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http://www.archive.org/det http://www.archive.org/details/lettersof ails/lettersofsidoniu01sido sidoniu01sido
THE
LETTERS OF SIDONIUS TRANSLATED, WITH INTRODUCTION
AND NOTES, BY O. M.
IN
DALTON, MA.
TWO VOLUMES VOLUME
OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1915
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON
EDINBURGH
TORONTO
GLASGOW
MELBOURNE
HUMPHREY MILFORD
NEW YORK BOMBAY M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY
SEP
64e>22
m^
PREFACE It
somewhat remarkable
is
that the complete letters
of Sidonius have never been
Though sum of
at first sight to
information on
add
little
Roman
they should be read.
omit what
many ways
still in
Empire
years of the
to
of moment to the
is
provincial
Even
during
life
And
West.
in the
really
the richest source of
necessary
for
singly
power
creating
spective,
unimportant
appear
confuse
false
the
significance of parts.
best
to let
and
values,
Where
the whole produce
have
not
the
bulk
much more than
places
are
artifex lector
easily ^,
is
its
the
the
per-
relative
work does not it
is
generally
due organic editor.
effect,
In
the
not excessive, for there are
hundred
escaped
cumulative
invert
unmarred by the subtractions of an present case,
omissions
life
writer's
liable
is
compre-
full
by dullness,
crush by bulk, or
whole
they distort
ideas
the last
as
the best selection
hension of the author and his view of
which
many of
existing knowledge, yet the nine books, regarded
whole, are
as
English.
into
tiresome, though
their style is often
them seem
translated
by
letters
every
and the
bonus
dull
arbiter
et
experienced in the process of winnowing
grain from chaff. II.
ii.
19.
Preface
IV
whole or part were If the question of rendering the had to contend, the the only trouble with which he translator of Sidonius
might
rid
himself of
all
doubts But he must always be haunted by
anxiety.
as to his
conthe sense of success in conveying in every case ambiguous in phrase, and fessedly difficult writer, often that creature of sometimes recalling to the tired mind cloud of its conceals itself at will in
the sea which
own
where cannot hope to have avoided error
ink.
;i
admitted their uncertainties scholars of eminence have the true sense of which and there are yet many passages lies
beyond
my
divination.
would have been possible
It
volume the notes at the end of
indefinitely
self
with as
has
logy
explain
were;
Aganippe
nor
the
is
and
legend
book
instance,
Hippocrene
notes are not
Caesar
Julius
or
Sulla
mytho-
are
defined;
not
related
length.
at
and ex-
the confined to points essential to
compre-
facts
isolation
who
discussions
Introduction
many
for
of Triptolemus
hension of the text the
general
omitted,
Philological planations
speak for him-
history and
Roman
of
been assumed to
inserted
may
interruption as possible.
little
in the reader
knowledge
expand
but they have been
ii
purposely abridged, that Sidonius
to
it
have been
seemed more convenient that
should
which notes
and
give
consecutive
in
could
only
have endeavoured
in
have
form
given
this part
in
of the
conditions obtaining in to supply an abstract of the
indigere Sidonium quam Ceterum non tarn emendatoris profiteer (Mohr, perspexisse interpretis in dies magis me Praefatio^ p. vii).
Preface southern Gaul as they are revealed to us in the Letters. Biographical matter
from the notes friends
is
most
also for the
an alphabetic
removed
part
of correspondents,
list
and contemporaries, whose names occur
in the
Letters, will be found on p. clx, with such cardinal facts history as
in their
places have been rendered, as equivalents,
which seem
immediately
intelligible,
to
is
by their modern
rule,
make
more
the geography
those acquainted
Where
with central and southern France.
form
Names of
have been ascertained.
an ancient
consecrated by general use, or seems demanded
by the nature of
been
has
it
purposely
retained.
must express
Like every other writer on Sidonius, deep obligations to the
the Letters, or described
and
and
Mommsen,
To
Dill.
period with which
the
to
careful
debt
the learned Jesuit Sirmond,
and to the
study
but
has
though
renderings,
Abb6
of
all.
The
differ
have often found
local
history
of
Gaul
in
litteraire
from many of their their
the de
Benedictines remains indispensable; said
of
Tiliemont's
sixteenth
the
adverse criticism
and consulted them with advantage. and
student,
Gr^goire and
edition
sometimes received
compelled to
edited
whose long and
every
to
who
of the century of
Chaix,
indispensable
is
is greatest
Collombet
they
Germain, Baret,
Sidonius with an erudition worthy
Ducange,
have edited
from Savaron and Sirmond, to Chaix,
are concerned,
Fertig,
who
earlier scholars
volumes
useful,
For the
literary
fifth
la
century,
France
the
volume.
the
of the
same may be
Nor
should
Preface
VI
any writer occupied with the Gaul of Sidonius' day forget
work of
the
Ampere. fifth
frequently
the great
the
the text
consulting
edition
in the
life
of Lutjohann
Monumenta
the
Mohr
that of
have
Teubner Series
B. G. Teubner
VII of
Vol.
in
Germaniae Hisiorica^ in
Roman
of
Dill's sketch
century has constantly rendered invaluable service.
Though in
W.
Sir
Amedee Thierry and
of
Fauriel,
thanks
due
are
to
Messrs.
Co. for courteously
use of their edition.
Something has been said style of Sidonius (p. cxxi),
the
problems which
in the Introduction
enough perhaps to indicate
presents
it
have endeavoured to keep
Dryden, that the
transfusion
the
to
interpreter.
mind the sane view
in
translator's first duty is to grasp
sense as thoroughly as po poss ssib ible le
new
naturally into
on the
order that
in
it
and escape
expression,
by copying word for word.
ot
the
may
flow
'tedious
literal trans-
fusion of Sidonius at his worst would be tedious indeed it
would defeat
its
own
we
end, since
read him for his
meaning, and no longer for his Latinity. it
necessary
his
puns
to
is
is
pointless
felt
and reproduce
reasonably possible
contrast,
readers, not going out of the
what may be
way
have
for
often
to accentuate
fairly called his curiosa infelmtas^ his love
of puerile dexterity. not
antitheses,
no obvious English equivalent
and
gratuitous
my
his
wherever translation
but where there
spared
render
have
always go on
stilts,
those written later in point to goal.
His
he
Fortunately,
life,
and many
move
style
is
letters,
does
especially
simply, from starting-
not always with him
Preface somewhat of
indeed
is
it
separable from his pelled
him
to
real
To
all
self.
in the
When wrote
and
costume,
theatrical
be direct, he
and can be translated
vii
busy without
com-
life
pretence,
same unpretentious manner.
admirers of his character, the use of this stylus real relief;
rustlcans is his
finery,
the
same
he would
amused
were he always tricked out
inspire
contempt
Germanicus aroused among at Chantelle
am
(IV.
in
the world
which
the
1914.
elderly
fop
xiii).
indebted to
Museum^
letters
his less affected neighbours
my
colleague
Mr. G. F. Hill
very kindly reading through the proofs. British
of
in
for
CONTENTS VOLUME PAGE Introduction
xi
Bibliography
cIvi
List of Correspondents
clx
Translation,
Books I-III
VOLUME Translation, Books
II
IV-IX
Notes
215
Index
254
INTRODUCTION (Caius)
was born
DONius
of nearly sixty the period
he
dates the
in
the
was
The
place in his
boyhood
he was
when
Huns were
the
and for the
plains,
interest
and
designated.
names
is
and
our
is
campaigns of Aetius took youth of about twenty
on
defeated time
first
in
Catalaunian
the
the
history
the
De
of the
himself {Carm,
by Claudianus Mamertus
Statu Animae,
Abbey
epitaph (see p.
mention
it.
Modestus
of Cluny, lii
The
below)
in
it
is
Caius
Roman common
he
ix) gives the
as Sollius Apollinaris Sidonius.
for Apollinaris
prin-
contemporary of
the principal name, and by
He
is
properly
order is
of his
substituted
in the dedication
derived from the
which Savaron discovered the
but our author himself does not
description
adoption by Politian (Fertig, as between ii.
304)
is
of
MS.
Sidonius
dates
from the thirteenth century, and became general through
Mommsen
of
of
death
the
and the Teuton fought side by side against Sidonius
age
the
at
apparent from these
is
younger
Gaiseric.
and
Attila
Si-
some of the events which attended
He
extinction.
life
the West,
in
489,
exceptional
sickness
last
Roman Empire
a. d.
The
covered by his
cipal authority for its
perhaps
years.
saw
(Modestus)
Lyons, about the year 431, and
at
Clermont
died at
Apollinaris
Sollius
p.
its
Germain, pp. 178-80).
{Praefatio, p. xlvii) gives the year of his birth
430 and 433.
in favour of
Hodgkin
about 430.
{Italy
and her Invaders^
Introduction
xii
He
enemy.
was about twenty-four when the house of
Theodosius became extinct with Valentinian
III,
and
the Vandals plundered the city of the Caesars (a.d. 4SS)«
He
was
his
diadem
still
alive at
when Romulus Augustulus
once his path crossed that of the ruled in Italy officer final
last
emperors
who
as the son-in-law of Avitus, and
high
Rome
in the
of her
phases
played
He
become
letters
the Visigoth Theodoric II
successor,
fierce
Church
hardly
single distinguished
way
another
or
person
every
He
Euric.
with Lupus, Remigius, Faustus, and
of the
the leaders
own
his
the prisoner and then the sub-
first
of that monarch's
exchanged
with
In
had dined with Majorian, he had
backgammon with
he
existence.
imperial
met or corresponded
he
of importance.
all
than
of state under Anthemius, he saw
country
ject
More
of Odovakar.
the bidding
down
laid
his
in
Gaul.
There was
name with which
own was
in
not associated.
some Like
Cassiodorus, he enjoyed an outlook over two worlds, the old
Roman
society in Sir
its
civilization
beginnings.
Thomas Browne, he
in
its
To
decay, and mediaeval
paraphrase
sentence of
stands like Janus in the field
of history. Sidonius came of
senatorial
Gallia Lugdunensis,
family to which, as he himself
says, the holding of high office
tary right
father,
secretary
first
His mother belonged
whose name may have been
of state
under Valentinian III the
seemed almost
heredi-
both his father and his grandfather had been
prefects in Gaul.^
His
family long settled in
member
to the gens
Apollinaris,
was
under Honorius, and prefect in Gaul in
448-9 (V.
ix.
2).
His grandfather,
of his family to be converted to Christianity
Introduction of the Aviti, which was
xiH
connected with other noble
Ommatii, and the
provincial families, the Ferreoli, the
when
Agroecii
who became
of the Avitus
new
added
who may is
therefore he married Papianilla, daughter
tie to
emperor, he
addressed
him
to
mature
(V. xvi.
and
with
who
is
so often
may have been
list
of his
of
He
hero
of his
own he
that
had two brothers-in-
whom we
For Ecdicius was the
He
of Auvergne.
country
xii),
Simplicius,
mentioned with Apollinaris
his brother.
and
of one of
care
addition
possible
of the former, much.
little,
letter
sisters
law, Ecdicius and Agricola,^ of the latter of
hear
no
as
nephew Secundus (III.
5).
the
brother,
he had aunts or
cousin Apollinaris complete the
relations,
had
age,
mother-in-law, mentioned as taking his children
only have
He
an old alliance.^
not have lived to
may
tinguished himself by great gallantry in the last struggle for independence (III.
him much of the (III. xii),
was
iii),
spirit
and seems to have had
of mediaeval
chivalry.'^
in
Nor
prefect in the time of the usurper Constantine
Tyrant'), A. D. 408.
(the
Among Ferreolus, Felix,
Philagrius,
Priscus,
Mommsen, Carm.
connexions
the
and
Sidonius
of
Magnus and
his
For
Valerianus.
v^^ere
Probus
and
pedigree,
see
sons his
Tonantius
Praefatio^ p. xlvii. xvi.
70
ff.,
where Faustus
is
thanked for the care
bestowed on his education. Agricola seems to have led
prominent part in
life
and taken no
affairs (II. xii).
In this display of personal courage he was but following the example of his father Avitus,
who
once challenged
Hun
trooper to single combat, and slew
him
armies {Carm,
allusions in the Letters
vii.
246).
Several
present Ecdicius in the light of
in the sight of
two
lover of outdoor sports and
Introduction
xiv
was he some
talent for diplomacy, since
very
moment.
critical
in
Auvergne
at
and
Apollinaris,
son,
mentioned
The
boy,
Alcima,
daughters,
three
whose
most
one of the
in
had
Sidonius and Papianilla
Roscia, and Severiana.^ is
he was instrumental
the Burgundians to the cause of
rallying
one
he must have possessed
deficient in other gifts
early promise
passages
pleasing
of the Letters (IVj^xiirT), was destined to disappoint his parents, first in his failure to maintain the intellectual
promise of his youth, and ciencies, recorded
Of
father.^
physical
later
the girls, only Roscia and Severiana are
He
had other moral
he rivalled Bishop Patiens
which he relieved the
become
Though The
is
qualities
besides
the generosity with after the
thought by some to have
bishop.
single letter
good
there praised as
in
Auvergne
distress
invasion (see below, p. xl), and ultimately
defi-
by other hands than those of his own
prowess.
courage
figure.
by more serious
is
addressed to Papianilla,
wife, she too remains
rather
who
is
shadowy
only actions attributed to her which at all suggest
personality are related by Gregory of Tours (see below, p. cxlviii).
Unless, as
belong to
Mommsen
has suggested, the three names
all
single person.
Apollinaris associated himsel himsel
wit
Victorius
whom
Euric
appointed governor of Auvergne, and accompanied him on his flight to Italy,
Milan
he
where he almost shared
managed
to
effect
his
escape,
Auvergne, where he was reconciled his ways, cf.
Chaix,
his fate.
and returned to father,
and married Placidina (Ruricius, Ep, ii.
289
ff.).
Gregory of Tours
in
From
II.
reformed
xxv
and
one place relates
507 he led the nobles of Auvergne at the battle
that in
of Vougle or Vouille near Poitiers, in which the forces of Alaric
II
were defeated by Clovis.
In
another place
mentions him as one of the successors of Sidonius
in the
see
xv
Introduction mentioned
manner; family
The name
affairs.
tells
the
to
munificence to the Church,^ and her
Placidina
sister-in-law
at
than
She became
us of her sisters.
devotion
her
for
of Alcima does not occur
more of her from
learn
Sidonius himself
noted
an incidental
in
Sidonius v/as not communicative on his
for
we
all
and both
the
in
and
saints,
her
for
said to have joined
is
successful
in
to
some years
obtain the see of Clermont for her brother after her father's death (see below, p.
effort
note 2).
li,
Sidonius was educated in his native city, where the those of Bordeaux, were
schools, if less famous than
of high
yet
He
repute.
passed through the regular
course of academic training, the essential parts of which consisted of
grammar and
and
rhetoric
in
both Letters
and Poems preserves kindly memories of his teachers
As
and fellow students.^
might be expected from the
circumstances of his birth, and his
fortunate
rank as prefect, his youth was probably passed alternately
between the
city
where he enjoyed games and
estate,
of Clermont, stating that he died four
The two
tion.
died
Vouill6,
at
only
(Gregory of Tours, Franc,
II.
critics
that
De
he
Among Eusebius
c.
gloria
Stammer
ix).
the
ii.
cf.
Hist,
Schmidt,
L.
379
battle
p. 276).
III,
ii.
12;
De
gloria
64.
i.
3)
Probus, Avitus (III. (V.
at
martyrum^ Ixv
Chaix,
his teachers
(VI.
because Gregory
was present
Gregory of Tours, Hist, Franc, 7nartyrum^
after his elec-
have assumed, that ApoUinaris
xxxvii.
Geschichte der deutschen
country
the pleasures of
months
passages are reconcilable,
never saySj as some
happy one,
and the
all
father's
were Hoenius {Cann,
among i),
the
Faustinus
ix.
313) and
comrades of his youth, (III.
iv),
and
Aquilus
Introduction
xvi the
His love of eloquence began
chase,^
refers to the delight with which, as
he
early
youth of eighteen,
he listened to the speech of Nicetius when Astyrius
assumed the consulship
Aries
at
in
After his marriage, which must
449 (VIII.
have
been
vi.
5).
an early
Lyons and Au-
one, he probably divided his time between
vergne; in the latter region was situated his father-in-law's estate
through Papianilla, and of which he has
(IL
tion first
come
of Avitacum, which was ultimately
Carm,
xviii).
It
years of his married
life
ii;
to
him
descrip-
left
was probably during the that
he
frequented the
Visigothic Court at Toulouse, from which he wrote
home
the very interesting letter descriptive of Theodoric II to his brother-in-law Agricola (I.
exertions the coalition of Attila
had
been
Roman and had
due,
largely
an understanding between the two been
familiar
figure
at
it
was
games (on which
and hunted (IV.
The
iv).
long
favoured
peoples.
to imbue with
He
had I,
Roman
therefore natural that he should
Sidonius describes himself as always all
Visigoth against
the Court of Theodoric
whose sons he had endeavoured civilization
Avitus, to whose
ii).^
He
see pp. cxi, cxii).
Cf. Chaix,
i.
69
great devotee of also rode,
hawked,
ff.
consistently eulogistic nature of the letter is sufficient
indication that
it
was written with an
may compare Carm*
xxiii.
70
ulterior purpose.
We
ff.
Martins
ille
rector atque
Magno patre prior decus Getarum^ Romanae colunien salusque gentis Theudoricus
He
is
even said to have taught the younger Theodoric to
appreciate Virgil {Carm, xl, xli).
Cf.
Hodgkin,
ii,
vii.
497
p. 379.
Jornandes,
De
reb.
Get,
Introducttoii encourage the
of his son-in-law
visits
He may
important of these pupils. the
foreseen
but
future
it
personally
must have appeared
more be
neighbours
more
not have clearly
Goths and
possible contingency that the
take
the
to
which he was destined
part
to play in the near
Roman
xvii
their Gallo-
called upon to
With Tonantius Fer-
decisive action together.
reolus
and many others, he may well have shared the
belief
that
Roman
the
with
understanding
most
might save an Empire
civilized of the barbaric peoples
which Italy was too enfeebled
the
to
He
lead.
had seen
the Visigoths and the Burgundians in their learned to
appreciate the
whic ic strength wh nature.
He
rede re de me
refined
Romans
and the manly
the coarser elements in their
by Latin
aristocracy
influences,
the qualities of
own countrymen
race and Italian culture.^
tury
virtues
dreamed perhaps of
more and more impart to the
rude
He
knew
which should
less sophisticated
wider acceptance of
that for
more than
cen-
Gaul had been the most vigorous and enlightened
portion of the
year by year
Empire
more
in
the West, and as Italy became
helpless,
he may well have believed
that the leadership of the decaying state
the control of his
own
But throughout he prob-
country.
ably gave Theodoric II credit for
ness than he possessed
was shared by
greater greater disinte disinteres restedted-
for in all likeHhood the Visigothic
king intended to exploit the
As noted above,
might pass into
Roman
connexion
in
the
Avitus' attitude towards the barbarians
his son Ecdicius.
It
was also shared by other
members
of his house, for at the time of Kuric's aggression,
Sidonius
appealed
to
younger
Avitus
to
dissuade
Visigothic king from his provocative policy (III. 546.22
i.
5).
the
Introduction
xviii
interest of himself
may, when,
in
and his own people. the
455,
Be
that as
it
of Theodosius became
line
extinct with Valentinian III, the murderer of Aetius, magister er militu militu Avitus was sent as magist tion of Petronius
Maximus
in
to secure the recogni-
Gaul.
But while he was
at
Toulouse, news came of that emperor's murder, where-
upon Theodoric urged him to assume the diadem himself.^ meeting either of representative magnates or of
After
the Council of the Seven Provinces caire),
Ugernum (Beau-
at
Avitus, then some sixty years of age, was formally
invested with the purple.
