, p.â•–118. 319.â•‡On the argument that disarmament activism contributed towards a delay in anti-Fascist rearmament, see Martin Gilbert, Winston S. Â€Churchill, vol.â•–5 (London: Heinemann, 1976), p.â•–696; and Ceadel, Semi-Detached Idealists, pp.â•–280, 324, 347. Ibid., p.â•–279 notes that in 1930s Britain ‘So strong had pro-disarmament feeling become that Conservatives dared not voice their doubts about its achievability’. For evidence that frustration with disarmament activism was not limited to British conservatives such as Churchill, see the earlier discussion in this chapter on reactions to the disarmament mobilization of the 1930s; on the way in which disarmament activism in the League of Nations era was to contribute towards the decision of the designers of the UN to limit that organization’s relationship with NGOs, see Chapter 3. 3.â•‡ 1939 TO THE PRESENT DAY

1.â•‡A linear pattern is suggested in, inter alia, Akira Iriye, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley,

223

pp. [124–126]

NOTES

CA: University of California Press, 2002); Kathryn Sikkink and Jackie Smith, ‘Infrastructures for Change: Transnational Organizations, 1953–93’, in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Â€Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), pp.â•–24–44; and above all in the charts provided in the statistical volume of Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia. be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. 2.â•‡Paul Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics’, World Politics, 47/3 (1995), pp.â•–311–40. 3.â•‡Circular 177 by F. Â€E. Â€Figgures, 11 September 1939, Box P.113, International Federation of League of Nations Societies Archives, League of Nations Archives, Geneva. 4.â•‡Data from the Union of International Associations’ Yearbooks of International Organizations. Speeckaert estimated that the number of INGOs founded in 1940–4 (46) was less than half that in 1935–9 (97): Georges Patrick Speeckaert, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957), p.â•–viii. 5.â•‡It should be noted that the specific factors influencing the demise of each of these organizations varied considerably. The Communist International is a special case, given the close relationship between its operation and Soviet foreign policy. 6.â•‡Arnold Whittick, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979), pp.â•–147–51. 7.â•‡Data from the Union of International Associations’ Yearbooks of International Organizations. 8.â•‡Stuart A. Â€Rice, ‘The Inter-American Statistical Institute at Age Nineteen’, Review of the International Statistical Institute, 27, 1/3 (1959), p.â•–1. 9.â•‡Humayun Ansari, The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800 (London: Hurst & Co., 2004), p.â•–341. 10.â•‡Irfan Ahmad, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009), p.â•–61. 11.â•‡Israel Gershoni and James P. Â€Jankowski, Redefining the Egyptian Nation, 1930–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp.â•–23–4. 12.â•‡Yehoshua Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930–1945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986), pp.â•–160–9. 13.â•‡Gordon H. Â€Torrey, ‘The Ba’th—Ideology and Practice’, Middle East Journal, 23/4 (1969), p.â•–447. 14.â•‡John F. Â€Devlin, The Ba’th Party: A History from its Origins to 1966 (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1976), p.â•–15. 15.â•‡Sylvia Kedourie (ed.), Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1962), p.â•–51; Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.â•–191. 16.â•‡Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.â•–190. This also notes the formation in 1942 of the Association of Arabism in Cairo with similar objectives. 17.â•‡Adeed Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), p.â•–118. 18.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 118.

224

NOTES

pp. [126–129]

19.â•‡Margot Badran, Feminists, Islam, and Nation: Gender and the Making of Modern Egypt (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995), p.â•–231. 20.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 238. 21.â•‡Porath, In Search of Arab Unity, p.â•–177. 22.â•‡Union of Arab Pharmacists, homepage, http://www.apharmu.com/, last accessed 12 July 2011. 23.â•‡Babu M. Â€Rahman, Constructing Humanitarianism: An Investigation into Oxfam’s Changing Humanitarian Culture (PhD thesis, University of Wales, Aberystwyth, 1998), pp.â•–38–9. 24.â•‡Q uoted in Maggie Black, A Cause for Our Times: Oxfam, The First 50 Years (Oxford: Oxfam, 1992), p.â•–11. 25.â•‡Robert Wuthnow, Boundless Faith: The Global Outreach of American Churches (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2009), p.â•–121. 26.â•‡Michael N. Â€Barnett, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), p.â•–114. 27.â•‡Peter Conn, Pearl S. Â€Buck: A Cultural Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p.â•–257. 28.â•‡‘News and Announcements’, American Sociological Review, 8/2 (1943), p.â•–223. 29.â•‡Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States: An Organization Directory, 3 (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1944), p.â•–114. 30.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–29–30, 113. 31.â•‡Committee to Frame a World Constitution, Preliminary Draft of a World Constitution (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1948). 32.â•‡Q uoted in Dorothy B. Â€Robins, Experiment in Democracy: The Story of US Citizen Organizations in Forging the Charter of the United Nations (New York: The Parkside Press, 1971), p.â•–27. 33.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 27. 34.â•‡Quoted in Mark G. Â€Toulouse, The Transformation of John Foster Dulles: From Prophet of Realism to Priest of Nationalism (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1985), p.â•–58. 35.â•‡Louis Dolivet, ‘Educating Public Opinion for World Organization’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 222 ( July 1942), p.â•–87; Dolivet to Cecil, 11 July 1941, Add. MSS. Â€51143, Cecil of Chelwood Papers, British Library, London. 36.â•‡Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States, p.â•–58. 37.â•‡Justus D. Â€Doenecke, ‘Non-Interventionism of the Left: The Keep America out of the War Congress, 1938–41’, Journal of Contemporary History, 12/2 (1977), p.â•–233. 38.â•‡Twentieth Century Fund, Postwar Planning in the United States, pp.â•–57, 108. 39.â•‡Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs (New York: Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 1942), pp.â•–8–9. 40.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 10–11. 41.â•‡Walter Lichtenstein, ‘International Financial Organization’, in Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs, p.â•–219. 42.â•‡Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, Wanted—An Economic Union of Nations (New York: Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, 1943), pp.â•–1–8. 43.â•‡G. Â€John Ikenberry, ‘A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Postwar Settlement’, International Organization, 46/1 (1992), pp.â•–297, 301.

225

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NOTES

44.â•‡Laurence H. Â€Shoup and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977), p.â•–168. 45.â•‡Harley Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, 1939–1945 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1975), p.â•–19. 46.â•‡Charles W. Â€Yost quoted in Cecelia Lynch, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace Movements in World Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), p.â•–197. 47.â•‡John Foster Dulles quoted in Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace: Reports of the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 1939–1972 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973), p.â•–xii. 48.â•‡Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, pp.â•–69, 73. 49.â•‡Ibid., pp.â•– 73–74. 50.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 108. 51.â•‡Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace, p.â•–xiii. 52.â•‡Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Building Peace, pp.â•–xii-xiii. 53.â•‡Notter, Postwar Foreign Policy Preparation, pp.â•–421–2. 54.â•‡Robins, Experiment in Democracy, p.â•–155. 55.â•‡Q uoted in Robins, Experiment in Democracy, p.â•–113. 56.â•‡‘Minutes of the Forty-Ninth Meeting of the United States Delegation, held at San Francisco, Monday, May 21, 1945, 9am’, in United States Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1945, Volume 1, General: The United Nations (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1967), p.â•–829. 57.â•‡Bill Seary, ‘The Early History: From the Congress of Vienna to the San Francisco Conference’, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organizations in the U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.â•–26. 58.â•‡Douglas Williams, The Specialized Agencies and the United Nations: The System in Crisis (London: Hurst & Co., 1987), p.â•–261. 59.â•‡Quoted in Stephen C. Â€Schlesinger, Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations (Cambridge, MA: Westview Press, 2003), p.â•–124; and in Robert A. Â€Divine, Second Chance: The Triumph of Internationalism in America during World War II (New York: Athenaeum, 1967), p.â•–292. 60.â•‡Marc Boegner, Quelques Actions des Protestants de France en faveur des Juifs Persecutés sous l’Occupation Allemande, 1940–1944 (Paris: CIMADE, n.d.). 61.â•‡Laurie S. Â€Wiseberg and Harry M. Â€Scoble, ‘The International League for Human Rights: The Strategy of a Human Rights NGO’, Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law, 7 (1977), pp.â•–293–4. 62.â•‡Jan Herman Burgers, ‘The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea in the Twentieth Century’, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.â•–464, 470. 63.â•‡Ian Clark, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.â•–143, 145. 64.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, p.â•–43. 65.â•‡Bertram Pickard, The Greater United Nations (New York: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1956), p.â•–72. 66.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 72. 67.â•‡Bob Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.â•–316–17.

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68.â•‡John Boli and George Thomas, ‘World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of International Non-Governmental Organization’, American Sociological Review, 62/2 (1997), p.â•–176. 69.â•‡Boli and Thomas, ‘World Culture in the World Polity’, p.â•–176. 70.â•‡Peter Willetts, ‘Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations’, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.â•–34. 71.â•‡International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Official Report of the Free World Labour Conference and of the First International Congress of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, London, November–December 1949 (London: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1949), p.â•–2. 72.â•‡Denis MacShane, International Labour and the Origins of the Cold War (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), p.â•–122. 73.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 128. 74.â•‡I bid., p.â•–5. For evidence of deep-rooted intra-left divisions, see Chapter 2. 75.â•‡Monarchist League, ‘History’, http://www.monarchyinternational.net/history.htm, last accessed 9 August 2011. 76.â•‡‘Proposed Constitution of the World Federation of Democratic Youth’, Box 1, World Federation of Democratic Youth Collection, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, Netherlands; Fédération Démocratique Internationale des Femmes, Congrès International des Femmes. Compte Rendu des Travaux du Congrès qui s’est tenu à Paris du 26 Novembre au 1er Décembre 1945. Première Édition (Paris: Fédération Démocratique Internationale des Femmes, 1946), p.â•–381. 77.â•‡John C. Â€Clews, Communist Propaganda Techniques (London: Methuen, 1964), p.â•–112. 78.â•‡Peter Hughes, ‘The Oxford Conference’, in Viscount Samuel et al., Spires of Liberty: Speeches made at the Oxford Conference in May 1947, as a result of which the Liberal International was inaugurated, and at the First Conference of the Liberal International at Zurich in 1948 (London: Herbert Joseph, 1948), p.â•–15. 79.â•‡W illetts, ‘Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations’, pp.â•–34–5. 80.â•‡Clews, Communist Propaganda Techniques, pp.â•–112–14. 81.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 114. 82.â•‡Sharaf Rashidov, ‘Great Assembly of Eastern Peoples’, in Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Conference: Cairo, December 26, 1957—January 1, 1958 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958), p.â•–12. 83.â•‡Rashidov, ‘Great Assembly of Eastern Peoples’, p.â•–20. 84.â•‡Louis L. Â€Snyder, Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1984), p.â•–197. 85.â•‡‘The Conference Resolution on Establishment of a Permanent Organization’, in Speeches delivered by Hon. Dr. Â€Kwame Nkrumah, Prime Minister of Ghana, and Resolutions Passed at the First Session of the All African People’s Conference, Accra, 5th to 13th December 1958 (n.d.), p.â•–22. 86.â•‡Asian Relations Organization, Asian Relations, being Report of the Proceedings and Documentation of the First Asian Relations Conference, New Delhi, March–April, 1947 (New Delhi: Asian Relations Organization, 1948). 87.â•‡Nicholas Mansergh, ‘The Asian Conference’, International Affairs, 23/3 (1947), p.â•–303.

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88.â•‡Kishore C. Â€Dash, Regionalism in South Asia: Negotiating Cooperation, Institutional Structures (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), pp.â•–79–80. 89.â•‡Noor Ahmed Baba, ‘OIC and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy: It’s Indian Dimension’, in Rajendra M. Â€Abhyankar (ed.), West Asia and the Region: Defining India’s Role (New Delhi: Academic Foundation, 2008), p.â•–670. 90.â•‡Q uoted in Mohammed Ayoob, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008), p.â•–138. 91.â•‡J. Â€J. Â€Lador-Lederer, International Group Protection: Aims and Methods in Human Rights (Leyden: A. Â€W. Â€Sijthoff, 1968), p.â•–396. 92.â•‡Jeremi Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, in Patrick Finney (ed.), Palgrave Advances in International History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p.â•–239. 93.â•‡William Korey, NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Curious Grapevine (New York: Palgrave, 2001), p.â•–7. 94.â•‡I bid., p.â•–45, citing René Cassin, ‘Twenty Years of NGO Effort on Behalf of Human Rights’ in Human Rights: Final Report of the International NGO Conference (Paris: UNESCO, 1968), p.â•–20. 95.â•‡ Ibid., p.â•–2. 96.â•‡Nitza Berkovitch, ‘The Emergence and Transformation of the International Women’s Movement’, in John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Non-Governmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), p.â•–119. 97.â•‡J. Â€P. Â€D. Â€Dunbabin, The Post-Imperial Age: The Great Powers and the Wider World (Harlow: Longman, 1994), p.â•–62. 98.â•‡Vrushali Patil, Negotiating Decolonization in the United Nations (New York: Routledge, 2008), pp.â•–47–8. 99.â•‡Michael Randle, Civil Resistance (London: Fontana, 1994), pp.â•–54–5. 100.â•‡League of Nations, Handbook of International Organisations 1938 (Geneva: League of Nations, 1938), pp.â•–470–91; Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations 1951–52 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1951), pp.â•–1144– 8. 101.â•‡‘Statute of the Socialist International’, box 241, Socialist International archives, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam. 102.â•‡International Road Federation, The International Road Federation: Fifty Years of Service, 1948–1997 (Washington, DC: International Road Federation, 1997), p.â•–7. Its work was preceded by that of the Permanent International Association of Road Congresses (now known as the World Road Federation)—see Chapter 1. 103.â•‡Gert Hekma, ‘Amsterdam’, in David Higgs (ed.), Queer Sites: Gay Urban Histories since 1600 (London: Routledge, 1999), p.â•–83. Its activities were preceded by those of the World League for Sexual Reform, established in the 1920s (Leila J. Â€Rupp, ‘The Persistence of Transnational Organizing: The Case of the Homophile Movement’, American Historical Review, 116/4 (2011), p.â•–1014). 104.â•‡Margaret Sanger, in Family Planning Association of Great Britain, Proceedings of the International Congress on Population and World Resources in Relation to the Family, August 1948, Cheltenham, England (London: H. Â€K. Â€Lewis, 1948), p.â•–238; Family Planning

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Association of India, The Third International Conference on Planned Parenthood: Report of the Proceedings, 24–29 November, 1952, Bombay—India (Bombay: Family Planning Association of India, 1952). 105.â•‡International Planned Parenthood Federation, ‘About IPPF’, http://www.ippf.org/en/ About/, last accessed 13 August 2011. 106.â•‡World Federation of United Nations Associations, History, Structure, Aims (New York: Marstin Press, 1947), p.â•–3; Iriye, Global Community, p.â•–54. 107.â•‡April Carter, Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945 (Harlow: Longman, 1992), p.â•–40. 108.â•‡Peter Walker and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.â•–43–4. 109.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, pp.â•–75–80; Colette Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, in John Boli and George M. Â€Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), pp.â•–230–5. 110.â•‡Suri, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, p.â•–239; Iriye, Global Community, p.â•–98. 111.â•‡Ian Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p.â•–122. 112.â•‡Walt Whitman Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p.â•–164. 113.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, pp.â•–80–1. 114.â•‡Brian H. Â€Smith, More than Altruism: The Politics of Private Foreign Aid (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp.â•–4–5. 115.â•‡Peter Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global Governance (London: Routledge, 2011), p.â•–157. 116.â•‡Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, p.â•–238. 117.â•‡Jacqueline Tong, ICVA at Forty-Something: The Life and Times of a Middle-Aged NGO Consortium (Geneva: International Council of Voluntary Agencies, 2009), p.â•–9. 118.â•‡Chabbott, ‘Development INGOs’, p.â•–243; Institute of Development Studies, Institute of Development Studies, 1966–76: Ten Year Review and Annual Report 1976 (Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, 1977). 119.â•‡Peter Benenson, ‘The Forgotten Prisoners’, The Observer Weekend Review, 28 May 1961. 120.â•‡Amnesty International, Amnesty (International Movement for Freedom of Opinion and Religion). First Annual Report, 1961–1962 (London: Amnesty International, 1962), p.â•–1. 121.â•‡Tom Buchanan, ‘“The Truth Will Set You Free”: The Making of Amnesty International’, Journal of Contemporary History, 37/4 (2002), p.â•–587. 122.â•‡‘First Notes on Organisation’, quoted in Buchanan, ‘“The Truth Will Set You Free”’, p.â•–593. 123.â•‡Clifford Bob, ‘The Market for Human Rights’, in Aseem Prakash and Mary Kay Gugarty (eds.), Advocacy Organizations and Collective Action (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p.â•–146. 124.â•‡Amnesty International, Amnesty International, 1961–1976: A Chronology (London: Amnesty International, 1976), p.â•–5. 125.â•‡Helena Cook, ‘Amnesty International at the United Nations’, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), pp.â•–198–208.

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126.â•‡Ann Marie Clark, Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human Rights Norms (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp.â•–37–69. 127.â•‡Lawrence Wittner, Resisting the Bomb: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1954–1970 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997), p.â•–259. 128.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 404. 129.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 441. 130.â•‡Carter, Peace Movements, p.â•–78. 131.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 90. 132.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 96. 133.â•‡Carole Fink, Philipp Gassert and Detlef Junker (eds.), 1968: The World Transformed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p.â•–21. 134.â•‡Nelson A. Â€Pichardo, ‘New Social Movements: A Critical Review’, Annual Review of Sociology, 23 (1997), pp.â•–412–19. 135.â•‡See, for example, the articles in the special issue of Social Forces, 52/4 (1985). 136.â•‡Paul Wapner, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1996), p.â•–76; World Wide Fund for Nature, For a Living Planet: 50 Years of Conservation (Gland, Switzerland: World Wide Fund for Nature, 2011), p.â•–9. 137.â•‡John McCormick, The Global Environmental Movement: Reclaiming Paradise (London: Belhaven, 1989), pp.â•–47–9. 138.â•‡Tom Burke, ‘Friends of the Earth and Conservation of Resources’, in Peter Willetts (ed.), Pressure Groups in the Global System (London: Frances Pinter, 1982), p.â•–105. 139.â•‡Paul Watson, quoted in Wapner, Environmental Activism, p.â•–54. 140.â•‡Sally Morphet, ‘NGOs and the Environment’, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.â•–124. 141.â•‡McCormick, Global Environmental Movement, p.â•–101. 142.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, p.â•–129. 143.â•‡Stephanie Coontz, A Strange Stirring: The Feminine Mystique and American Women at the Dawn of the 1960s (New York: Basic Books, 2011), p.â•–xv. 144.â•‡Kristina Schulz, ‘1968 and the Women’s Movement’, in Gerd-Rainer Horn and Padraic Kenney, Transnational Moments of Change: Europe 1945, 1968, 1989 (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004), p.â•–149. 145.â•‡Valentine M. Â€Moghadam, Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), p.â•–84. 146.â•‡Deborah Stienstra, Women’s Movements and International Organizations (London: Macmillan, 1994), p.â•–167. 147.â•‡Berkovitch, ‘Emergence and Transformation’, pp.â•–120, 122. 148.â•‡Stienstra, Women’s Movements, p.â•–102. 149.â•‡Jane Connors, ‘NGOs and the Human Rights of Women at the United Nations’, in Peter Willetts (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. Â€System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996), p.â•–158; Stienstra, Women’s Movements, pp.â•–167–71. 150.â•‡Berkovitch, ‘Emergence and Transformation’, p.â•–119; Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations, p.â•–154. 151.â•‡Berkovitch, ‘Emergence and Transformation’, pp.â•–123–4.

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152.â•‡Moghadam, Globalizing Women, pp.â•–142–72. 153.â•‡‘Lettre aux 60.000 Médecins’, Bulletin Intérieur de MSF, 1 (1974), p.â•–5; Barnett, Empire of Humanity, p.â•–143. 154.â•‡Iriye, Global Community, p.â•–140. 155.â•‡Africare, ‘Africare: Early 1970s’, http://www.africare.org/about-us/history/70searly.php, last accessed 22 August 2011; Africare, ‘History’, http://www.africare.org/about-us/history/index.php, last accessed 22 August 2011; Healthlink Worldwide, ‘About Us—Our History’, http://www.healthlink.org.uk/about/history.html, last accessed 22 August 2011. 156.â•‡On these organizations, see Jonathan Benthall and Jérôme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the Muslim World (London: I. Â€B. Â€Tauris, 2003). 157.â•‡Barnett, Empire of Humanity, p.â•–156. 158.â•‡Consumers International, ‘About Us’, http://www.consumersinternational.org/who-weare/about-us, last accessed 22 August 2011; Articles of Association of the International Organization of Consumers Unions adopted on 1 April 1960, printed in Foo Gaik Sim, IOCU on Record: A Documentary History of the International Organization of Consumers Unions, 1960–1990 (Yonkers, NY: Consumers Union, 1990), pp.â•–32–3. 159.â•‡See the material below on the International Baby Food Action Network and the organizations spawned by the Consumers Association of Penang; cf. Matthew Hilton, Prosperity for All: Consumer Activism in an Era of Globalization (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009), p.â•–136. 160.â•‡Survival International, ‘About Us’, http://www.survivalinternational.org/info, last accessed 22 August 2011; Norman Lewis, ‘From Fire and Sword to Arsenic and Bullets—Civilisation has sent Six Million Indians to Extinction’, Sunday Times Magazine, 23 February 1969, reproduced at http://www.scribd.com/doc/39884822, last accessed 22 August 2011. 161.â•‡Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations, pp.â•–90–111. 162.â•‡Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations: Guide to Global Civil Society Networks 2007–2008 (München: K. Â€G. Â€Saur, 2007), vol.â•–5, pp.â•–134–5. 163.â•‡Sikkink and Smith, ‘Infrastructures for Change’, p.â•–36. 164.â•‡Third World Network, Third World: Development or Crisis? Declaration and Conclusions of the Third World Conference, Penang, 9–14 Nov. 1984 (Penang: Third World Network, 1984), pp.â•–78–9. 165.â•‡Hilton, Prosperity for All, pp.â•–136, 141–2. 166.â•‡United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Multinational Corporations in World Development (New York: United Nations, 1973), p.â•–1. 167.â•‡United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations, Transnational Corporations in World Development: Trends and Prospects (New York: United Nations, 1988), pp.â•–24, 16. 168.â•‡Geoffrey Allen Pigman, The World Economic Forum: A Multi-Stakeholder Approach to Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p.â•–7. 169.â•‡Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, ‘SWIFT History’, http:// www.swift.com/about_swift/company_information/swift_history.page?lang=en, last accessed 11 April 2011. 170.â•‡Andrew Chetley, The Politics of Baby Foods: Successful Challenges to an International Marketing Strategy (London: Frances Pinter, 1986), pp.â•–44–6. 171.â•‡Chetley, Politics of Baby Foods, pp.â•–52–4. 172.â•‡Chetley, Politics of Baby Foods, pp.â•–70–1; Kathryn Sikkink, ‘Codes of Conduct for Trans-

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national Corporations: The Case of the WHO/UNICEF Code’, International Organization, 40/4 (1986), p.â•–827. 173.â•‡Sikkink, ‘Codes of Conduct’, p.â•–822. 174.â•‡‘Joint Statement of INBC and Nestlé’, reproduced in Chetley, Politics of Baby Foods, p.â•–132. 175.â•‡Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State’, pp.â•–311–12. 176.â•‡British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, The First Annual Report of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (London: Johnston and Barrett, 1840). 177.â•‡Wapner, ‘Politics Beyond the State’, pp.â•–325, 328. 178.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, ‘Transnational Advocacy Networks in International and Regional Politics’, International Social Science Journal, 51/159 (1999), p.â•–93. 179.â•‡Margaret E. Â€Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), pp.â•–41–51. 180.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 107. 181.â•‡Tullio Scovazzi and Gabriella Citroni, The Struggle against Enforced Disappearance and the 2007 United Nations Convention (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007), p.â•–98. 182.â•‡Matthew Evangelista, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), pp.â•–147–51. 183.â•‡Q uoted in Lawrence S. Â€Wittner, Toward Nuclear Abolition: A History of the World Nuclear Disarmament Movement, 1971 to the Present (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), p.â•–84. 184.â•‡Q uoted in Evangelista, Unarmed Forces, p.â•–376. 185.â•‡Carter, Peace Movements, p.â•–150. 186.â•‡Sarah B. Â€Snyder, Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), p.â•–8. 187.â•‡Jeri Laber, The Courage of Strangers: Coming of Age with the Human Rights Movement (New York: PublicAffairs, 2002), p.â•–182. 188.â•‡Q uoted in Laber, Courage of Strangers, p.â•–349. 189.â•‡Union of International Associations data indicate an increase from 1,268 in 1960 to 14,333 in 1989. 190.â•‡Samuel P. Â€Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991). 191.â•‡Helmut Anheier, Mary Kaldor and Marlies Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook: Lessons and Insights, 2001–2011’, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Â€Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), p.â•–15. 192.â•‡Rein Müllerson, ‘Right to Survival as Right to Life of Humanity’, Denver Journal of International Law and Policy, 19/1 (1990), p.â•–50. 193.â•‡Zbigniew Rau (ed.), The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991). 194.â•‡Ronnie Lipschutz, ‘Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 21/3 (1992), p.â•–399. 195.â•‡George H. Â€W. Â€Bush, ‘Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the Persian Gulf Crisis and the Federal Budget Deficit, 1990–09–11’, http://bushlibrary.tamu.edu/research/ public_papers.php?id=2217&year=1990&month=9, last accessed 2 November 2011. 196.â•‡W illetts, ‘Consultative Status for NGOs at the United Nations’, p.â•–55.

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197.â•‡Peter Willetts, ‘From Stockholm to Rio and Beyond: The Impact of the Environmental Movement on the United Nations Consultative Arrangements for NGOs’, Review of International Studies, 22/1 (1996), p.â•–75. 198.â•‡Niamh Reilly, Women’s Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity, 2009), p.â•–80; Charlotte Bunch and Niamh Reilly, Demanding Accountability: The Global Campaign and Vienna Tribunal for Women’s Human Rights (Rutgers, NJ: Center for Women’s Global Leadership, 1994). 199.â•‡On the nature and operation of global coalitions, see Sidney Tarrow, The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 200.â•‡CIVICUS, ‘Organisational History’, http://www.civicus.org/about-us/brief-history, last accessed 3 November 2011. 201.â•‡CIVICUS, ‘Organisational History’. 202.â•‡Nobel Media, ‘The Nobel Peace Prize 1997: International Campaign to Ban Landmines, Jody Williams’, http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1997/#, last accessed 3 November 2011. 203.â•‡Q uoted in Nicole Short, ‘The Role of NGOs in the Ottawa Process to Ban Landmines’, International Negotiation, 4/3 (1999), p.â•–481. 204.â•‡Marlies Glasius, ‘Expertise in the Cause of Justice: Global Civil Society Influence on the Statute for an International Criminal Court’, in Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2002 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp.â•–137–68. 205.â•‡See, for instance, Don Hubert, The Landmine Ban: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy (Providence, RI: Thomas J. Â€Watson Jr Institute for International Studies, 2000), pp.â•–29–38. 206.â•‡Sanjeev Khagram, ‘Toward Democratic Governance for Sustainable Development: Transnational Civil Society Organizing Around Big Dams’, in Ann M. Â€Florini (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000), pp.â•–100–1; James D. Â€Wolfensohn, ‘Foreword’, in International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Accountability at the World Bank: The Inspection Panel 10 Years On (Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2003), p.â•–vii. 207.â•‡Fredrik Galtung, ‘A Global Network to Curb Corruption: The Experience of Transparency International’, in Florini, Third Force, pp.â•–22–4. 208.â•‡Donatella Della Porta (ed.), The Global Justice Movement: Cross-National and Transnational Perspectives (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007). 209.â•‡Thomas Olesen, ‘The Zapatistas and Transnational Framing’, in Hank Johnston and Paul Almeida (eds.), Latin American Social Movements: Globalization, Democratization, and Transnational Networks (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), pp.â•–179–96. 210.â•‡Jürgen Kurtz, ‘NGOs, the Internet and International Economic Policy Making: The Failure of the OECD Multilateral Agreement on Investment’, Melbourne Journal of International Law, 3/2 (2002), pp.â•–213–46. 211.â•‡Jackie Smith, ‘Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social Movements’, Mobilization: An International Journal, 6/1 (2001), pp.â•–1–2. 212.â•‡Peter Newell, ‘Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global Citizen Action on the Environment’, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001), pp.â•–192–8. 213.â•‡Tim Jordan and Paul A. Â€Taylor, Hacktivism and Cyberwars: Rebels with a Cause? (Abing-

233

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NOTES

don: Routledge, 2004); Jason Andress and Steve Winterfeld, Cyber Warfare: Techniques, Tactics and Tools for Security Practitioners (Waltham, MA: Elsevier, 2011), p.â•–197. 214.â•‡By contrast, between 1981 and 1989 the increase had been 53 per cent, from 9,396 to 14,333; and between 1972 and 1981 the increase was 236 per cent, from 2,795 to 9,396. Data from the Union of International Associations. 215.â•‡Of earlier origin is Homeless International, founded in the United Kingdom in 1989. 216.â•‡Bernard Cassen et al., ATTAC: Contre la Dictature des Marchés (Paris: Syllepse, 1999). 217.â•‡Organizations with earlier foundation dates include the Global Network of People Living with HIV and AIDS (1986) and the International AIDS Society (1988). 218.â•‡V int Cerf, Bob Kahn and Lyman Chapin, ‘Announcing ISOC’ (1992), http://www.isoc. org/internet/history/isochistory.shtml, last accessed 16 November 2011; Department of Commerce National Telecommunications and Information Administration, ‘Improvement of Technical Management of Internet Names and Addresses; Proposed Rule; February 20, 1998’, http://www.ntia.doc.gov/federal-register-notice/1998/improvement-technicalmanagement-internet-names-and-addresses-proposed-, last accessed 16 November 2011. 219.â•‡Department of Commerce National Telecommunications and Information Administration, ‘Improvement of Technical Management of Internet Names and Addresses’. 220.â•‡Data adapted from ‘Foundation countries of international organizations: 2008’ in Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http:// www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 22 September 2011. 221.â•‡Asian Network for Free Elections, ‘ANFREL’s Background’, http://www.anfrel.org/0000/ main_display.asp?submenu_id=2, last accessed 29 November 2011. 222.â•‡All growth rate estimates adapted from Union of International Associations, ‘Foundation countries of international organizations: 2008’. INGO foundation dates and locations from Union of International Associations, Yearbook of International Organizations: Guide to Global Civil Society Networks 2007–2008, vol.â•–1 (München: K. Â€G. Â€Saur, 2007). 223.â•‡Ruth Reitan, Global Activism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), pp.â•–76–7. 224.â•‡Marjorie Mayo, Global Citizens: Social Movements and the Challenge of Globalization (London: Zed, 2005), p.â•–174. 225.â•‡Carole J. Â€L. Â€Collins, Zie Gariyo and Tony Burdon, ‘Jubilee 2000: Citizen Action Across the North–South Divide’, in Edwards and Gaventa, Global Citizen Action, p.â•–147; Joshua William Busby, ‘Bono Made Jesse Helms Cry: Jubilee 2000, Debt Relief, and Moral Action in International Politics’, International Studies Quarterly, 51/2 (2007), p.â•–249. 226.â•‡‘Interview with Oded Grajew, Initiator and Secretariat Member of the World Social Forum’, In Motion Magazine, 19 December 2004, http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/ global/ogwsf_int.html#Anchor-The-49575, last accessed 18 November 2011. 227.â•‡‘In His Own Words: A Conversation with Oded Grajew’, Changemakers.net, March 2005, http://proxied.changemakers.net/journal/300503/oded.cfm, last accessed 18 November 2011; Teivo Teivainen, ‘The World Social Forum and Global Democratisation: Learning from Porto Alegre’, Third World Quarterly, 23/4 (2002), p.â•–624. 228.â•‡World Social Forum, ‘World Social Forum Charter of Principles’, 10 June 2001, http:// www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/main.php?id_menu=4&cd_language=2, last accessed 18 November 2011. On the origins of the World Social Forum, see Alejandro Peña and Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the

234

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pp. [160–162]

Workers’ Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum’, New Political Economy, 2013: DOI 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651. 229.â•‡Ann M. Â€Florini, ‘Lessons Learned’, in Ann M. Â€Florini (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2000), pp.â•–211, 237. 230.â•‡Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor, ‘Introducing Global Civil Society’, in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–19. On the purpose of the Annuaires see Alfred Fried, ‘Préface de la 1re Année’, in Alfred Fried, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1906 (Monaco: Institut International de la Paix, 1906), pp.â•–5–10. 231.â•‡Motoko Mekata, ‘Waging Peace: Transnational Peace Activism’, in Srilatha Batliwala and L. Â€David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian, 2006), p.â•–192; Kate Dewes and Robert Green, ‘The World Court Project: History and Consequences’, Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 7/1 (1999), p.â•–61. 232.â•‡International Court of Justice, Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion of 8 July 1996 (The Hague: International Court of Justice, 1996), p.â•–44. 233.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 15. 234.â•‡John D. Â€Clark, ‘The Globalization of Civil Society’, in James W. Â€St. G. Â€Walker and Andrew S. Â€Thompson (eds.), Critical Mass: The Emergence of Global Civil Society (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2008), p.â•–17. 235.â•‡In the case of both recent developments (such as the Ottawa landmines convention) and historic developments (such as the League of Nations Covenant), the role of INGOs in spurring them needs to be balanced with the role of other factors and actors. 236.â•‡Theda Skocpol, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civil Life (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003), p.â•–219. 237.â•‡Q uoted in Mark Anner, ‘The Paradox of Labour Transnationalism: Trade Union Campaigns for Labour Standards in International Institutions’, in Craig Phelan (ed.), The Future of Organised Labour: Global Perspectives (Berne: Peter Lang, 2007), p.â•–63. 238.â•‡Data from the Union of International Associations’ Yearbook of International Organizations and from the Encyclopedia of Associations: International Organizations indicate a drop from approximately 250 million at the start of the decade to approximately half that figure at the end of the decade, in contrast to growth in the 1980s. 239.â•‡John Clark, ‘Conclusions—Globalizing Civic Engagement’, in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action (London: Earthscan, 2003), p.â•–168. 240.â•‡Meghnad Desai and Yahia Said, ‘The New Anti-Capitalist Movement: Money and Global Civil Society’, in Helmut Anheier, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p.â•–69. 241.â•‡Marlies Glasius and Jill Timms, ‘The Role of Social Forums in Global Civil Society’, in Marlies Glasius, Mary Kaldor and Helmut Anheier (eds.), Global Civil Society 2005/6 (London: SAGE, 2006), p.â•–190. 242.â•‡David Chandler, ‘Building Global Civil Society “From Below”?’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 33/2 (2004), pp.â•–335, 337. 243.â•‡Jackie Smith and Dawn Wiest, Social Movements in the World-System: The Politics of Crisis and Transformation (New York: Russell Sage, 2012), p.â•–60.

235

pp. [162–164]

NOTES

244.â•‡Ian Anderson, ‘Global Action: International NGOs and Advocacy’, in Barbara Rugendyke (ed.), NGOs as Advocates for Development in a Globalizing World (London: Routledge, 2007), p.â•–89. 245.â•‡Reference to all of these issues and more are provided at Oxfam International, ‘Issues We Work On’, http://www.oxfam.org/en/about/issues, last accessed 7 December 2011. 246.â•‡Daniel Chong, ‘Economic Rights and Extreme Poverty: Moving towards Subsistence’, in Clifford Bob (ed.), The International Struggle for New Human Rights (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), p.â•–119. See also Paul J. Â€Nelson and Ellen Dorsey, New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008). 247.â•‡Quoted in April Carter, Direct Action and Democracy Today (Cambridge: Polity, 2005), p.â•–106. 248.â•‡Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook’, p.â•–18. 249.â•‡World Business Council for Sustainable Development, ‘What is the WBCSD’s Mission?’, http://www.wbcsd.org/includes/getTarget.asp?type=p&id=Mjk0, last accessed 20 October 2011. 250.â•‡This theme is explored in Alejandro Peña, ISO and Social Standardisation: Uncomfortable Compromises in Global Policy-Making, http://www.city.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_ file/0019/106822/CUWPTP009A_pena.pdf, last accessed 20 October 2011. 251.â•‡The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions merged with the World Confederation of Labour in 2006 to form the International Trade Union Confederation. 252.â•‡Jackie Smith, ‘Building Bridges or Building Walls? Explaining Regionalization Among Transnational Social Movement Organizations’, Mobilization: An International Quarterly, 10/2 (2005), p.â•–251. 253.â•‡Ibid., p.â•– 252. 254.â•‡I bid., pp.â•–265, 254. 255.â•‡Thayer Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional and Political Costs (London: Earthscan, 2005), pp.â•–268–9. 256.â•‡Caroline Harper, ‘Do the Facts Matter? NGOs, Research, and International Advocacy’, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001), p.â•–253. 257.â•‡Edward M. Â€Graham, Fighting the Wrong Enemy: Antiglobal Activists and Multinational Enterprises (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2000). 258.â•‡Smith and Wiest, Social Movements in the World System, p.â•–62. 259.â•‡Paul J. Â€Nelson, ‘Conflict, Legitimacy, and Effectiveness: Who Speaks for Whom in Transnational NGO Networks Lobbying the World Bank?’, Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, 26/4 (1997), pp.â•–421–41. 260.â•‡David Lewis and Nazneen Kanji, Non-Governmental Organizations and Development (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.â•–92. 261.â•‡Martin Barber and Cameron Bowie, ‘How International NGOs could do Less Harm and More Good’, Development in Practice, 18/6 (2008), pp.â•–748–54. 262.â•‡Stephen Knack, ‘Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?’, International Studies Quarterly, 48/1 (2004), p.â•–253; Michael Maren, The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity (New York: Free Press, 1997). On the counterproductive impact of INGO activities in the 1990s, see also Alexander Cooley and James Ron, ‘The NGO

236

NOTES

pp. [164–166]

Scramble: Organizational Insecurity and the Political Economy of Transnational Action’, International Security, 27/1 (2002), pp.â•–5–39. 263.â•‡On fundamentalist groups in Somalia, see Bronwyn Bruton, ‘In the Quicksands of Somalia: Where Doing Less Helps More’, Foreign Affairs, 88/6 (2009), pp.â•–79–94. 264.â•‡Data for type A to G INGOs from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. 265.â•‡Overall INGO numbers (types A to G) between 2002 and 2006 rose from 18,333 to 21,443, then fell to 21,224 in 2007, recovered to 21,991 in 2008 and fell again to 21,684 in 2009. Between 2001 and 2008 regional INGO numbers (type D) increased from 4,836 to 6,400 (a rise of 32%), while other INGOs rose from 13,231 to 15,591 (a rise of 18%). Data from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. 266.â•‡Thomas Greven and Thomas Grumke (eds.), Globalisierter Rechtsextremismus? Die Extremistische Rechte in der Ära der Globalisierung (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2006). 267.â•‡Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook’, p.â•–18. 268.â•‡Ulrich Fischer, ‘IHF Forced to Close Down, Vienna, 7 December 2007’, http://www. ihf-hr.org/Statement.07December2007.pdf, last accessed 13 December 2011. 269.â•‡Data from World Values Survey, ‘Online Data Analysis’, http://www.wvsevsdb.com/wvs/ WVSAnalize.jsp, last accessed 15 May 2012. The World Values Survey data on ‘tolerance and respect for other people’ are often used as a means of gauging less institutionalized aspects of ‘global civil society’; see, for instance, Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook’, p.â•–22. 270.â•‡Net private grants fell from $23,859,040,000 in 2008 to $22,168,150,000 in 2009. Source: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD.Stat Extracts, http:// stats.oecd.org, last accessed 13 September 2011. 271.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Annual Report 2009 (Geneva: International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, 2009), p.â•–30. 272.â•‡Data from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. 273.â•‡Andrew Chetley, ‘Where Do We Drop the Pebble? Using Participatory Communication for Social Change’, Participatory Learning and Action, 63 (2011), p.â•–30. 274.â•‡Paulo Gerbaudo and Mario Pianta, ‘Twenty Years of Global Civil Society Events: The Rise and Fall of Parallel Summits, the Novelty of Global Days of Action’, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Â€Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), p.â•–193. 275.â•‡Shamima Ahmed and David M. Â€Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), p.â•–199; Charlotte Bunch and Susana Fried, ‘Beijing ‘95: Moving Women’s Human Rights from Margin to Center’, Signs, 22/1 (1996), p.â•–200. 276.â•‡John Mathiason, ‘What Went Wrong with the Women’s Revolution? Factors Impeding Implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action’, http://portal.unesco.org/shs/en/ files/8766/11297286721What__Went__Wrong.pdf/What_%2BWent_%2BWrong.pdf, last accessed 13 December 2011, p.â•–1. 277.â•‡Quotation from Barbara Unmuüßig, ‘NGOs in the Climate Crisis: Processes of Fragmentation, Lines of Conflict, and Strategic Approaches’, http://www.za.boell.org/down-

237

pp. [166–168]

NOTES

loads/NGOs_climate_crisis_-_Barbara_Unmuessig_(1).pdf, p.â•–2, last accessed 24 June 2013. See also Lili Fuhr and Ingrid Spiller, ‘Where Does International Climate Policy Stand After Cancún?’, http://www.boell.de/ecology/climate/climate-energy-analysisclimate-summit-cancun-11142.html, last accessed 13 December 2011. 278.â•‡IBASE (Brazilian Institute of Social and Economic Analyses), An X-Ray of Participation in the 2005 Forum: Elements for Debate (Rio de Janeiro: IBASE, 2005), p.â•–9; on the peak in global civil society events in 2005, see Gerbaudo and Pianta, ‘Twenty Years of Global Civil Society Events’, p.â•–191. 279.â•‡World Social Forum, ‘World Social Forum 2006 Memorial’, http://www.forumsocialmundial.org.br/main.php?id_menu=14_6&cd_language=2, last accessed 15 December 2011. 280.â•‡Firoze Manji, ‘World Social Forum: Just Another NGO Fair?’, Pambazuka News, 288, 26 January 2007, http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/39464, last accessed 15 December 2011. See also Janet Conway, ‘Reading Nairobi: Place, Space, and Difference at the 2007 World Social Forum’, in Judith Blau and Marina Karides (eds.), The World and US Social Forums: A Better World is Possible and Necessary (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp.â•–93–116. 281.â•‡O wen Worth and Karen Buckley, ‘The World Social Forum: Postmodern Prince or Court Jester?’, Third World Quarterly, 30/4 (2009), p.â•–649. 282.â•‡Global Call to Action against Poverty, ‘Who We Are’, http://www.whiteband.org/en/ about/who-we-are, last accessed 15 December 2011; Global Call to Action against Poverty, ‘GCAP Supporting Organisations’, http://whiteband.org/en/about/supportingorgs, last accessed 15 December 2011. 283.â•‡Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics, p.â•–157. 284.â•‡Sidney Tarrow and Donatella della Porta, ‘Conclusion: “Globalization”, Complex Internationalism, and Transnational Contention’, in Donatella della Porta and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism: People, Passions, and Power (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005), p.â•–227. 285.â•‡David Cortright, A Peaceful Superpower: The Movement against War in Iraq (Goshen, IN: Fourth Freedom Forum, 2004). 286.â•‡Reinalda, Routledge History of International Organizations, p.â•–613. 287.â•‡Samy Cohen, The Resilience of the State: Democracy and the Challenges of Globalisation (London: Hurst & Co., 2006). 288.â•‡Phillip W. Â€Jones and David Coleman, The United Nations and Education: Multilateralism, Development and Globalisation (Abingdon: RoutledgeFalmer, 2005), p.â•–242. 289.â•‡For examples, see Andrew Galea Debono, ‘Rules and Regulations affecting Civil Society Space’, http://www.humanrightsinitiative.org/advocacy/chogm/chrf2005/rules_regu_ affecting_civil_society_space.pdf, last accessed 16 December 2011. 290.â•‡Government funding of humanitarian NGOs in 2009 is estimated at $2.1 billion, compared with $1.9 billion in 2008; sourced from Development Initiatives, Global Humanitarian Assistance Report 2011 (Wells: Development Initiatives, 2011), p.â•–40. 291.â•‡‘Disinformation: Cold-War Propaganda Wars Return’, The Economist, 3 August 2006, http://www.economist.com/node/7252974, last accessed 16 December 2011. 292.â•‡Moisés Naím, ‘What is a GONGO?’, Foreign Policy, 18 April 2007, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2007/04/18/what_is_a_gongo, last accessed 16 December 2011.