The
was the
event
Sidonius
first
turning-point in the career of
opened before him the brightest prospects
it
of advancement, and awakened
in
him
that ardent desire
of political distinction which was for many years to exert so strong an influence on his father-in-law to
Claudian
of
dent
of
Panegyric
of
Rome, and
statue
in
Forum of
the
In the Panegyric
taken by the Goths 441
ff.,
508
ff.,
Ausonius,
which
Avitus
earned
second
divided.
delivered
the
him the honour
Trajan.^
But the hopes
Sidonius describes the part
{Carm,
in the elevation of that prince
vii.
570^0.
The Seven Provinces formed the
accompanied his
there, following the prece-
an
or
He
life.
of
the
two
They were
Viennensis,
the Dioecesis
dioceses
Viennensis,
was
into
Narbonensis Prima and
Secunda, Novempopulana, Aquitanica Prima and Secunda,
Alpes Maritimae (Marquardt, Rbrnische StaatsverwalUmg, i.
261, 509).
had issued
In 418
Constitution re-
Represent entati atives ves of the Provinces, which newing the Council of Repres
under normal circumstances met
at
Aries
(cf.
L.
Ceschichte, as above, pp. 288-9, and p. xxx below. Cf. IX. xvi
Carm.
viii.
Ulpia quod rutilat porticus aere meo.
Schmidt,
Intro due ti 071
xix
which the young aspirant might legitimately base upon
His
of his friends.
tations
nobleman
provincial
fulfil
courage
and
among the
his
critical
day more
needed but
it
tiles
now
only
The
king-maker.
triumph
notable
aristocracy
His his
and when,
from temple roofs,
The
pretext to ensure his speedy ruin.
immediate cause of his downfall lay Ricimer,
as
he was reduced to melting
their
and stripping the bronze
statues
position
difficult.
Visig sigot oths hs ar arous oused ed resentment bodyguard of Vi provide
availed
was watched with unfriendly eyes
every action
to
the expec-
the other hand, his character
became each
capital
were soon
state
personal
weakness,^
unsuspected
revealed
of the
On
Rome.
little in
of the
Avitus did not
dashed to the ground
him
head
the
to
relationship
his
at
the hostility of
beginning of his career
the
formidable
Sueve had
the Vandal
over
in
as
achieved
near Corsica
fleet
(456), and, flushed with victory, determined to remove
emperor over
an
The
statue,
Libraries,
election
he had exerted
no
which was placed between the Greek and Latin
now
is
decadence,
whose
it
lost.
As
work of
would have possessed
art illustrative
for us an
interest
of the
almos
equal to that of the Panegyric which has survived.
For the career and
and Fall
Decline
Schmidt,
L.
252
pp.
now
Gibbon's
regarded
Gibbon,
man
vol.
of
as
iv,
see
Gibbon,
Hodgkin, as above, pp. 374 ff. der deutschen Stdmme^ i, 19 10,
ch. xxxvi
Geschichte
ff.
character of Avitus
p.
accusations
justified
of
(Hodgkin,
immorality
are
not
and Bury, 393 Avitus seems to have been
14, note).
p.
simple nature, whose inaptitude for empire lay
rather in lack of subtlety than
want of
virtue.
His greatest
claim to distinction was probably his action (already noticed) in
bringing about the
Romans and
rapprochement between the Galio-
the Visigoths.
b2
XX
Introduction
The
control. tion
Rome
in
of obtaining
untenable,
conqueror,
followed
more
but
with
returning
was defeated by Ricimer
an
at Placentia.^
precedent destined to be
establishing
once
than
his posi-
Gaul with the object
fled to
support,
military
insufficient force,
The
who found
unfortunate Avitus,
in
immediate
the
future,
compelled him to exchange the diadem for the mitre, transformation did not long preserve the victim's
Apprehensive that his
life.
only ly po post stpo pone ned, d, was on
fate
Avitus'seems to have sought safety it
is
certain that
he met
in
renewed
flight
few months
his death within
of his deposition.
The
fall
of Avitus was
crushing blow to Sidonius.
many
returned home, where he found like his
own, and
party
posed to acquiesce
among
in the rule
the nobility
ran
high
so
still
indis-
of Ricimer, or to see Gaul
robbed of the leadership which she had Feeling
spirits troubled
that
regular
fairly
assumed.
conspiracy
was
formed with both Visigothic and Burgundian support, in the
hope of placing upon the throne
The
approved by Gaul.
candidate
been the gallant Marcellinus
John
is
conjectured to have
it
seems unlikely that
but
L. Schmidt, as above, p. 254
C.
i.
421.
was
either starved
Gregory of Tours {Hist. Franc,
II. xi) relates
of Antioch (Fr. 202) says that he
or strangled.
second emperor
that he^attempted to escape from Italy^and take sanctuary at the shrine of S. Julianus at Hrioude (Brivns)
country of Auvergne,
but
that
he" died
on
in
the
his native
road,
his
remains being carried for burial to the church which he had
attempted to reach
The
episode
alive.
of
the
conspiracy
commentators are strangely that Sidonius alludes to
it
silent.
is
It
obscure,
and
the
should be observed
as coniuratio Marcelliana (1. xi. 6),
Introduction
xxi
scheme can have had the consent of the person
such
principally involved, for Marcellinus, actually in
commander
Dalmatia, had been the comrade of Majorian,
by Ricimer to the principate (April 457), and
raised
during
new
the
courage,
ruler
prudence,
magnanimity.
man
he
permitted,
reduced the
rebels
was
rising
Burgundian
of State,
Secretary
the
in
The
had
withdraw
by
could
there
been
and
458
in
city,
have
soon as events
459
focus
of
actually
received
these
barbaric
Whether
garrison.^
persuaded to
were
As
and
which
Lyons,
remained
auxiliaries
might
submission.^
to
make
of justice, and
love
this.
Gaul,
entered
conspicuous
the gifts which
all
tact,
like
of
part
puppet-emperor
not
but
defied,
played
reign
Majorian had almost
loyalty.^
the
now
whether
or
Majorian's
Petrus,
only
they
end to
one
be
the adventure
the city, after suffering great hardships,
was compelled
to unconditional
peror
necessary to exercise severity
felt it
the adjective (if this rather is
is
word he
the
Marcellus than
to
possible
Mommsen
emendation,
(cf.
P. Allard,
Ixxxiii, 1908, pp.
Barker, in C.
Mommsen,
438
Marcelliniy
Revue
des
M. H.
i.
Carm.
internal rebellion
Marcelliniana suggested by
as
ff.).
M. H.
i.
Praefatio,
425. p. xlviii, places this first visit
Cf. also
of
Schmidt,
202. v.
Stdmme, Part
The
addition
questions historiques^
Majorian to Gaul in the autumn of 458. C.
in
really wrote), pointing
Marcellinus.
or
The em-
surrender.^
i,
Geschichte
der deiitschen
pp. 256, 373.
miseries of
feuds
Schmidt,
572
Lyons may have been
breaking
out
became apparent.
when
part
due to
the hopelessness
of the
in
Introduction
xxii
the
to
of
ruin
walls
its
punished by severe
and
In
taxation.
to imply that
prominent part
its
he
he and his friend Catullinus actually
was
bore arms,^ and he
and
rising
this
consequent disasters Sidonius took
seems
Lyons was
buildings,
certainly
who had
one of those
to smart under the lash of
tribute
of his poems as triple-headed,
like the
described in one
monster Geryon.^
After the capture of Lyons, the movement collapsed
among the
perhaps by the secret activity like
Paeonius, the upstart,
had usurped positions
who now sowed favour
at
to
who
men
during the interregnum
which he had no
dissension
the victor's
rebels of
in
the hope
claim, and
of securing
who had
Theodoric,
hands.^
attacked Aries, abandoned open hostility, and renewed his previous
the
Burgundians,
old position as loyal foederati^ were
returning
confirmed
possession
in
except the capital
From
to the empire
elat el atio io
of
all
Lugdunensis
Prima
itself.
the embarrassment into which his active parti-
ad th ow
cipation in rebellion
him, Sidonius extricated
himself, perhaps with the assistance of the literary Petrus,
by the exercise of against
the triple
Ca^m.
iv.
his poetic talents.
impost
ii, 12,
Mihi
and
The resort tion.
572
short appeal
he made
successful
ff,
diverso nuper sub
lussisti placidoj
Carm.
v.
was
His
Victory
Marte cadenti tit
essem animo.
xiii.
failure of
Gaul
to estabUsh
state
upon Visigothic support, was perhaps
Hodgkin has observed
Visigothic
power
that
sufficiently
had the
based in the
last
loss to civilizaeffort resulted in
strong to resist
the Franks,
the empire of Charlemagne might have been anticipated by nobler nation.
Introduction
xxiii
further bid for the emperor's favour by writing
exonerate our author from the
It is difficult to
gyric.
certain moral pliancy in
charge of
pane-
Not
this matter.
twenty months had elapsed since he had sung the praises of Avitus before the Senate forth
town of
the
in
of Avitus'
murderer.^
some ways
superior
was
writer the
poem
This the
received the
is
in
the heart of the
was no
and
ready
less
Majorian loved
letters,
tribute,
and had
and admitted
of his friends.
the circle
Sidonius
persona grata
the extent of his influence became apparent
duiing the second
At
that
visit
time
which created must
of Majorian to Gaul
great stir in
at
consciousness of the
fllct
anonymous
Aries
the writer
connexion
this
of Theodoric II that
in the year
an
appeared
there
remembered
be
eulogistic description full
panegyric
of count, and became
title
at the court
It
if
he accepted the
panegyrist to
satire
second
contains passages of no small brilliance and
generous nature
461.^
the nominee
laud
to
first
his pen
great descriptive power.^
the
birth
his
to
less glad,
Rome, and now he stood
at
(I. ii)
that
the
was written
the Visigothic king
in
had
succeeded to the throne by murdering his brother Thorismond
(Thorismud).
Carm,
It is ii.
vii
Tne kind
410.
an abstract of
of flattery which
imperial panegyrist in the
words
FuUnus
it
vestri
causa
given by Hodgkin,
was expected from an illustrated
by the
triumphi^ Ipsa
ruina
century
fifth
quia
is
is
placet,
This p.
xlviii),
the
is
date
accepted
and by Clinton.
by
Mommsen
{^Praefatio,
The Circus games which were
just over (I. xi. 10) are taken by the latter authority to be the
But
Quinquennalia of Majorian. the emperor
was probably
season 460-1.
in
Hodgkin
considers that
Spain and Italy during the
Introduction
xxiv severely lashed
under
new
the
among
regime,
who was
Paeonius,
succeeded
whom
in
parvenu
consumed with the de-
naturally
unmask the hidden
sire to
had
some of the personages most prominent
He
assailant.
lampoon
the
tracing
thought he Sidonius,
to
he would have gladly humiliated.
of
Instead
he was himself subjected to new and conspicuous
this,
discomfiture
the presence
in
banquet endorsed the conduct of his resenting
publicly
Once more dant
the
it
was
victim
to
friend
by
(X.
xi).^
Majorian's
eclipsed.
which promised so much
for the empire,
was
emperor of
Rome
the jealousy of Ricimer (461).
The
suddenly arrested, and the fell
at
of Sidonius seemed in the ascen-
star
for the second time
career,
new
unproved insinuation
an
who
of the emperor,
last
real
king-maker availed himself of the disappointment caused
by the
failure
of
new
naval expedition
Vandals to remove too popular This
is
against
the
During the
rival.^
one of the best of the descriptive
letters.
It is
probable that the intimacy of Sidonius with Majorian had aroused the jealousy of others who, like Paeonius, were less successful in winning the emperor's
good
graces.
These men
were glad to use any opportunity to disgrace their rival,
ends
suit their
own
that Sidonius
may
and used the episode of the lampoon to (cf.
Chaix,
i.
really have explicitly
Hodgkin thinks
132).
satire.
It
is
true that he does not
deny the charge brought against him
balance of pr prob obab abil ilit it
brilliant
but the
seems against his authorship.
Majorian was dethroned and put to death at Tortona
Piedmont
in
August 461.
During the disturbances follow-
ing his death Theodoric obtained
(Schmidt, Geschichte^ as above, in 466, this
and
in
possession of
p. 258).
Narbonne
Before his murder
king had very probably seized Novempopulana
great part of Narbonensis
Prima
(ibid. p. 263).
The
xxv
bttroduction next
years
four
he
whose
on
personage
feeble
upon
kept
Severus,
throne
the
he could
nullity
rely.
Severus died in 465, whereupon Ricimer for two years In 467, how-
controlled the destinies of Italy alone.
rapprochement with the court of Constantinople,
ever,
alienated by the
of
murder of Majorian, became the
and the Senate requested Leo
Italy,
He
an emperor in the West.^
complied, naming
Soon
soldier of high repute.
had landed
in Italy,
An-
time
first
influence she
Majorian's
since
Under
new hopes.
new
after the
ruler
he endeavoured to conciliate Ricimer
by giving him his daughter Alypia the
nominate
to
great Byzantine noble, son-in-law of Marcian,
themius,
and
interest
in
For
marriage.^
death
indulged
Italy
soldier supported
by Byzantine
might make head against the barbarian with-
out, while the union of
Ricimer with the imperial princess
promised internal peace.
When
were for the second time over-
his prospects
by the untimely
clouded
fate
passed six years of retirement at death
of Majorian seems also
Lyons and upon
to have been
encroachment on the Burgundian
Sidonlus
of Majorian,
his
the signal for
Gundioc reoccupied
side.
Lyons, and by 468 his frontiers had been widely extended towards the south, more or less with P-
consent (ibid.
375).
For the events attending Hodgkin,
ii.
440;
The name
C.
M. H.
Fragt. Hist,
i.
of the bride was
the (fragmentary) History of
and
this
I. V.
10.
of
Rome
policy,
see
until the discovery of
John of Antioch
Fall^
of
426.
if.,
(of.
i^r^^. 209;
vol. iv,
For the pedigree of Anthemius, Sidonius' description
change
unknown
Gr, IV, pp. 535
of Gibbon's Decline
see
Roman
see
C. Miiller,
Bury's edition
appendix,
Hodgkin,
p.
552).
p. 461.
For
at the time of the
wedding,
Introduction
was at
The
Avitacum.
favourite estate of
quietness of his
more than one round of visits
relieved by
Bordeaux and Narbonne
life
to friends
number of the
letters,
and these among the most entertaining, were probably-
which he now enjoyed.^
written during the leisure
awakened by experience of two courts
for the ambitions
and only
latent during these
years, this
would perhaps Reading
have been the happiest period of his career. or composing in his
wandering
son
But
library,
in his
or
young
instructing his
grounds by the lake, and amusing
himself upon occasion with games and with the chase,
he found the hours pass
unpleasantly
at
home
society of the cultured friends and relatives
abroad,
who
not
vied with one another
hospitality, afforded
in their desire to
show him
him the most agreeable of
tions.
But he had tasted
he had
fallen
publicity
distrac-
and imperial favour
under the glamour of
Rome
and amid
and calm of his existence the thought of the
all
prizes
which had just slipped from
of secret discontent.
He
was
his grasp
still
was
source
he
well under forty
could not yet resign himself to the undistinguished
of
provincial noble.^
arbiter of
Rome's
While Ricimer remained
destinies,
life
sole
Ricimer who had caused the
death of both his patrons, there seemed no place for him grea eate te on the gr
stag st ag
of the world.
These are dated 461-7 few cases
that of Baret,
He
probably
felt
with which, in the
Polemius
Chaix would
in
after 475.
preference to
have generally accepted.
in his
moment
sides the road
few to the period
have followed his opinion
whose dating
inspire his friend
all
in the translation.
reduce the number by assigning
In
On
own person
all
the discontent
of his success, he en ende deav avou oure re (I. vi).
to
Introduction was barred
him
against
xxvii
he must accept the
of the
fate
disappointed man.
Into these shadows the election of Anthemius and the improved position of
hopes almost abandoned rose once more.
light
might not
began to consider
new
course
now
reach and twice
his
Anthemius
naturally directed to
the
The
West.
anxious
to
explain
of
sympathies
grasped the importance
fully
Gaul as the bulwark of empire on
provincials
needs,
their
new
the
and his attention
prince
and
to
they
probably
encroachment.
barbaric
appointed lations to
to visit
Rome, and
Anthemius,
enlist
had
was
congratu-
offering
after
the
strong policy deputation
to lay before
him the hopes and the
What more
necessities of the country.
were
side
their
grievances for redress, and schemes for against
The
withdrawn.
of strengthening his new dominions,
in
twice placed
taken by events was exceptionally favourable
to the attempt.
was
Sidonius
attain at the
court the position which fortune had
almost within
sudden
Italy brought
natural than that
the eloquent son-in-law of Avitus, one used to courts and
no stranger leader
in the capital,
should be selected to act as
Doubtless to his great
satisfaction, Sidonius
found himself once more preparing to cross the Alps, furnished with an Imperial letter which placed
means of transport journey
down
the
at his disposal.
Ticino
After
and the
he learned that the emperor was
at
him thither by the Flaminian Way,
Po
all
public
favourable to
Ravenna,
Rome, and followed arriving
on the eve
of the nuptials of Ricimer and Alypia.
The that
on
first
this,
step
was taken
Sidonius had
endeavour to
rise,
now
to see
he reached an
Introduction
xxviii altitude
commensurate with his persistent
the dignity of
met him
It is probable that
amil am ily. y.
more than half-way,
and
and with
effort
Anthemius
comedy
the
that
which Sidonius now engaged was
of advancement
in
reality directed
by the imperial advisers.
It
was very
He
important for the emperor to conciliate Gaul.
now
which involved
Euric/
of
Burgundian
appropriations,
cession,^
in
order
operation
of Gundioc.
to
win
possibly
more
the
was
It
Sidonius,
and
may
co-
willing
moment
influence in
it
all
further
matter of
man of such
of
sanction
Lyons
therefore
be
surmised that the way of ascent was made smooth
for the
took
the
and
secure
to
for his policy
and Auvergne as fairly
was
defensive scheme against the aggres-
perfecting
sion
in
aspirant's
up his quarters
whose
Paulus, by
The
feet.
leader
with
cultured
legitimate
The two
fortunes.
noble,
of Theodoric
466.
advancement
selected
efficacious patron in the Senate, Basilius,
Successor
Roman
assistance he prepared to combine the
prosecution of his mission with
of
of the deputation
The
the
most
who had
the
imperial policy
incUided an alliance with the Armoricans under Riothamus (cf.
whose part
III. ix),
Visigoths
it
would be
to
hold Berry against the
and also an understanding with the Franks.
The enlarged Burgundian
territory
was bounded, now or
shortly afterwards, on the south by the Visigoths of Aquitanica
Prima and by Narbonensis Secunda, on the north by the weak state of Aegidius
and Syagrius
in Belgica,
soon destined to
be absorbed by the Franks (Schmidt, Geschichte^ pp. 375-7). It
included
Graiae
et
and Durance.
the
Viennensis,
Maxima
Sequanorum,
Alpes
Poeninae, Lugdunensis Prima, including Nevers,
Narbonensis Secunda between the Rhone and the
Introduction
xxix
reputation of obtaining promotions for
not for his relatives alone.
was arranged
It
delivered on his assumption of the
some
recalls
almost be an entresol
with
the
was
own words
court-life
The
might
panegyric was
magnificently
It
which
with
it
can hardly be supposed
tion offered to Letters, like the consulship of
nominations
as
rewarded
was nothing more than
that the appointment
those
the
in
of Rome, carrying with
of Prefect
the presidency of the Senate.
or
The
had not Basilius guaranteed poet
the
office
from
episode
the
for
a.d.^
Sidonius'
in
at Versailles.
received
And
much
panegyric
as Baret has said, the scene
eighteenth century
graciously
read
that the
consulship
Day, 468
Year's
which must be
ix),
(I.
New
term on
second
and
his clients
favourably impressed by
emperor
story,
all
distinc-
Ausonius,
ministers
of
the
eighteenth century recompensed their literary partisans.