238

NOTES

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293.â•‡Martin N. Â€Marger, Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives, 9th edn (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012), p.â•–464. 294.â•‡Reitan, Global Activism, p.â•–14; Zixue Tai, The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Society (New York: Routledge, 2006), p.â•–275. 295.â•‡On the argument that globalization and fragmentation exist in a dialectical relationship, see Geir Lundestad, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics, 41/2 (2004), pp.â•–265–76. 296.â•‡Kristin M. Â€Lord, The Perils and Promise of Global Transparency: Why the Information Revolution May Not Lead to Security, Democracy, or Peace (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2006), p.â•–98. 297.â•‡Susantha Goonatilake, ‘Cultural Imperialism: A Short History, Future and a Postscript from the Present’, in Bernd Hamm and Russell Smandych (eds.), Cultural Imperialism: Essays on the Political Economy of Cultural Domination (Plymouth: Broadview Press, 2005), p.â•–47. 298.â•‡Gordon Laxer and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p.â•–10, citing James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer, Globalization Unmasked: Imperialism in the 21st Century (Halifax, Nova Scotia: Fernwood, 2001). 299.â•‡Michael G. Â€Schechter, United Nations Global Conferences (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005), p.â•–155. 300.â•‡Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics, pp.â•–51–2. 301.â•‡John Borrie, Unacceptable Harm: A History of How the Treaty to Ban Cluster Munitions was Won (Geneva: United Nations, 2009). 302.â•‡Karl F. Â€Inderfurth, David Fabrycky and Stephen P. Â€Cohen, ‘The Tsunami Report Card’, Foreign Policy, 6 December 2005, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/12/05/ the_tsunami_report_card, last accessed 19 December 2011. 303.â•‡Craig Borowiak, ‘Mapping Solidarity: The Rise of International Solidarity Economy Networks’, paper presented at the 51st Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, New Orleans, February 2010. On the civil economy, see Robin Murray, ‘Global Civil Society and the Rise of the Civil Economy’, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Â€Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), pp.â•–144–64. 304.â•‡John W. Â€McDonald with Noa Zanolli, The Shifting Grounds of Conflict and Peacebuilding: Stories and Lessons (Plymouth: Lexington, 2008), pp.â•–312–13. 305.â•‡International NGO Charter of Accountability, ‘Charter Background’, http://www.ingoaccountabilitycharter.org/about-the-charter/background-of-the-charter, last accessed 29 September 2011. 306.â•‡Publish What You Pay, ‘Members of Publish What You Pay, 21/03/2011’, http://www. publishwhatyoupay.org/sites/pwypdev.gn.apc.org/files/Membership%20PDF.pdf, last accessed 19 October 2011. 307.â•‡Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, ‘Who We Are’, http://www.brac.net/content/ who-we-are, last accessed 29 September 2011; Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, ‘Who We Are: Evolution’, http://www.brac.net/content/who-we-are-evolution, last accessed 20 December 2011. For further treatment of the themes of this paragraph, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘La Transformation des ONG Internationales et ses Effets sur

239

pp. [171–73]

NOTES

L’Aide au Développement’, Revue Internationale de Politique de Développement, 3 (2012), pp.â•–63–75. 308.â•‡Salma Yaqoob, ‘Global and Local Echoes of the Anti-War Movement: A British Muslim Perspective’, International Socialism: A Quarterly Journal of Socialist Theory, 100, 4 October 2004, http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=4, last accessed 20 December 2011. 309.â•‡‘Sixty Million Support Petition’, 14 August 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/ south_asia/7560071.stm, last accessed 20 December 2011. 310.â•‡Anna Lindh Foundation, ‘Working as a Network’, http://www.euromedalex.org/networks, last accessed 20 December 2011; Global Movement of Moderates, ‘Home’, http://www. gmm2012.org/, last accessed 15 May 2012. 311.â•‡V. Â€Finn Heinrich (ed.), CIVICUS Global Survey of the State of Civil Society. Volume 1. Country Profiles (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian, 2007), pp.â•–56, 59. 312.â•‡Jill Timms, ‘Chronology of Global Civil Society Events’, in Ashwani Kumar, Jan Aart Scholte, Mary Kaldor, Marlies Glaius, Hakan Seckinelgin, Helmut Anheier and Fiona Holland (eds.), Global Civil Society 2009: Poverty and Activism (London: SAGE, 2009), p.â•–339. 313.â•‡Mona Yacoubian, Promoting Middle East Democracy II: Arab Initiatives (Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace, 2005), pp.â•–5–9. 314.â•‡Jacky Angus, ‘Kifaya as Political Culture: The Egyptian Presidential Election, 2005’, in Helen James (ed.), Civil Society, Religion, and Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007), p.â•–277. 315.â•‡Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS), ‘About Us’, http:// www.canvasopedia.org/legacy/content/about/about.htm, last accessed 20 December 2011. On the role of CANVAS in the Arab Spring, see Thomas Richard Davies, ‘The 2011 Uprisings and the Limits of “People Power”’, http://www.city.ac.uk/social-sciences/ international-politics/policy-briefs/the-2011-uprisings-and-the-limits-of-people-power, last accessed 20 December 2011. 316.â•‡Ethan Zuckerman, ‘The First Twitter Revolution?’, Foreign Policy, 14 January 2011, http:// www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/01/14/the_first_twitter_revolution, last accessed 20 December 2011. 317.â•‡Occupy Wall Street, ‘About’, http://occupywallst.org/about/, last accessed 20 December 2011. 318.â•‡Anheier, Kaldor and Glasius, ‘The Global Civil Society Yearbook’, p.â•–18. 319.â•‡Data for type A to G INGOs from Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http://www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011, indicates an increase from 21,684 in 2009 to 23,071 in 2010. 320.â•‡International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, Annual Report 2010 (Geneva: International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, 2010), p.â•–21. 321.â•‡There were a further two ‘affiliate’ members: International NGO Charter of Accountability, ‘Charter Members’, http://www.ingoaccountabilitycharter.org/list-of-signatories/, last accessed 24 June 2013. 322.â•‡Heinrich, CIVICUS Global Survey, p.â•–60. 323.â•‡‘EDL takes part in far-right European rally in Denmark’, BBC News, 31 March 2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-17570464, last accessed 15 May 2012. 324.â•‡Marwa Awad and Tamim Elyan, ‘Egypt’s Islamists Claim Sweep of Second Round Vote’,

240

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pp. [175–182]

Reuters, 18 December 2011, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/12/18/us-egypt-election-islamist-idUSTRE7BH0MK20111218, last accessed 20 December 2011. CONCLUSION 1.â•‡Shamima Ahmed and David M. Â€Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006), p.â•–ix. 2.â•‡See the discussion in Chapter 2 for further details. 3.â•‡Geir Lundestad, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics, 41/2 (2004), pp.â•–265–76. 4.â•‡The evidence and references for the material in this paragraph are provided in Chapter 1. For each of the next two paragraphs, see Chapters 2 and 3 respectively. 5.â•‡For more detailed treatment of the themes discussed here in relation to each of the three waves in turn, see Chapters 1, 2 and 3. On the general framework of explanatory factors, see the Introduction. 6.â•‡On the transnational history research agenda more generally, see Akira Iriye and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 7.â•‡Thomas Richard Davies, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007) explored one example of a significant unsuccessful transnational civil society campaign. The present volume has highlighted many other possibilities for exploration.

241

FURTHER READING

For bibliographic details of the items cited in this book, please see the footnotes to the individual chapters. Rather than following the chronological approach of the book, this guide to further reading is divided into different aspects of the history of transnational civil society and international non-governmental organizations. It provides a selection of secondary texts and a few especially significant primary sources, each of which is illustrative of the wider material. It covers a sample of aspects of transnational civil society activities, but it has not been possible to include here every aspect covered in the text, nor has it been possible to include every possible source of relevant further reading. The listings should nevertheless be helpful to those seeking to make a start on investigating further the issues covered in this volume. Abolitionism Blackburn, Robin, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 (London: Verso, 1988). British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention (London: British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1841). David, Huw T., ‘Transnational Advocacy in the Eighteenth Century: Transatlantic Activism and the Anti-Slavery Movement’, Global Networks, 7/3 (2007), pp.â•–367–82. Drescher, Seymour, Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery (Cambridge: Cambridge Â�University Press, 2009). Fladeland, Betty, Men and Brothers: Anglo-American Anti-Slavery Cooperation (Urbana, IL: Â�University of Illinois Press, 1972). Kaye, Mike, 1807–2007: Over 200 Years of Campaigning Against Slavery (London: Anti-Â�Slavery International, 2005). Midgley, Clare, Women Against Slavery: The British Campaigns, 1780–1870 (London: Routledge, 1992). Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, Constitution of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery (Philadelphia, PA: Joseph James, 1787). Temperley, Howard, British Anti-Slavery, 1833–1870 (Columbia, SC: University of South Â�Carolina Press, 1972). Business Cutler, A. Claire, Private Power and Global Authority: Transnational Merchant Law in the Global Political Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Â€

243

FURTHER READING Djelic, Marie-Laure, and Sigrid Quack (eds.), Transnational Communities: Shaping Global Economic Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). Graz, Jean-Christophe, and Andreas Nölke (eds.), Transnational Private Governance and its Limits (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008). Hall, Douglas, A Brief History of the West India Committee (St Lawrence, Barbados: Caribbean Universities Press, 1971). Hall, Rodney Bruce, and Thomas J. Biersteker (eds.), The Emergence of Private Authority in Global Governance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). International Committee of the International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton-Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the Proceedings of the First International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations held at the Tonhalle, Zürich, May 23 to 27, 1904 (London: Marsden, 1904). Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 60 Jahre Internationaler Hotelbesitzer-Verein, 1869–1929 (Köln: Dumont, 1929). Löhr, Isabella, Die Globalisierung Geistiger Eigentumsrechte (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010). Pigman, Geoffrey Allen, The World Economic Forum: A Multi-Stakeholder Approach to Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007). Ridgeway, George L., Merchants of Peace: Twenty Years of Business Diplomacy through the International Chamber of Commerce (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938). Ronit, Karsten, and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (London: Routledge, 2000). Rosenberg, Emily S., Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890–1945 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1982). Streeck, Wolfgang, Jürgen R. Grote, Volker Schneider, and Jelle Visser (eds.), Governing Interests: Business Associations Facing Internationalization (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006). Â€

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Cartels Bardot, Dominique (ed.), International Cartels Revisited, 1880–1980 (Caen: Lys, 1994). Hexner, Ervin, International Cartels (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1945). Kudo, Akira, and Terushi Hara (eds.), International Cartels in Business History (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1992). League of Nations, International Cartels: A League of Nations Memorandum (Lake Success, NY: United Nations Department of Economic Affairs, 1947). Sloan, Edward W., ‘The First (and Very Secret) International Steamship Cartel, 1850–1856’, in David J. Starkey and Gelina Harlaftis (eds.), Global Markets: The Internationalization of the Sea Transport Industries since 1850 (St John’s, Newfoundland: International Maritime Economic History Association, 1998), pp.â•–29–52. Wurm, Clemens A., International Cartels and Foreign Policy (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989). Â€

Christianity Allen, W.O.B., and Edmund McClure, Two Hundred Years: The History of the Society for

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FURTHER READING Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698–1898 (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1898). Briggs, John, Mercy Amber Oduyoye and Georges Tsetsis (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume 3, 1968–2000 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004). Fey, Harold Edward, A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume 2, 1948–1968 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1987). Ingle, H. Larry, First Among Friends: George Fox and the Creation of Quakerism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). Jenkins, John Philip, The Lost History of Christianity: The Thousand-Year Golden Age of the Church in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia—And How It Died (New York: HarperCollins, 2008). Robert, Dana L., Christian Mission: How Christianity became a World Religion (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009). Rouse, Ruth, and Stephen Charles Neill (eds.), A History of the Ecumenical Movement: Volume 1, 1517–1948 (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 2004). Shedd, Clarence Prouty, History of the World’s Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations (Â�London: SPCK, 1955). Veer, Peter van der (ed.), Conversion to Modernities: The Globalization of Christianity (New York: Routledge, 1996). Visser’t Hooft, W. A., The Genesis and Formation of the World Council of Churches (Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1982). Wuthnow, Robert, Boundless Faith: The Global Outreach of American Churches (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2009). Young Men’s Christian Association, Report of the General Conference held in Paris, August, 1855 (London: Young Men’s Christian Association, 1856). Â€

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Civil Society Anheier, Helmut K., Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy (London: Earthscan, 2004). Anheier, Helmut, Marlies Glasius and Mary Kaldor (eds.), Global Civil Society 2001 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Kaldor, Mary, Henrietta L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012). Batliwala, Srilatha, and L. David Brown (eds.), Transnational Civil Society: An Introduction (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006). CIVICUS, Citizens: Strengthening Global Civil Society (Washington, DC: CIVICUS, 1994). Clark, Peter, British Clubs and Societies, 1580–1800: The Origins of an Associational World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000). Colas, Alejandro, International Civil Society: Social Movements in World Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002). Edwards, Michael, and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001). Eberly, Don, The Rise of Global Civil Society: Building Communities and Nations from the Bottom Up (New York, NY: Encounter Books, 2008). Florini, Ann M. (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Tokyo: Japan Â�Center for International Exchange, 2000). Hall, John A. (ed.), Civil Society: Theory, History, Comparison (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005). Â€

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FURTHER READING Heinrich, V. Finn (ed.), CIVICUS Global Survey of the State of Civil Society (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2007). Hoffmann, Stefan-Ludwig, Civil Society, 1750–1914 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006). Kaldor, Mary, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003). Keane, John, Global Civil Society? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Keck, Margaret E., and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998). Laxer, Gordon, and Sandra Halperin (eds.), Global Civil Society and its Limits (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). Lipschutz, Ronnie, ‘Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 21/3 (1992), pp.â•–389–420. Norton, Augustus Richard, Civil Society in the Middle East, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1995–6). Piper, Nicola, and Anders Uhlin (eds.), Transnational Activism in Asia: Problems of Power and Democracy (London: Routledge, 2003). Salamon, Lester M., Helmut K. Anheier, Regina List, Stefan Toepler, S. Wojciech Sokolowski and Associates (eds.), Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies, 1999). Â€

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Communications Bekiashev, Kamil A., and Vitali V. Serebriakov, International Marine Organizations (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1981). Burri, Monika, Kilian T. Elsasser and David Gugerli (eds.), Die Internationalität der Eisenbahn 1850–1970 (Zürich: Chronos, 2003). Bygrave, Lee A., and Jon Bing (eds.), Internet Governance: Infrastructure and Institutions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). Dean, Jodi, Jon W. Anderson and Geert Lovink (eds.), Reformatting Politics: Information Technology and Global Civil Society (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006). International Broadcasting Union, The Problems of Broadcasting (Geneva: International Broadcasting Union, 1930). International Road Federation, The International Road Federation: Fifty Years of Service, 1948– 1997 (Washington, DC: International Road Federation, 1997). Leslie, John C., ‘International Air Transport Association: Some Historical Notes’, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 13, 3/4, (1971), pp.â•–319–41. Rayward, W. Boyd, ‘The Origins of Information Science and the International Institute of Bibliography/International Federation for Information and Documentation’, in Trudi Bellardo Hahn and Michael Buckland (eds.), Historical Studies in Information Science (Medford, NJ: Information Today, 1998), pp.â•–22–33. Tai, Zixue, The Internet in China: Cyberspace and Civil Society (New York: Routledge, 2006). Â€

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Communism Alexander, Robert Jackson, International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991). Brouwé, Pierre, Histoire de l’Internationale Communiste, 1919–1943 (Paris: Fayard, 1997). Carr, E. H., The Twilight of Comintern, 1930–1935 (London: Macmillan, 1982). Â€

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FURTHER READING Daniels, Robert V., A Documentary History of Communism, Volume 2: Communism and the World (London: I. B. Tauris, 1987). Degras, Jane (ed.), The Communist International, 1919–1943: Documents, Volumes I-III (London: Frank Cass, 1971). Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition (London: Verso, 1998). McDermott, Kevin, and Jeremy Agnew, The Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996). McMeekin, Sean, The Red Millionaire: A Political Biography of Willi Münzenberg, Moscow’s Secret Propaganda Tsar in the West (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003). Morris, Bernard S., ‘Communist International Front Organizations: Their Nature and Function’, World Politics, 9/1 (1956), pp.â•–76–87. Nation, R. Craig, War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Internationalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1989). Orth, Robert, International Communist Front Organizations (Pfaffenhofen: Ilmgau, 1963). Wolton, Thierry, Le Grand Recrutement (Paris: Grasset, 1993). World Committee for the Victims of German Fascism, The Brown Book of the Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag (London: Victor Gollancz, 1933). See also the entries on Socialism. Â€

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Consumers Hilton, Matthew, Choice and Justice: Forty Years of the Malaysian Consumers Movement (Penang: Universiti Sains Malaysia Press, 2009). Hilton, Matthew, Prosperity for All: Consumer Activism in an Era of Globalization (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009). Mowjee, Tasneem, ‘Consumers Unite Internationally’, in John Clark (ed.), Globalizing Civic Engagement: Civil Society and Transnational Action (London: Earthscan, 2003), pp.â•–29–44. Sim, Foo Gaik, IOCU on Record: A Documentary History of the International Organization of Consumers Unions, 1960–1990 (Yonkers, NY: Consumers Union, 1990). Cooperatives Birchall, Johnston, The International Co-operative Movement (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997). Harrison, J. F. C., Robert Owen and the Owenites in Britain and America: The Quest for the New Moral World (London: Routledge, 1969). International Co-operative Alliance, Report of the First International Co-operative Congress (Â�London: P. S. King and Son, 1895). Murray, Robin, ‘Global Civil Society and the Rise of the Civil Economy’, in Mary Kaldor, Henrietta L. Moore and Sabine Selchow (eds.), Global Civil Society 2012: Ten Years of Critical Reflection (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2012), pp.â•–144–64. Watkins, William Pascoe, The International Co-operative Alliance, 1895–1970 (London: International Co-operative Alliance, 1970). Williams, Richard C., The Co-operative Movement: Globalization from Below (Aldershot: Â�Ashgate, 2007). Â€

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FURTHER READING Decolonization Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Conference: Cairo, December 26, 1957—January 1, 1958 (Moscow: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1958). Duara, Prasenjit (ed.), Decolonization: Perspectives from Now and Then (London: Routledge, 2004). Kimche, David, The Afro-Asian Movement: Ideology and Foreign Policy of the Third World ( Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1973). Patil, Vrushali, Negotiating Decolonization in the United Nations (New York: Routledge, 2008). Thomas, Darryl C., The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity (New York: Greenwood Press, 2001). Development Chabbott, Colette, ‘Development INGOs’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), pp.â•–222–48. Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘La Transformation des ONG Internationales et ses Effets sur L’Aide au Développement’, Revue Internationale de Politique de Développement, 3 (2012), pp.â•–63–75. Lewis, David, and Nazneen Kanji, Non-Governmental Organizations and Development (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009). Lindenberg, Marc, and Coralie Bryant, Going Global: Transforming Relief and Development NGOs (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2001). Rugendyke, Barbara (ed.), NGOs as Advocates for Development in a Globalizing World (London: Routledge, 2007). Third World Network, Third World: Development or Crisis? Declaration and Conclusions of the Third World Conference, Penang, 9–14 Nov. 1984 (Penang: Third World Network, 1984). See also the entries on Humanitarianism. Â€

Education Alter, Peter, ‘The Royal Society and the International Association of Academies 1897–1919’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London, 34/2 (1980), pp.â•–241–64. Hayden, Mary, and Jeff Thompson (eds.), International Education: Principles and Practice (London: Kogan Page, 1998). Iriye, Akira, Cultural Internationalism and World Order (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997). Scanlon, David G. (ed.), International Education: A Documentary History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960). Sylvester, Robert, ‘Historical Resources for Research in International EducaÂ�tion’, in Mary Hayden, Jack Levy and Jeff Thompson (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Research in International Education (London: SAGE, 2007), pp.â•–11–24. Â€

Environment Bohlen, Jim, Making Waves: The Origins and Future of Greenpeace (Montréal and London: Black Rose, 2001).

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FURTHER READING Carson, Rachel, Silent Spring (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1962). Fitzwilliams, James M., ‘St Barbe Baker: Far-Sighted Pioneer’, Environmental Conservation, 14/2 (1987), pp.â•–164–8. Frank, David John, Ann Hironaka, John W. Meyer, Evan Schofer and Nancy Brandon Tuma, ‘The Rationalization and Organization of Nature in World Culture’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–81–99. Grove, Richard H., Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Holdgate, Martin, The Green Web: A Union for World Conservation (London: Earthscan, 1999). Journal of the Society for the Preservation of the Wild Fauna of the Empire, 1 (1904). McCormick, John, Reclaiming Paradise: The Global Environmental Movement (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991). Newell, Peter, ‘Campaigning for Corporate Change: Global Citizen Action on the Environment’, in Michael Edwards and John Gaventa (eds.), Global Citizen Action (London: Earthscan, 2001), pp.â•–189–201. Princen, Thomas, and Matthias Finger (eds.), Environmental NGOs in World Politics: Linking the Local and the Global (London: Routledge, 1994). Scarce, Rick, Eco-Warriors: Understanding the Radical Environmental Movement (Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press, 2005). Tyrrell, Ian, True Gardens of the Gods: Californian–Australian Environmental Reform, 1860–1930 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1999). Wapner, Paul, Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1996). Â€

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Extremism Caillat, Michel, Mauro Cerutti, Jean-François Fayet and Jorge Gajardo, ‘Une Source Inédite de l’Histoire de l’Anticommunismeâ•–: Les Archives de l’Entente Internationale Anticommuniste (EIA) de Théodore Aubert (1924–1950)’, Matériaux pour l’Histoire de Notre Temps, 73 (2004), pp.â•–25–31. Greven, Thomas, and Thomas Grumke (eds.), Globalisierter Rechtsextremismus? Die Extremistische Rechte in der Ära der Globalisierung (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2006). Leeden, Michael Arthur, Universal Fascism: The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928–1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972). Morgan, Philip, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003). Vejvodová, Petra, ‘Transnational Cooperation of the Far Right in the European Union and Attempts to Institutionalize Mutual Relations’, in Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau (eds.), The Extreme Right in Europe: Current Trends and Perspectives (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2012), pp.â•–215–28. Feminism All Asian Women’s Conference, All Asian Women’s Conference. First Session. Lahore, 19th to 25th January 1931 (Bombay: The Times of India Press, 1931). Anderson, Bonnie S., Joyous Greetings: The First International Women’s Movement, 1830–1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).

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FURTHER READING Berkovitch, Nitza, From Motherhood to Citizenship: Women’s Rights and International Organization (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999). Bunch, Charlotte, and Niamh Reilly, Demanding Accountability: The Global Campaign and Vienna Tribunal for Women’s Human Rights (Rutgers, NJ: Center for Women’s Global Leadership, 1994). Butler, Josephine E., The New Abolitionists (London: Dyer Brothers, 1876). Daley, Caroline, and Melanie Nolan (eds.), Suffrage and Beyond: International Feminist Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1994). Evans, Richard J., The Feminists: Women’s Emancipation Movements in Europe, America, and Australasia, 1840–1920 (London: Croom Helm, 1977). Feree, Myra Marx, and Aili Mari Tripp (eds.), Transnational Women’s Activism, Organizing, and Human Rights (New York: New York University Press, 2006). Goegg, Marie, ‘Proposition de créer une Association Internationale des Femmes, en connexion avec la Ligue de la Paix et de la Liberté’, Les États-Unis d’Europe (1868), p.â•–38. International Council of Women, Women in a Changing World: The Dynamic Story of the International Council of Women since 1888 (London: Routledge, 1966). Kates, Gary, ‘“The Powers of Husband and Wife must be Equal and Separate”: The Cercle Social and the Rights of Women, 1790–91’, in Harriet B. Applewhite and Darline G. Levy (eds.), Women and Politics in the Age of Democratic Revolution (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1990), pp.â•–172–3. Limoncelli, Stephanie A., The Politics of Trafficking: The First International Movement to Combat the Sexual Exploitation of Women (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010). Miller, Carol, ‘“Geneva—the Key to Equality”: Inter-war Feminists and the League of Nations’, Women’s History Review, 3/2 (1994), pp.â•–219–45. Miller, Francesca, ‘Latin American Feminists and the Transnational Arena’, in Emilie L. Bergmann (ed.), Women, Culture and Politics in Latin America (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1990), pp.â•–10–26. Moghadam, Valentine M., Globalizing Women: Transnational Feminist Networks (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005). National American Woman Suffrage Association, Report. First International Woman Suffrage Conference held at Washington, USA, February 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 1902, in connection with and by invitation of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (New York: International Woman Suffrage Headquarters, 1902). National Woman Suffrage Association, Report of the International Council of Women assembled by the National Woman Suffrage Association, Washington, DC, United States of America, March 25 to April 1, 1888 (Washington, DC: Rufus H. Darby, 1888). Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, Report of the Conference held in Berlin, June 15th and 16th, 1929 (London: Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker, 1929). Reilly, Niamh, Women’s Human Rights (Cambridge: Polity, 2009). Rupp, Leila J., Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997). Stienstra, Deborah, Women’s Movements and International Organizations (London: Macmillan, 1994). Tyrrell, Ian, Woman’s World/Woman’s Empire: The Woman’s Christian Temperance Union in Â€

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FURTHER READING International Perspective, 1880–1930 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1991). Wellman, Judith, The Road to Seneca Falls: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and the First Woman’s Rights Convention (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2004). Whittick, Arnold, Woman into Citizen (London: Athenaeum with Frederick Miller, 1979). Foundations Arnove, Robert F., Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: Foundations at Home and Abroad (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1982). Berman, Edward H., The Ideology of Philanthropy: The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford and Rockefeller Foundations on American Foreign Policy (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1986). Curti, Merle, American Philanthropy Abroad (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1963). Parmar, Inderjeet, Foundations of the American Century: The Ford, Carnegie, and Rockefeller Foundations and the Rise of American Power (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012). Rosenberg, Emily, Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion, 1890–1945 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982). Global governance Charnovitz, Steve, ‘Two Centuries of Participation: NGOs and International Governance’, Michigan Journal of International Law, 183 (1996–7), pp.â•–183–286. Clark, Ian, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, Preliminary Report and Monographs (New York: Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 1942). Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘A “Great Experiment” of the League of Nations Era: International Nongovernmental Organizations, Global Governance, and Democracy Beyond the State’, Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations, 18/4 (2012), pp.â•–405–23. Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève, La Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et Semi-Officielles avec Siège à Genève: Ses Buts et Son Activité (Geneva: Fédération des Institutions Internationales Privées et SemiOfficielles avec Siège à Genève, 1937). Ikenberry, G. John, ‘A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Postwar Settlement’, International Organization, 46/1 (1992), pp.â•–289–321. Lie, Trygve, The Right of Petition (Report by the Secretary General), United Nations Document E/CN.4/419, 11 April 1950. Murphy, Craig N., International Organization and Industrial Change: Global Governance since 1850 (Cambridge: Polity, 1994). Pickard, Bertram, The Greater League of Nations (Letchworth: Garden City Press, 1936). Robins, Dorothy B., Experiment in Democracy: The Story of US Citizen Organizations in Forging the Charter of the United Nations (New York: The Parkside Press, 1971). Ronit, Karsten, and Volker Schneider (eds.), Private Organizations in Global Politics (Abingdon: Routledge, 2000). Â€

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FURTHER READING Schlesinger, Stephen C., Act of Creation: The Founding of the United Nations (Cambridge, MA: Westview Press, 2003). Shotwell, James T. (ed.), The Origins of the International Labor Organization (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934). Willetts, Peter (ed.), The Conscience of the World: The Influence of Non-Governmental Organisations in the U.N. System (London: Hurst & Co., 1996). Zimmern, Alfred, The Prospects of Democracy and Other Essays (London: Chatto and Windus, 1929). Â€

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Global justice Cassen, Bernard, Tout a Commencé à Porto Alegre: Mille Forums Sociaux (Paris: Mille et Une Nuits, 2003). Cassen, Bernard, et al., ATTAC: Contre la Dictature des Marchés (Paris: Syllepse, 1999). Della Porta, Donatella (ed.), The Global Justice Movement: Cross-National and Transnational Perspectives (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2007). Kurtz, Jürgen, ‘NGOs, the Internet and International Economic Policy Making: The Failure of the OECD Multilateral Agreement on Investment’, Melbourne Journal of International Law, 3/2 (2002), pp.â•–213–46. Olesen, Thomas, International Zapatismo: The Construction of Solidarity in the Age of Globalization (London: Zed, 2005). Peña, Alejandro, and Thomas Richard Davies, ‘Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the Workers’ Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum’, New Political Economy, 2013: DOI 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651. Sen, Jai, and Peter Waterman (eds.), World Social Forum: Challenging Empires (Montréal: Black Rose, 2007). Smith, Jackie, Social Movements for Global Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008). Worth, Owen, and Karen Buckley, ‘The World Social Forum: Postmodern Prince or Court Jester?’, Third World Quarterly, 30/4 (2009), pp.â•–649–61. Health Barrett, Deborah, and David John Frank, ‘Population Control for National Development: From World Discourse to National Policies’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–198–221. Bazin, Hervé, Vaccination: A History, From Lady Montagu to Genetic Engineering (Montrouge: John Libby Eurotext, 2011). Brush, Barbara L., Nurses of All Nations: A History of the International Council of Nurses, 1899– 1999 (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, 1999). Chetley, Andrew, The Politics of Baby Foods: Successful Challenges to an International Marketing Strategy (London: Frances Pinter, 1986). Duke-Elder, Sir Stewart, A Century of International Ophthalmology, 1857–1957 (London: Kimpton, 1958). Ennis, John, The Story of the Fédération Dentaire Internationale (London: Fédération Dentaire Internationale, 1967). Â€

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FURTHER READING Harman, Sophie, Global Health Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012). Royal Jennerian Society, The Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox (Â�London: James Swan, 1817). Suitters, Beryl, Be Brave and Angry: Chronicles of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (London: International Planned Parenthood Federation, 1973). Weindling, Paul, International Health Organisations and Movements, 1918–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). See also the entries on Humanitarianism. Hinduism Katju, Manjari, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 2003). McKean, Lise, Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996). Pangborn, Cyrus R., ‘The Ramakrishna Math and Mission: A Case Study of a Revitalization Movement’, in Bardwell L. Smith (ed.), Hinduism: New Essays in the History of Religions (Leiden: Brill, 1976), pp.â•–98–119. Williams, Raymond Brady, An Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). Â€

Homosexuality Adam, Barry D., Jan Willem Duyvendak and André Krouwel (eds.), The Global Emergence of Gay and Lesbian Politics: National Imprints of a Worldwide Movement (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1999). Massad, Joseph, ‘Re-Orienting Desire: The Gay International and the Arab World’, Public Culture, 14/2 (2002), pp.â•–361–85. Rupp, Leila J., ‘The Persistence of Transnational Organizing: The Case of the Homophile Movement’, American Historical Review, 116/4 (2011), pp.â•–1014–39. Human rights Baehr, Peter R., Non-Governmental Human Rights Organizations in International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). Benenson, Peter, ‘The Forgotten Prisoners’, The Observer Weekend Review, 28 May 1961. Bob, Clifford (ed.), The International Struggle for New Human Rights (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009). Buchanan, Tom, ‘“The Truth Will Set You Free”: The Making of Amnesty International’, Journal of Contemporary History, 37/4 (2002), pp.â•–575–97. Burgers, Jan Herman, ‘The Road to San Francisco: The Revival of the Human Rights Idea in the Twentieth Century’, Human Rights Quarterly, 14/4 (1992), pp.â•–447–77. Clark, Ann Marie, Diplomacy of Conscience: Amnesty International and Changing Human Rights Norms (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). Glasius, Marlies, The International Criminal Court: A Global Civil Society Achievement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006). Heartfield, James, The Aborigines’ Protection Society: Humanitarian Imperialism in Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, Canada, South Africa, and the Congo, 1837–1909 (London: Hurst & Co., 2011).

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FURTHER READING Ishay, Micheline R., The History of Human Rights: From Ancient Times to the Globalization Era (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008). Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay, and Judith Apter Klinghoffer, International Citizens’ Tribunals: Mobilizing Public Opinion to Advance Human Rights (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002). Korey, William, NGOs and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: A Curious Grapevine (New York: Palgrave, 2001). Lewis, Norman, ‘From Fire and Sword to Arsenic and Bullets—Civilisation has sent Six Million Indians to Extinction’, Sunday Times Magazine, 23 February 1969, reproduced at http:// www.scribd.com/doc/39884822, last accessed 22 August 2011. Moyn, Samuel, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2010). Neier, Aryeh, The International Human Rights Movement: A History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012). Nelson, Paul J., and Ellen Dorsey, New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2008). Risse, Thomas, Stephen C. Ropp and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Sée, Henri, Histoire de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme (1898–1926) (Paris: Ligue des Droits de l’Homme, 1927). Snyder, Sarah B., Human Rights Activism and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011). Thomas, Daniel C., The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001). Â€

Humanitarianism Barnett, Michael N., Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011). Bass, Gary J., Freedom’s Battle: The Origins of Humanitarian Intervention (New York: Knopf Doubleday, 2009). Bazarov, Valery, ‘HIAS and HICEM in the System of Jewish Relief Organisations in Europe, 1933–41’, East European Jewish Affairs, 39/1 (2009), pp.â•–69–78. Benthall, Jonathan, and Jérôme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the Muslim World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003). Black, Maggie, A Cause for Our Times: Oxfam, The First 50 Years (Oxford: Oxfam, 1992). Coste, Pierre (ed.), Saint Vincent de Paul. Correspondence, Entretiens, Documents (Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1924). Ducpetiaux, Edouard, Projet d’Association pour le Progrès des Sciences et la Réalisation des Réformes Morales et Sociales (Brussels, 1843). Dunant, Henri, The Origin of the Red Cross (Philadelphia, PA: John C. Winston, 1911). Evans, Clayton, Rescue at Sea: An International History of Lifesaving, Coastal Rescue Craft and Organisations (London: Conway Maritime Press, 2003). Forsythe, David P., The Humanitarians: The International Committee of the Red Cross (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). French Committee on Social Welfare, International Council on Social Welfare (ICSW): 80 Years of History (Rennes: Presses de l’École des Hautes Études en Santé Publique, 2008). Â€

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FURTHER READING Johnson, Alexander, An Account of Some Societies at Amsterdam and Hamburgh for the Recovery of Drowned Persons, and of Similar Institutions at Venice, Milan, Padua, Vienna and Paris (London: John Nourse, 1773). League of Red Cross Societies, Proceedings of the Medical Conference held at the invitation of the Committee of Red Cross Societies, Cannes, France, April 1 to 11, 1919 (Geneva: League of Red Cross Societies, 1919). Liancourt, Augusta, Biographical Notes on Callistus Augustus Count de Godde-Liancourt, founder of over one hundred and fifty humane societies in Africa, America, Asia and Europe (London: Whittacker & Co., 1877). Maren, Michael, The Road to Hell: The Ravaging Effects of Foreign Aid and International Charity (New York: Free Press, 1997). Médecins Sans Frontières, ‘Lettre aux 60.000 Médecins’, Bulletin Intérieur de MSF, 1 (1974), pp.â•–4–6. Moniz, Amanda Bowie, ‘Cosmopolitanism in the Early American Republic’, GHI Bulletin Supplement, 5 (2008), pp.â•–9–22. Moorehead, Caroline, Dunant’s Dream: War, Switzerland and the History of the Red Cross (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1999). Mulley, Clare, The Woman who Saved the Children: A Biography of Eglantyne Jebb (Oxford: Oneworld, 2009). Murdoch, Norman H., The Origins of the Salvation Army (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1994). Roberts, Henry, ‘Report of the Proceedings of the Congrès Internationale de Bienfaisance’, Journal of the Statistical Society of London, 21/3 (1858), pp.â•–339–44. Ryfman, Philippe, La Question Humanitaire: Histoire, Problématiques, Acteurs en Enjeux de l’Aide Humanitaire Internationale (Paris: Ellipses, 1999). Smith, Brian H., More than Altruism: The Politics of Private Foreign Aid (PrinceÂ�ton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990). Society of Universal Good-Will, An Account of the Scots Society in Norwich, from its Rise in 1775 until it received the additional Name of the Society of Universal Good-Will in 1784 (Norwich: W. Chase, 1784). Storr, Katherine, Excluded from the Record: Women, Refugees and Relief, 1914–1929 (Berne: Peter Lang, 2010). Tong, Jacqueline, ICVA at Forty-Something: The Life and Times of a Middle-Aged NGO Consortium (Geneva: International Council of Voluntary Agencies, 2009). Vallaeys, Anne, Médecins Sans Frontières: La Biographie (Paris: Fayard, 2004). Walker, Peter, and Daniel Maxwell, Shaping the Humanitarian World (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009). See also the entries on Development and Health. Â€

Imperialism Ascherson, Neal, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo (London: Granta, 1999). Hallett, Robin (ed.), Records of the African Association, 1788–1831 (London: Thomas Nelson, 1964).

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FURTHER READING Harland-Jacobs, Jessica L., Builders of Empire: Freemasonry and British Imperialism, 1717–1927 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007). Hochschild, Adam, King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa (London: Pan Macmillan, 1999). Morel, Edmund D., King Leopold’s Rule in Africa (New York: Funk and Wagnalls Company, 1905). International relations Dockrill, M. L., ‘The Foreign Office and the “Proposed Institute of International Affairs 1919”’, International Affairs, 56/4 (1980), pp.â•–665–72. Long, David, and Brian C. Schmidt (eds.), Imperialism and Internationalism in the Discipline of International Relations (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2005). Parmar, Inderjeet, ‘Anglo-American Elites in the Interwar Years: Idealism and Power in the Intellectual Roots of Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations’, International Relations, 16/1 (2002), pp.â•–53–75. Parmar, Inderjeet, Think Tanks and Power in Foreign Policy: A Comparative Study of the Role and Influence of the Council on Foreign Relations and the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1939–1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). Shoup, Laurence H., and William Minter, Imperial Brain Trust: The Council on Foreign Relations and United States Foreign Policy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1977). See also the entries on Global governance. Â€

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Islam Ahmad, Irfan, Islamism and Democracy in India: The Transformation of Jamaat-e-Islami (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009). Ansari, Humayun, The Infidel Within: Muslims in Britain since 1800 (London: Hurst & Co., 2004). Ayoob, Mohammed, The Many Faces of Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Muslim World (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2008). Benthall, Jonathan, and Jérôme Bellion-Jourdan, The Charitable Crescent: Politics of Aid in the Muslim World (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003). Burdett, Anita L. P. (ed.), Islamic Movements in the Arab World, 1913–1966 (Slough: Archive Editions, 1998). Cooke, Miriam, and Bruce B. Lawrence (eds.), Muslim Networks: From Hajj to Hip Hop (Â�Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2005). Karpat, Kemal H., The Politicization of Islam: Reconstructing Identity, State, Faith and Community in the Late Ottoman State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001). Kidwai, Shaikh Mushir Hosain, Pan-Islamism (London: Lusac, 1908). Kramer, Martin, Islam Assembled: The Advent of the Muslim Congresses (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986). Lia, Brynjar, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement, 1928–1942 (Reading: Garnet, 1998). Loimeier, Roman, Die Islamischer Welt als Netzwerk (Würzburg: Ergon, 2000). Â€

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FURTHER READING Minault, Gail, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). Mitchell, Richard Paul, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993). Özcan, Azmi, Pan-Islamism: Indian Muslims, the Ottomans and Britain, 1877–1924 (Leiden: Brill, 1997). Rubin, Barry, The Muslim Brotherhood: The Organization and Policies of a Global Islamist Movement (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). Trinningham, J. Spencer, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). Voll, John Obert, ‘Islam as a Special World-System’, Journal of World History, 5/2 (1994), pp.â•–213–26. Â€

Judaism Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, Protocole du Premier Congrès Juif Mondial, Genève, 8–15 Août 1936 (Geneva: Comité Exécutif du Congrès Juif Mondial, 1936). Executive of the Zionist Organization, The Jubilee of the First Zionist Congress, 1897–1947 ( Jerusalem: Executive of the Zionist Organization, 1947). Garai, George (ed.), 40 Years in Action: A Record of the World Jewish Congress, 1936–1976 (Geneva: World Jewish Congress, 1976). Kedourie, Elie, ‘The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1960’, in Elie Kedourie, Arab Political Memoirs and Other Studies (London: Frank Cass, 1974), pp.â•–73–80. Laqueur, Walter, A History of Zionism (London: I. B. Tauris, 2003). Leven, Narcisse, Cinquante Ans d’Histoire: L’Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860–1910, Tome Premier (Paris: Librairie Félix Alcan, 1911). Â€

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Labour Berenstein, Alexandre, Les Organisations Ouvrières: Leurs Compétences et Leur Rôle dans la Société des Nations (Paris: Pedone, 1936). Dale, Leon A., ‘International Trade Secretariats’, Industrial Relations, 22/1 (1967), pp.â•–98–115. International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Official Report of the Free World Labour Conference and of the First International Congress of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, London, November–December 1949 (London: International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1949). Lorwin, Lewis L., Labor and Internationalism (New York: Macmillan, 1929). MacShane, Denis, International Labour and the Origins of the Cold War (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992). Mason, Paul, Live Working or Die Fighting: How the Working Class went Global (London: Â�Harvill Secker, 2007). Phelan, Craig (ed.), The Future of Organised Labour: Global Perspectives (Berne: Peter Lang, 2007). Schevenels, Walther, Quarante-Cinq Années: Fédération Syndicale Internationale, 1901–1945 (Brussels: Institut E. Vandervelde, 1964). Silver, Beverly J., Forces of Labor: Workers’ Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Â€

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FURTHER READING Van der Linden, Marcel, Transnational Labour History: Explorations (London: Ashgate, 2003). Van der Linden, Marcel (ed.), The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (Berne: Peter Lang, 2000). Van der Linden, Marcel, and Wayne Thorpe (eds.), Revolutionary Syndicalism: An International Perspective (Aldershot: Scolar, 1990). Van Goethem, Geert, The Amsterdam International: The World of the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1913–1945 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006). Language Eco, Umberto, The Search for the Perfect Language (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995). Forster, Peter Glover, The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton, 1982). Kim, Young S., ‘Constructing a Global Identity: The Role of Esperanto’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–127–48. Large, Andrew, The Artificial Language Movement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987). Sprague, Charles E., Hand-book of Volapük (New York: Charles E. Sprague, 1888). Zamenhof, Lejzer Ludwik, ‘The Making of an International Language’, in J. C. O’Connor, Esperanto [The Universal Language]: The Student’s Complete Textbook (New York: Fleming H. Revell), pp.â•–7–20. Â€

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Law Bos, Maarten (ed.), The Present State of International Law and Other Essays: Written in Honour of the Centenary Celebration of the International Law Association 1873–1973 (Deventer: Kluwer, 1973). Dezalay, Yves, Dealing in Virtue: International Commercial Arbitration and the Construction of International Legal Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). Harper, J. Ross (ed.), Global Law in Practice (The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1997). Institute of International Law, Livre du Centenaire, 1873–1973: Évolution et Perspectives du Droit International (Basle: S. Karger, 1973). Koskenniemi, Martti, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations: The Rise and Fall of International Law, 1870–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Â€

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Liberalism Samuel, Viscount Herbert, et al., Spires of Liberty: Speeches made at the Oxford Conference in May 1947, as a result of which the Liberal International was inaugurated, and at the First Conference of the Liberal International at Zurich in 1948 (London: Herbert Joseph, 1948). Smith, Julie, A Sense of Liberty: The History of the Liberal International, 1947–1997 (London: Liberal International, 1997). National self-determination Mazzini, Giuseppe, Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini. Vol.â•–III. Autobiographical and Political (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1891). Â€