As
already the
least
at
affair
provided
panegyric really
hinted,
now
in
motive
ostensible
titles
he
in
part
that
the
that
and
prearranged,
he would have
for
an
act
said, at
he had attained the highest grade but
the imperial system of honours.
only the these,
an
rode, as
anchor of glory,
two
was
more probable
by considerations of imperial policy.
dictated
Sidonius
is
it
There remained
of Patrician and Consul
would
have
the
could he win feat
which
he
repeatedly declared to be every man's pr prop oper er am ambi biti tion on
he would have risen his
ancestors.
In
the
Antliemius had been
higher
to
rank
moment of consul
for
the
his first
years earlier, at Constantinople. Cf.
I.
sufficient is gloriae
anchor
sedeL
than
any of
elation,
he
thirteen
XXX
Introduction golden dreams
indulged
doubtless
ness of his nature
is
shown by
but the
unselfish-
his evident
upon the
his friends in their turn should set their feet
and by his promises
official ladder,
has
its
almost from the
troubles
of greatness was rough to his
all
that
he can
Yet he soon found
to further their advancement.^ office
do
to
the path
first,
Among
feet.
that
his duties
was the superintendence of the Corn Supply,
as prefect
Annonae being his subordinate
the
Praefectus
On
one occasion supplies ran dangerously short, and he
grew somewhat alarmed, theatre on
the
fearing outbreaks in the amphi-
of the
part
officer.^
spoiled
Roman
populace
him
fortunately the arrival of ships at Ostia preserved
from
which
po
more
serious event
dreaded
(I.
x.
2).
was the impeachment of Arvandus,
Prefect of Gaul, and before
he
personal acquaintance of his own,
committee of the Senate on charges of peculation
and high treason.^
The
to
letters I.
iii,
Polemius and Gaudentius
Polemius was the
The
In the case of both, the persuasion
iv).
appears to have been
Gaudentius became
effective.
Roman
last
c. iv
cf.
Rome
defined in the
are
also Cassiodorus, Var,
Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung^ i.
vicarius
prefect in Gaul.
duties of the Prefect of
Notitia Dignitatumi
illustrate this
ii.
C.
131
vi.
M. H.
50.
The impeachment was decided upon by
the Council ot
the Seven Provinces,, established by Honorius (Carette, Les assemblies provinciales de la cf.
ch.
also above, p. xviii).
xxxvi
completed
ff.
Chaix, first
qualities, but
For the whole 299
ff.
affair
He was
spendthrift,
cf.
333 Gibbon, p.
Arvandus seems to have
tenure of office with credit
began with the second.
good
i.
Gaide romaine^ 1895,
perhaps
man
his disgrace
with certain
and incurably vain.
During
Introduction was now placed
Sidonlus
On
position.
xxxi most embarrassing
in
the one hand, he could not but sympa-
thize with this effort of his native province to end by
example the insolence
signal
were leading
Arvandus
leave
to
who
is
commended by
He
numbered.^
(I. vii,
i);
to his lot
falls
without
committing every
action of Sidonius
among whom Gibbon
incurred
client.
The
may have
from
friends
all
nected with letter
of the
it
themselves.
was not
second tenure
was the
origin
of
deliberately
Even when
may
concealed
nearly
con-
the treasonable against
genuine document, but had been
more unscrupulous enemies
he was embarrassed his
which
matter which
accused, however
supplied to the accusers by his
praise
was produced, Sidonius may have hoped
hope that
and
of law
kept as the trump-card to be
Rome, and perhaps
at
much odium
was unaware of Arvandus'
corr rres espo pond nden ence ce wi with th Euric, treasonable co
played
the
doubtless deserved, for
is
well have been that Sidonius
the prosecution
lifting
impeached
the
representative
more compromising
order thus
never had
for
the other
and rendering
The
historians,
necessarily
for
client,
defence,
the
in
severest sentence unavoidable.
been
fate
could
proved an intractable blunder
possible
his
to
decided to do what he
man,
On
dishonourable and cowardly course.
appeared
finger,
He
Tonantius Ferreolus,
connexion and intimate friend.
his
hand,
provincial government to disaster
the principal accuser,
moreover,
was
Roman
and corruption which
downfall.
by debt, and
As we
shall
see,
this
the
advice which he gave to Euric was actually carried out by that king.
Decline
and
Fall, ch. xxxvi.
Introduction
xxxii
of the
this loyalty to
have
friend,
fallen
man of
astonishment that should
But though we may approve
prefect.^
fallen
we cannot
high character
Sidonius'
himself an
permitted
but feel some
with an
intimacy
unscrupulous and violent personage like Arvandus
was wont
to choose his intimates
and to be fastidious
different stamp,
conceit and obstinacy of the
lf from
en
Rome
very
The
in selection.
ex-prefect
plausible defence,^
to
efforts
among men of
frustrated
was pro-
nounced, probably to avoid the pain of witnessing
and those who
with
him did not
th'e
con-
But he
avert.
on behalf of the condemned man
efforts
hood
acted
all
and Sidonius
before sentence
demnation which he had been unable to
he
relax
their
in all likeli-
commutation of the death-sentence to banish-
ment with
confiscation of property
may be
ascribed to
their active intervention.
nature must have rendered the term
Events of such of his
an anxious time for the Prefect of
office
There was another and Cf. Chaix,
i.
303.
Rome.
of anxiety,
yet graver cause
leanings of Arvandus towards
Yet
the Goths can hardly have been altogether
unknown
of
to
his acquaintances. It
has been suggested by Martroye {GensMcy pp. 234-5)
that Arvandus
may
and
correspondence
that
the
not have been so stupid as he appeared,
with
Euric
The
undertaken with the approval of Ricimer. his
confidence on dejection,
treason his
arrival
n.
in
108).
in
explain
Rome,
when he found himself
powe po werf rful ul pe pers rson onag ag note
would
his
edition
on
whom
may have been
Arvandus' in
he counted
of Gibbon's Decline
arrogant
his
sudden
the lurch
by the
as well
left
king- maker's
as
(cf.
and
Prof. Bury's Fall^
iv.
44,
Introduction less
immediately
Anthemius
the
by day more certain
Rome
tension
between
To
any one rupture
ultimate
and
be that
it
was hastened by
the retirement of Sidonius
his desire
before fresh disasters broke on the
This explanation of
fated empire. is
an
coming
with
big
son-in-law.^
foresight,
political
became
to leave
but
increasing
new
and his
with
gifted
was
This
trouble.
conspicuous,
xxxiii
his
departure
final
perhaps as likely as that which would attribute
second return from Italy to something of honourable dismissal. like
Mr. Secretary Addison
in
171
his
the nature
in
however,
It is possible,
ill-
that,
7, this earlier literary
statesman proved unequal to the routine of administration,
of Patrician which he
and that the
title
was intended
to cover
close of his career in
any mortification
at the
received,
premature
but the capacity for affairs manifested
the stage of his
life
on which he was now to enter,
rather against the supposition
of his
ever the causes
now
of actual
failure.
retirement, Sidonius
farewell to secular ambitions
is
What-
now bade
restored to the peace of
Avitacum, he may well have reflected upon their vanity, and tasted the
When
the
bitterness
last
breach
Anthemius
alluded
soon as
of
disillusion.
afterwards
Graeculus,
occurred
while
the
It
is
Ricimer
emperor
deplored the necessity which had made him give his daughter in
marriage to rupture
skin-clad barbarian' {pellito Getae).
was averted by the
intercession of St. Epiphanius,
Bishop of Pavia; but in 472 Ri Rici cime me
and marched on Rome.
more than
month the
Real'Encyclopddie^ It (i.
is
v.
proc pr ocla laim imed ed Olybrius,
Anthemius was
slain,
but after
little
victor himself died (Pauly-Wissowa,
Anthemius),
generally assumed that he retired in 469.
19) thinks he 546.22
s.
In 470
may have
till
471.
Fertig
Introduction
xxxiv probable
serious turn
mind never
to
more
that such reflections gave
conjecture
and that the
irreligious,
evident change of his outlook on the world conditioned
now
the event which was
to transform his life.^
On
the
death of the Bishop of Clermont, Sidonius was invited
by general consent to occupy the vacant throne, and he
Assuming him
accepted the invitation.^
and 433, he was now about forty
born between 431
The
years of age.^
event
of our author's
allude to the
similar friend
the crucial
Nowhere does Sidonius
life.
who made
conversion occurred in the case of Sidonius*
Maximus, who
was called
to
the
fellow citizens (IV. xxiv.
i);
also
Church by cf.
Fertig,
6.
He may
have passed the lower ecclesiastical grades per
saltum like Ambrose,
who
week (C. H. Turner,
in
The
CM.
in
his entry into the
H.
i.
151).
Mommsen
reduces
{Geschichte,
p.
264).
departure from
Rome
it
seems
Schmidt
xlviii).
Church depends upon the
the date of his retirement from the pre-
view adopted fecture.
rose from baptism to the episcopate
length of the interval between the return of Sidonius
Rome and
from
p.
this,
invitation itself, of the persons
of his ii.
Letters contain no allusion to the
immediately preceding
circumstances
to have been
to less than
to
be
of
time Lupus
had
in
opinion
the date of
as 469, consider that three years elapsed,
VI.
been
Lupus was elected
same
the
Others, while accepting
and that the episcopate of Sidonius began from the passage
year {^Praefatio^
i,
in 472.
They argue
where Sidonius says that bishop
to the see of
for
forty-five
Troyes
in
427
at this
years; (cf.
now
Chaix,
439 Dill, p. 179). Tillemont (^Memoires, p. 750), followed by Germain (p. 19), makes Sidonius' ecclesiastical career i.
begin that
few months
when
earlier, at the close of 471,
the letter
bishop some
little
was
time.
written he
on the ground
must already have
xxxv
Introduction it,
or to the arguments which they employed,
more than once he describes
new
his
though
profession
sense been forced upon him,^ as indeed
having in
as it
had been forced upon many other men of birth and
weahh ahke
whom
high
own
his
in
In
troubled
those
country,
numbered.
is
among
It is not
which he omits to
supply the information
to
furnish. special
and
Ambrose himself
St.
difficult
in Italy,
the
times,
Church had
need of leaders familiar with the traditions of
and possessed of
office, trained to public life,
fortune (see below, p. Ixxiii).
Such men were
better able
than any others to stand between their flocks and the
imperious barbarian princes who, with every year, closed
narrowing circle round the dwindling territory of
in
The
Rome.
careers of
Patiens and
wisdom of those who
the
He
probably accepted
changed view of ambition, to
him
life
the
which
in
it
the career of
an equal degree.
from the
office
him
led
to despise worldly
because he believed that
but also
it
opened
prospect of useful action for the benefit of his
He
fellow countrymen.
which
labours
ordination,
best
them
elected
Sidonius was destined to justify
Perpetuus proved
it
knew
would involve
the anxieties and
long before his
own
he had been acquainted with some of the
among the
of their
well
life.
Gallic bishops, and the arduous
There can be no question of
ambition in his acceptance.
As
far as
manner
vanity or
worldly honour
went, the ex-Prefect and Patrician had nothing to gain V.
viii.
Utpote
pondus impadum as in
est.
Germain remarks, similar
manner
ut
ndig nd ig ti tiss ssim im
Cf. VII. ix
VI.
recalls that of St.
tantae professionis vii.
This language,
Ambrose, when raised
to the episcopal throne of Milan.
Introduction
vi
by occupying even
and Clermont
bishop's throne
metropolitan
Several
see.^
v/as not
written by
letters
Sidonius to other prelates soon after his election show that he
was
unworthiness, and aware
how
new
prepared him for his
seems to have
health
own
sincerely oppressed by the sense of his little
and
suffered,
same time
at the
career
had
his previous life
his
dangerous fever
brought him almost to death's door (V.
But
3).
iii.
he was cheered by the receipt of encouraging and kindly replies
Lupus
from several bishops of the Province of Troyes
which
^5
must
preserved,
is
that of
have
caused him peculiar pleasure, for Lupus was the most venerable figure in Gaul, and regarded with respect in
every diocese.
Events were now moving to
crisis
which was
to
character of Sidonius to the severest test, alike as patriot
and as
ecclesiastic.
The
the empire
It
had rewarded the
upon Gaul continually relaxed.
friendship of the Burgundians by permitting great annexations
of territory
Riothamus the
its
King
enemies were never
of the Bretons,
satisfied.
who had
been
entrusted with the defence of Berry with some twelve
thousand
men,
had
been
already
defeated
by
the
Goths, whose ambition was an ever-present menace.*
Count Paul, The
for
Roman commander,
while the
see of the Metropolitan
was
had
at Bourges,
Baret, pp. 32-3.
Cf. note, p. xxviii above.
About
succeeded by his brother Chilperic
Gundioc
left
tetrarchs
Vienne,
four
sons,
Gundobad
called
ruling
I,
on
at
Godgisel at Besan9on, and
Riothamus, to
whom
one
this
time Gundioc was
who had no Chilperic^s
Lyons,
death the
Chilperic
Gundomar
of the
children.
letters
at
II
at
Geneva.
(III.
ix)
is
In troduction
xxxvii
checked with Prankish support their advance north of the Loire, but they
now added
to
dominion the
their
northern part of Aquitanica Prima, with
Bourges and Tours.
While Euric's
made steady conquests
in
he was
unable
to
on
retain
cities
of
lieutenant Victorius
Aquitanica Prima he him-
beyond
overran the country
self
the
which
Rhone,
the
of Burgundian
account
jealousy.^
The
fulfilment of his ambitions involved the absorp-
of Auvergne, the most loyal
tion
inhabited
the
to
by
district
which remained claiming
race
war-like
Han-
Trojan descent,
people which had fought with
nibal, and, in the
person of Vercingetorix, sent against
captain worthy of his military genius.
Julius Caesar
Their
principality
Gaul,
and
had been the most formidable had
they
enjoyed
long
the
crushed
at
Bourg-de-Deols
Chateauroux, whence he
This
to the Burgundians. in
fled
reputation
Euric and
addressed, foolishly provoked the
on
the
Indre,
not
Roman
with the remnant of his force
may have
been in 470, or perhaps
302,
by the
expedition against the Vandals in 468.
Cf. Gregory, Hist. Franc. II. xviii Dill, pp.
viras
from
far
probably ly haste hastene ne 469, for Euric's aggression was probab
failure
in
316; Fauriel,
Jornandes, Geticay xlv
314; Schmidt, in C. M. H.,
v.
p. 283.
The Burgundians may even have from that
Euric was to
some degree
avenge Arvandus and Seronatus,
influenced
who had
tion
(cf.
p.
itieridionale^
in the
xxxi i.
by
force
may
be
desire
to
It
given him
such
Except that he had not come to terms with
the Burgundians, his present policy
by Arvandus
him by
(Schmidt, Geschichte, p. 377).
this district
practical advice.
driven
was
that
famous
letter
above,
and Fauriel, Hist,
214).
recommended
which caused his condemnade
la
Gaule
Introduction
xxxviii
Such men, whose
of freemen and warriors.^ still
Roman
desired
Arvandus and Seronatus of the empire, domination
even
rule,
likely
years to
culminating
sieges
in
with
no
Theodoric his
inspired
violent,
He made
Roman supremacy was orthodox and
sincere, this
now began
by Sidonius
eulogy
less
of
man from
refined, less
19
ii.
whose Catholicism
was
The
factor
which now
Arvernians, though the accession
to fear that they looked in vain
of Trojan descent
(cf. II.
resis-
bishop was
his
new hope from
they had conceived
The claim
of
moreover his Arianism was of an
weighed more than any other. of Nepos,*
city
no pretence of recognizing
aggressive type, and with Sidonius,
at first
The
very different
murdered brother, more
amenable to reason.
of the
the
Euric was
II.
of raids
by the
monarchy which had
Gothic
series
most stubborn
Sidonius at their head.
animated
longer
is go hi
Their country was
Clermont,^ whose people offered tance,
traitorous
cc pt
to
struggle.
apparently exposed
and invasions
the
as the official representatives
were not
without
with
leaders
is
more than once mentioned Cf. also Pliny, Nat,
VII.
Hist, IV. xxxi).
Seronatus was perhaps governor of Aquitanica Gesch,y Part
I,
p. 261),
of the Goths
(cf.
was brought
to justice,
ships,
VI.
where he openly acted V.
i.
the
is
general
Jornandes uses Arverna.
nemetum. and drew
When autumn off into
Cf. VIII.
in the interests
vii. 2).
He
and lacking Arvandus' useful
underwent sentence of death
Arverni
VII.
xiii. i,
(Schmidt,
The
(cf.
form
for
earlier
set in the
Chaix,
i.
also
friend-
377).
Clermont,
though
name was Augusto-
Goths raised the
siege,
winter quarters.
vii,
addressed
to
Audax, Prefect of Rome.
Introduction
Rome
towards the utmost
for
which they prepared
As
sacrifices.
make the
474 advanced
the year
was
it
Sidonius had attempted to postpone the
hopeless.
was so well known dispatched to
was
The
their walls
Ecdicius seems to have been
Euric
intercede with
solicit
able
to
defe de fend nder er
Goths, had been sent to
the
to
evil
Avitus, whose family name
day by diplomatic means
siege.
to
without imperial support their position was
seen that
neither
xxxix
But
aid from the Burgundians.
of continued
prevent
and though
foug fo ught ht with tenacity
dama mage ged, d, th thou ough gh were da
destroyed whole
fires
quarters and they were reduced to extremities by hunger,
at
one time raised by
Hector
of
this
Their
spirits
were
heroic exploit of Ecdicius,
the
they succeeded in holding the
Troy,'
broke
city.
who
with
through
band of
little
enemy's
eighteen
troopers
inflicting
heavy loss upon seasoned warriors, perhaps
the
lines,
Nepos, nephew of Verina, consort of the Emperor Leo, was proclaimed in Constantinople in 473, and landed in Italy in the following year, Glycerins
He
Salona.
only reigned
being consecrated
year and two months;
was dethroned by Orestes, who invested Augustus with the purple. reign,
and secure
came too
III. in
i.
5.
more
son
Romulus
efficient administration.
first
The
efforts of
Avitus
of the
may have been made Geschichte^
Emperor
have been fresh among th himself have had Fertig,
kinship i.
12.
second, must
Visi Vi sigo goth ths. s.
is
still
This younger Avitus
personal influence the emperor
as above,
Avitus, the friend of
Theodoric and instructor
degree of
But the
late.
The memory
p. 265).
may
own
475 he
Nepos, at the beginning of his
concert with Licinianus (Schmidt,
the
his
in
of
appears to have endeavoured to rejuvenate the Civil
Service, effort
bishop
among them
unknown.
the
Introduction
xl
overcome of the
momentary
by had
city
been
so
The
panic,
privations
party
that
severe,
was
apparently formed in favour of accepting Gothic rule, party perhaps
by Gothic agents,
recruited
doubt reminded the suffering
perceived the
The
peril.
tension of
war was followed
reaction.
The Goths had
and though th
burned the crops
and Ecdicius, now and
men
tress,^
families
later,
gene ge nero rosi sity ty of Patiens
did
suffering
work upon, and Sidonius
He
act their efforts.
venerable
honour
in
was not
in vain
and by
their
The
promising material to
strained every nerve to counter-
induced his friend Constantius of
whose name was held
priest
to visit Clermont.^
The
in
appeal
though the winter weather was severe, every inconvenience of the
his cheerful presence
way,
and calm advice composed
The episode is also related by Gregory of Tours xxiv), who allows Ecdicius only ten men. Franc,
III. {^Hist.
Auvergne,
man braved
the old
to relieve dis-
hunger.
the
advocates of surrender had here
Lyons,
much
among ruined homes and saw
stood
still
move of which Sidonius
This was
winter by inevitable
each
the exac-
counts were not likely to exceed
tions of Visigothic
those of Seronatus.
that
citizens
who no
iii.
Ecdicius seems to have been successful, at some time during the operations, ii.
176);
(III.
iii.