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FURTHER READING Nabulsi, Karma, ‘Patriotism and Internationalism in the “Oath of Allegiance” to Young Europe’, European Journal of Political Theory, 5/1 (2006), pp.â•–61–70. Pélissier, Jean, and *** (i.e. Jean Gabrys), Les Principaux Artisans de la Renaissance Nationale Lituanienne: Hommes et Choses de Lituanie (Lausanne: Bureau d’Informations de Lituanie, 1918). Penn, Virginia, ‘Philhellenism in Europe, 1821–1828’, The Slavonic and East European Review, 16/48 (1938), pp.â•–638–53. Sarti, Roland, Mazzini: A Life for the Religion of Politics (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997). Senn, Alfred Erich, ‘Garlawa: A Study in Emigré Intrigue, 1915–1917’ (1967), pp.â•–411–24. Soutou, Georges-Henri, ‘Jean Pélissier et l’Office Central des Nationalités, 1911–1918: Renseignement et Influence’, Rélations Internationales, 78 (1994), pp.â•–153–74. Union des Nationalités, Les Annales des Nationalités, 1912–1918 Watson, D. R., ‘Jean Pélissier and the Office Central des Nationalités, 1912–1919’, English Historical Review, 110 (1995), pp.â•–1191–1206. Â€

Non-governmental organizations Ahmed, Shamima, and David M. Potter, NGOs in International Politics (Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press, 2006). Boli, John, and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press). Chatfield, Charles, ‘Intergovernmental and Nongovernmental Associations to 1945’, in Jackie Smith, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997), pp.â•–19–41. Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘The Rise and Fall of Transnational Civil Society: The Evolution of International Non-Governmental Organizations since the Mid Nineteenth Century’, in Luc Reydams (ed.), The Global Activism Reader (New York: Continuum, 2011), pp.â•–35–44. Fried, Alfred, Annuaire de la Vie Internationale 1905–1907 (Monaco: Institut International de la Paix, 1905–1907). International Association, Journal of the International Association (Glasgow: Rutherglen, 1834). League of Nations, Handbook of International Organizations (Geneva: League of Nations, 1921– 1938). Online version available at: http://www.lonsea.de/ Maynard, Douglas, ‘Reform and the Origins of the International Organization Movement’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 107/3 (1963), pp.â•–220–31. Office Central des Associations Internationales, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 9–11 Mai 1910 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1911). Ruyssen, Théodore, ‘Is Unofficial International Collaboration Passing through a Crisis?’, International Consultative Group (for Peace and Disarmament) Surveys and Reports, 16, 10 May 1939. Sikkink, Kathryn, and Jackie Smith, ‘Infrastructures for Change: Transnational Organizations, 1953–93’, in Sanjeev Khagram, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), pp.â•–24–44. Skjelsbaek, Kjell, ‘The Growth of International Nongovernmental Organization in the Twentieth Century’, International Organization, 25/3 (1971), pp.â•–420–42. Â€

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FURTHER READING Speeckaert, Georges Patrick, Les 1978 Organisations Internationales Fondées depuis le Congrès de Vienne (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1957). Suri, Jeremi, ‘Non-Governmental Organizations and Non-State Actors’, in Patrick Finney (ed.), Palgrave Advances in International History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp.â•–223–46. Union of International Associations, Annuaires de la Vie Internationale, 1908–1911 (Brussels: Office Central des Associations Internationales, 1909–11). Union of International Associations, Congrès Mondial des Associations Internationales, Bruxelles, 15–18 Juin 1913 (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914). Union of International Associations, ‘Yearbook of International Organizations Online’, http:// www.uia.be/yearbook, last accessed 11 December 2011. Union of International Associations, Union of International Associations: A World Center (Brussels: Union of International Associations, 1914). White, Lyman Cromwell, International Non-Governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments (New York: Greenwood Press, 1968). White, Lyman Cromwell, The Structure of Private International Organizations (Philadephia, PA: George S. Ferguson Company, 1933). Willetts, Peter, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global Governance (London: Routledge, 2011). Willetts, Peter, Pressure Groups in the Global System (London: Frances Pinter, 1982). Woolf, Leonard, International Government (New York: Brentano’s, 1916). Â€

Pan-nationalism Azoury, Negib, Le Réveil de la Nation Arabe dans l’Asie Turque (Paris: Plon, 1905). Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count Richard Nikolaus, An Idea Conquers the World (London: Hutchinson, 1953). Dawisha, Adeed, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003). Esedebe, Peter Olisanwuche, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement, 1776–1991 (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1994). Geiss, Imanuel, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa (London: Methuen, 1974). Kedourie, Sylvia (ed.), Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1962). Khalidi, Rashid, Lisa Anderson, Muhammad Muslih and Reeva S. Simon (eds.), The Origins of Arab Nationalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991). Mansergh, Nicholas, ‘The Asian Conference’, International Affairs, 23/3 (1947), pp.â•–295–306. Porath, Yehoshua, In Search of Arab Unity, 1930–1945 (London: Frank Cass, 1986). Saaler, Sven, and J. Victor Koschmann (eds.), Pan-Asianism in Modern Japanese History (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007). Snyder, Louis L., Macro-Nationalisms: A History of the Pan-Movements (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1984). Torrey, Gordon H., ‘The Ba’th—Ideology and Practice’, Middle East Journal, 23/4 (1969), pp.â•–445–70. Â€

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FURTHER READING Peace Angell, Norman, Europe’s Optical Illusion (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co., n.d.). Beales, A. C. F., The History of Peace: A Short Account of the Organised Movements for International Peace (London: G. Bell, 1931). Brock, Peter, Pacifism in Europe to 1914 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972). Brock, Peter, and Nigel Young, Pacifism in the Twentieth Century (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1999). Carter, April, Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945 (Harlow: Longman, 1992). Ceadel, Martin, The Origins of War Prevention: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 1730–1854 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996). Ceadel, Martin, Semi-Detached Idealists: The British Peace Movement and International Relations, 1854–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). Ceadel, Martin, Living the Great Illusion: Sir Norman Angell, 1872–1967 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009). Cooper, Sandi. Patriotic Pacifism: Waging War on War in Europe, 1815–1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). Cortright, David, Peace: A History of Movements and Ideas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). Davies, Thomas Richard, ‘Internationalism in a Divided World: The Experience of the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, 1919–1939’, Peace & Change, 37/2 (2012), pp.â•–227–52. Davies, Thomas Richard, The Possibilities of Transnational Activism: The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007). Dewes, Kate, and Robert Green, ‘The World Court Project: History and Consequences’, Canadian Foreign Policy Journal, 7/1 (1999), pp.â•–61–83. Divine, Robert A., Second Chance: The Triumph of Internationalism in America during World War II (New York: Athenaeum, 1967). Evangelista, Matthew, Unarmed Forces: The Transnational Movement to End the Cold War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999). Foster, Catherine, Women for All Seasons: The Story of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1989). Hubert, Don, The Landmine Ban: A Case Study in Humanitarian Advocacy (Providence, RI: Thomas J. Watson Jr Institute for International Studies, 2000). Kätzel, Ute, ‘A Radical Women’s Rights and Peace Activist: Margarethe Lenore Selenka, Initiator Â� of the First Worldwide Women’s Peace Demonstration in 1899’, Journal of Women’s History, 13/3 (2001), pp.â•–46–69. Liddington, Jill, The Road to Greenham Common: Feminism and Anti-Militarism in Britain since 1820 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1989). Lynch, Cecelia, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace Movements in World Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1999). Mauermann, Helmut, Das Internationale Friedensbüro, 1892 bis 1950 (Stuttgart: Silberburg, 1990). Â€

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FURTHER READING Peace Society, The Proceedings of the First General Peace Convention (London: Peace Society, 1843). Tate, Merze, The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of Armaments to 1907 (New York: Macmillan, 1942). Uhlig, Ralph, Die Interparliamentarische Union, 1889–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1988). Van der Linden, W. H., The International Peace Movement, 1815–1874 (Amsterdam: Tilleul, 1987). White, Lyman Cromwell, ‘Peace by Pieces: The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations’, Annals of the American Academy of Political Science, 264 (1949), pp.â•–87–97. Wittner, Lawrence S., The Struggle against the Bomb, 3 vols. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993–2003). Â€

Professions Evetts, Julia, ‘International Professional Associations: The New Context for Professional Projects’, Work, Employment & Society, 9/4 (1995), pp.â•–763–72. International Actuarial Association, Decennial Report: A Profession Poised for the Future (Ottawa: International Actuarial Association, 2008). International Actuarial Association, Premier Congrès International d’Actuaires, Bruxelles, 2–6 Septembre 1895. Documents. Deuxième Edition. (Brussels: Imprimerie Bruylant-Christophe & Compagnie, 1900). International Federation of Accountants, IFAC: Thirty Years of Progress, Encouraging Quality and Building Trust (New York: International Federation of Accountants, 2007). Koops, Willem, and Joachim Wieder (eds.), IFLA’s First Fifty Years: Achievement and Challenge in International Librarianship (München: Verlag Dokumentation, 1977). Vago, Pierre, L’UIA, 1948–1998 (Paris: Epure, 1998). Race Cronon, Edmund David, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison, WN: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969). East India Association, ‘Rules of the East India Association for Promoting Indian Interests’, Journal of the East India Association, 1/1 (1867), pp.â•–8–10. Eugenics Education Society, Problems in Eugenics II: Report of Proceedings of the First International Eugenics Congress (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1913). Executive Council of the Universal Races Congress, Record of the Proceedings of the First Universal Races Congress (London: P. S. King, 1911). Marger, Martin N., Race and Ethnic Relations: American and Global Perspectives, 9th edn (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2012). Rich, Paul, ‘“The Baptism of a New Era”: The 1911 Universal Races Congress and the Liberal Ideology of Race’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 7/4 (1984), pp.â•–534–50. Â€

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Religion Boli, John, and David V. Brewington, ‘Religious Organizations’, in Peter Beyer and Lori Beaman (eds.), Globalization, Religion and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp.â•–205–33. Â€

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FURTHER READING Braybrooke, Marcus, A Wider Vision: A History of the World Congress of Faiths, 1936–1996 (Oxford: Oneworld, 1996). Currier, Charles Warren, History of Religious Orders (New York: Murphy & McCarthy, 1894). James, Helen (ed.), Civil Society, Religion, and Global Governance (Abingdon: Routledge, 2007) Masuzawa, Tomoko, The Invention of World Religions: How European Universalism was Preserved in the Language of Pluralism (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005). Millard, A. Douglas (ed.), Faiths and Fellowship: Being the Proceedings of the World Congress of Faiths held in London, July 3rd-17th, 1936 (London: J. M. Watkins, 1936). Seager, Richard Hughes (ed.), The Dawn of Religious Pluralism: Voices from the World’s Parliament of Religions, 1893 (Peru, IL: Open Court, 1993). Smith, Peter, An Introduction to the Baha’i Faith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). See also the entries on Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism. Â€

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Revolution Ackerman, Peter, and Jack DuVall, A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict (New York: Palgrave, 2000). Billington, James H., Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of the Revolutionary Faith (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1999). Geggus, David P. (ed.), The Impact of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 2001). Halliday, Fred, Revolution and World Politics: The Rise and Fall of the Sixth Great Power (Â�D urham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999). Kates, Gary, The Cercle Social, the Girondins, and the French Revolution (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985). Markoff, John, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 1996). Palmer, R. R., The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1775–1800 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1959). Randle, Michael, Civil Resistance (London: Fontana, 1994). Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth, La Bouche de Fer, 1790–1791. Vincent, Bernard, The Transatlantic Republican: Thomas Paine and the Age of Revolutions (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2005). Â€

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Science Charle, Christophe, Jürgen Schriewer and Peter Wagner (eds.), Transnational Intellectual Networks: Forms of Academic Knowledge and the Search for Cultural Identities (Frankfurt: Campus, 2004). Crawford, Elisabeth, Nationalism and Internationalism in Science, 1880–1939: Four Studies of the Nobel Population (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). Drori, Gili S., John W. Meyer, Francisco O. Ramirez and Evan Schofer (eds.), Science in the Modern World Polity: Institutionalization and Globalization (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003). Erdmann, Karl Dietrich, Toward a Global Community of Historians: The International Historical Â€

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FURTHER READING Congresses and the International Committee of Historical Sciences, 1898–2000 (New York: Berghahn: 2005). Fernos, Rodrigo, Science Still Born: The Rise and Impact of the Pan American Scientific Congresses, 1898–1916 (Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2003). Greenaway, Frank, Science International: A History of the International Council of Scientific Unions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). International Statistical Institute, ‘Statuts de l’Institut International de Statistique’, in Bulletin de l’Institut International de Statistique. Tome I (Rome: Imprimerie Héritiers Botta, 1886), p.â•–17. Kejariwal, O. P., The Asiatic Society of Bengal and the Discovery of India’s Past, 1784–1838 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988). Lehto, Olli, Mathematics without Borders: A History of the International Mathematical Union (New York: Springer, 1998). Nixon, James William, A History of the International Statistical Institute, 1885–1960 (The Hague: International Statistical Institute, 1960). Schofer, Evan, ‘Science Associations in the International Sphere, 1875–1990: The Rationalization of Science and the Scientization of Society’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–249–66. Visvanathan, Shiv, Organizing for Science: The Making of an Industrial Research Laboratory (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995). Â€

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Service clubs Kittler, Glenn D., The Dynamic World of Lions International: The Fifty-Year Saga of Lions Clubs (New York: M. Evans, 1968). Nicholl, David Shelley, The Golden Wheel: The Story of Rotary, 1905 to the Present (Estover, Plymouth: McDonald & Evans, 1984). The Rotarian, September 1912. Â€

Social movements Della Porta, Donatella, and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Transnational Protest and Global Activism: People, Passions, and Power (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005). Della Porta, Donatella, Hanspeter Kriesi and Dieter Rucht (eds.), Social Movements in a Globalizing World (London: Macmillan, 1999). Khagram, Sanjeev, James V. Riker and Kathryn Sikkink (eds.), Restructuring World Politics: Transnational Social Movements, Networks, and Norms (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2002). Markoff, John, Waves of Democracy: Social Movements and Political Change (Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 1996). Martin, William G. (coordinator), Making Waves: Worldwide Social Movements, 1750–2005 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2008). McAdam, Doug, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). Â€

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FURTHER READING Smith, Jackie, Charles Chatfield and Ron Pagnucco (eds.), Transnational Social Movements and Global Politics: Solidarity Beyond the State (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1997). Smith, Jackie, and Dawn Wiest, Social Movements in the World System: The Politics of Crisis and Transformation (New York: Russell Sage, 2012). Tarrow, Sidney, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Tarrow, Sidney, The New Transnational Activism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Tilly, Charles, Social Movements, 1768–2004 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers). Socialism Braunthal, Julius, History of the International (London: Nelson, 1966–1980). Day, Alan John, The Socialist International: A Short History (London: Socialist International, 1969). Devin, Guillaume, L’Internationale Socialiste: Histoire et Sociologie du Socialisme International, 1945–1990 (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1993). Drachkovitch, Milorad M. (ed.), The Revolutionary Internationals, 1864–1943 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1966). Foster, William Z., History of the Three Internationals: The World Socialist and Communist Movements from 1848 to the Present (New York: International Publishers, 1955). International Working Men’s Association, Address and Provisional Rules of the International Workingmen’s Association, London, September 28th 1864 for the Celebration of the 60th Anniversary (Brussels: Labour and Socialist International, 1924). Joll, James, The Second International, 1889–1914 (London: Routledge, 1974). Lehning, Arthur, ‘Buonarroti and His International Secret Societies’, International Review of Social History, 1 (1956), pp.â•–112–40. Lehning, A. Müller, ‘The International Association (1855–1859)’, International Journal for Social History, 3 (1938), pp.â•–185–286. Lichtheim, George, A Short History of Socialism (New York: Praeger, 1970). Novack, George, Dave Frankel and Fred Feldman, The First Three Internationals: Their History and Lessons (New York: Pathfinder, 1974). Sassoon, Donald, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996). Stekloff, G. M., History of the First International (London: Martin Lawrence, 1928). Weisser, Henry, ‘Chartist Internationalism, 1845–1848’, Historical Journal, 14/1 (1971), pp.â•–49–66. See also the entries on Communism, Cooperatives and Labour. Â€

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Sport Coubertin, Pierre de, Timoleon J. Philemon, N. G. Politis and Charalambos Anninos, The Olympic Games in 1896 (Athens: Charles Beck, 1897). Goldblatt, David, ‘The Odd Couple: Football and Global Civil Society’, in Mary Kaldor, Martin Albrow, Helmut Anheier and Marlies Glasius (eds.), Global Civil Society 2006/7 (London: SAGE, 2007), pp.â•–160–84. Â€

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FURTHER READING Guttman, Allen, The Olympics: A History of the Modern Games (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2002). Hill, Christopher R., Olympic Politics: Athens to Atlanta, 1896–1996 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996). International Olympic Committee, ‘Le Congrès de Paris’, Bulletin du Comité International des Jeux Olympiques, 1/1 (1894), pp.â•–1–2. Large, David Clay, Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007). Riordan, James, and Arnd Krüger (eds.), The International Politics of Sport in the Twentieth Century (London: E. & F. N. Spon, 1999). Sugden, John, and Alan Tomlinson, FIFA and the Contest for World Football: Who Rules the People’s Game? (Cambridge: Polity, 1998). Young, David C., The Modern Olympics: A Struggle for Revival (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). Â€

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Standardization Brunsson, Nils, and Bengt Jacobsson, A World of Standards (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). International Electrotechnical Commission, Report of Preliminary Meeting held at the Hotel Cecil, London, on Tuesday and Wednesday, June 26th and 27th 1906 (London: International Electrotechnical Commission, 1906). Loya, Thomas A., and John Boli, ‘Standardization in the World Polity: Technical Rationality over Power’, in John Boli and George M. Thomas (eds.), Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp.â•–169–97. Murphy, Craig N., and JoAnne Yates, The International Organization for Standardization (ISO): Global Governance through Voluntary Consensus (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009). Tamm Hallström, Kristina, Organizing International Standardization: ISO and the IASC in Quest of Authority (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar: 2004). Yates, James, Narrative of the Origin and Formation of the International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (London: Bell and Daldy, 1856). Â€

Transnational history Benjamin, Thomas, The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians and their Shared History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Clark, Ian, Globalization and Fragmentation: International Relations in the Twentieth Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997). Clark, Ian, International Legitimacy and World Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). Conrad, Sebastian, and Dominic Sachsenmaier (eds.), Competing Visions of World Order: Global Moments and Movements, 1880s-1930s (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). Faries, John Culbert, The Rise of Internationalism (New York: W. D. Gray, 1915). Geyer, Martin H., and Johannes Paulmann (eds.), The Mechanics of InterÂ�nationalism: Culture, Society, and Politics from the 1840s to the First World War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). Held, David, Anthony McGrew, David Goldblatt and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Culture (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999). Â€

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FURTHER READING Horn, Gerd-Rainer, and Padraic Kelly (eds.), Transnational Moments of Change: Europe 1945, 1968, 1989 (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2004). Howard, Michael, War and the Liberal Conscience (London: Hurst & Co., 2008). Iriye, Akira, Global Community: The Role of International Organizations in the Making of the Contemporary World (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002). Iriye, Akira, and Pierre-Yves Saunier (eds.), The Palgrave Dictionary of Transnational History (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). Laqua, Daniel (ed.), Internationalism Reconfigured: Transnational Ideas and Movements between the World Wars (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011). Lundestad, Geir, ‘Why does Globalization Encourage Fragmentation?’, International Politics, 41/2 (2004), pp.â•–265–76. Lyons, F. S. L., Internationalism in Europe, 1815–1914 (Leyden: A. W. Sythoff, 1963). Owen IV, John M., The Clash of Ideas in World Politics: Transnational Networks, States and Regime Change, 1510–2010 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010). Reinalda, Bob, Routledge History of International Organizations: From 1815 to the Present Day (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009). Revue Encyclopédique, vols. 1–36, 1819–27. Risse-Kappen, Thomas (ed.), Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Tyrrell, Ian, Reforming the World: The Creation of America’s Moral Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010). Vertovec, Steven, Transnationalism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009). Â€

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Youth Altbach, Philip, and Norman Thomas Uphoff, The Student Internationals (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973). Koteck, Joël, Students and the Cold War (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996). Luza, Radomir, History of the International Socialist Youth Movement (Leyden: A. W. Sijthoff, 1970). Moynihan, Paul, An Official History of Scouting (London: Hamlyn, 2006). Â€

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267

INDEX

Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization (AAPSO): 149; aims of, 135–6; formation of, 135 Aga Khan Foundation: creation of (1967), 142 Agreement for the Repression of the Circulation of Obscene Publications: drafting of, 68 Ahmadiyya Society for the Propagation of Islam: creation of (1914), 67 Albania: 134 Alcoholics Anonymous World Services: establishment of (1935), 110 Alexandria Charter: launch of (2004), 171 Algeria: Algiers, 25, 48; Oran, 47 All African People’s Conference (1958): 136 All-Asian Women’s Conference (1931): 107 All-India Khilafat Committee: establishment of, 89 All-India Muslim Conference (1919): resolutions of, 89 All-India Muslim League: boycotting of Indian Council of World Affairs Conference (1947), 136; formation of (1906), 67

Abduh, Muhammad: role in formation of Salafiyyah movement, 56 Aborigines Protection Society: 54–5; formation of (1837), 41; merger with BFASS (1909), 41 Academy of the Arabic Language: establishment of (1932), 118–19 al-Afghani, Jamal al-Din: role in formation of Salafiyyah movement, 56 Afghanistan: Independence of (1919), 89; Operation Enduring Freedom (2001–), 167 Africa Infrastructure Foundation: formation of (1994), 158 African Association: formation of, 55; Pan-African Congress, 55 African Business Roundtable: formation of (1990), 158 African Humanitarian Action: formation of (1994), 158 African Network against Forced Disappearances: 152 African Protestant Church: 119 African Refugees Foundation: formation of (1993), 158 African Women Empowerment Guild: formation of (1995), 158

269

INDEX

All India Trade Union Congress: formation of (1925), 98 All India Women’s Conference: formation of (1927), 98 All Indian Pueblo Council: origins of, 22 Alliance Israélite Universelle: formation of (1860), 37 American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief (Near East Foundation): organization of (1915), 79 American Committee for the Relief of Belgium (CRB): establishment of (1914), 79 American Dental Society of Europe: formation of (1873), 50 American Federation of Labour: 117; personnel of, 83 American Institute of International Law: creation of (1912), 67 American Jewish Congress: ‘Jewish Bill of Rights’ (1918), 82 America Relief Administration: 94 Amnesty International: 1, 154; aims of, 3, 143; launch of (1961), 142–3; personnel of, 162; UN consultative status of, 143 Angell, Norman: Europe’s Optical Illusion, 72 Anglo-American Association: creation of (1871), 55 Anglo-Chinese Friendship Bureau: creation of (1913), 67 Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade: formation of (1874), 58 Anjuman-i-Islam: transformation into Pan-Islamic Society (1903), 56 Anna Lindh Foundation: 172; establishment of (2005), 171