VI.
he
in
also
bringing up Burgundian support (Chaix,
engaged
troops
at
his
own expense
7). xii.
This
Cf.
Gregory of Tours,
may have
been done by
loc. cit.
letter.
It
is
possible that
the personal visit of Sidonius to Lyons and Vienne took place in
some
interlude between the sieges, though
whether he would have Cf. below, p. xlii.
left
we may doubt
the city at so critical
moment.
Introduction
xli
the differences and animated the courage of the people.^
The
bishop
also
solemn processional
the
instituted
prayers or Rogations already used in time of peril by
These
Mamertus, bishop of Vienne.^
But there was
quilHzing effect. the
turned to Italy.
Nepos was
Julius
eyes were
all
alive to the
might cross the Rhone
that Euric
tran-
prospect that
still
might be again renewed, and
siege
had
also
danger
weak
but
his
as
resources were, he could only hope to secure peace by
The
negotiation.
sent into
Gaul
quaestor Licinianus,
to investigate the condition
the spot, had done the
title
anxious
time
gratified
ii.
This
is
clear that
the
upon
affairs
Sidonius,
this
at
and
filled
he had now returned, and
Papianilla with delight
III.
of
honour which even
an
highly
was soon only too
been
more than confer upon Ecdicius
little
of Patrician,
who had
hopes based on his
same Constantius
to
whom
it
inter-
the earlier
books of the Letters are dedicated. V. xiv; VII.
The
dignity had been promised
the
Rome
disa sapp ppea eari ring ng point of di conferred were about to
ever, Sidonius
Roman dominion was
and though the
titles
which
become emptier names than
matter of serious importance.
threatening aspect of
now persuade themselves abandoned by the empire. confidence in
Several
and Papianilla regarded the augmentation of
the family honours as spite
by Anthemius.
remarked that though the
writers have
on
i.
Roman
that
affairs,
stability
they could not even
Auvergne was
Perhaps
it
In
was
really to
be
this ineradicable
which enabled Sidonius
to write
several cheerful letters during this time of suspense, e.g. III. viii
and VII.
i.
We may
note as an example of
confidence manifested by others, that to attend the Rogations resort (V. xiv. i).
is
friend
whom
taking the waters at
similar
he asks bathing
Introduction
xlii
were not
vention
negotiations were in the for
information to
receive
early
suspense,
those
find Sidonius writing
presumably
To
intelligence.^
Rumours of
fulfilled.
We
air.
not earlier,
if
be
to
likely
may
in
this
belong
position
to
period
of
last
the visit to the
Burgundian kingdom, when he was able to
frustrate
Apol-
the machinations of the informers threatening
He
linaris.2
on
behind
began to fear that something was going
his
back,
and
the
that
danger
real
to
Auvergne came no longer from determined enemies but from pusillanimous
His
friends.
suspicions were only
receipt of the quaestor's
too
well
founded.
On
Council was held to
report,
determine the policy of the empire towards the Visi-
Four Gaulish bishops were empowered
gothic king.
Leontius of Aries, Graecus
to enter into negotiations
of Marseilles, Faustus of Riez, and Basilius of Aix. It is not
easy to say whether they failed
refused to
we
surrender Auvergne
precisely
define the relation of their mission to that undertaken
on
behalf of
of
Pavia.
the
emperor
took
when
place
four bishops had broken ratified
venerated
the
Schmidt considers
Epiphanius
475 was
by
that
the
The
V.
j>j\\i
bishoi)s
made
ceedings given 81).
The account is
note
p. 265.
firm stand for Auvergne,
indignant with Graecus
treaty of
empire did not
cf. p. xl,
Schmidt, Geschichte, as above,
of
negotiations of the
the
strong enough to support Auvergne, and IV.
embassy
down, and that the
by him.^
bishop
it
feel
was decided
3.
But
why was
if
the four
Sidonius so
of Epiphanius' pro-
uninforming {Vita Epiph,
Introduction
xliii
whole
territory to Euric, apparently without
condition, unless,
indeed, the Visigoth undertook that
to cede the
should receive
Catholics disabilities
fairer
treatment, and that the
from which they had suffered should
cease.^
If so, the contingent religious advantages of the treaty
might ultimately have soothed Sidonius the Churchman, as the
shame of surrender
at first
incensed Sidonius the
But when the news of the decision reached
patriot.
him, he gave
way
to an outburst of righteous indignation,
and wrote to Graecus, his intimate
which the
of reproach
bitterness
among
was more devoted
no
Sidonius loved
Gallo-Roman nobles none
the
all
letter in
less remarkable
of patriotism.^
than the exalted tone
Auvergne;
is
friend,
to the imperial
connexion than he
none attached more weight to the maintenance of Latin letters
Roman
and
He
civihzation.
was cut
the
to
All the valour of Auvergne had been thrown
heart.
away
the
treaty
Sees had been in ruins
cattle
seemed an impossible, an incompre-
left
grazed about the altars (VII.
Tours {Hist, Franc,
it
pushed to
cf.
this extremity; vii.
vi).
fall
Gregory of
25) says that bishops and priests were
ii.
actually put to death, but
VII.
churches were allowed to
vacant
is
doubtful whether things were
Chaix,
ii.
1S2.
Hodgkin compares
Auvergne with that of the
of betrayed
of Nisibis, surrendered
city
Persia by Jovian against the will of the inhabitants.
to
The
reproach directed by Sidonius against Graecus, that he considered nothing but his It
is
probable that as
Burgundians appear
own
interest,
result
seems hardly
of the treaty, to which the
have been
parties, the
whole
the Loire, the Rhone, the Pyrenees, and seas passed to Euric, II,
who now
territory
the
possessed Aquitanica
Novempopulana, Narbonensis
III (Schmidt, p. 265).
justified.
I,
and part
two and
Lugdunensis
Introduction
xliv
hensible
thought
the
betrayal
The
mingled shame and sorrow.
he ceased of his
Roman
to be
of
him with
filled
it
year 475, in which
was the darkest year
citizen,
life.^
In the organization of his new
which he
territory,
seems to have annexed without further opposition, Euric
He
showed the
qualities
Victorius,
Catholic and Gallo-Roman, as Count of
whose character
is
He
of Tours.^
piety
painted in
Sidonius praises,
different light
subjects
as
but
by Gregory
resistance
sharp resentment.
at
The
would
violent prejudice
But the conduct of Sidonius
protracted
appointed
probably intended to act as fairly by
new Catholic
allow.
statesman.
man whose
Clermont,
his
of
in
encouraging so
Clermont had incurred his
bishop was imprisoned in the
fortress of
Li via, situated between Narbonne and Car-
cassonne.^
There may have been some pretence of him with
entrusting
special
principal
object of the victor
from
people until the
The
treaty
476,
but
the
part of this at least
when he renewed
country
in
degenerated
II.
p. 377).
(cf.
Chaix,
ii.
504).
xx) states that he was obliged to
the young Apollinaris followed
Italy
between
the war, and drove the Burgundians
may have
Gregory {Hist. Franc. fly to
fairly
was taken by Euric
beyond the Durance (Schmidt, Geschichte^ Victorius
keep him away
to
new government was
Rome
left
was
and the Durance, and from the Rhone to
Mediterranean the Alps
still
duty,^ but probably the
him
(cf.
note 3,
p. xiv,
In the Peutinger chart
it
is
twelve miles from Carcassonne.
Mommsen's
Cf. the
Index Locorum
in
Fraefatio.
In VIII.
occupied
called Liviana, and placed
iii
and IX.
iii
Sidonius speaks of
qfficia
great part of his day during his captivity.
which
Introduction
xlv
Sidonlus seems to
established.
emai em aine ne
time within the walls of Li via, but to
for
av
some
de
no great physical hardships, since his chief complaint that he suffered
is
from the chattering of two repulsive
Gothic hags outside his window (VIII.
had
powerful
friend
of
Secretary
Euric's
at
He
2).
the person of Leo,
court in
State,
iii.
who
only waited
pro-
pitious time to intercede for his unfortunate countryman,
and meanwhile recommended him to occupy his mind by
literary
work.^
It
must have been due
tations of
Leo (VIII.
removed,
apparently
now
Euric was
on
was
at last
Bordeaux,
where
that th
iii)
parole,
to the solici-
er to
and here, among
holding his court;
crowd including members of numerous
barbaric tribes,
he was forced to wait the king*s good pleasure.^ Sidonius
was
at
ill
ease
about his property,
of Avitacum,
estate
recent
seized difficult
The cf.
or
ix),
and
Fertig,
ii.
in
He
had been found
different
was an edition of Philo-
honour of Apollonius of Tyana (VIII.
22).
Sidonius
had
far
iii.
higher opinion
Apollonius than that entertained by the Catholic Church later times (cf. note, 140. i, p. 245).
he undertook
it
letter to his friend
in
whose case was very
task which he suggested
work
of which
part,
disturbances.^
to obtain justice
Lampridius (VIII.
stratus'
all,
perhaps his loved
It is
of in
questioned whether
regular translation from the Greek, or merely
transcription, as
Sirmond thought.
Chaix thinks that Sidonius returned to Clermont on his release
taken
from Livia
later,
and that the
visit to
with the express object of
with regard to his confiscated property VIII.
ix.
The
Bordeaux was underrese re se ti ting ng (ii.
petition
227).
Visigoths, in accordance with precedent,
probably appropriated
fixed proportion of the concjuered
Introduction
xlvi
from his own, bewails the hardness of his verses
which
accompany
the
panegyric of
As
exalt to the skies.
are
letter
ruler,
lot
but the
practically
whose power they
Lampridius was now
favoured
personage in the king's entourage, the writer doubtless
hoped that they would be brought
to the royal notice,
as indeed they probably were; the subsequent permission
home, soon afterwards accorded
to return
may
to Sidonius,
well have been hastened by this timely
the
of the court poet.^
arts
opinion that his prisoner had
would cause him no further
The mood.
was perhaps of
Euric
now
suffered enough,
Patrician and ex-Prefect
despondent
war may have led Sidonius
in the
to the confiscation of his land.
may have
signs of Euric's power,
been really impressed by the visible
and forced into
and
historical
claim that Euric was
kind of enthusiasm,
But the verses bear the signs of
despite his private feelings.
exaggeration,
was brought low
But Sidonius* active share
territory (cf. p. Ivi below).
and
trouble.
bishop returned to Clermont in
The
resort to
evidence hardly confirms their
arbiter of the
destinies of half the
world.
Another
letter
containing verses (IV.
Evodius was probably composed at
later time
(Chaix,
290),
ii.
may have
was presenting
Euric's consort, for
Sidonius,
who
risen
at
viii)
Bordeaux.
addressed to Evodius,
who
high in the Gothic service silver
which he desired
cup to Ragnahild, poetical inscription.
realized as fully as his friend the great influence
wielded over their lords by the Teutonic queens, complied with
But
few couplets well calculated
their object.
irony which betrays his real sentiment with
in
regard to Teutons, he remarks at the end of the letter that the verses themselves hardly matter, since in the place where
the cup it is
is
going there will be eyes only for the silver of which
made.
Introduction the idol of his patriotism
was
xlvii
He
shattered.
saw him-
abandoned by the government for which he had
self
willingly risked his
bar-
whose manners he despised and whose heresy he
barian
There remained
detested.
and
pastoral duty
him
leading result
in
time these were
sufficient for
him,
which were
first
new
the
to
life
work
memories as
full
high
sense of duty into his
in the
readers,
and others
and
course of his diocesan
those which were written
visitations
his.
several of his letters refer to events
meetings which occurred
deacons,
at
and his
his faith
Auvergne enslaved was no longer Auvergne
threw himself with
episcopal
But
canonization.
whose youth was
to one
him only
to
to those paths of sanctity
his
in
was hard
He
he was the subject of
life
in
to
aid
clerks,
need of his assistance
prove that he did not spare himself when an opportunity
came spite
to help
of
all
his
neighbours
and melancholy hours, especially
probably
owe
in
to
478.^ the
in
Constantius
aid after the It
response to
who had
239, 241).
He
e.g. those to Elaphius ii.
The
we
first
request from the aged
him such noble
It probably appeared
was followed by Books II-VII, dedicated
same venerable
ii.
therefore
encouragement
rendered
siege of Clermont.
friend.
Cf. the visits to Vectius
Chaix,
They
the nine books of the Letters.
book was issued priest
this
and his
winter
in
friends feared their effect on his mind.
and to
in
must have been long
these activities, there
encouraged him to write
But
dependants.
or
234, 236).
See below,
p. cliii.
Books VIII and
and Germanicus (IV,
ix
IX cf.
paid other visits beyond his diocese,
and Maximus (IV. xv, xxiv
cf.
Chaix,
In traduction
xlviii
were supplemental, the though
added
first
to gratify Petronius,^
the second by
dedicated to Constantius
still
desire of another friend, Firminus.^
There can be no two opinions his friends.
It
is
clear
that Sidonius enjoyed
any
as to the
wisdom of
from more than one passage
rummaging among
letters suited for publication,
his papers for
and that to transcribe,
correct and polish the pages written at various periods
of his
life
provided just the distraction which he
To
quired.
the gradual process of publication
modern
reader,
below, p.
cliv).
makes them appear inconsequent
to the
though
it
is
not the sole reason
His
poet was
talent as
new church was
inscription for the walls
persons
privileged
to
furnish
though he sometimes declined inappropriate, at others he refuse.^
He
periods
falling
was
also
within
which he was unwilling VIII.
He
High
occasional
request which he it
in
and felt
him
to
his
own remembrance,
But he occupied
to perform.^
IX.
task
i,
xvi.
says himself that after his entrance into the Church,
ever' (IV.
ill.
the
was
more of
convivial
request
(VIII. xv).
bad
9).
verses
written
at
Tonantius, son of Tonantius Ferreolus (IX.
The
verses
urged to write the history of
his prose style suffered, but he
Cf.
if
expected by
still
could not find
xvi. I.
i.
still
must come from his hand
he was, he was
though
for
metrical
erected,
notable person died, he must provide an elegy.^ ecclesiastic
(cf.
But Sidonius was not only asked
If
request.
in
in the
collections of his letters. in
may
of chronological order
part be ascribed
Letters, which
re-
late
period
for
xiii).
came from Prosper, Bishop of Orleans
xHx
Introduction
himself with Commentaries on the Scriptures, and com-
among other
posed,
which appear
culae^
The
religious works, certain Contestatlun-
loss of his
to have been prefaces to the
to estimate his position
placed him
His
without
makes
writings
religious
among
impossible
it
Gennadius
the doctors
among
hesitation
Mass.
number.^
their
were not confined to composition
activities
also revised manuscripts.
he
him sending to
find
Heptateuch collated by his own hand.^
Ruricius
Amid
these manifold occupations, pastoral, literary,
and scholastic,
the later
of Sidonius wore away.
life
In the words of his epitaph
(see p. Hi), he
amid the swelling seas of the world (mundi
quil
He
tumtdas quietus undas). friends
and to receive
some examples
De
scriptorihus
writings
date
continued to write to his
from them
from
484, or even
The
xcii.
ecclesiasticis
He
later.^
theological
of his which
mentions epigrams and satires from his
composed
evidently
thought
is
it
of Sidonius are not the only works
are lost to us.
pen
may
letters
inter
life
(cf.
Chaix,
ii.
310).
In the verses included in the last of all his letters, he alludes to
certain
taceri
productions
juvenile
unde pars maior
utina??t
possit et abdi
V. XV It is
cf.
Germain,
argued that
because in
p. 117.
must have been writing
letter to Oresius
(IX.
xii)
after
480,
he says that he has
given up secular poetry for three Olympiads, and the period of abandonment to which he alludes must be the year of his election as bishop.
Mommsen,
however, considers him to have
died in 479 {Fraefatio^ p. xlix), in which Prof. Schmidt follows
him {Geschichte der deutsc deutschen hen St'dmm St'dmme, e, ment
is
chiefly
based on
date at the end
epitaph (^XII
KaL
Sept,
than that of Tillemont (see next page).
546.22
his argu-
conjectural emendation of the
peratore)^ and his conclusion appears to accord facts
But
p. 378).
Zenone
i?n-
no better with
Introduction This was an important
year, for
weaker
of Euric, and the succession of
The
person of Alaric II.
Arian may have relaxed between
orthodox rulers
but
Gaul under
subjection of
some measure the
prepared the
it
the
ruler in
disappearance of the great
Gallo-Romans
Catholic
the
in
marked the death
it
and
way
tension
un-
their
for the final
The
single barbaric nation.
Franks soon afterwards commenced the advance which
was only
end on the shores of the Mediterranean
to
486 Clovis ended Loire
the
shadowy
the
and Somme,
in
of Syagrius between
rule
and prepared the way for
descent upon the Visigothic and Burgundian kingdoms
may even have
Sidonius
The
of his
last years
bittered
of this event.
lived to hear
life
are said
have been em-
to
by the persecution of two priests
lerm le rm nt
Honorius and Hermanchius, possibly representatives of
The
the Arian heresy."^
The them
Catholicism of the Franks was of great as assi sist stan ance ce to
in their final struggle with the
There
is
Roman their
story runs that they proposed
no
doubt
population
that to
their
Arian Teutonic
orthodoxy
Gallo-
led
favour their projects
tribes.
and
to
desire
supremacy, and that Alaric II regarded the Catholic
bishops as formidable, Earlier authorities,
France,
ii.
557)
if secret
adversaries.
the Benedictines {Histoire litL de la
and Tillemont {Memoires,
xvi.
274
and
755), were in favour of about 489 as the date of Sidonius'
death.
Gregory of Tours says that
echo of Frankish arms resounded desired th ir
rr va
in
in
in Sidonius' lifetime the
Gaul, and that Arvernians
Auvergne
this
period later than the battle of Soissons It
(cf.
to point to
Germain,
p. 181).
might also be contended that the references which Sidonius
himself makes to advancing age seem if
seems
difficult
of explanation
he did not survive the year 479, when he would only have
been about also
fifty
Hodgkin,
(V.
ii,
ix.
IX.
xvi, line
45
p. 317).
Gregory of Tours, Hist, Franc,
If. xxiii.
poem.
Cf.
Introduction on
certain
day to drive Sidonius from his church, but
horrible fate
moment
the
when is
overcame one conspirator, and the other for
was suffered
have
sick of
fallen
of
carried into the church
Apollinaris
is
to his office.^
said to have been
The
the see of Clermont.^
of her
unrecorded
By
Little
His son
his successors in
year of Papianilla's death
daughters,
we know
Alcima
facts with regard to
of Tours.
related
only
the
by Gregory
the end of the sixth century the house
which had played so great
known
to have been
heard of his family after his death.
is
meagre
and
Mary, where he took an
Aprunculus should succeed
more
is
fever,
St.
He
to die in peace.
of his flock, and indicated his desire
affecting farewell
that
Thus
desisted from aggression.
his time came,
said to
li
Gaul was no longer
part in
Sidonius was buried in the chapel
to history.^
On
Gregory, as above.
Sidonius' decease, the infamous
Hermanchius usurped the bishopric, but was struck dead banquet while he
v^^as
celebrating hi
formerly Bishop of Langres
(cf.
short time, being succeeded
was
also brief.
Cf.
IX.
succ succes ess. s.
x),
at
Aprunculus,
only held
see for
by Euphrasius, whose tenure
Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc.
III. ix,
xii, xviii.
Cf. p. xiv above,
and Gregory,
III. c.
Chaix,
ii
ii.
379.
Placidina, the wife, and Alcima, the sister, of Apollinaris, are said
by Gregory to have
visited
the newly-elected
and persuaded him that he did not required for the efficient
be better, therefore,
He
if
the
government of the see
qualities it
would
he withdrew in favour of Apollinaris.
agreed with them, and effaced himself.
Gregory
tells
us that the younger Apollinaris had
Arcadius, whose daughter Placidina, and I.
possess
bishop
15, 45).
It
is
was named,
like her
son,
grandmother,
mentioned by Venant Venantius ius Fortun Fortunatu atu
{Carm.
has been supposed that the family of Polignac
represents the line of Apollinaris, but this
is
disputed.
Introduction
lii
of St. Saturninus
at
composed
hendecasyllables, decease,
Clermont, and an epitaph of eighteen long
very
his
after
quoted by Savaron from an early manuscript
is
formerly belonging to the
At some
Madrid.^
Abbey
Cl
y, but
now
time after the tenth century,
having fallen into
chapel
not
at
the
remains were trans-
ruin, his
lated to the church of St. Genesius in the centre of the
town, where they lay
reliquary on the right-hand
in
In
side of the principal altar.
destroyed
not
is
it
1794 ^^^ church was
known whether
the bones were
within the Place de Jaude, or whether
actually burned
the reliquary was buried under
the
of the de-
ruins
molished walls.
Such were the
Gallo-Roman
Sidonius,
events
principal
noble.
compared to
under
accumulated
the
of
evidences
literary
gather from them
provincial
nes de la
by
below Gaule,
later writers
Introduction, p.
His
letters
have
most
the
varied
We
life.^
may
multitude of facts bearing upon the
Codex MatrilensiSy known as (see p. clii
of
Herculaneum, preserving
centuries
Roman
late
career
Prefect and Patrician,
Visigothic subject, bishop and saint.
been
the
in
and I,
cf.
E.
Le
no. 562).
tenth to el elev even enth th ce cent ntur ur Blant, Inscriptions chretien-
It is
quoted by Sirmond, and
on Sidonius, e.g. Germain, loi).
The
p.
placing of this
36
(cf.
Baret,
long metrical
epitaph over his remains would probably have accorded with his
own
wishes.
Did he not compose one of similar length
for his grandfather's
shade does not reject
non refutat
i?tferias.
tomb, with the comment that poetic tribute'
readers.
to
be
{Anima perita musicas
III. xi)
But, as observed below (p.
ceased
learned
accessible,
if
cli),
only to
the Letters have never limited
number
of
Introduction society, civil
and
and though
of the time
ecclesiastical,
the value of Sidonius as
liii
chronicler
seriously affected
is
by an upbringing which set more store on
literature
on observation, the harvest
enough.
experienced
many
so
own
modern after the
historian
Roman
present
to
fail
he should see things
times, and
environment.
much about common
as
could not
inevitable that
own
of his
influence
He
society of the highest interest and
was
the light of his
in
he
that
picture of provincial It
plentiful
under such various aspects, and knew
life
people,
importance.
is
than
things
would
under the
remain
He
does not say
and ordinary events as
to
know
he
is reticent,
manner, about his family.
much of
an age which cared
It
private
was not or to
life,
describe the usual scenes of city, farm and country-side;
nor
was
it
Montaigne, though
almost
many
in
little
touches, applied
random, he allows us to trace for ourselves
at
portrait
and
confidences
confessions,
Sidonius does not depict his inmost nature
apologies. like
the age of
which he would not himself
We
elaborate.
must not therefore go to him either for the sociology of the fifth century, or for the his
mind was absorbed
deductions
much
are
made,
we
other things. shall
still
find
receive
life
But when in
invaluable material even on the subjects
disregards
his
all
pages
which he
while those on which he cared to be explicit
from him more illumination than from anv con-
temporary writer.
This
of the members of his ties
in
more intimate aspects of
is
own
espe es peci cial ally ly tr class,
of the
of the
literary activi-
of fifth-century Gaul, and of ecclesiastical
His hundred and
forty-nine
letters
are
lives
affairs.
addressed
to
hundred and nine correspondents, includ including ing ex-pre ex-prefec fects ts
Introduction
liv
and
minister and an
patricians,
gothic
bishops
twenty-eight
who
letters
commander, and no
Breton
king,
of the Visi-
admiral
among the
while
than
less
recipients
of
did not hold ecclesiastical or secular office
young noble,
are to be found the student, the poet, the
the country gentleman, the schoolmaster and the rhetor.
So
varied
Hst proves that the writer
acquaintance gives him
wide
man whose
was to
right
be heard as
representative of his time and country.
Many if
allusions in the Letters will be
few words
general
the
in
conditions
obtaining
more
present
intelligible
Gaul when
in
on the
place
Sidonius
wrote, with especial reference to the classes from which
And
his correspondents were drawn. to
his
own
class,
the
firstly in relation
of senatorial
nobles
provincial
houses.
Perhaps the point which
on the great estates at
the very end of
Roman, and
first
us
strikes
in the last half
of the
Roman power
in
is
that life
fifth
century,
Gaul,
is
just
as
some ways almost
as secure, as in the
times of Hadrian or Trajan.
The
noble has his town
house and his country
villa,
the
establishment of slaves,
its
in
latter
with
its
elaborate baths, and
amenities of country existence as understood by civilization.^
all
the
Roman
In his well-stocked library he reads his
Sidonius' description
winter
large
and summer
of Avitacum, with
dining-rooms,
its
fine baths,
women's quarters
and
weaving- chamber, imitates Pliny's accounts of his two chief country-homes, the Latirentinum near Ostia, and the larger
Tusculanum
at the foot of the
valley ^Ep. II. xvii
makes no mention of
VI.
vi).
Apennines It
his garden,
is
in the
upper Tiber
rather curious that he
though such must surely
Introduction
1v
and prose, or
favourite authors, writes himself in verse
and
and
wealth
equal
correspondence with friends
continual
maintains
fishes,
For
leisure.
he
diversion,
or rides abroad to visit his
hunts
neighbours
if
interested in the development of his land, he goes round
the estate, watches the at
landed
cultured
where
peace,
thought
of,
proprietor
soldiers
It
is
the
country
in
seem
be
to
of robbers
for the apparent
on
the
predominance of
we might
is
present
life
of the
at
profound seen
neither
and the only sense of insecurity
presence
interests,
and
in progress,
harvest or the vintage.^
the
the
work
arises
roads
lonelier
when
the carriages of nobles
been established half
Yet
The
as
barbarians
Euric,
the
aware that they were bent on
we
must
empire
(cf.
box
fountains
and
is
seats,
been
When
modern times very detailed in
He
villas.
rosemary,
and marble
also Sir A. Geikie,
have
further advance.^
of the gardens of his
walks bordered with wilderness
authority.
time of
Pliny, on the other hand,
his description
northern
even
think of the apprehension caused in
have existed.
&c.
territory in
the
encompassed the diminished imperial
possessions upon three sides
and
Rhone
shadow of Roman
retained
still
Anthemius
century in
the Burgundians were on the
Franks were pressing upon such
Gaul
but
over sporting
literary
were stopped by highwaymen on Bagshot Heath.
Aquitaine
from
be reading of the English shires in
the days of the Georges,
the Visigoths had
nor
speaks of
topiary-work,
summer-houses,
The Love of Nature among the
J^omanSy pp. i^2f(,), Cf. II. xiv.
Even Theodoric
II
had shown his desire of
aggrandizement in Gaul (Schmidt,
in
C.
M. H.
i.
territorial
283).
Introduction
Ivi
by the threatened invasion of one nationality by another, of the military preparations and the manifold precautions
on every hand,
The
all
it
explanation
is to
seems
at
be sought in the fact that, for the
majority
of the population, the
had
exceeding
no
townsmen had
and
in
future with better
suffered
the
of
that
to
past,
such an
passed under Teutonic sway.
from
extent
they regarded the
own
was no whit
lot
who had
fellows
their
landowners
small
that
their
of change
possibility
The
terrors.
indifference
than
sight very strange.
first
The
already
Visigoths and the
Burgundians had the best reputation among the barbarian they kept order with
peoples
good
endeavoured to assimilate
and
Even the
practice.
acreage was
the
great landowner
enough
large
in
Roman
him
leave
to
an appeal to some administrator of
Leo
Under
or Victorius.^
It is generally
law
had only
comfort, and in difficulties he would probably
like
they
but in most cases
confiscation of his estates
partial
hand
strong
Roman
still
still
in
have
extraction,
circumstances
these
held that when the Visigoths
first
settled
in Aquitaine, they appropriated two-thirds of the tilled land,
and one-half of the woodland, while such land as was not
Goth and pro-
thus partitioned was divided equally between vincial.
When
the Goths annexed large
division probably
became
less
new
territories, the
ruinous to the Gallo-Roman,
because the barbaric numbers had not increased in proportion to the fresh land seized (Schmidt, Geschichte^ pp. 281,287). -^^^
the Burgundian division, see Dahn,
and
for the partition of lands in Italy
vi.
56
cf.
Dumoulin,
ibid.
p. 447.
Euric in 475, of which only
up by Roman of
Die Kbnige der Germanen,
Roman law
jurists.
It
The
by the Ostrogoths,
Visigothic
part
is
Code
preserved,
issued
by
was drawn
borrowed much from the provisions
with regard to property
with regard to moral
Introduction
Ivii
the Gallo- Roman noble might view the change in his
without
allegiance his
though
despair
income
his
acreage would be diminished, he would
and
his villa, still
work on
cultivators to
Only
live his leisured life.
did loyalty to
tottering empire
even there,
resistance
is
it
have
he would
his land
Auvergne, perhaps,
go the length of resolute part of the
probable that
was lukewarm, and
population
in
still
and
that
ardour had to be
assiduously fanned by enthusiastic loyalists like Sidonius
and Ecdicius.
Thus
the change from
Roman
comparative
gothic citizenship implied, for the noble,
and for the lower classes
loss,
less
emperor to tolerate
remote and help-
Seronatus
in his service.
Letters afford interesting confirmation of confidence in barbaric
round of
visits to
One
rule.
Roman
of actual
possibility
Euric was less likely than
gain
to Visi-
year
The
certain tacit
Sidonius paid
Bordeaux
friends living near
and Narbonne
these friends are displayed to us reading
and writing
their
their
in
luxurious
comfortable
kitchens,
entertaining each
large life at their ease.
living
libraries,
Yet
one of them had ceased to have any with the empire
The
subject.
point from
appeared.
offences,
it
fact speaks
life
retained
romanized, but the
much
F. Dahn, as above,
time every
concern
Visigothic it
makes the
less strange than
it
I,
effect
of the old Teutonic severity.
at first
From
Gothic law had already begun to be of long contact with
was now much more obvious antiqtiiores,
and
and
continued almost in the old fashion,
the time of Theodoric
thorum
for itself,
other,
political
every one of them was
which we started If
at the
maintaining
(cf.
Roman custom
C. Zeumer, Leges Visigo-
1894; L.Schmidt, Geschichtey pp. 296 vi.
226
ff.).
ff.;
Introduction
Iviii
even across the barbaric frontier,
Roman
panic on the
happen when the
side, or terror
was
line
most men
for
change was made.
The
honours of imperial
office, for
The
Existence
after the great
all,
there
would be no more
the rude barbarians
neighbours
avoiding them, and after
what would
to
higher nobility would lose the
prefectorian or patrician rank
unwelcome
as
there be
finally abolished
would be much the same
be
why
there were
but
they were
would
ways of
small minority.
Gallo- Roman nobles would continue to pay each
other visits and write each other
letters
they
would hold closely together, and neither Visigoth nor Burgundian would care to intrude on prestige of
Roman
culture
their society.
would remain; things would
Their day would begin
go on
The
at
early hour, opening in religious families with
its
usual
service in
the house,^ followed by visits
the
to
to particular friends.
After nine o'clock, there would be
outdoor and indoor games
hawks
would be taken
or hounds
would pe ha
come
if sport
ou
was pursued, the
out.^
to the baths, after
the prandium or midday meal,
e. g.
at the house of
Theodoric
many ways
to
Magnus
II, the Visigoth,
Roman
The company
at
which would
about
Narbonne {Carm,
who
midday meal
usage, hunted before the
religious service,
then transacted state-business, which must have
lo a.m.
(I.
ii).
Sport
xxiii).
evidently conformed in
he too began the day very early with before
a.m.^
with
and
been over
hawk and hound
is
mentioned in connexion with the beautiful country-house of Consentius near Narbonne (VIII.
iv),
and with the
of Namatius, Euric's admiral in Oleron (VIII. II.
For the
ix
villas
estates
vi).
of Tonantius Ferreolus and Apollinaris.
disposition of the wealthy
Roman's day,
little
changed
Hx
Introduction
The
the
other
or
to
would be succeeded by and
exercise,
light
preparatory
siesta
the
by
bath,
which would be
or supper,
coena^
afternoon
the
ride
enlivened by songs and music, or seasoned by cultured
The
conversation.
of polite
laws
the
barbarian society
might
rule the land, but
would be administered as
before.
The
Letters enable us to follow in some detail the
career of the
During his tender
mature age.
were
left to
Gallo-Roman noble from childhood he and his
the care of the ladies of
to
sisters at this
period of their lives they remained in
seclusion almost
resembling that of the Eastern gynaeceum?-
From
this
seclusion the girl never really issued into the full Hght
she learned, as she grew up, to superintend and share the work of the textrinum (II. ii. 9); if she was skilful, like
Araneola, she executed ambitious pieces of embroidery with figure-subjects (Carm, xv. I47 from early imperial times,
Romer,
cf.
J.
fF.)
in the library,
Marquardt, Privatleben der
p. 258.
hard to say from the writings of Si Sido doni nius us whether or
It is
not the
Roman matron was
the earlier empire.
still
the
commanding
figure of
She was much oc occu cupi pied ed wi with th domestic
thus the wife of the wealthy Leontius of Bordeaux
concerns
spins Syrian wool, and works embroidery
But there are examples of
{Carm.
xxii. 195).
ladies with intellectual
interests.
Sidonius expects Eulalia, wife of his friend Probus, to read his
poems
slight
and the expectation implies
tincture
of letters
friend about to marry, that
{Carm,
none the way.
95).
more than
He
tells
wedlock need imply no break
his literary work, since his future wife
his studies.
xxiv.
in her
may
in
encourage and aid
Probably the influence of the materfainilias was
less effective
for being exerted in
an inconspicuous
Introduction
Ix
her place was where the reUgious books were kept (II. ix.
and sometimes, Hke Frontina, she attained
4),
home
at
reputation of piety superior to that of nuns (IV.
The boy was
xxi. 4).
permitted far more freedom
he
played ball-games, and was initiated into the various forms
As
cf outdoor sport.
soon as he was old enough he
attended the schools of his provincial capital, and learned
declamations
man of feet
distinction
rhetor,
Eusebius of Lyons,
like
Sidonius sat (IV.
before the
perhaps at
whose
In his holidays, or on special
i).
occasions, the high official position held by his relatives
good
might secure for him
we
ceremony
was the
consul
(VIII.
very popular on
the
near
neighbourhood of
day of his
games of chance with
all
young man was
hands
inauguration
dice, evidently
V.
(II. ix.
xvii. 6, &c.).
rich and clever, or his family
he went to
service, with the
the State.
on
the
his father
Released from the schools, he continued
vi. 5).
influence,
into
Astyrius
his sports, adding
If
young Sidonius, when
see the
pushing
prefect,
position at any spectacle or
Rome
and entered the Palatine
hope of rising to the high
But his public
had
was
life
offices
of
usually over before
middle age, and he retired to enjoy the honorary rank conferred by his late
office.
If he had no taste for
further publicity he remained at
followed
economics perhaps
hounds,
his
or
home, read and wrote,
acquired
taste
for
rural
kept up his classics and his ball-games
built additions to his villa.
He
might even grow
too absorbed in rural interests to visit town even in the winter, like the
the
Maurusius
Or
he might
Eutropius
whom
Sidonius
he advance
so
further,
rebuked, or
highly valued.
and think
of
Introduction nothing
else,
he was
till
to
lost
Ixi
all
ambition beyond
There were
crops and stock, and sank into rusticity.
many such alludes to
Gaul, and in more than one
in
them with
intellectual
among
forget the
culture
regret or indignation.^
of their younger years.
critic.
potential
The Gallo-Roman
it
has
noble
and valued himself as
author,
Verses and epigrams were circulated from house
and the writers of these expected from every
to house,
of acknowledgement,
letter
nothing
Literature
whole more than
modern Europe.
was always
But the more
gentlemen did not lightly
the
probably occupied the class as ever done in
Sidonius
letter
less,
The more
under th
which
could
be
circ ci rcum umst stan ance ces, s, than eulogistic.
earnest students
would
edit
classic,
and
keep copyists at work transcribing manuscripts for their In their houses the library was
shelves.
room, and the
We
and bo ks
scrolls
er
very important
carefully arranged.^
receive the impression that the proportion of well-
to-do people really fond of literature was high in the
second half of the to the
I.
fifth
many ways
in
country bumpkin of the future, nities to
go
back of the
and though the devotion
recalls that
of the Chinese
For Eutropius, who bade
II. xiv.
vi
century;
when
become
Sidonius draws an admonitory picture
man who
the
by, will
fair to
has allowed
have to stand in
his old
all his
age
opportu-
silent at the
an inglorius rusticus^ while younger men,
hall,
without his advantages of
birth, sit in the front
places and
express their judgement.
Verses were until,
as
in
the
often
correspondence
must have seemed
'•
as
Sevigne, Letter 1177).
H.
ix.
4, 5.
enclosed
or
of
incorporated in
letters
M. de Coulanges, they
numerous as Sibylline
leaves'
(Mme
de
Introduction
Ixii
whom
literate to
the past
is
over sport
given to
everything, the precedence
which commands
feature
is
our respect.
For
the
this,
all
more strenuous noble must often
He
have found time hang heavy on his hands.
few
his energy
for
outlets
him
slightest interest to
men, and he had, as
as father
he
they were the
rule, little notion
affair
of smaller
of what
But
his
family were conscientiously performed
of
sometimes
education.^
were of the
politics
service (see below, p. Ixx).
social
call
local
had
himself took
Then
there
in
was the
his
children's
regular and voluminous
correspondence with his friends, comparable,
in the care
lavished on style and diction, to the leisurely exchange
of
letters
by persons of culture
Visits to friends living
undertakings;
we
in the eighteenth century.
distance were also serious
at
find Sidonius
making
rounds' which
range from Auvergne to Provence, from Bordeaux to
On
Lyons.2 bedding, friend's
and
long expeditions he took
house to
or, if driven to
hospitality
offer hospitality,
it,
Friends' houses
he camped (IV.
used an inn (II.
ix. 7;
VIII.
reigned.
But though
good
than the
rule.
3).
liberal
cooking
modern France, excess
rather the exception
viii),
xi.
stood open to each other, and
evidently as general as in
was
where there was no
impedimenta
all
was
at table
Hospitality,
Cf. IV. xii. I.
His
friends are
mostly of his own rank, but he
exception in favour of rhetors or grammarians,
company was eagerly sought rhetoric,
in
may make
class
society devoted to parlour-
Cf, the cordial invitation to Domitius, the
marian of Camerius
(II.
ii).
whose
Gram-
Introduction however, was sometimes one
do him good
living will
(II. ix.
week's thin
duties
played
some
part
was
If the noble
lo).
in
in
opulent
the
after
was now very generally the
Christian, as religious
that
and Apollinaris
of Ferreolus
suppers
and
then as
insistent,
confesses
Sidonius
place
Ixiii
case,^ public
his
When
life.
church was consecrated, or the feast of the patron saint
came round, he made
services, at
point of attending
the
which sometimes began even before daybreak
such festivals
all
classes
came
together, though they
did not mingle, and the intervals between the services
were occupied with games and conversation (V.
Or
he would
to set out with
pilgrimage
to
some
the state of the roads
important
if
neighbours,
his
the quiet
shrine,
when
vi).
With But
by.
was popular with
tenor of his
on
even
passed
years
high character and
he bore
his family
was dangerous (IV.
these tranquil occupations
xvii).
his
might be sud-
life
denly interrupted: he might wake one day to find himself elected bishop, and the most earnest nolo episcopari
not the
accepted
as
an excuse.