270

Annales d’Oculistique: 37 Annales Encyclopédiques: 29 anti-colonialism: 17, 90; Islamic, 99–100 Anti-Saloon League: 88 anti-slavery: 26, 28, 32–3, 44 Anti-Slavery International: formerly BFASS, 4 Antwerp Universal Peace Congress (1894): adoption of Code of International Arbitration, 62 Appeal for European Nuclear Disarmament (END): launch of (1980), 152 Appropriate Health Resources Technologies Action Group (Healthink Worldwide): creation of (1976), 147; dissolution of, 165 Arab Baath (Resurrection) Socialist Party: formation of (1940), 126 Arab Bond Society: formation of (1936), 126 Arab Centre for International Humanitarian Law: 171 Arab Feminist Conference (1944): 126 Arab League: members of, 126 Arab NGO Network for Development: formation of (1996), 158 Arab NGO Network for Environment and Development: formation of (1990), 158 Arab Organization for Human Rights: formation of (1983), 149 Arab Progress Society: formation of (1930), 126 Arab Spring: 173; Egyptian Revolution (2011), 172; media coverage of, 171; potential impact on INGO growth, 181–2; social media usage during, 172; Tunisian Revolution (2010–11), 171

INDEX

Arab Union Club: reformation of (1942), 126 Arabic Network for Human Rights Information: 171 Arachnological Society of East Asia: establishment of (1936), 119 Arbeitsgruppe Dritte Welt (AgDW): 150 arbitration: 61–2 Argentina: 59, 108; Buenos Aires, 47, 49, 79; disappearances in, 151–2 Argentine Mothers and Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo: 152 Argentinian Scientific Society: Latin American Scientific Congress (1898), 49 Armenia: 63 Asahi Glass Foundation: establishment of (1933), 119 Asia Association: 55 Asia Pacific Human Rights Information Centre: formation of (1994), 158 Asia Pacific Human Rights NGOs Facilitating Team: formation of (1998), 158 Asia-Pacific People’s Environment Network: formation of (1983), 149 Asian Federation against Involuntary Disappearance: 152 Asian Human Rights Network: formation of (1997), 158 Asian Relations Organization: 138; dissolution of (1957), 136 Asian Women’s Human Rights Council: formation of (1986), 149 Asiatic Society: 37; creation of (1784), 27

Asiatic Society of Japan: creation of (1872), 48–9 Association for European Cooperation: formation of (1926), 104 Association for Peace and Disarmament through Women: creation of (1898), 61 Association for Progressive Communications: creation of (1987), 148 Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of Africa (African Association): formation of (1788), 27 Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions and for Citizen’s Advice (ATTAC): 159; establishment of (1998), 157 Association Internationale de Bienfasisance: 35 Association Internationale des Femmes (International Association of Women): 40; creation of (1869), 60 Association of African Women for Research and Development: establishment of (1977), 146 Association of All Classes of All Nations: 29 Association of Arab Unity: formation of (1939), 126 Association of International Forest Research Stations: formation of (1892), 49 Association Universelle pour l’Adoption de la Marque de Fabrique et la Défense de la Propriété Industrielle: 46 ATD Fourth World: formation of (1957), 140 Atlantic Union: creation of (1897), 55

271

INDEX

Aubert, Théodore: 100 Australia: 30, 60, 108, 150; government of, 71; Melbourne, 47 Austria: 33, 51, 101, 113; Vienna, 25, 34, 50, 153 Austro-Hungarian Empire: 75; Prague, 34 auxiliary languages: 46–7; Esperanto, 47, 70, 161; Volapük, 47 Avaaz: aims of, 170 Baha’i Faith: formation of (1844), 42 Bahamas: 63 Baha’u’llah: founder of Baha’i Faith, 42 Bahrain: 99 Baker, St Barbe: founder of International Tree Foundation, 102 Bakunin, Mikhail: 39 Bali Climate Change Summit (2007): 170 Balfour, Arthur: 73 Bamby, John Goodwyn: influence of, 31 Barnett, Michael: 5 Beirut Summit: launch of (2004), 171 Belgium: 36, 38, 44, 60, 79, 113; Brussels, 34–5, 37, 46, 50, 53, 61, 66, 69–71, 86–7, 105, 107, 116; German Invasion of (1914), 71; Ghent, 61; government of, 68; Liège, 73; Mons, 157; Revolution (1830), 30 Benenson, Peter: 154, 180; role in launch of Amnesty International, 142 Bentham, Jeremy: 43 Berne Convention (1866): 46; INGOs created following, 64 Berzin, Janis K.: 79

272

Bhandakar Oriental Research Institute: establishment of (1917), 79 Bidwell, Percy: 130 Bishop of Durham: role in creation of White Cross Army (1883), 60 Blue Cross movement: creation of (1877), 58 Bolivia: government of, 71 Bond of Arabism: formation of (1939), 126 Bonney, Charles Carroll: 56 Borchardt, Julian: 79 Borel, Émile: 74 Bourgeois, Léon: 71; French delegate to Commission on the League of Nations, 82; promotion of ‘Society of Nations’ concept, 80 Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC): microfinance program, 1; structure of, 170 Brazil: 33, 63, 108, 159 Brazilian Business Association for Citizenship: 159 Bretton Woods Conference (1944): organizations formed at, 129 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS): 4, 14, 33, 151; establishment of (1839), 32, 43; ‘General Anti-Slavery Convention’ (1840), 33–4; merger with Aborigines Protection Society (1909), 41 British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for the Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes: formation of (1822), 29 British Empire Exhibition (1924): 104 British Library: 14

INDEX

Brittain, Vera: 115 Bryce Group: personnel of, 80 Buch, Walter: Nazi Chief Justice, 117 Buck, Pearl S.: founder of East and West Association, 127 Buddhism: 57, 119 Bulgaria: 112, 134; Romanian population of, 97 Bullock, H.L.: 133 Burma: 63 Burritt, Elihu: Olive Leaf Circles, 33 Bush, George H.W.: 154 Butler, Josephine: 64; anti-sex trafficking activism of, 59–60 Cameroon: 119 Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND): launch of (1957), 140 Campaign for World Government: founding of (1937), 120 Canada: 36, 39, 59–60, 66, 88, 108, 150; government of, 170; Newfoundland, 108 Cancun Summit (2010): marginalization of INGOs at, 166 Caracciola, Otto: 40 Caritas Internationalis: formation of (1951), 140 Carnegeie, Andrew: 71 Carnegie Foundation: creation of (1911), 65 Carson, Rachel: 154; Silent Spring (1962), 144–5 Cassin, René: role in creation of UDHR, 137 Castel de Saint-Pierre, Charles-Irénée: 43 Catholic Relief Services: origins of, 127

Catholicism: 57 Cecil, Robert: British delegate to Commission on the League of Nations, 82, 92 Central Bureau of International Associations: transformation into UIA, 71 Central Organization of Potters: 51 Chamber of Commerce of Latin America: 125 Chatham House: establishment of (1920), 87–8 Chavez, Hugo: 168 Chile: 63, 79 China: 25, 32, 59, 63, 161, 165–6, 168, 172; 4 May Protests (1919), 89; Beijing, 89; government of, 71; Peking, 82; Shanghai, 119; social unrest in, 171; Xiamen, 171 Chinkiang Association for the Saving of Life: establishment of (1708), 25 Christian Aid: 127 Christianity: 20, 26; Bible, 119; Eastern Orthodox, 57 Churchill, Winston: 73, 122 Ciraolo, Giovanni: role in creation of IRU, 94 Citizens Conference on International Economic Union: creation of (1943), 128–9 civil society: 11, 155; concept of, 2; development of, 16; global, 6, 154; national, 76; transnational, 5–11, 13–18, 20–1, 23, 27, 42–3, 45, 50, 64, 68, 76–8, 100, 118–21, 123–4, 133–4, 140–1, 153, 160, 163, 165–6, 168–71, 175–6, 178–82 Clark, Ian: 132 Clean Clothes Campaign: moral code of, 157

273

INDEX

Clemenceau, Georges: 82 Clews, John: 135 Club Internacional de Mujeres: establishment of (1933), 119 Cluster Munition Coalition: establishment of (2003), 169 Coalition for Environmentally Responsible Economies (CERES): 157 Cold War: 7, 17, 72, 123, 132–4, 142, 170, 175–6, 178–9; end of, 1, 4, 9, 12, 124, 152–4, 162–3 Columbian Exhibition (1893): 56 Comitati d’azione per l’Universalità di Roma (CAUR): 113–14; formation of (1933), 113; Montreux Congress (1934), 113 Comité d’Entente des Grandes Associations Internationales: 93 Commission to Study the Organization of Peace: 130; founding of (1939), 128; preliminary report of (1940), 129 Committee for the Promotion of International Trade: establishment of (1952), 135 Committee for the Spread of Arab Culture: formation of (1931), 126 Committee to Frame a World Constitution: organization of (1945), 128 communism: 31, 90, 112–13, 116, 133–4, 154, 182; international, 121; opposition to, 90, 133–5 Communist (Third) International (Comintern)(1919–43): 80, 113; Executive Committee, 115; First Congress (1919), 89 Communist League: creation of (1847), 31 Communist Manifesto (1847–8): 42–3

274

Communist Propaganda Society (Universal Communitarian Association): formation of (1841), 31 Communist Youth International: personnel of, 114 Confederación Latinoamericana de Cooperativas de Ahorro y Crédito: formation of (1970), 149 Conference of Allied Suffragists: 83–4 Conference of the Evangelical Alliance (1846): 34 Confucianism: 57 Congress of Industrial Organizations: role in distribution of Marshall Aid, 133 Congress of Nationalities of the Russian Empire (1919): resolutions adopted by, 82–3 Consumers Association of Penang: 149 Convention on Cluster Munitions (2008): 169 Convention respecting Measures for the Preservation and Protection of Fur Seals (1911): 68 Convention with Respect to the International Circulation of Motor Vehicles (1909): drafting of, 68 Congo: as Congo Free State, 54; natural resources of, 55 Congo Reform Association: formation of (1904), 68 Congress of Breda (1667): 28 Congress of European Nationalities: formation of (1925), 96–7 Congress of Nijmegen (1678): 28 Congress of Vienna (1815): 28–9; ‘Declaration of the Powers on the Abolition of the Slave Trade’, 28

INDEX

de Constant, Baron d’Estournelles: 71 Constantine, Prince: 54 Consumers International: establishment of (1960), 147–8 Cooperative for American Remittances to Europe (CARE): 140; origins of, 127 Co-ordinating Secretary of National Unions of Students (Cosec): 135 Coote, William Alexander: Secretary of International Bureau for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic, 60 Copenhagen Summit (2009): NGO lobbying efforts during, 166 cosmopolitan values: examples of, 8 Coudenhove-Kalergi, Count Richard Nikolaus: founder of International Pan-European Union, 104 Council of the Five Nations of Indians of North America: 27 Council of Europe: 136 Council on Foreign Relations: 129–30; establishment of (1921), 88; personnel of, 130; relationship with US State Department, 130 de Courbertin, Pierre: 71 Croatia: 158 Cuba: 108 Cuban Missile Crisis (1962): 141, 143–4 Curtis, Lionel: 87 Cuthbertson, Ely: founder of World Federation, 128 Czechoslovakia: 158; government of, 112 d’Aelders, Etta Palm: leader of Society of Women Friends of Truth, 26

Davidson, Henry P.: 85 Davis, Norman: 130 Dawes Plan: 105; ICC influence in development of, 102, 106, 121 decolonization: 123, 140, 148–9, 178 Delaisi, Francis: 102 Denmark: 27, 59, 113; Copenhagen, 25, 66 Despard, Charlotte: 115 development: 5, 140, 142, 162 Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era: establishment of (1984), 146 Dickinson, Willoughby Hyett: Chairman of League of Nations Society, 80 disarmament: 60–2, 108–9, 122, 180 Disarmament Committee of Women’s International Organizations: 116 Divine Life Society: founding of (1936), 119 Djibouti: 99 Dodge, Cleveland: organization of American Committee for Armenian and Syrian Relief, 79 Doha Declaration of Democracy and Reform: launch of (2004), 171 Dolivet, Louis: organizer of Free World Association, 117, 128 Dominican Republic: government of, 71 Dominion Temperance Alliance: 88 Doumer, Paul: 73 Dulles, John Foster: founder of Federal Council of Churches’ Commission on a Just and Durable Peace, 128 Dunant, Henri: 36, 44, 180; Nobel Peace Prize recipient (1901), 65;

275

INDEX

proposal for Universal and International Society for the Revival of the Orient, 41; role in creation of Red Cross, 37–8 East Africa and Uganda Natural History Society: 67 East African Dental Association: creation of (1943), 125 East African Women’s League: establishment of (1917), 79 East and West Association: founding of (1941), 127 East Asian Common Culture Association: creation of (1898), 55 East India Association: founding of (1866), 41 Eastern Bond Association: formation of (1922), 98 Eastern Women’s Conference for the Defence of Palestine: Permanent Central Committee of Women for the Defence of Palestine, 126 Egypt: 63, 98, 100, 108, 125–6; Cairo, 40, 118, 126, 135; Ismailia, 99; Revolution (1919), 89; Revolution (2011), 172; Suez Canal, 40, 64 Egyptian Feminist Union: members of, 126 Eichelberger, Clark M.: 130; co-founder of Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 128 Eigen, Peter: role in founding Transparency International, 156 Einstein, Albert: 97 Emigdirect: partner in HICEM, 95 English Association: formation of (1906), 73

276

Enlightenment: 19, 23, 43 Environmental Partnership for Sustainable Development: formation of (1991), 158 environmentalism: 5, 49, 102, 144–5, 163 Equal Rights International: 107 Ethical Trading Initiative: 163 eugenics: promotion of, 73–4 European Anti-Fascist Workers’ Congress (1933): creation of European Workers’ Anti-Fascist Union, 115 European Broadcasting Union: formerly International Broadcasting Union, 136 European Coal and Steel Community: 136 European Economic Community (EEC): banning of seal pelts (1983), 151 European Environmental Bureau: formation of (1974), 145 European League for Economic Cooperation: 136 European Union (EU): 145, 163 European Union of Federalists: formation of (1946), 136 Fair Labor Association: 163 Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International: 157 Famine Relief Committee: creation of (1942), 127 fascism: 112–13, 117; Italian, 113; opposition to, 114–15 Fauna and Flora International: creation of (1903), 68–9 Federación Latinoamericana de Prensa Periódica: establishment of (1925), 99

INDEX

Federal Council of Churches: Commission on a Just and Durable Peace, 128 Federal Union: formation of (1938), 120 federalism: 120 Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA): 3; World Cup, 119 Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry: formation of (1927), 98 Federation of International SemiOfficial and Private Institutions (FIIG): founding of, 105 Federation of Jewish Students: 113 Fédération Universlle de la Régénération Humaine: creation of, 50 feminism: 5, 106, 110, 126, 146 Ferrière, Adolphe: founder of International Bureau of New Schools, 53 Fight the Famine Council: aims of, 86 Fiji: 108 First International Anti-Fascist Congress (1929): personnel of, 114–15 First World War (1914–18): 6, 16–17, 20, 71–2, 77, 96, 104, 106, 123, 127, 161, 176, 179, 182; belligerents of, 78, 125; German Invasion of Belgium (1914), 71; impact on INGO growth, 65, 69–70, 75, 80, 177, 181; Paris Peace Conference (1919), 77, 81–3, 87, 106; prisoners of, 94; Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine (1919), 112; Treaty of Versailles (1919), 84–5; US entry into, 79 First Zionist Congress (1897):

formation of World Zionist Organization at, 56 Fish, Hamilton: 130 Ford Foundation: establishment of (1936), 110; Overseas Development Office, 140 Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers: 13 Forest Stewardship Council: 157 Forum on Environment and Development: personnel of, 166 Fournier, Claude: 25 Fourth International (World Party of the Socialist Revolution): establishment of congress (1938), 118 Fourth World Conference on Women (1995): Beijing Platform for Action, 166 France: 21–2, 26–8, 30, 33–4, 36, 38–9, 59, 71, 79, 97, 99, 109, 118, 150, 157; Alsace, 131; Cannes, 85; colonies of, 33; Dreyfus Affair (1894–1906), 56; July Revolution (1830), 29–30; Lorraine, 131; Paris, 25, 30–2, 34–5, 37, 41, 45, 47, 50–4, 60–1, 67, 74, 81–2, 87, 89, 95, 97, 99, 115, 118, 137; Revolution (1789–99), 25, 51, 64, 175 Frankfurt Penitentiary Congress (1846): 34 Free World Association: organization of (1941), 128 Freemasons: 25, 44; lodges of, 22 French League for the Rights of Man: 131 Friedan, Betty: Feminine Mystique, The, 145–6 Friends’ International Service: offices of, 105

277

INDEX

Friends of the Earth: establishment of (1969), 145 de Fuveau, Alexandre-Victor Hupay: Republican Koran, 25 Gabrys, Jean: 75; co-founder of Central Office of Nationalities/ UON, 74 Gandhi, Mohandas: 89 Garibaldi, Giuseppe: 39 Garvey, Marcus: founder of UNIA, 78 General Arab Women’s Federation: establishment of (1944), 126 Geneva Research Centre: establishment of (1920), 105 Geneva Society of Public Utility: International Committee for Aid to the Wounded in Situations of War, 38 Germany: 36, 41, 49, 51, 59, 71, 73, 78, 118, 150; Baden-Baden, 53; Berlin, 34, 52, 95; Cologne, 40; Constance, 80; Danish population of, 97; Dresden, 40, 66; electoral system of, 121; Frankfurt, 31, 35; government of, 131; Jewish population of, 28; Koblenz, 40; Stuttgart, 72; Wiesbaden, 48 Ghana: Accra, 136 Gide, Charles: 73 Global Call to Action Against Poverty (GCAP): 175; formation of (2004), 167 Global Campaign for Women’s Human Rights: 155 Global Financial Crisis (2007–9): impact on INGOs, 165–6, 172 Global Movements of Moderates: 172; launch of (2012), 171 Global Reporting Initiative: 163

278

Global Tribunal on Violations of Women’s Human Rights: 155 globalization: 2, 12, 165, 168–9, 176, 179; neo-liberal, 169–70 Godde ‘de Liancourt’, CalisteAuguste: role in creation of Société Générale des Naufrafes et de l’Union des Nations, 32 Goebbels, Joseph: 116 Goegg, Marie: role in formation of Association Internationale des Femmes, 40, 60 Gompers, Samuel: President of American Federation of Labour, 83 Gorky, Maxim: 97 government-organized non-governmental organizations (GONGOs): 172; examples of, 168 Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies: establishment of (1920), 105 Grajew, Oded: role in development of WSF, 159 Great Depression: 11; impact of, 110 Great Exhibition (1851): INGOs formed following, 35 Greece: 54, 113, 127; War of Independence (1821–32), 30 Greening, Owen: 52 GreenNet: creation of (1986), 148 Greenpeace: establishment of (1969), 145 Group of Eight (G8): 167 Habsburg Empire: 41; collapse of, 134 Hague Conferences: 16, 76, 80, 145; First (1899), 19, 62, 177; Second (1907), 68, 177

INDEX

Hague Opium Convention (1912): 68; ratification of, 82 Haiti: 108; Revolution (1791–1804), 25 Handbooks of International Organizations: 15 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative: 159 Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society: partner in HICEM, 95 HelpAge International: creation of (1983), 148 Helsinki Final Act (1975): 153 Herzl, Theodor: role in organising First Zionist Congress, 56 HICEM: establishment of (1927), 95 Hinduism: 57 Hitler, Adolf: 73; rise to power (1933), 113, 122; withdrawal of Germany from League of Nations, 109 HIV/AIDS: 157 Hizb ut-Tahrir: 137 Hobson, John: 5 Höglund, Zeth: 79 Honduras: 63 Hoover, Herbert: establishment of CRB (1914), 79 Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace: formerly Hoover War Collection, 87 Hopkins, Ellice: role in creation of White Cross Army (1883), 60 Howard, Michael: 73, 76 Howe, Julia Ward: call for Woman’s Peace Congress (1870), 60 Hugo, Victor: role in formation of International Literary and Artistic Association, 46

human rights: 5, 90, 96, 131, 137, 141–3, 153, 158, 162, 171 Human Rights Education: 171 Human Rights Information and Documentation Systems International (HURIDOCS): creation of (1982), 148 Human Rights Watch (Helsinki Watch): 153 humanitarianism: 5, 32, 37, 86, 94, 127, 140, 147, 168; transnational, 5 Hungary: 101, 158; Budapest, 53 Iceland: 95 imperialism: 43, 45, 179; opposition to, 56, 89 Independent Order of Good Templars: 21 India: 59, 63, 95, 99, 108, 136, 165; Amritsar Massacre (1919), 89; Bangalore, 125; Bihar, 140; Delhi, 89, 99; Dhaka, 67; Kolkata (Calcutta), 27, 37, 67; military of, 125; Mumbai, 119, 149; New Delhi, 119, 158; Partition (1947), 125; Pune, 79 Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science: formation of (1876), 55 Indian Council of World Affairs: conference (1947), 136 Indian Institute of World Culture: creation of (1945), 125 Indian Ocean Earthquake and Tsunami (2004): increase in INGO contribution following, 169 Indian Society of Oriental Art: creation of (1907), 67

279

INDEX

Independent Order of Good Templars: 58 Indian National Association: formation of (1876), 55 Indian National Congress: creation of (1885), 55 Indonesia: 108 Industrial Revolution: 23, 36; social impact of, 19 Infant Formula Action Committee (INFACT): formation of (1976), 150 Institute for Intercultural Studies (Council on Intercultural Relations): founding of (1941), 127 Institute of International Education (IIE): aims of, 87; formation of (1919), 87 Institute of Oriental Classics: establishment of (1938), 119 Institute of Pacific Relations: 127; creation of (1925), 99, 103 Institute on Postwar Reconstruction: creation of (1943), 129 Institute on World Organization: International Consultative Group, 128–9 Inter-Allied Bureau of League of Nations Societies: establishment of, 81 Inter-Allied Federation of Ex-Service Men (FIDAC): 124, 139; creation of (1920), 103–4 Inter-American Bar Association: 125 Inter-American Commission of Women: 110 Inter-American Statistical Institute (ISI): 125 Intercontinental Encounter for