If,
was
on the other hand,
Church made no such claim upon him, he declined serene old age, and might have to listen in his
into
own bed whose
to those contradictory verdicts of the doctors
quarrels in previous ye year ar
But even as Christianity of
late
as
the
dist di stur urbe be
end of the
Cf.
II.
century
fifth
earlier date (cf. Ausonius,
xiii,
had been with
it
Ep,
ii.
where Sidonius speaks of
15;
X.
xvii).
doctors
conscientiously kill off their patients, and qu quar arre re invalid's bed.
the
some among the nobles was probably more
matter of conformity than conviction, as
Ausonius at an
his patience.^
ac os
who the
Introduction
Ixiv
He
but though
died;
veneration
dead was
the
for
conspicuous virtue of his age, his family might forget
two generations
for
to erect his
monument, and when
reminded by some accident of their duty, excuse each other by citing the irrelevant cases of an Achilles and
an Alexander.^
Both
in
town and country, the nobles seem
to have
no way
inferior
and sumptuous existence,
led
own
to that of their
of Hhe lesser Aries,
is justified
of Majorian is
Rome
in
by the
redeemed
luxury
is
by
there,
proud name
letters alluding to the sojourn
In one an imperial banquet
town.
another
private
acquaintance of Sidonius.^ is
The
class in Italy.
of Gaul' which Ausonius applied to
in that
described
in
an with
given by
atmosphere,
There
required.
hangings of rich purple, the napery
wines flow is
burden
the
dancing,
in
The
the
are
there are
guests recline, with balsam-
are
The
scented.
of chased
silver
slaves
choice
plate
cups crowned with rose-wreaths.
and
bow
music made on cithara and
There flute
by
Corinthian girls and other professional musicians.
Cf.
Sidonius' apologia
monument
for
The banquet
It
long neglect to erect
Ordo urbium
xii. 6).
nobiliu??tj
of Majorian (II. xi) and that of
quidani at Aries during the xiii).
the
over his grandfather's remains (III.
Gallula Ro?na Are las
(IX.
',
while frankincense smokes to the roof,
hair,
and the very lamps beneath
the
white as snow
the table-decoration of vine-tendrils and ivy
perfumed
but
the genialis apparatus which
contemporary extravagance
flowers in profusion.
an
In both cases the luxury
intellectual all
feast,
imperial
sojourn
in
X.
2.
sodalis
the
town
Introduction an
suggests
all
dinner-party
evening
There
than
rather
These were
capital.
but the general standard of
special occasions clearly high.
Lucullus
with
provincial
in
Ixv
life
was
picture of one Trygetius, so
is
comfortable at Bazas amid the selected delicacies of his
storeroom^ that even the prospect of
Bordeaux cannot drag him
at
om
whom
lazy personage,
outstrip this
gourmet's paradise
would
snail
comfortable boat
on the Garonne, with 'mounds of cushions',
awaits
grat gr at ng to keep the feet dry, an awning to
evening damp, dice and
hours while,
off the
to pass the idle
frequent chants, the oarsmen sing
in
Even
praise.
backgammon
ward
his
the delicata pigritia of Trygetius, thinks
Sidonius, must be tempted by this care for his comfort, leading to
all
end.
Who
was
sent, the
veritable
tournament of epicures
would imagine
that
homes of th thes es
when
at the
invitation
this
Gall Ga llic ic Sybarites were in
Visigothic territory, and that Theodoric was master of
Bordeaux at
Sidonius himself was comfortable enough
Avitacum, with his winter and summer dining-rooms, elaborate baths,
his
lake
below,
(see
Consentius, th still,
its
with
its
and his ball-ground down by the
p.
xcv)
Octa Oc tavi vian ana^ a^
while
the
lordly
villa
of
was probably more extensive
porticoes and baths,
its
well-stocked library,
vineyards and olive-groves, where the visitor hardly
knew which
to praise most, the cultivation of the estate
or that of the master's It is
many
in
VIII.
xii.
mind (VIII.
respects
iv).^
singularly refined
copiosissima penus
aggeratis
life,
free,
opipare farta
deliciis.
Difficile
discernitur^ domiiti plusne
ingenium (VIII. 546.22
sit
cultu?n rus
an
Introduction
Ixvi
as
from coarse vice and
rule,
who
by
struck
are
idealism and
in
has already been hinted that to find
we
for
trifling,
should have to look to the Far East, rather than to
any European
were
class
of
possessed
senatorial
of enormous wealth, but they
little
encouragement to expend any of their
the benefit
for
it
These members of the
state.
seem to have had part
parallel
absorbed in solemn literary
lives,
than
knights leave them far behind.
fervour the mediaeval
some of these
aims or
primitive
less
Middle Ages, but
the barons of the
centuries, can
fifth
lack of broad
certain
These men
ardent interests.
It
and
descriptive of the fourth
to be
fail
of Sidonius, or any other
reads either the letters
work
But no one
brutality.
They
country.^
escaped the municipal taxation which their chief use for surplus
afford
The
distinction of
conferred by th
os es io
money was
the status
the title
of
to lend
rank had ceased to bear
senatorial
any direct relation to the Senate
well
amount of landed
certain
property, or the previous tenure of some honorary office or After Constantine's time the class rapidly increased
dignity.
in the provinces (cf. J. S. Reid,
The
CM. H.
Gallic estates were not so large as the Italian, but
Ausonius had one, described as small, thousand
acres;
properties. prietor
It
and
may
on rather
large scale.
according to our ideas.
the
senatorial
Though
aurum
Symmachus
class
oblaiidu7?t,
where they resided
The
still
Dill, p.
paid
J. S.
if
Sidonius
wealthy
members of
^^i 00, 000
and
senatorius),
the
126).
land-tax {folHs
and other taxes imposed (cf.
pro-
thought to
be
really opulent
had anything between
(cf.
they
numerous
is
year of our money;
amount, he would
man
year
owned
be assumed that Sidonius was
third
;f2oo,ooo
exceeded
v^^hich
nobles
had about ;^6o, 000
had only
49).
i.
Reid, C.
M. H.
in i.
the province
50).
Introduction at
it
twelve per
and
cent.,
possess
to
the whole
nearly
of business
possessed
if
Thus
mortgages.^
instinct, to foreclose their
come
Ixvii
they had area
superficial
of
country which they were not even supposed to defend.
If they wished to commit set
they could often
acts,
illegal
Provincial governors were
themselves above the law.
amenable to hospitality and open to social could
Seronatus
which the
distant
be
persuaded
emperor would not have tolerated.
the powerful noble had probably
judgement,
little difliculty in
he had the mind to do
if
some so me
base arts to which
embe em bers rs of the
pockets
code
of ethics
was
which
for
without
phrase
men among them
too
fill
duty
public
The
their
disclose
state,
often
meaning.^
The
senatorial class
defrauded
the
at
wrest-
so.
descended to evade their share of taxation, or
honourable
Thau-
Tonantius Ferreolus,
might discountenance such ignoble practices,
mastus
lead the province in an
ment of and the
grew despite
evil
which, by
how
minority,
in
their efforts.
It is
diflBcult
the nobles spent the princely incomes
fair or unfair
The mortgagor
to obtain the
But they were
bad governor.
to understand
gagee.
courses
sanction
even more exposed to improper influence
Judges
ing
to
influence
means, were always increasing.
generally
In this relation
became dependent on the mort-
may be
sought one of the beginnings
of the feudal system (Dill, p. 218). Cf.
Dill,
senatorial
trading
pp.
class,
was
224
ff.
indirectly
forbidden
to
The
less
engaged them,
scrupulous in
among
the
commerce though
patronized
usurers
and
fraudulent creditors, winked at dishonest action on the part of their agents, and overbore the lesser officials of
by their local prestige.
state
Introduction
Ixviii
In modern times, with continual demands upon his purse for
kinds of public objects, with the competition for
all
expensive works of
thousand and one objects
with
art,
of use or luxury daily forced upon his notice,
it
may
be
supposed that the magnate can keep expenditure within
But the Roman
range of income.
he was
his resources unless
devout
churches as
man and
prepared
He
practice.
might
spend considerable sums on his houses and baths
was cheap,
labour
as
if
limit to construction,
would not
even building on
might buy pictures or other works of paid
those given
for old masters to-day, nor
do we gather
was
really intense,
it
can
have
hardly
There were manuscripts
purse.
chief intellectual
and however enthusiastic
literary,
been,
art
The
or widely disseminated in Gaul.
have
but the sums
art,
with
from the Letters that the love of
was
scale
or Consentius,
them can hardly have
for
interest
large
is
income equivalent to
Magnus
few, like
year.
but
and as there
not unpaid,
seriously diminish an
£50,000
any
had no great and steady drain on
rate in the provinces,
to erect or restore
millionaire, at
depleted
it
senatorial
to buy, but,
it
may
be
conjectured, not at the prices of the modern sale-room
and the
rarer illuminated
books were not yet collected
by the competitive methods of our day.
If then there
were no hospitals to endow, no large yachts to maintain, no subscription Hsts to head, on what did the provincial millionaire spend his
on
money
when
very
Aries,
He
could only entertain
resident
in
gambled, but not, as far as
the heroic scale.
was then
He
.?
He
town
like
we know, on
patronized the chase, but hunting
cheap pursuit.
The
milliners'
and jewellers'
Introduction which he had
bills
to
Ixix
pay can hardly have caused him
much embarrassment
weaving, and probably
the
the
making, of his wife's clothes was done by the maids of the house
and
may be doubted
it
when diamonds were expensive
jewellers
account.
His
tilled it largely
in
kind
his
estate
worked
an
inconvenient
and
the fuel
all
who
those
were recompensed
for nothing or
own
household came from his
required
for
and woods.
fields
cannot have been ruinously expensive where
Clients
He
food was cheap. domestic
servants,
had only
not
was
and clothe his
to feed
The
them
pay
to
great part of the estate part as
him
send
was self-supporting
the food
all
most
unknown, the
practically
could
whether, in an age
by slaves
tilled
and such
was cultivated by coloni must have yielded the land-
owner
very
handsome
Some labour was paid by
profit.
high proportion
not
(J.
Marquardt, Frivatlebcfty
P- 139)-
Probably
the
servants were as tions,
both good
of
relations
average
the
rule not unkindly
(IV.
the violent Lampridius
ix.
good master, though
excitability (IV. xii. 2).
with the abduction of state.
Sidonius, from
his
but there are excep-
his slaves (VIII. xi. ii).
certainly
to
The admirable Vectius has
and bad.
devoted household
master
An freed
is
Sidonius was almost
once
at
least
he
shows
interesting Letter (V. xix) deals
woman by
man
in the servile
whose house she had been taken,
insists
with Pudens, whose slave the abductor was, that the
man
should be also freed and so be promoted from the class of
cohni
to that of plebeian clients {iiiox cliens /actus
plebeiam potius incipiat habere personam
The
tenth Letter of
Injuriosus,
Book IX
who may have
is
quam
tributario colottariani).
also of interest in this regard.
been
clerk,
left
Sidonius
for
Aprunculus, bishop of Langres, without ceremony and without the proper litterae commendatoriae,
Sidonius stipulates that
Introduction
Ixx
answer to the question probably vincial noble did not
the rich
that
is
pro-
and could not spend his income
year by year he became richer and ever more uselessly rich.
That he did so was but one count against the
Roman
in the
system of provincial
government,
which threw such burdens on the middle and
existence.
the It is
of enterprise
spirit
class
and the
the vigour of both was
lower class of freemen, that sapped,
indictment
unnecessary in
the
crushed
out
of
present place to
dwell upon the notorious evils of the Curial system,^
which gave the decurion the senatorial class
and no
rights
all
and no
duties
all
duties.
rights,
We
and
need
not linger over the folly which encouraged useless wealth
and useless
lives
class which, reasonably handled,
in
might have become
His
had no useful work to do. vicariate
or prefecture
career.
He
if
once
over,
he
had no
further
could not serve in the army
he was not
the offender should ever treat Aprunculus in
similar way,
The on the
i,
noble
tenure of quaestorship,
both of them should prosecute him as
J.
The
bulwark of the State.
reader will subject
Marquardt, 92
ties
ff.
in
find
Dill,
references to the p.
208;
of.
also
works
principal
C.
M. H.
i.
52;
already quoted, JRomische Staatsverwaltung,
For the municipality,see Prof. J.
of the
fugitive servant.
Roman Empire,
91
3«
The
The Municipali-
S. Reid,
decurions had not only to
control municipal finance,but were responsible for the collection of imperial taxes.
They had
liabilities in
conn co nnex exio io
enlistment for the army, and with the maintenance
posting service on the great roads. the imperial government diction
During the
made worthy
efforts to
fifth
with wi th
of the
century
improve
juris-
and administration, but over-centralization neutralized
their effect in the provinces,
where old abuses persisted and
reforms were not easily applied
(cf.
C. M. H.
i.
396).
Introduction
There was no scope
supposed to found an industry. except in
for active brains
now of
kind that
such
unmanned, as or
need,
it
little
had become
momentum.
for events
men
but
made
his
beyond
his boundaries.
an
insect
belonged
best
the
to
selves until
it
of his
But custom
it.
late.
opened
empire
was nov/ within
new
and
they had no chance to prove them-
was too
The Roman
no
and adding
still,
sacrifice everything for
held them bound
its
upon the wheel of government,
Sidonius
were prepared to
itself
if
he and his relations loved their country,
order;
there
can hardly wonder
proprietor
fly
perhaps,
brilliant
propagation was of doubtful
We
great
world, and cared
He
was
literature
were, by statute failed the empire in
the
if
and
literature,
its
advantage to the world.
Ixxi
it
own
its
veins.
But
an organism which drew to
blood, and amid the general enfeeblement of
old institutions, grew daily in
succeeded to
While the
of the State.
opportunities
secular
Church enlarged
arm
and drew
her power,
The Church
vitality.
people to the one rallying-
remained to them amid the increasing disruption of society.
many no
civil
years ago, speaking of the
real
fallen,
government
the senatorial
aristocracy
fallen
by the same other hand,
fifth
imperial
aristocracy
as well.
It
',
we
century,
find
administration the
fallen,
is
municipal
of dissolution
tale
is
said Guizot,
In the religious world, on
sterility.
we
see an
interested
tyranny
the
world
Authority and freedom alike are attacked
everywhere.
and
In the
may be
active government,
people.
Excuses
numerous
but
for
the
the
an animated
anarchy
liberty
is
and real,
Introduction
Ixxii
and so
On
the power.
is
an energetic popular activity and of
This, in
word,
Church had
the
had only
State
Here
were too often
whose only
regarded
external
and
were
constant
in
to
relation
touch
imperial
and
national
Their homes were in the towns
were
open
common enemy, he stood
and
regular
in
exercised
relation
being
F.
For the Catholic Church
Gesch,
der deiUscheri Stainme^ Part
367
vi.
I,
in the Visigothic or the
practically nothing
is
see
to the tow^n friends
Many
M. H.
Of Arian
f.
Burgundian State,
known.
from VIII.
who
in C.
L. Schmidt,
ff.
300
p.
eith th organization, ei
We
For
barbaric territory, see
in
Dahn, Die Kbnige der Gerjfianen,
own.^
91.
i.
H. Turner,
the Church, see C. 145.
friend,^
of his
rights
Hist, de la civilisation en France^ ed. 1846,
i.
the
the municipal body,
to
certain
houses
their
was every one's
bishop
the
Church
individual
Instead of
trouble.
in
all
of tyranny,
of the
life.
to
the
was
leaders
with
of
officials
mass of
the
oppressive,
root
present
instruments
as
the
the
is
and
future
While the
past.
future,
as well as good, but
evil
of power and fecundity.'^
the matter
strong executive.
society marching towards
is
stormy future fraught with full
germs of
are the
sides
all
in the
xi (line
poem) that
visitors
could not find accommodation with their
sometimes expected the bishop to find room for them. letters
show the bishop
in
most pleasant
light
as
mediator in family disagreements, or as patron of worthy aspirants.
The in
their
Constitutions of 408 gave bishops civil jurisdiction dioceses
Letters in
(C.
Book VI
M. H.
i.
396).
Several
illustrate episcopal influence.
remarks, Sidonius always seems to assume that the bishop will settle the matter scale.
passages
when
it
is
i\iQ
of
As Baret pondus of
placed in the
In troductton he
Moreover,
had
and
diocese,
under such
in
the
purse
time
at
of
that
bishop
of the
prestige
iiis
which
astonishing
not
is
in
In the time of Sidonius, the episcopate
already moving towards the emancipation attained
but as yet the occupants of the
the sixth century
Gallic sees were
was
It
circumstances
steadily rose.
was
consideration
his
impoverishment.
general
lands
power of the
thus
increased
necessarily
Church
the
controlled
Ixxiii
little
Lett Le tter er
pages
abuse of
The
expanding authority.
their
which
those
as
of Gregory of
expiring
high character that there
no such charges of violent and unseemly
brin br in
conduct
men of such
fifth
scattered
are
The
Tours.
century
through
of the
bishops
land
the
in
powers for good, mitigating the hardships of
the
and
dangerous
epoch, and standing forth in the public eyes as the true representatives
of
national
They were
life.
almost the only conspicuous figures
indeed
who were
visibly
doing national work, and the fact was widely recognized.
Good men
of wealth and standing, condemned to in-
must have
action by the absence of any secular
upon
cast
enabled the
its
holders to
hierarchy
and
the
episcopal
this
serve
their
people,
which
ofhce
country so
equally
alive
well
the
importance of strengthening the Church by the admis-
Cf.
Hist, Franc, IV,
conceal his sentiments of the
clergy,
as
in
Bourges (VII.
ix.
3).
who
when he
the
v^ore clerical garb
xii
case
In IV.
V.
finds
Sidonius
ground
for disapproval
of the dissentient priests at viii.
he implies that many
imposed upon the world
he personally inclined to prefer the
morals to one
xxi.
who merely
man
who
bears the priestly
title
is '.
and that priestly in
Introduction
Ixxiv
of such
sion
valuable
did
recruits,
imitate the State in debarring
from
share in her
the greatest
ready welcome,
she gave
merely because they were
though
rich,
because they were
desirable, but
ill-advised
men who
the very
service
discourage
The Church was
their aspirations.^
activities
not
more eminent degree than
likely
possess,
the high
others,
were
riches
to
not
in
culture
and the great manner which the long habit of receiving
The Church had
deference conferred.
have observed,
rians
needed,
on
the
for
one
room, as histo-
She
two types of bishop.
hand,
of
pupil
the
monasteries, the theologian, preacher, and disciplinarian.
She needed, on the
man born
other, the
to great place,
com-
imposing respect by personal distinction, and
manding
figure
any
in
Faustus, pursuing as bishop the
had practised
Principius, sons
who
could
of
of hand (cf.
austerities
which he
and the wealthy Patiens, in
his
own
and
the
most
combine simplicity
of hospitality
appreciated
she welcomed Remigius and
count,
openness
lordly arts
monk
as
She
company.
VI.
xii.
The
3).
life
with
gracious
aristocratic
serve her best not only in her relations
with imperial but
with
also
officials,
the
whose day was
barbarian
princes,
grew more important with every
was ever
year.
further dismembered, and the
almost
whose
As
gone, favour
the empire
Church provided
the one bond of union between the subjects of isolated
kingdoms, the diplomatic bishop continually proved his It
was the same
professions
in the case
of
men
distinguished in the
Germain of Auxerre was once
of Troyes an advocate.
soldier
Lupus
Introduction The
worth.
Ixxv
Visigoth and the Burgundian were im-
pressed by his cuhure and his experience of the world
moreover, they were by tradition high
There was thus
birth.
and
vacant sees, part
number of
certain
elect
of the
disposed
worthier
look
to
way
to be
on
readiness,
with
such election, seeing, as he the one
personages
aristocratic
noble,
tendency to
general
corresponding
favour
to
fail
of use was to become
to
the
favour on to do, that
bishop.
It
was therefore no unprecedented event when upon the death of the Bishop of Clermont, Sidonius found him-
by the voice of his fellow country-
self called to succeed
men it
in
The
Auvergne.
was more ready
it
he supposed himself to givings which
came perhaps too suddenly
summons than
appeared rather
the recipient of
call
And
be.
crowded upon
his
an invitation
but
for the change than in
spite
of the mis-
mind, he must have
seen ground for hope in more than one direction.
In
leaving the aimless existence of the provincial magnate for the living tion
work of the Church, he joined an
which now assumed
commanding
the whole moral and intellectual field
with
into
its
work was
the land which
made
appealed
the
Mamertus,
scholar and
service
Church
by theologians
who had
the orator
in
the
the Cf.
the one force in
The Church
one
pulpit iii
man of
spec sp ecul ulat atio io like
ix.
The
letters.
of the day was
Faustus and Claudianus
persuaded
of Religion (IX. offered
throw himself
for regeneration.
only original ph phil ilos osop ophi hica ca carried on
influence over
to
to aid
organiza-
Philosophy
To
12).^
chance could
of
and Chaix,
i.
the
rhetoric
the
effective
that
feel
into
438.
he
action
was not
Introduction
Ixxvi
class-room declamation, but reaching the
delivering
The
of men.
hearts
preacher could treat the great
themes
of Hfe, not as
subjects
but with
academic display,
for
purpose of practical reform
the eloquence
Remigius carried away great congregations
of
had succeeded the
pulpit
rostra,
the
alone spoke to an
it
assembly of the people.^
Even the education of the
young
pass
was
beginning
Church
the
was
by Faustus,
established
doomed
empire
The
it
was
Lerins
to pass with
he
may
And among
exer ex erci cise se
was so
as the influence
of the bishops had become,
was
still
in
severed times.^
now
from
We
the
survival
new church
For Church schools,
in
more early
vol. x,
definitely
Christian
of these two factors,
see G.
at
Lyons (IX.
1869, pp. 54
iii.
Taschenhich,
ff.
For the growth of the influence of the Church as cf.
C. H. Turner in C.
5),
Kaufmann, Rhetorens chulen
find Klosterschulen ,8cQ,.^ in K2iVim.Qx' Historis he
IV,
both by
produced by the address of Faustus at the
consecration of Patiens'
Ser.
clear
and by that of the and
apart,
it is
controlled
community than
mark the
Cf. the effect
laymen,
body
Great
largely concerned.
some measure
the general voice of the priesthood,
Letters
matters with which the second
life
it
place.
in the
part of Sidonius'
that
of
these the former pupil of
few allusions
briefly notice
those ecclesiastical
to
of the
coming age.
Hoenius and Eusebius now took an honoured
We
old
they turned from them to
and grammarians;
other teachers.
The si
people at large had no interest in th
rhetors
of
brother
or the
survival, un unfi fitt tted ed
school
70).^
1.
of
control
which
at
Sidonius was trained (Carm, xvi. education was
the
into
monastery of
the
in
to
M. H.,
body,
as above, pp. 145, 152, 155.
Introduction
Ixxvii
he po ul ular ar and the priestly, in the interesting accounts
of
the
(VII. vote
episcopal
elections
We
IV. xxv).
ix
Bourges
at
there
and
Chalon
the
popular
find
regarded as an integral part of the proceedings,
still
while some of the diocesan priests give vent to strong opinions of their own, not always coincident with
But
episcopal point of view.
though recognizing the in at
They
which they agree upon
who
bishop
Chalon
nius
at
is
The
seem
manner
At
Simplicius.
have
two benchfuls
urging
their
claims
new
EuphroSidonius
upon the people to
the
of unscrupulous
men were (VII.
single throne
to
ix.
all
2).
one aspirant based his hopes on his kitchen and promise to divide Church
his dinners, and another on
property
among became
election
his
supporters,
apparent to
they abrogated their claims
whose
Bourges,
at
this
Bourges,^ indeed, the electors
recognized
where
When
it is
consecration of
calling
to
and
carried out by Patiens and
delivers
accept
private meeting
hold
their candidate
elected.^
is
masterful
in
both cases the bishops,
in
traditional popular claim, succeed
carrying
candidate
the
in
selection
If the bishops
all
evils
of popular
responsible
laymen
favour of the bishops,
to
of the
the
province
accept.
Such cases
could not attend, the
canon provided that those of neighbouring provinces should be summoned.
Thus
at
Bourges, Sidonius invites the co-
operation of Agroecius of Sens.
Bourges had been
in
Cf. Chaix,
territory.
still
The
22.
Gothic hands since about 470.
the bishops present at the election, two
which was
ii.
Roman, one from fact illustrates
came from
Of
territory
diocese in Burgundian
both the universal character of
the Church, and the tolerance of the barbaric governments.
Introduction
Ixxviii
probably illustrate as well as any examples could, the evil tendencies
And
which necessitated
system.^
the people were not alone in the responsibility for
undesirable episodes on these occasions.
the
rather
than
by merit,
was
Sidonius
inevitable,
It
was
plain
is
by
seniority
obliged that
in
to
the
tightening of the bonds of discipline
century
bishops.^
and
sharp rebuke.
administer late fifth
promotion
favoured
openly
priests
At Bourges
and this could only be effected by the
The
intense and factious excitement aroused
on the occasion of
an episcopal
vacancy
affords
yet
another proof of the importance attaching to the bishop's see
position.
was worth
ceding the certain
disasters
laxity in
Perhaps
of a.d.
the religious
alludes to public devotions in
too
much
interrupted by
much
so,
whose motives were
that the prize attracted candidates
sometimes entirely base.^
so
fighting for
in
the years pre-
there
474
had been
of Gaul.
life
Sidonius
which
were
refreshments (V. xiv.
the dicing and other amusements interspersed
2)
between
the services at the festival of St. Just seem in rather
For the gradual elimination of the popular element C.
see
H. Turner, as above, p. i^^, Though the authority of Rome was unquestioned, through-
Lett tter er out the Le
ther th er
is
no mention of appeal
to, or intervention
by, the Pope.
In the sixth century, though the Prankish kings exerted
an influence over the elections, scandals continued to occur, not quite in the same
way
as at Bourges
of Tours, Hist, Franc, IV, xxxv;
Erant quidem vagaCj
tepentes^
prius^
obicibus hebetabantur.
and Chalon (Gregory
vii, xxxviii).
quod salva fidei pace
infi-equentesque^
bundae supplicationes
VI.
if
utque
sic
sit
dictum
dixerim, oscita-
quae saepe interpellantum prandiorum
Introduction
Ixxix
too
dose an
alternation with the devotions of the
(V.
xvii).^
There may
many
in
excessive preoccupation with the material
which affected even those whose
An
thoughts of the opposite kind.
pleasant figure (VI.
not
apparent
money
was
among there
Lerins to
who
after
being
driven
festivals
cele lebr brat ated ed th which ce
whole week (IX.
iii.
Mark
West
Butler in C.
of
that
dis-
from
taken
The
from
rigour
Syrian his
which
country
native for
to
new
monk Abraham,
many
days.
by
That
of Patiens' church lasted
^festis hebdomadalibus).
Cf. the long
the Deacon^ 191 3, ch. 92.
in
M. H.
i.
transferred to his diocese prayers
The
iii).
been already mentioned. the
monastic
consecration
in use at Lerins (IX.
in
show
and many of the
were protracted
Thus Lupus of Troyes
life
the
G. F. Hill, The Life of Porphyry Bishop
Gaza
of Gaza, by
the
all
accust accustome omed.^ d.^
Sometimes
festival at
case
is
In the monasteries
who were
abbots
or
spheres of activity they had bee
the
the sees of Gaul, carried into their
fill
holy
of piety and devotion both
self-discipline,
monks
tinguished
in
But against such examples may
and among laymen.
was severe
to inspire
we approve
in
strong leaven
clerics
life,
matters
very different kind, which
be set others of there
can
toleration
(IV. xxiv).
priests
Nor
ii).
side of
Agrippinus
orders harassing his sister-in-law on
an
places
was
office it
day
austerities of Faustus
have
For the development of monastic
the
early Christian
531
ff.
centuries,
see
Dom
There was no ordered code or
written rule, except the short rule of Caesarius of Aries, until
the
seventh century.
Before
that time
the eremitical type
of monachism practised in Egypt and Syria prevailed, sometimes
with
country. for Lerins.
the
It is
extreme
habitual
the
latter
even doubtful whether Honoratus wrote
rule
austerities
in
Introduction
Ixxx Sassanian
had
persecution,
Clermont (see below, pp.
down
settled
finally
at
Ixxxiii, civ), afforded another
example of renunciation,^ which produced
its eifect
even
upon Victorius, Euric's Count of Auvergne(VILxvii. Vectius,
who
the noble
world while
from Law's
character which
church,
Jura (IV.
the
young man,
while
in
life,
the
is,
straitens his
Elaphius
builds
as
might be taken ex-quaestor
of Sidonius, goes into retreat
friend
the monasteries of
place
The
Call (IV. ix).
Serious
Domnulus,
his
devout
practising
secretly
has observed,
Dill
maintained
i).
xxv).
in
Simplicius,
resources by building
baptistery
Rouergue
in
(IV. xv). It is natural that
we should
learn
more
Sidonius
of the contemporary bishops than of the lower ranks the Church, since to correspond.
it
was with them
Many
that he
attr at trac acti tive ve fi figu gure re
some already
familiar, as having their
in the history
of their age.
There
is
had
in
chiefly
pass before us,
recognized place
Lupus
the aged
of Troyes (S, Loup), the doyen of Gaulish bishops,
who
in
of advanced years and
spite
received the satisfaction,
news of Sidonius' and,
for
all
enough to take umbrage etiquette
(IX.
his
at
iii.
election with
saintliness,
is
the apostle of the Franks, to Cf.
Remigius
vi,
fatherly
was
II. xxi,
and
Vit, Patr,
of the former work, Gregory alludes to
the second half of the sixth century in
made
who
in
his usual diet of
Lent subsisted on roots brought in
merchant-ships from Egypt. still
literary
Remi),
(S.
the miracles of the saintly recluse Hospicius of Nice,
bread and dates, and
human
whose glowing eloquence
Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc,
In Bk. VI, ch.
anxieties,
supposed breach of
There
xi).
many
In Gregory's time Auvergne
contained hermits practising extreme asceticism.
Introduction bears
Sidoniiis
(IX.
testimony
his
Ixxxi
There
vii).
and leader
of
Faustus, the daring theologian
is
semi-Pelagian school in the south of Gaul, whose
of
work on Free Grace was condemned by Pope Gelasius, and whose anonymous the Soul
There
Mamertus.^ seilles,
whose
De
the
elicited
part
Statu Antmae
ratifying the
in
but did
between
relations
not ultimately
There
them.
Basilius of
Aix, and many others
the
is
who
relieved
beyond the
the
saintly
distress
of his
limits
magnificent scale the old
Lyons
at
Sidonius
Of we
him,
for
may
as
have
well
second order
the
hear comparatively IV.
ii,
iii.
even
own
to
man God
immaterial (cf.
Gennadius,
is
Dill, p.
De
bishop felt
Script, Eccles.
Euphronius Tours,
known
to pos-
whom
Sidonius
and generous bishop of
those
and
of his
an almost the
rebuilt
native filial
Church,
The most
little.
town,
affection.
the
priests,
distinguished
by Faustus, and
prominent part on the other
184).
on
Jerome, and Cassian had given
to claim for
Scj^ipt.
friendly
of
diocese,
chief argument used by Faustus
of
the
St.
less
support to the doctrine thus proclaimed
Augustine had taken
outraged
church of the Maccabees
in
Tertullian,
of
Perpetuus
Patiens, for
is
the
le au
affect
are
Leontius of Aries,
Finally there
treaty of surrender
reproach
bitter
of Autun,
terity.^
of Claudianus
Graecus of Mar-
is
drew from Sidonius the patriotism,
on the Materiality of
treatise
was that
it
For the
Eccles. 85.
Lat,y the treatise
side.
to call the soul
quality belonging only treatise
of Faustus, see
In Engelbrecht, Corpus
and Claudianus Mamertus'
reply are printed together.
Among them
Fonteius, Auspicius, Agroecius, Principius,
and Aprunculus, the successor of Sidonius 546.22
at Clermont.
Introduction
Ixxxii
among them is the above-mentioned Claudianus Mamertus,
who combined
the religious philosopher of Gaul,
same time
speculation with orthodox belief, while at the
Mamertus, Bishop of Vienne,
aiding
his
almost
all
receipt
of the revenues to
(IV.
brother
Most
the
are
of the
training
are
names and nothing
matter for regret that there
is
in
the diocese, from the
whose names
other priests
these pages
tioned in it
work of
the practical
xi).
high
no
is
choir
menmore
portrait of the
parish priest and his activities, such as the
most
literary
bishop of Gaul could so well have drawn for us on his return
from one of his extended orders,
inferior
one or two
praised as reflecting
unfortunate
Sidonius,
who
find
mention
Amantius, the
other,
whom
the
small
gives
influence
of
viii).
scanty
Of
the
gift
of
is
to
great in
in
An
{lectores)
impudent
the
length
commerce,
convert
merchant
monks
information.
at
engaged
Graecus
splendid
Readers
one,
and once
an unnamed person
baudus receives xvi)
times,
trader into
but
Two
vii).
these pages,
in
several
mercator (VI.
ready advocate in
begs of Bishop Censorius the remission
of the payments due (VI. also
by the
crop on church-lands
of Auxerre, finds
in
more
ii)
from home
driven
sown
incursion, has
barbarian
of Euphronius,
(IX.
Principius
who,
Levite,
pupil
manner something of the
his
of his master
urbanity
the
deacons ('Levites') are
Proculus,
introduced.
briefly
Of
visitations.
from
{splendidus
Gaul Sidonius
Abbot
Chario-
cowl for winter use (VIL
usio ions ns ar but though al us
made
to the great houses
of Lerins and Grigny, and to the smaller houses of
Condat
Lauconne
in
the Jura, the Letters give us
Introduction no
of monastic
details
We
life.^
Cirgues at Clermont, his
St.
qualities
of
founder
the
had not the
successor
which maintain order, and Sidonius asks his
friend Volusianus to
act
out the walls (VII.
xvii);
now
Volusianus was
of Lerins
kind of Superior with-
as
perhaps in
monks followed an
time these
some
only learn that on
monk Abraham,
of the
death
the
Ixxxiii
Grigny.
or
ill-conditioned
was
It
the
when he was conducting
Cirgues
Sidonius'
service, with
and rules
stricter
St.
at
removed
person
custom,
oriental
introduce
to
founder's
the
that
book
the vain idea
of causing him embarrassment (Gregory, Hist, Franc. rather
xxii),
II.
really
founded on
curious
fact,
became
which,
if
throws an interesting side-light
on the maintenance of monastic ultimately
episode,
little
The
discipline.
priory and lasted
till
house
the close of
the eighteenth century.
Though
as
young man Sidonius was familiar with
the court of Theodoric II at Toulouse (I.
ii),
no small
of his experience among the barbarians was gained
part
when he had become after
It
imprisonment
his
We
bishop. in
the
have seen that
fortress
of
Li via, he
has been already noticed that previous to their election
to the sees of
Troyes and Riez, Lupus and Faustus had both
occupied the position of Abbot of Lerins.
Hilary of Aries
and Eucherius of Lyons had been members of the same community. Lerins
is
to in IX.
VI.
brief description of
given in Carm, xvi. 105
For
iii.
VII.
xvii.
Lerins,
cf.
ff.,
Chaix,
ii.
and the
note, 80. i,
VIII. xiv.
IX.
monasteries, see note, 47. 2, p. 235. '^
paid by Sidonius to
visit
224.
f2
on
iii.
visit is
alluded
p. 239. 4.
For the Jura
Introduction
Ixxxiv
seems
have
to
pleasure at
been
compelled
Bordeaux
and
contact with
administration. representatives
was
is go hi
Bordeaux that he saw those
at
of the different barbarian tribes whose
some of
personal characteristics he has described,
rendering voluntary service
captives like himself, others
At
dreaded master.
to
king's
been en br brou ough gh must have be
members of th
various
It
the
the course of his efforts
in
to recover his lost property, he into
wait
to
both periods of his
he
life
must have been familiar with the Burgundians, whose territory
even
in
youth was
his
But
from his native town.
in
no great distance
at
their
case
the
also,
acquaintance which was so distasteful to his fastidious
mind was renewed
at
time after they had entered
later
His female
on the possession of Lyons. tinued to reside in that city
relations con-
and he went there
after his
entry into the Church, to see not only his family, but also the Burgundian king aggression
who
of Euric.^
the extreme for one to
much, streets
the
It
Rome
must have been
whom Roman
against the painful
culture
in
meant so
to hear the guttural voices of the barbarians in the
where
fro with at
stood with
in his
young days he had passed
his Latin classics
to
gate of the praetorium
see
skin-clad
where
played the symbols of her power,
to
and
guards
Rome had
dis-
and, penetrating to
the halls built for an imperial magistrate, to be welcomed
by the gross good-humoured
chieftain
whom
conciliated by excellent dinners (VI. xii. 3).
Patiens
Sidonius
paid his court, as duty to his people compelled him to
do;
he took
the
opportunity
V.
of interceding
vi, vii.
for
his
Ixxxy
Introduction kinsman
but,
capitals
Like
the
infested
was but one
he must
keen sense of humiliation.
There
piratical
that
however unrefined the
Burgundian
might appear by com-
standard, they were
Saxon of the
fierce
north.^
was indeed the peculiar good fortune of
It
humane
compared with the pagan Frank and the
civil
who
Ecdicius, halls,
Roman
parison with the
barbarian
must have entered
his brother-in-law
consolation,
and the
Visigoth
malevolence
the
manner had frequented these same
have suffered from
and
now
the time, the iron
all
into his soul. in like
who
informers
of the
by
threatened
Apollinaris,
central
and southern Gaul that the two peoples which here succeeded to the all
to
Roman
inheritance were the best of
the conquering Teutons. tribe
which had now been
civilization for generations
Roman law and custom wardly
civilized,
less
natured of to
The
all
the
heresy, but for
in contact
with imperial
and had adopted much from the Burgundians, though
were the most genial and good-
German
both lay in their
Visigoths belonged
nations.
common
The
great
drawback
profession of the Arian
which the Gallo-Romans might have
acquiesced far more readily in their dominion, and the ultimate triumph of the
But
in
their
Frank would hardly have been
family relations both
the
Visigothic
and
Burgundian royal houses were guilty of murderous brutality. It
has been noted that Theodoric II assassinated his brother
Thorismond, and was
in turn assassinated
the Burgundian in like
destroying at the
by Euric. Gundobad
manner murdered two of
his brothers,
same time the wife and children of Chilperic
under circumstances of such cruelty that public opinion became indignant, and Sidonius' friend Secundinus, the poet of Lyons,
wrote
satire against the
king (V.
viii).
Introduction
Ixxxvi so rapid.^ flamed
Religious fanaticism
fiercely
the ten years of Euric's reign, the
in
between provincial and barbarian were those
relations
of mutual tolerance.^
Neither Visigoth nor
was animated by any
dian
They had
been confirmed
ambition to rank
2iS
now proud
in possession it
Rome.
of their present
had been
their earlier
the Burgundian king
was
hold rank under the empire.^
It
foederati
to
Burgun-
inveterate hostility to
by imperial sanction;^
territory
even
and this only
apart,
was impossible even
most exclusive
the
for
Roman
of the empire had been
citizen to forget that the fabric
preserved by barbarian arms, and that the great Stilicho
was
Nor could
Vandal.
to
those Teutonic
of
Roman
leaders
In Italy
life.
I.
is
ii
purpose,
political
learned the
itself there
manner
his
of
life
temporary
was
tolerably
Burgundians were prepared
Gallo-Romans without violence
to treat the
arts
had been con-
perhaps overdrawn for
The Goths and
civilized.
who had
and though the portrait of Theo-
spicuous examples doric II in
charm be denied
personal
but they
were determined ultimately to dominate the whole of central
the
and southern Gaul.
rule inclined to live
The
of that ambition, they
satisfaction
full
clergy
w^as
always
Alaric II before the final conflict with Clovis
Stamme^
Geschichte der deutschen Dill, Bk. IV, chs.