280

Humanity and against Neoliberalism: 156 Intercontinental Network for the Promotion of the Social Solidarity Economy (RIPESS): 170 Interdoc: creation of (1984), 148 Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR): creation of (1973), 150 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty (1987): signing of, 152 Inter-Movement Evacuees Committee (CIMADE): establishment of (1939), 131 International Abolitionist Federation: origins of, 59–60 International Academy of Indian Culture: establishment of (1935), 119 International Action of Nationalisms: Zurich meeting (1934), 114 International Actuarial Association: 48, 64; formation of (1895), 53 International African Association: 54 International AIDS Vaccine Initiative: formation of (1996), 157 International Air Traffic Association (IATA): 106; creation of (1919), 102; succeeded by International Air Transport Association, 132 International Air Transport Association: successor to IATA, 132 International Alliance of Women: 83, 107, 116; decline of, 124; revising of aims of (1920), 97 International Anti-Opium Association: formation of (1918), 82

INDEX

International Arbitration and Peace Association: 61 International Arbitration League: 61 International Association: 30 International Association for Customs Reform: 34 International Association for Obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins: branches of, 35; establishment of (1855), 45 International Association for Promoting the Study of Quaternions and Allied Systems of Mathematics: formation of (1899), 48 International Association for Religious Freedom: formerly International Council of Unitarian and Other Liberal Religious Thinkers and Workers, 57 International Association for Testing Materials: formation of (1895), 48 International Association for the Prevention of Blindness: creation of (1929), 94 International Association for the Progress of the Social Sciences: 37 International Association for the Protection of Child Welfare: formation of (1921), 96 International Association of Academies: 78; formation of (1899), 47–8 International Association of Charities: origins of, 22 International Association of Athletics Federations: establishment of (1912), 69 International Association of

Democratic Lawyers (IADL): 134–5 International Association of Labour Legislation: formation of (1900), 45–6, 68 International Association of Seismology: formation of (1903), 68 International Association of Women and Home Page Journalists: formation of (1964), 146 International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN): formation of (1979), 150–1 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development: 130 International Bureau for the Suppression of the White Slave Traffic: formation of (1899), 60; personnel of, 60 International Bureau of Abstaining Students: establishment of, 70 International Bureau of Labour: 100 International Bureau of New Schools: formation of (1899), 53 International Association of Public Transport: 53 International Board: purpose of, 53–4 International Broadcasting Union (IBU): 106; establishment of (1925), 102 International Bureau Against Alcoholism: formation of (1907), 70 International Bureau of Labour: 100 International Bureau of Societies for the Protection of Animals and Anti-Vivisection Societies: formation of (1925), 103 International Bureau of Weights and Measures: creation of (1875), 45

281

INDEX

International Campaign to Ban Landmines: 7, 160; shortcomings of, 166 International Catholic Federation of Total Abstainers: establishment of, 70 International Central Bureau for the Campaign against Tuberculosis: formation of (1902), 66 International Chamber of Commerce (ICC): 3, 15–16, 89–90, 121; formation of, 40, 84; influence of, 101–2, 106; personnel of, 101; precursors to, 69 International Class War Prisoners’ Aid: 100 International Club of Horse Racing: founding of, 53 International Commission of Agriculture: 52 International Committee for Bird Preservation: formation of (1922), 103 International Committee for Russian Relief: creation of (1921), 94 International Committee of Abstaining Priests: establishment of, 70 International Committee of the Red Cross: 94–5, 107 International Committee of Women for Permanent Peace: 84 International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (ICIC): relationship with INGOs, 93 International Community of Women Living with HIV/AIDS: formation of (1992), 157 International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU): 163; role

282

in formation of ITUC, 170; secession from WFTU (1949), 133 International Confederation of Students: 113, 124; founding of (1919), 88 International Conference of Associations of Disabled Soldiers and Ex-Serviceman (CIAMAC): 109, 116; members of, 104 International Conference on the Simplification of Customs Formalities (1923): Final Act, 101 International Congress Against War (1932): establishment of World Committee against Imperialist War, 115 International Congress of Central American Students: creation of (1910), 67 International Congress of Economists: 34 International Congress of Orientalists (1873): 48 International Congress of Women Physicians (1919): INGOs formed at, 88 International Congresses of Asian and North African Studies: 48 International Consultative Group for Peace and Disarmament: 14, 109, 124, 175, 178 International Co-operative Alliance (ICA): 1, 102, 116, 177; formation of (1895), 52; members of, 63 International Co-operative Congress (1895): formation of ICA at, 52 International Council for Democratic Institutions and State Soveriegnity: 168 International Council for Science

INDEX

(ICSU): formerly International Research Council, 86 International Council of AIDS Service Organizations: creation of (1990), 157 International Council of Ophthalmology: 37 International Council of Nurses: establishment of (1899), 50 International Council of Scientific Unions: 3 International Council of Social Welfare: formation of (1928), 95–6 International Council of Voluntary Agencies: establishment of (1962), 142 International Council of Women (ICW): 50, 84, 98, 107; creation of, 68; offices of, 105; personnel of, 97 International Court of Justice (ICJ): 1, 160 International Criminal Court: 1; Rome Statute, 155, 178 International Dairy Federation: establishment of (1903), 69 International Electrotechnical Commission: aims of, 69 International Entente against the Third International: branches of, 100–1; creation of (1924), 100 International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH): aims of, 96; creation of (1922), 96 International Federation for the Extension and the Culture of the French Language: establishment of (1905), 73 International Federation of Accountants: 3

International Federation of Associations of the Elderly: creation of (1980), 148 International Federation of Business and Professional Women: 107 International Federation of Christian Trade Unions: creation of (1920), 101 International Federation of Commercial Travellers: formation of (1897–1900), 53 International Federation of Eugenics Organizations: establishment of (1924), 103 International Federation of Film Producers’ Associations: establishment of (1933), 110 International Federation of Free Journalists (IFFJ): 134; consultative status of, 135 International Federation of League of Nations Societies (IFLNS): 116; aims of, 97; establishment of (1919), 81; member branches of, 111–12; personnel of, 81, 120, 124 International Federation of Museum Officials: formation of (1898), 53 International Federation of National Standardization Associations: 102, 138 International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC): 161; establishment of (1919), 85–6; voluntary contributions to, 165, 172 International Federation of Students: formation of (1889), 53 International Federation of Tobacco Workers: formation of, 51 International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU): 90, 100–1, 109,

283

INDEX

117; formerly International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 66; succeeded by WFTU, 132; World Peace Congress (1922), 104 International Federation of Women’s Travel Organizations: 146 International Federation on Ageing: creation of (1973), 148 International Fellowship of Reconciliation: 88 International Friends of Nature: development of, 49 International Garden Cities and Town Planning Association: formation of, 66 International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights (IHR): 153; bankruptcy of, 165 International HIV/AIDS Alliance: formation of (1993), 157 International Hologram Manufacturers Association: formation of (1993), 161 International Hotel and Restaurant Association: formation of (1947), 138 International Hoteliers Alliance: formation of (1869), 40 International Humanitarian Bureau of Animal Lovers: establishment of (1928), 103 International Institute of Bibliography: 70; formation of (1895), 46; Universal Bibliographic Repertory, 46 International Institute of Refrigeration: formation of (1909), 66 International Institute of Social History: 14; establishment of (1935), 118

284

International Institute of Sociology: establishment of (1893), 48 International Kindergarten Union (Association for Childhood Education International): formation of (1892), 53 International Labour and Socialist Conference (Berne Conference) (1919): resolutions passed by, 83 International Labour Organization (ILO): 46, 98, 101, 161; Constitution of, 83; creation of, 16; origins of, 83; relationship with INGOs, 93; Washington DC Conference (1919), 85 International Law Association: creation of (1873), 61 International Law Institute: adoption of Declaration of the International Rights of Man (1929), 96 International League Against Racism and Anti-Semitism: origins of, 97 International League of Anti-Vaccinators: 50, 78 International League for the Rights of Man: establishment of (1941), 131 International League for Peace and Liberty: 60 International League for Rights of Man and Citizenship: 109 International League of Women for General Disarmament: promotion of ‘International Senate’ concept, 61 International Left Opposition: formation of (1930), 118 International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,

INDEX

Trans and Intersex Association: creation of (1978), 148 International Literary and Artistic Association: formation of (1878), 46 International Migration Service: creation of (1921), 95 International Monarchist League: creation of (1943), 134 International Monetary Fund (IMF): 155; formation of (1944), 129–30 International Neo-Malthusian Correspondence and Resistance Bureau: 78 International Nestlé Boycott Committee: 151 International NGOs Accountability Charter: participation in, 172 international non-governmental organizations (INGOs): 1–3, 9, 12–14, 22, 30, 32, 40, 42, 46, 73, 105, 117–18, 120, 124, 175, 181–2; accountability of, 170; ancient forms of, 20–3, 36; business (BINGOs), 52, 69, 72, 85, 150, 163; Communist front, 114, 116, 133–5; development of, 18, 25, 36, 123–4; educational and research, 53, 87, 103; environmental, 102–3, 144–5; humanitarian, 32, 37, 86, 147, 168; increase in number of, 6–7, 11–12, 15–16, 19–20, 34–5, 44–5, 52–3, 62–5, 69–70, 75, 88–92, 110–11, 126–7, 132–3, 138–40, 141, 157–8, 164–5, 176, 178, 181; individual focuses of, 1, 3, 5, 17, 24; global union federation, 50–2; linguistic, 78; manipulation of, 167–8; methods of, 63; non-profit-mak-

ing, 15; publications of, 14; regional, 66, 136; resources of, 8; scientific, 37, 48–50, 86; sports, 53–4, 69; transport, 53, 139; veteran’s, 103–4; women’s, 88, 97–8, 145–6 International Office for the Protection of Nature: 139 International Olympic Committee (IOC): 114; formation of, 54 International Organisation of Industrial Employers: establishment of (1919), 85 International Organization for Cultivating Universal Human Spirit: founding of (1961), 142 International Organization of Consumers Unions (IOCU): 150; influence of, 148; members of, 149 International Organization of Journalists (IOJ): 134; loss of consultative status, 135 International Organization of Standardization: formation of (1947), 138 International Pan-European Union: formation of (1923), 104 International Peace Bureau: 104; establishment of (1891), 61 International Peace Campaign (IPC): launch of (1936), 116; personnel of, 128 International Peasant Council: 100 International Physicians for Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW): founding of (1980), 152 International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF): establishment of (1952), 139

285

INDEX

International Prohibitionist Federation: creation of (1909), 70 International Publishers Association: formation of (1896), 52, 64 International Railway Congress Association: affiliates of, 53; formation of (1885), 53 International Red Cross: establishment of (1858), 37; origins of, 38 International Relief Association: branches of, 118 International Relief Union (IRU): establishment of (1927), 94 International Rescue Committee: origins of, 117–18 International Road Federation: creation of (1948), 139 International Rugby Football Board: 54 International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres: creation of (1901), 66; transformation into International Federation of Trade Unions (1913), 66 International Socialist Bureau: creation of (1900), 51 International Society for Racial Hygiene: establishment of (1905), 73 International Society for the Study of Questions connected with Poor Relief: formation of, 51 International Society of Esperantist Free-Thinkers: 70 International Statistical Institute: 180; formation of (1885), 48; model of, 53 International Sunday Observance Federation: formation of (1876), 45 International Textile Manufacturers

286

Federation: establishment of (1904), 69 International Total Abstainers Association of Railway Workers: establishment of, 70 International Touring Alliance: formation of, 53 International Trade Conference (1919): origins of ICC in, 84 International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC): 176; formation of (2006), 170 International Tree Foundation: founding of (1924), 102 International Typographical Secretariat: 51 International Typographical Union: 39 International Union Against Cancer: establishment of (1934), 110 International Union against Tuberculosis: creation of (1920), 94 International Union against Vivisection: 78; formation of (1902), 66 International Union for Combating Venereal Diseases: creation of (1924), 94 International Union for the Conservation of Nature: creation of (1948), 139 International Union for the Protection of Infants: formation of (1907), 66 International Union of Academies: establishment of (1920), 87 International Union of Catholic Women’s Organizations: 108–9

INDEX

International Union of Electricity Stations: formation of (1892), 52 International Union of Ethical Societies: 78 International Union of Friends of Young Women: founding of (1877), 59 International Union of Marine Insurance: founding of (1874), 52 International Union of Penal Law: establishment of (1889), 50 International Union of Photography: formation of (1891), 53 International Union of Press Associations: formation of, 53 International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY ): 134; increase in consultative status, 135 International Union of Students (IUS): 134 International Union of Women Architects: formation of (1963), 146 International Union of Women for Peace: creation of (1895), 60–1 International Voluntary Service for Peace (Service Civil International): establishment of (1920), 95 International Voluntary Services: formation of (1953), 140 International Women’s Committee of Permanent Peace: creation of (1915), 80 International Women’s Rights Congress (1878/1889): 59 International Working Men’s Association: 3; formation of (1864), 38–9, 44 International Youth Hostel Federation: establishment of (1932), 110

Internationalis Concordia: 47, 78 internationalism: 54; business, 90; cultural, 90, 103; development of, 43; European, 76 Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN): 3; founding of (1998), 157–8 Internet Society: founding of (1992), 157 Interparliamentary Conference (1889): 61 Inter-Parliamentary Union: 104, 107; founding of (1889), 61 Iraq: 126; Baghdad, 27, 126; Operation Iraqi Freedom (2003–11), 167, 171 Iriye, Akira: 103, 141–2 Iron Molders’ International Union: 39 Islam: 17, 41, 57, 67, 99; cultural traditions of, 87; political, 171; revivalism, 42; Sufism, 21, 42, 99; Wahhabism, 42 Islamic Cultural Centre: inauguration of (1944), 125 Islamic Relief Worldwide: founding of (1984), 147 Islamic Research Association: creation of (1933), 119 Islamism: 56, 137 Italian Red Cross: personnel of, 94 Italy: 38, 59, 71; Genoa, 25; Milan, 34, 69; Rome, 61 Jainism: 57 Jamaat-e-Islami: establishment of, 125 Jamaica: 60, 63, 78, 108 Jameson, Margaret Storm: 115 Japan: 38, 48, 55, 60, 62–3, 108, 119,

287

INDEX

142, 168; Osaka, 158; Yokohama, 49 Japanese Pan-Asian Society: Pan-Asian Conferences, 98 Japanese Society of International Law: 63; formation of (1897), 61 Jebb, Eglantyne: co-founder of Save the Children Fund, 86; role in formation of International Council on Social Welfare, 95 Jewish Colonization Association: partner in HICEM, 95 Joint Standing Committee of International Women’s Organizations: members of, 97–8 Jordan, David Starr: 73 Journeymen Cigar Makers’ International Union: 39 Jubilee 2000 petition: 7, 159, 167, 175 Judaism: 20, 37, 57; persecution of, 56, 95, 97, 114, 118 Jullien de Paris, Marc-Antoine: promotion of ‘Société Encyclopédique’ idea, 29 Kant, Immanuel: 43 Kennedy, John F.: 143 Kenya: 67, 98; Nairobi, 79, 145, 166 Khan, Amanullah: 89 Khan, Pir Hadrat Inayat: founder of Sufi Order in the West, 67 Khilafat movement: origins of, 89 Kifaya: media coverage of Arab Spring, 171 Kikuyu Central Association: 98 Kingdom of Yugoslavia: 134 Knights Templar: 21 Kosmos: formation of (1898), 47 La Fontaine, Henri: 74; co-founder

288

of UIA, 70; head of International Conference on Bibliography, 46, 70 Labour and Socialist International (LSI): 101, 104, 109, 139 Landless Workers Movement: 159 Latin American and Caribbean Alliance of YMCAs: creation of (1914), 67 Latin American Federation of Associations for Relatives of the Detained and Disappeared (FEDEFAM): 152 Latin American Odontological Federation (FOLA): establishment of (1917), 79 Latin American Society for Plastic Surgery: 125 La Via Campesina: establishment of (1993), 157 League Against Pogroms: establishment of (1927), 97 League of Islamic Revolutionary Studies: formation of (1920), 100 League of Nations: 13, 15, 77, 89, 96, 99–101, 106, 108–9, 111, 120, 128, 138, 145, 175; Assembly of, 95, 97, 104; Child Welfare Committee, 95; Commission on, 82–4; Committee on Social Questions, 110; Council of, 83, 97, 105, 110; Covenant of, 81–2, 84, 92–3; creation of, 7, 16, 90, 92, 177–8; Declaration on the Rights of the Child (1924), 95, 105; Handbook of International Organisations (1929), 105; League of Nations Assembly Journal, 104; relationship with INGOs, 93–4, 96, 107, 110, 132, 180; Secretariat of, 92–3, 105; Soviet entry into

INDEX

(1934), 116; World Economic Conference (1927), 101–2 League of Nations Society: formation of (1915), 80 League of Nations Union: personnel of, 127 League of Outlaws: formation of (1834), 31 League of Red Cross Societies: lobbying efforts of, 94 League of the Just: 36; creation of (1836), 31 League to Abolish Racial Discrimination: 82 League to Enforce Peace (LEP): creation of (1915), 80; ‘First Annual National Assemblage’ (1916), 81; influence of, 80–1 Leavitt, Mary: envoy of WCTU, 58 Lebanon: 99; Beirut, 126 Lecache, Bernard: founder of League Against Pogroms, 97 Lemonnier, Charles: founder of LIPL, 39; role in organization of Universal Peace Congresses, 61 Lenin, Vladimir: 79 Leopold II of Belgium, King: 68; reign of, 54–5 Liaison Committee of Women’s International Organizations: members of, 107–8 Lichtenstein, Walter: 129 Ligue de la Patrie Arabe: aims of, 67; establishment of (1904), 67 Ligue des Droits de l’Homme: aims of, 96 Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Liberté (LIPL): 40; creation of (1867), 39; criticisms of, 73 Ligue Internationale et Permanente de la Paix: as Société Française

des Amis de la Paix, 39; formation of (1867), 39 Lithuania: 113 Live Aid: 147 Live 8 List: 7 Lloyd, Lola Maverick: co-founder of Campaign for World Government, 120 London School of Economics: Centre for the Study of Global Governance, 160 Luxembourg, Rosa: 72 Lyons, F.S.L.: 76 MacDonald, Ramsay: 109 MacShane, Denis: 133 Madagascar: 63, 108 Maier, Juergen: Director of Forum on Environment and Development, 166 Makino Nobuaki, Baron: 82 Malaysia: 171; Penang, 149 Malthusian League: creation of (1877), 50 Mandelstam, André: 96 Marine Stewardship Council: 157 Marshall Aid: distribution of, 133 Marx, Karl: 38–9, 44 Matthews, Jessica: 5 Mazzini, Giuseppe: 44, 73; founder of Young Europe, 30–1, 74 McKenna, Reginald: 73 McMeekin, Sean: 115 Mead, Margaret: founder of Council on Intercultural Relations, 127 Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF): 1, 3; creation of (1971), 147 Medical Assistance Programs International: formation of (1954), 140 Medical Women’s International

289

INDEX

Association: founding of (1919), 88 Mexico: 63, 95, 108; government of, 71; Zapatista Uprising, 156 Miller, Carol: 110 Miller, David Hunter: 81 Millin, Aubin-Louis: Magasin Enyclopédique, 29 Monaco: 70 Morocco: 75, 99 Moscow Helsinki Group: 153 Movement Against Economic Globalization (INPEG): 161–2 Muenzenberg, Willi: 115–16; Chair of First International Anti-Fascist Congress, 114–15; Commission of Inquiry into the Origins of the Reichstag Fire, 116 Mughal Empire: 27 Murray, Gilbert: 127 Murray, John: 86 Muslim Aid: founding of (1985), 147 Muslim Brotherhood: 173; branches of, 99–100; establishment of (1928), 99; welfare services of, 1, 100 Muslim World League: formation of (1962), 149 Mussolini, Benito: 113 al-Muthanna: formation of (1935), 126 al-Nabhani, Shaykh Taqiuddin: founder of Hizb ut-Tahrir, 137 Nansen, Fridtjof: League of Nations High Commissioner for Repatriation of Prisoners, 94 Naorojii, Dadabhai: role in founding of East India Association, 41 Napoleonic Wars (1803–15): 29

290

National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE): launch of (1957), 140 National Councils of Women: 59; creation of, 58 National Library of France: 14 nationalism: 12, 41, 48, 72, 98, 113, 179–80; Arab, 126; development of, 24; Indian, 98; internationalist, 31; Italian, 39; macro-, 34, 55; militant, 76; pan-, 45, 90 Nationalist Action League: formation of (1933), 126 Natural Foot Society: formation of (1895), 59 Nature: 48 Nehru, Jawaharlal: role in organization of Afro-Asian Conference (1929), 99 Nerman, Ture: 79 Nestlé: boycotting of products of, 150–1 Netherlands: 27, 59, 113, 118; Amsterdam, 14, 25, 100, 103–4, 115; Antwerp (Anvers), 51, 53; Hague, The, 71, 80, 102, 157; Holland, 36; Utrecht, 26 Network of East-West Women: formation of (1991), 158 New England Company: formation of (1649), 22 New Zealand: 59–60, 108, 150; women’s suffrage movement in, 45, 58, 63 Nicholas II, Tsar: 68; Rescript (1898), 62 Niger: 147 Nigeria: 108 No Border Network: establishment of (1999), 157 Nobel, Alfred: will of, 65

INDEX

Nobel Foundation: creation of, 65 Non-Proliferation Treaty (1968): 144 Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League to Champion Human Rights: formation of (1933), 118 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (1994): 156 North Sea Fisheries Convention (1882), 49 Norway: 113 Olympic Games: 119; Berlin (1936), 114; revival of, 54; Stockholm (1912), 69 Open Door International for the Economic Emancipation of the Woman Worker: formation of (1929), 98 Order of St John: 16; St John’s Ambulance, 21 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD): 170; Multilateral Agreement on Investment, 156, 164, 176 Organization of African Trade Union Unity: formation of (1973), 149 Ostwald, Wilhelm: 71 Otlet, Paul: Chair of Third International Congress of Nationalities (1916), 75; co-founder of UIA, 70; head of International Conference on Bibliography, 46, 70; La Fin de Guerre, 75; proposal for Mundaneum, 107 Ottawa Landmines Convention (1997): 155, 176; non-signatories to, 161, 166 Ottoman Empire: 38, 41, 56, 63, 75;

Armenian Genocide (1915), 79; Constantinople, 60, 67 Oxfam International: 17, 150; formation of (1942), 127; relief efforts of, 140, 162 Owen, Robert: 29; role in formation of British and Foreign Philanthropic Society for the Permanent Relief of the Labouring Classes, 29 Paine, Thomas: 25 Pakistan: Independence of (1947), 137; Lahore, 67, 107, 125 Palestine: 99–100, 108; Arab Revolt (1936–9), 126; Jaffa, 126; Jerusalem, 99 Pan-African Congress (1919): 89 pan-Africanism: as macro-nationalism, 55; revival of, 136 Pan-American Association of Ophthalmology: 125 Pan-American Federation of Architects Associations: creation of (1920), 99 Pan-American Federation of Labor: creation of (1920), 99 Pan-American Liaison Committee of Women’s Organizations: 125 Pan-American Railway Congress Association: creation of (1906), 67 Pan-American Society: 67 Pan-American Women’s Association: 107 pan-Americanism: development of, 67 pan-Arabism: 125–6 pan-Atlanticism: 55 pan-Europeanism: 104 pan-Germanism: 55

291

INDEX

Pan-Islamic Society: formerly Anjuman-i-Islam, 56 pan-Islamism: concept of, 56 Pan-Pacific and South-East Asia Women’s Association (PPSEAWA): creation of (1925), 99 Pan-Pacific Union: establishment of (1912), 67 Pan-Pacific Women’s Conferences (1928/1930): 99 pan-Slavisim: 55 pan-Turanism: development of, 56 pan-Turkism: development of, 56 Panama: 63 Pankhurst, Sylvia: 115 Paris Commune (1871): 38; suppression of, 39 Paris Universal Exhibition (1855): INGOs formed following, 35 Paris Universal Exhibition (1889): formation of INGOs during, 64 Paris Universal Exhibition (1900): 55 Partial Test Ban Treaty (1963): 144 Passy, Frédéric: 64; Nobel Peace Prize recipient (1901), 65; role in formation of Ligue Internationale et Permanente de la Paix, 39; role in organization of Universal Peace Congresses, 61 Patriotic Alliance: formation of (1865), 56 Pax Romana: 113 Peace of Westphalia (1648): political impact of, 5 PeaceNet: creation of (1985), 148 Pélisser, Jean: co-founder of Central Office of Nationalities/UON, 74–5

292

People’s International League: establishment of (1847), 31 Permanent International Association of Navigation Congresses: 53 Permanent International Committee of Mothers: creation of, 135 Permanent International Conference of Private Organisations for the Protection of Migrants: creation of (1924), 95 Permanent Court of International Arbitration: establishment of, 62 Peru: 38 Pesticide Action Network: formation of (1982), 149 Petliura, Symon: alleged role in pogroms in Ukraine, 97 Phonetic Teachers Association (International Phonetic Association): formation of (1886), 45 Pickard, Bertram: Secretary of Quaker International Centre, 106 Platten, Fritz: 79 Ploetz, Alfred: founder of International Society for Racial Hygiene, 73 Poland: 101, 158; November Uprising (1830–1), 30 Popular Front: development of, 116 Portugal: 27, 33, 113; Lisbon, 25 Post War World Council: formation of, 129 Prague Fascist Club: offices of, 112 Proletarian Freethinkers: 100 Prussia: 27, 33 Publish What You Pay: expansion of, 170 Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs: launch of (1957), 140

INDEX

al-Qaeda: affiliates of, 164 Al-Qahtaniyah: creation of (1909), 67 Quaker International Centre: personnel of, 106 Quakerism: 16, 28, 32, 44; ‘Declaration Against Plots and Fightings’ (1661), 21; influence of, 26 Quintuple Treaty for the Suppression of the Slave Trade: signing of (1841), 33 Quota International: aims of, 88 Radek, Karl: 79 Radziwill, Gabrielle: 93 Ramabai, Pamita: founder of Ramabai Association, 59 Ramabai Association: creation of (1887), 59 Ramakrishna Math: 63, 119 Red International of Labour Unions (Profintern): 101; creation of (1921), 100 Red Sports International: 100 Reinsch, Paul: 4 Religious Society of Friends: formation of, 21 Republic of Ireland: 113; Dublin, 25 Revue Encyclopédique: 42 Rice, Stuart: 125 Rio Earth Summit (1992): 166; attendees of, 154 Robins, Dorothy: 130 Rockefeller Foundation: formation of (1913), 65 Roman Catholic Church: 16 Romania: 113, 134; Bulgarian population of, 97 Roosevelt, Eleanor: 137–8 Roosevelt, Franklin D.: 127;

advocacy of ‘Four Freedoms’ (1941), 131 Roosevelt, Theodore: 68 Rostow, Walt Whitman: Stages of Economic Growth, 141 Rotary International: 88, 90, 117; origins of, 65–6 Round About Club: formation of (1895), 47 Royal and Central Society of Rescuers: congresses convened by, 50 Royal Geographical Society: absorption of African Association (1831), 41; formation of (1830), 41 Royal Institute of International Affairs: 130 Royal Jennerian Society for the Extermination of the Small-Pox: aims of, 27–8; institution of (1803), 27 Royal Library of Belgium: 14 Royal Society: establishment of (1660), 22; International Catalogue Committee, 46 Russian Empire: 28, 33, 38, 75, 78, 82; October Revolution (1917), 80, 90; pogroms in, 56 Russian Federation: 161, 166, 172; government of, 168 Ruyssen, Théodore: 121; SecretaryGeneral of IFLNS, 81, 120 Salafiyyah movement: origins of, 56 Salvation Army: 68; formation of (1878), 57 Sana’a Declaration: launch of (2004), 171 Sand, René: role in formation of

293

INDEX

International Council on Social Welfare, 95 Sané, Pierre: Director of Amnesty International, 162 Saraswati, Sami Sivananda: founder of Divine Life Society, 119 Saudi Arabia: 99; Mecca (Makkah), 99, 149 Save the Children Fund: 96, 127; aims of, 86; formation of (1919), 86 Save the Children International Union: 94; creation of (1920), 86; development of, 95 Schleyer, Johann Martin: creator of Volapük, 47 Schuster, Arthur: 73 Schwartzbard, Samuel: trial of, 97 Schwimmer, Rosika: co-founder of Campaign for World Government, 120 Second Balkan War (1913): 72 Second International (1889–1916): peace resolution of (1907), 72; promotion of May 1, 51; role in formation of global union federations, 51–2 Second Italian War of Independence (1859): Battle of Solferino, 38 Second World War (1939–45): 6, 16–17, 75, 77, 88, 99, 102, 119–20, 122–4, 126–7, 134, 136–7, 140, 175–6, 178–9, 182; Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact (1939), 116; Munich Agreement (1938), 110 Seneca Falls Convention (1848): 58–9; role in US women’s suffrage, 33 Serbia: 172

294

Servicio Paz y Justicia: formation of (1974), 149 Séverine: 97 Shack/Slum Dwellers International: founding of (1996), 157 Shaarawi, Huda: leader of Egyptian Feminist Union, 126 Shih-tseng, Lee: co-founder of World Society, 119 Shintoism: 57 Shotwell, James T.: 130–1; cofounder of Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, 128 Sierra Leone: 63 Sikhism: 56 Sino-International Library: creation of (1933), 119 Sisterhood is Global Institute (SIGI): formation of (1984), 147 Smith, Brian: 142 Social Accountability International: 163 socialism: 31, 51, 101, 104, 109, 113, 139, 143 Socialist International: creation of (1951), 139 Socialist Movement for the United States of Europe: 136 Sociedad Astronomica de Espana y America: formation of (1911), 67 societas civilis: concept of, 2 Société de l’Union des Nations: 29 Société d’Enseignement Universel: establishment of (1833), 30 Société de Géographie: formation of (1821), 41 Société Générale des Naufrages et de l’Union des Nations: 32; as Société Générale des Naufrages (International Shipwreck

INDEX

Society), 32, 36; creation of (1835), 32; L’Internationale, 32 Société Internationale de Charité: 34 Société Internationale des Études Pratiques d’Économie Sociale: 35 Société Universelle: 34 Société Universelle d’Ophtalmologie: formation of (1857), 37 Société Universelle des Sciences, des Lettres, des Beaux-Arts, de l’Industrie et du Commerce: formation of (1851), 35 Society for a League of Religions: 88 Society for Abolishing War: formation of (1816), 28 Society for Arab Unity: formation of (1931), 126 Society for International Development: formation of (1957), 140 Society for Oriental Researches: establishment of (1935), 119 Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK): 26; formation of (1698), 22 Society for Promoting Female Education in the East: establishment of (1834), 41 Society for Raising Asia: formation of (1880), 55 Society for Research in Asiatic Music: establishment of (1936), 119 Society for the Improvement of Prison Discipline: 36; formation of (1817), 28 Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace: formation of (1816), 28

Society for the Recovery of the Drowned: aims of, 25; formation of (1767), 25 Society for the Relief of Free Negroes: formation of (1775), 26 Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunications (SWIFT): creation of (1973), 150 Society of Friends of Blacks: establishment of (1788), 26 Society of Friends of Foreigners in Distress: 26, 37 Society of Friends of Universal Peace and the Rights of Man: 26 Society of International Studies and Correspondence (Internationalis Concordia): 47 Society of the Community of Believers in Accordance with Buddhist Principles (Rissho Kosei-kai): creation of (1938), 119 Society of the Muslim Brothers: see entry on Muslim Brotherhood Society of Universal Good-Will: 86; origins of, 26 Society of Universal Revolution: 26 Sohn, Louis: 130 Soroptimist International of the Americas: creation of (1921), 99 South Africa: 63, 108, 157; apartheid regime, 2, 151; Johannesburg, 169 South American Athletics federation (CONSUDATLE): establishment of (1918), 79 South American Football Federation (CONMEBOL): formation of (1916), 79 South Korea: 63 Sovereign Constantinian Order: 20–1

295

INDEX

Soviet Union (USSR): 152–3; Council of People’s Commissars, 109; entry into League of Nations (1934), 116; Famine (1921–3), 101; Moscow, 89, 100, 135 Spain: 27, 32–3, 38, 113 Sri Lanka (Ceylon): 63, 108 Standing Committee on the Health and Welfare of Seamen: creation of (1927), 94 Stanton, Elizabeth Cady: 33 Stettinius, Edward: US Secretary of State, 131 Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment: 145, 154 Streit, Clarence: founder of US Federal Union, 128; Union Now: A Proposal for a Federal Union of the Democracies of the North Atlantic (1939), 120 Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam: formation of (1968), 144 Sturge, Joseph: role in creation of BFASS, 32 Sudan: 99 Sufi Order in the West: formation of (1910), 67 Suhrawady, Abdullah: role in creation of Pan-Islamic Society (1903), 56 Survival International: 148 Sweden: 59, 113, 150 Switzerland: 27, 36, 44, 59, 113; Basel, 56, 72; Berne, 58, 82; Geneva, 14, 25, 39, 53, 58, 80, 86, 100, 105–9, 117, 152; Montreux, 113; Vevey, 75; Zimmerwald, 79; Zurich, 66, 84, 114 Syria: 63, 99–100, 108, 126; Damascus, 126

296

Taft, William: President of LEP, 80 Taoism: 57 temperance movement: 21, 34, 42, 45, 70; influence of, 58, 64, 161 Tenants’ League: 100 Thailand (Siam): 63; Bangkok, 158 Theosophical Esperantist League: 70 Theosophical Society: 63; establishment of (1875), 57 Third Reich (1933–45): 113, 115–16, 122, 134; economic policies of, 111; Gestapo, 118; persecution of Jews during, 118; use made of INGOs, 114 Third World Network: 153; establishment of (1984), 149 Tobin, James: proposal for tax on spot conversions of currencies (1972), 157 trade unions: nationalization of, 39 Transjordan: 99 transnational corporations (TNCs): 150, 153–4; growth of, 149; INGO targeting of, 151 transnational religious orders (RINGOs): 57–8, 119, 177; concept of, 20–1; examples of, 21; missionary, 22, 26, 41; Protestant, 21–2; Roman Catholic, 21–2; Quaker, 67 transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs): 162; locations of, 163–4 Transparency International: 156 Trinidad and Tobago: 60 Truman, Harry S.: 133 Truman Doctrine: 133 von Tschammer und Osten, Hans: Reichssportführer, 114 Tunisia: 108; Revolution (2010–11), 171

INDEX

turbocapitalism: development of, 11 Turkey: 25, 32, 63, 100, 108; government of, 71 Tyrell, Ian: 88–9 UK National Archives: 13 Ukraine: pogroms in, 97 UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC): 14, 131, 135, 143; Charter of, 3 UN Economic Commission for Africa: formation of, 136 UN Human Rights Commission: 143 Unión Femenina Ibero-Americana: establishment of (1936), 119 Union Internationale des Villes: formation of, 66 Union of Arab Pharmacists: establishment of (1945), 126 Union of International Associations (UIA): 4, 14–15, 19, 74, 76, 138, 155, 177; aims of, 71; Annuaire de la Vie Internationale: 15, 70, 75, 160; Yearbook of International Organizations, 6, 15, 70; origins of, 71; personnel of, 75 Union of Nationalities (UON): Annales des Nationalitiés: 74–5; collapse of, 75; formerly Central Office of Nationalities, 74; Third International Congress of Nationalities (1916), 75 Union of Utrecht: formation of (1889), 57 Union of War Veterans: 100 Unitarians: 28 United Europe Movement: formation of (1947), 136 United Kingdom (UK): 29–30, 33–4, 41, 59–60, 66, 71, 109, 120,

142, 147, 150; colonies of, 33, 41; government of, 126; Leeds, 83; London, 4, 14, 22, 26–9, 31, 34–5, 41–2, 50–2, 55–6, 59–60, 69, 80, 88, 104, 107, 116, 125; Norwich, 26; Oxford, 14; Parliament, 30, 39; Treasury, 129 United Nations (UN): 3, 14, 17, 93, 105, 137, 149–50, 160, 166, 175, 178, 180; Charter of, 123, 130–2, 137; Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), 150; Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948), 137; Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (1967), 146; Employment (Discrimination) Convention (1958), 138; Environment Programme, 145; Equal Remuneration Convention (1951), 138; General Assembly, 146; Offices, 14; San Francisco Conference (1945), 130–2; Security Council, 168; Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (1948), 137–8 United States of America (USA): 27, 29–30, 34, 36, 38, 41, 49, 53, 58–60, 62, 78, 108–9, 112, 127, 146, 150, 161, 165–6, 172; 9/11 Attacks, 164; Atlantic City, 84; Chicago, 128; Civil War (1861– 5), 39, 143; Congress, 129; Constitution of, 88–9; government of, 55, 71, 143, 158, 167; Hawaii, 108; Honolulu, 103; military of, 127; New York, 28, 57, 87, 95, 128, 131; Philadelphia, 25–6; prohibition in, 88–90; Revolution, 25, 175; State

297

INDEX

Department, 130; Treasury Department, 129; Washington DC, 58, 68, 85, 162 United Women of the Americas: establishment of (1934), 119 United World Federalists: 140 Universal Alliance of Women for Peace by Education (International League of Women for General Disarmament): creation of (1896), 61 Universal Association of Volapükists: formation of (1887), 47 Universal Confederation of the Friends of Truth (Cercle Social): affiliates of, 25–6; Society of Women Friends of Truth, 26 Universal Negro Improvement and Conservation Association and African Communities League (UNIA): establishment of (1914), 78; members of, 78 Universal Peace Congresses (1889): 34, 61 Universal Scientific Alliance: 78; Diplôme Circulaire, 47; formation of (1876), 47 Universal Society of the Friends of the People: formation of (1792), 26 Universal Society of the White Cross: formation of (1907), 66 Universala Esperanto-Asocio (Universal Esperanto Association): 47, 70 Universities Committee on PostWar International Problems: creation of (1942), 129 University of London: First International Eugenics Congress

298

(1912), 74; Universal Races Congress (1911), 74 University of Sussex: Institute of Development Studies, 142 Unrepresented Peoples and Nations Organization: establishment of (1991), 157 Uruguay: 63, 108, 119 US Federal Union: founding of (1940), 128 US League of Nations Association: members of, 128 Vincent de Paul, St.: charitable organisations founded by, 21–2 Vienna Exposition (1873): 46 Vienna World Conference on Human Rights (1993): 155 Vietnam: Saigon, 47 Vietnam War (1955–75): 141; escalation of, 143; peace activism during, 144 Viner, Jacob: 130 Vishva Hindu Parishad: formation of (1964), 149 Vivekananda, Swami: speaker at World Parliament of Religions, 57 War on Want: Baby Killer, The (1974), 150; formation of (1951), 140; influence of, 142 Weimar Republic (1919–33): 111, 122 Wendte, Charles: First Secretary of International Council of Unitarian and Other Liberal Religious Thinkers and Workers, 57 West India Committee: 27 Western Roman Empire: Sack of Rome (410), 22 White, Lyman Cromwell: 4, 78, 110

INDEX

White Cross Army: branches of, 60; creation of (1883), 60 Wilkinson, Ellen: 115 Willetts, Peter: 133 Williams, Douglas: 93, 131 Williams, Henry Sylvester: founder of African Association, 55 Williams, Jody: organizer of International Campaign to Ban Landmines, 155, 160 Wilson, Woodrow: 75, 81 Wittner, Lawrence: 143–4 women: 83–4; enfranchisement of, 7, 45, 58, 60, 63, 90, 97, 177; female genital mutilation (FGM), 98; footbinding, 59; sex trafficking, 59–60 Women Living Under Muslim Laws: formation of (1984), 146–7 Women’s Indian Association of Madras: personnel of, 107 Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF): 134–5 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF): 84, 98, 104–5 Women’s Publicity Planning Association: 124 Women’s World Committee against War and Fascism: 115 Woolf, Leonard: 81 Workers’ International Centre of Latin American Solidarity: creation of (1913), 67 Workers International Relief: 100 World Alliance for Citizen Participation (CIVICUS): emergence of, 155 World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship Through

the Churches: founding of (1914), 80 World Alliance of Reformed Churches: formation of (1875), 57 World Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations (WYCMA): 14, 16, 37–8, 180; formation of (1855), 35–6, 43 World Assembly of Youth: 134 World Association of Lebanese Neurosurgeons: 161 World Bank: 17, 155, 164; formation of (1944), 129; funding provided by, 156 World Bank-Civil Society Forum: 167–8 World Committee Against War and Fascism: 117; origins of, 115 World Committee for the Relief of the Victims of German Fascism: Brown Book of the Hitler Terror, The, 115–16 World Confederation of Labour: role in formation of ITUC, 170 World Congress of Doctors (1954): creation of International Medical Association, 135 World Congress of Faiths: creation of (1936), 120 World Congress of International Associations (1913): 74; attendees of, 71 World Council of Churches: 140; establishment of (1948), 120, 139 World Dental Federation: establishment of (1900), 50 World Disarmament Conference (1932–4): 16, 107–9, 121, 132; collapse of, 116, 120; Disarmament Committees, 108–9

299

INDEX

World Economic Forum: 159; development of, 150 World Federation: creation of (1941), 128 World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY): 134; demotion of consultative status, 135 World Federation of Trade Unions: 163, 170 World Federation of United Nations Associations: establishment of (1946), 140 World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW): 134 World Federation of Teachers Associations (FISG): 134 World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU): 176; members of, 133; secession of ICFTU (1949), 133; successor to IFTU, 132 World Fellowship of Buddhists: creation of (1950), 139 World Government Association: 128 World Health Organization (WHO): 150; Code of Marketing for Breast Milk Substitutes, 151; World Health Assembly, 151 World Jewish Congress: 116 World Jewish Relief: formation of (1933), 118 World League Against Alcoholism: launch of (1919), 88 World League for Protection of Animals: formation of (1898), 49 World Medical Association: formation of (1947), 138 World Methodist Council: formation of (1881), 57 World Muslim Congress: branches

300

of, 99; formation of (1926), 99; Jerusalem Congress (1931), 137 World Parliament of Religions: convening of (1903), 56; speakers at, 57 World Peace Council (WPC): creation of (1949), 135; International Economic Conference (1952), 135 World Potato Congress: 161 World Rainforest Movement: formation of (1986), 149 World Road Association: creation of (1910), 66 World Social Forum (WSF): 156, 159–60; development of, 166–7 World Society: 119 World Student Christian Federation: formation of (1895), 57 World Students’ Committee against War and Fascism: 115 World Summit on Sustainable Development (2002): 169 World Temperance Convention (1846): 34, 42 World Trade Organization (WTO): Battle of Seattle (1999), 156 World Trade Union Conference (1945): 131 World Union of Free Thinkers: creation of (1877), 57 World Union of Women for International Concord: establishment of (1915), 80 World Veterans Federation: creation of (1950), 139 World Vision: formation of (1950), 140 World Wide Fund for Nature: establishment of (1961), 144

INDEX

World Wide Vincentian Family: members of, 21–2 World Zionist Organization: development of, 64; formation of (1897), 56 World’s Alliance of Young Women’s Christian Associations: 107; formation of (1894), 57 World’s Fair (1889): organisations formed during, 51, 53 World’s Temperance Convention (1846): 58 World’s Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU): branches of, 58, 63; Department of Peace and Arbitration, 60; formation of (1883), 58; personnel of, 58 Worms, Réne: 73 al-Yaziji, Ibrahim: 56 Yemen: Aden, 99 Young Communist International: 100

Young Europe: 43–4, 73–4; creation of, 30–1; structure of, 37 Young Men’s Christian Associations (YMCAs): 44; formation of (1844), 35 Young Men’s Muslim Association: formation of (1927), 100 Young Women’s Christian Associations (YWCAs): 95, 98 Zamenhof, Lejzer Ludwik: creator of Esperanto, 47 Zimmern, Alfred: 106 Zimmerwald Left: establishment of (1915), 79; influence of, 80; members of, 79 Zinoviev, Grigory: 79; speech at First Congress of Comintern (1919), 89 Zionism: 56 Zonta International: aims of, 88 Zoroastrianism: 57

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Davies - NGOs a New History of Transnational Civil Society

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