The
and
(cf.
danger to L. Schmidt,
p. 302).
ii.
Visigoths had been granted Aquitanica Secunda and
Toulouse by Honorius. south of Lake Cf.
were as
peaceably with their neighbours
of the
hostility
Before the time came for
V.
Leman by
vi.
militum (V.
vi
2,
The Burgundians were Aetius.
where Chilperic
cf.
VII.
established
xvii).
is
described as magister
Introduction meanwhile they were subjected to
continual process
of Romanization,^ their new relation to the land and their
inferior
them
to
On
on
great extent dependent
their side, the Gallo-
Roman
law.
Romans were used
vidual
Teutonic peasant or slave had been
figure
in
their
when
households the
military
thousands of prisoners nized,
by the
not
or
on
familiar
since
emperors had distributed
Salvian
It
was recogby the
but
alone,
good
average inhabitant, that the barbarians had their
and that
qualities,
justice
the
redemption,
chief might excel
Teutonic
When
official.
blunt honesty and the
in
the
indi-
farms
their
over the land.
fiery
to
The
presence of the northerner in their midst.
the days
making
knowledge of agriculture alone
sense of
the
Roman
the imperial system degenerated beyond
when
Seronatus succeeded an Arvandus,
and the extortions of th
taxta x-ga gath ther erer er
were hardly
be borne, the perception became general that Cf. L. Schmidt, Geschichte, p. 271.
Prof.
to
might
life
Schmidt con-
Visigoths treated the Gallo-Romans almost on
siders
footing of eq equa uali li
before the
law
(ibid. p. 279),
while the
Biirgundians certainly conceded equal rights (ibid, p. 403). Salvian, holding
Roman
corruption,
brief for
may
barbaric integrity against
exaggerate the virtue of
but his attribution of hospitality, chastity, and honesty to various tribes ence.
He
styling the
was probably founded on contemporary
does not altogether close his eyes to their
Goths
Salvian, see
perfidious,
Hodgkin,
i.
it is
504.)
Ammianus (XXII.
the Goths were regarded as poor fighting
Franc,
ii.
and relying on the 27, 37).
vii)
(For con-
Goths (XXII.
interesting to note that after the Frankish
quarters,
faults,
and the Franks untruthful.
firms Salvian on the national perfidy of the
and
experi-
7)
Conquest
men, shunning close
bow (Gregory
of Tours, Hist,
Introduction
Ixxxviii
be more tolerable in Septimania, or under Chilperic than
under the jurisdiction of Rome.
where among
of the
section
Rome was
Except
Auvergne,
in
inhabitants
loyalty
to
was being gradually
the country
prepared for the inevitable transference of sovereignty.
The
poor
man
resigned that
felt
man his
that the
often longed
the change
for
himself to unavoidable
civilized
life
ing
century, as
empire
the
to
(cf.
added that even as not inspire
above,
the other saw
the
cities
Ixv).
p.
the
The
terror.
which had been
in
men
fighting
universal
one
of ease might be led almost as
agreeably at Toulouse or Bordeaux,
Visigothic for half
The
fate.
could not be worse
lot
the rich
It
remain-
may be
barbarians
did
intruders
in
numerical inferiority which increased with each fresh annexation, and the
Gallo-Roman could remember more
man
one occasion on which,
than
warriors
had
proved
Moreover
equals.^
their
Rome.
barbarian tribes were not united against
was
Burgundian troops
lent
general
blow would
The
and
of the Visigoth,
Auvergne
to
assist
Perhaps the worst feature
advance.
was the
to
jealous
suspense
the
The even
opposing his
in
the situation
in
when
the uncertainty
paralysed such public
Roman
man,
for
the
life
as remained.
administration continued to deteriorate
the officials
were
fall
openly
As
dishonest.
The
note ted, d, Av Avit itus us already no
roads
were
son Ecdicius showed, during of heroes was
the last struggle for Auvergne, that
not extinct (III.
iii).
insecure.
Under Gothic
rule,
Gallo-Romans
were probably exempt from military service (see note 64. p.
238),
Geschichte^ p. 40).
in the
i,
Burgundian ranks (Schmidt,
Introduction
Ixxxix
Fugitives from unjust usage established
and seized on
fastnesses
They were
carried ofF.^
themselves in
property which could be
all
joined by bankrupts, runaway
agents or cultivators from the great
every one to
whom
was ceasing
to
the lawless
short by
Rome
appealed.
life
she had to make
maintain order
way
power which could.
for
Perhaps when time
more
least,
at
the blow
harsh treatment
fell
thus
soon
as
the
crops and
Auvergne were
He
further
He
The Vargi
Cf. VI. iv. I.
Bagaudae of an V.
24,
ii.
104.
earlier
its
378
ff.
C.
p.
in
W.
hand, as
many ways resembled
De
Salvian,
65; Dill,
p.
Oman, England
the
Gub. Dety
315; Hodgkin,
how different from the own country (cf. Haverfield C.
justified
reputable
at
Cf.
as
Berry and
establish
worst
ultimately befell our
pp.
time.
25; Sirmond, iVb/^^,
But at
had
his
But
distress.
and
in-
country,
some measure
in
Goths would already
Auvergne
devastated the
concluded
own, he
his
the hope that the
government.
was
treaty
while he pre-
bereft of their
most widespread
causing the
pas-
in ruin
censed by the obstinate resistance of troops burned the
the
vacant by death
were scattered.^
flocks
pastors,
had
left
sees
to
Churches
or deprivation.
Arian
intolerant
for
sanguine
the
of individuals,
new appointments
vented
proved,
it
of the Catholic clergy provoked
sive or active resistance
to
fall,
than
serious
Euric was an
expected.^
him
did
fate
which
in C.
M. H.,
before the
Norman
Conquesty Bk. Ill, ch. xi).
Sidonius says that Euric was not so the chief-priest of his nation (VII.
suae gentis an suae
vi.
much
the prince as
ut ambigaSy ampliusne
sect ae tene at principattitti).
Introduction
xc
now the
and we may perhaps assume that
Victorias
episcopal
he
conquered Auvergne another Gallo-
set over the
Roman,
Gallo-Roman Leo
Catholic
prime-minister, the
of the
negotiators
had
treaty
secured
from him better conditions for the Catholic population under his rule (see above,
newly acquired laws,
in
we have
as
was now incorporated.^ torial families
and
other
the
cursus
was
that of the
distinction
now was
tenance of
Roman
nobles
and took high
for his
from
under the
viii),
to
Leo and new
main-
few Victorius,
regime,
they
as
Evodius,
Ragnahild Sidonius wrote
may have succeeded
his fortunes in this manner.
only
"^
Burgundian courts.^
whose presentation-cup
Romans were
through the
says,
',
and the purity of Latin
example of
at the
sena-
prefectorian
than ever important.
office
verses (IV.
',
passage
their
Sidonius
literature
the
manner
did
the
culture, so that the jealous
more
followed
much Roman law
consular
As
honorum.
speech became
seen,
Visigothic
sensible
derived
titles
whole, the
down under
territory settled
which,
As
p. xlii).
in
pushing
Other conspicuous Gallo-
perhaps content to ingratiate themselves
Leo probably combined
own person
in his
of the Quaestor Sacri Palati (the highest legal the magister officiorwn
Schmidt, C. M. H.
i.
or head
of the
Civil
the functions officer)
and
Service
(cf.
290).
For the Visigothic administration
of justice,
with
its
twofold system for Goth and Gallo-Roman respectively, see L. Schmidt, Geschichte, pp. 295-6
for the Burgundian, ibid.
P- 423-
Cf. II.
Syagrius,
(V. V).
IV. if
xvii.
not an
official,
was
persona grata
at
Lyons
Introduction with
their
by the
prince
arts
of
xci
such was
flattery
Lampridius, the orator and poet of Bordeaux (VIII. ix).^
The
baser sort found their advantage in
becoming
in-
formers, and trading in the properties and Hves of their
Their machinations were
fellow countrymen.^
one
in
case thwarted by the interventions of Chilperic's queen,
whose support was of such worth respect
The
Patiens.
to
which the Teutonic princes and peoples showed
women was them respected by
virtue
their
which did much
Gallo-Roman
make
to
subjects.
Probably Sidonius came into close personal relations with no barbarians other than the Visigoths and Burgundians;
of
the
rest
he
had
glimpse
during
sojourn at Euric's court (see below, p. cix), or only
His experience was gained
by hearsay.^
favourable field
but
it is
had followed policy,
and though as
in
knew
the most
younger
father-in-law's pro-Gothic
Visigothic subject he schooled
the intensity of his
Roman sympa-
never suffered him to like even
of the
himself to thies
though
clear that
his
in
his
civility,
In
barbarians.
he makes the con-
confidential letter
fession that he does not care for barbarians
they are good (VII. xiv.
lo).
lacking in the refinements
he believed.
The
Sidonius*
rather
He
V. written
his
despised them as
personal habits of the Burgundians fulsome
poem on Euric reached
to exhibit
(VIII.
letter to ix).
the
Lampridius,
Cf. above, p. xlvi.
Sidonius* denunciation of these men, though
vi, vii.
in
when
of the one culture in which
king's eyes through being written in
who was intended
even
most
artificial
style,
breathes
genuine and
righteous indignation.
o, pe perh rh ps
the Vandals, whose raiding habits he de-
scribes in the Panegyric of Majorian
(11.
386
ff.).
Introduction
xcu
he indulges
him,^
revolt
of the Visigothic
culture
subdued
in
court
on
graved
will
it,
Athenaeum
in
their
on the part of Sidonius the
position
to
are
become the
whom
perfidious
no reliance
This ingrained
^).
dislike
barbaric
He
nations.
was few
observe not only the outward appearance of at
Bordeaux or Lyons, but
of the community.
daily life
of
time
In
which offered him priceless opportunities
ypes casually seen
to
barbarians
an unfortunate circumstance
is
of the
historian
an
dress.^
strained relations, the Visigoths
placed (cf. p. Ixxxvii, note
such
in
as compared with
{pellitt)^
civilized
people (J'oed'tfraga gens\ in
en-
The
above, p. xlvi).
(cf.
Romans
in
of the
quality
esteemed
be
alone
always the skin-clad savages
for
the
at
of Ragnahild's cup, not that of
silver
the
the
sneer
He
them, given
converse with
the
might have learned
examples
us
of
their
speech, told us their proverbial wisdom, their legends
and
their
The
apostle
with
He
history.
of Latin
forced
to
learn
of
Persian
under
had been made
vanquished Gaul.
VII. xiv.
things. his
soil
Xerxes,
victorious
Patrician,
this
compulsory
It is clear that
lips
An
tongue.
would not have suffered more than Visigothic
these
idiom would not
German
the
none
did
language
if
in
he only half admires
In Carm, XII. vi he asks
how he
is
to write
verses in six feet, with seven-foot giants all about him.
The
Burgundians also greased their hair with rancid butter, had
enormous
poem
is
We
above).
and spoke
appetites,
translated
may
in
by Fertig (Part
recall
stentorian ii,
p.
tones.
The
17).
Anthemius* complaint
(cf.
p.
xxxiii
Introduction the cleverness of
xciii
who became
Syagrius
so proficient
Burgundian dialect that old men were afraid of
in the
being detected by him
solecism (V.
in
lamentably
of what
short
has
Sidonius
accomplished,
he
might
so
man.
the young apparel,
was probably
It
Prankish
The
xx).
century
description
Burgundian Chilperic of
full
is
circumstantial
so
nationality of Sigismer
is
that
it
not stated,
is
it
may be
already
noted,
Bordeaux
who
during
the Bishop
that
to observe
was
the
enforced
his
of
the
though the
from his equipment and his arms.^ it
and
interest,
inferred
tribes
rich
his
has attracted the attention of every historian fifth
the
to
walking amongst his guards to the house of
his prospective father-in-law, the
(IV.
in
to
he saw
that
Sigismer
prince
(?)
of
value
their
Lyons
at
have
sketches
the student of history and ethnology, or even literary
falls
easily
several
left
types which are not without
barbarian
3).
But though he
great opportunity lost.^
It is
v.
fairly
But, as stay
at
of Clermont had occasion
various representatives of the northern
pressed upon one another at
the powerful
Euric (VIII. his
swift
blue-eyed Saxon
There he saw the
ix).
glaucous
arch-pirate
',
of
countenance
terror
the
of the coasts
the grey-eyed Frank with his shaven face, yellow hair,
and
tunic
close-fitting
the Sigambrian, shorn of his
Hodgkin has accentuated See
35.
this point
i, p.
233.
(ii,
p.
372).
Chateaubriand,
MariyrSy adapts Sidonius' description of the Franks. Cf. Carf?t,
VIII.
vii.
vi. 15,
Car?n.
vii.
236.
and
236
cf.
also
Cf. note 155. 2, p. 247. Carj?i, vii. 369.
Pan. Ma?. 210
ff.
in
Le
Introduction
xciv
His knowledge of Mongolians
treasured back-hair.^ dates from
probably played
Letters
in the
and
an earlier time, it
may
not
is
dis-
been derived
chiefly
from Avitus, who knew the Asiatic nomads well from
What
the days of Attila, Aetius, and Litorius. nius has to say of
them
be found
is to
Sido-
Panegyric
in his
of Anthemius, where he praises the horsemanship of troopers
who seem
rather centaurs than
from
their
mounts.^
come
the
extremely
who
Saxons,
told
human
offering
homeward
sacrifice
voyage
is
Taken
knowledge.^
before
having, though, for the re reas ason on
same time disappoint
us,
must be made
for
writer
these
refinement
cannot
is
going
down
VIII.
ix,
11.
28
common
contributions
worth
we do
all,
the unique
great allowance
who
lost
The
fears that all
before the flood of barbarism
interest as
ff.
of
of the north.
be expected to regard the
same sympathetic
on the
sail
who had championed
high civilization
are
above, they at the
as
cause against these very peoples representative of
much
so
tribes are well
After
nature of his opportunities.
the
custom of
their
fact
give gi ve
knowing
of
enterprise
setting
whole,
knowledge of the Teutonic
only
and
skill
recorded as as
may have
also
shipwreck as
maritime
separable
description
few vigorous phrases, while
in
to our
hearsay
interesting
regarded
Their
practice/
From
men
of the poem.
barbarian
with the
the conqueror or pioneer
The term
Sigambrian
is
used generically for the tribes of the lower Rhine (W. Schultze,
Deutsche Gesch.
ii.
38),
and the present captives may have
been taken during some expedition of Euric*s troops against the Franks.
Carm,
ii.
243.
In the letter to Namatius, VIII.
vi.
Introduction who
xcv
the banner of the higher culture into the
carries
wilderness in the confident assurance of
Had
Sidonius
the
to
shores
accompanied of the
Roman army
victorious
he might
Baltic,
triumph.
its
have looked
upon the Teuton with other eyes, and developed some of the observant qualities of
And
Tacitus or
when we remember
yet,
his
Lafitau.
on his own
silence
countrymen of the lower classes, we may perhaps doubt whether, even under
have made
stimulating
good
Roman
make
the scientific
he
The whole
observer.
scientific
education and training of the as to
conditions,
school were such
almost impossible to
attitude
the finished product of the system.
Before turning to consider that system and
upon
the
we may
of Sidonius,
talent
literary
briefly to consider the information
pause
which he supplies on
of Gallo-Roman
several ex exte tern rnal al as aspe pect ct
its efl^ect
civilization in
the last years of the imperial connexion.
We his
may
Avitacum,
villa
the
parts
this
quite
easy
esig es igne ne
extensive structure for aspect
with
women's
with
summer
colonnade
quarters,
the
winter dining-room
an open hearth, and
doors
all
loggia,
and
not
however, an
Roman
Caninius Rufus on the
regard
provided with half out of
weaving-room, baths.^
Perhaps there were sleeping-rooms for the daily well as for the nightly rest, as
was
shores of
In
chambers
dining-room,
and
seats.
and
imagine,
th
Pliny's
follow,
to
principal
We
to understand.
description of
country
hard
is
of the
his
modelled upon
favourite
description
position
relative
place,
first
evidently
own
of his
accounts
some
the
take, in
The
siesta as
the case at the villa of
Como,
described in
one
Introduction
xcvi baths were clearly
feature of
The
Avitacum.
house almost abutted upon an eminence, from which stream flowed down, while the
same
provided
hill
timber for heating in such convenient fashion that the
down
cut logs rolled
the
steep
and almost de-
slope,
The
livered themselves at the furnace-door.^
different
chambers used by the bathers, some of which were adorned with
described
one had
another
pyramidal roof
in
some
detail
basin filled from
pipeheads cast to resemble lion-masks, through which the water
comes
in
tumult that the master of the
such
house and his
have to c6nverse
top of their voices to be heard.
himself on his baths,
Sidonius clearly prided
saying
that
they need
The
comparison with public establishments.^ of Pliny's letters
{Ep.
I.
The account
iii).
the
at
fear
no
house of
of the
open
apartment at Avitacum looking out on the lake, where the guest might
sit in
adapted for the
As
contemplation at any hour, suggests
place
siesta.
excavations
in
more than one country
sufficiently
hypocaust was commonly used for other rooms bath.
domus
Carm,
Cf.
Leontius
is
188, where
xxii.
described
the
hiberna
here the wood-fed furnace
spargit le7ttatum per culmina tola vaporeni
in fact, central
heating.
He at
mentions also the baths
Narbonne, and those
{^Carm.
in the
in the
Octaviana of Consentius
Burgus of Leo near Bordeaux
xxii.).
Almost
more
these elaborate
than
interesting structures,
is
the
Sidonius*
account
of the extemporized vapour-baths used by
and Prusianum, where the baths of reason unavailable. enclosed by an arched
He
wattling,
of
which he gives
him
his hosts
there caused
description
pit
at
Vorocingus
were for some to be
dug and
upon which coverings
Introduction Avitacum must have been Lake of Aydat
the
charming place, situated on
wide prospect over
ground with
rising
xcvii
lake, perhaps
222);
(see note, 36. 2, p.
wonderful that the owner should describe
But there are curious omissions
siasm.
of
its
should say nothing of his
own
and
length on that of
word
gardens of
who
round
such
of them, though, here again,
again,
said
is
warm
and upon these
that the improvised
(cf.
employed
note, 52.
baths, see i.
651
2,
is
filled
with wi th the
with vapour.
when he came
The whole procedure and
in primitive
recalls
America
For the general arrangement of Roman
Daremberg and
Saglio, Diet, des ant. grecques et rom.
Marquardt, Frivatleben, pp. 279
to contrast
nor
Sidonius as
water was th thro rown wn
in Russia, the East,
p. 225).
loved
Red-hot stones were placed
chamber was
douche of cold water.
that
We
of stables
In this the bather sat for some time, receiving out
How
really
we doubt
pets
of Cilician goat's-hair were laid. in the pit
the
dwells with delight upon his foun-
word of domestic
there
some
residence,
doubt whether Sidonius
Nothing,
flowers.^
result
dwells at
letter
and trim walks, his cypresses and roses
tempted to
are
his library
friend are praised in another place.
different Pliny,
tains
said
is
man
bookish
Again, while there must
friend.
have been extensive gardens not
with enthu-
it
words about
another
in
not
books, though he could
certainly have quoted Cicero's viii),
is
the description
It is remarkable that so
amenities.
{Ep, VI.
in
it
Sidonius* descriptions of
ff.
It is interesting
Roman
country-houses
with what he has to say of the palace of Theodoric II at
Toulouse
(I. ii).
There he describes
treasure-chamber, and
stable,
large hall of audience,
but nothing
is
said of any
baths.
But is
cf.
Carm,
mentioned. 546. 22
xxiv. 56
ff.,
where the garden of ApoUinaris
Introduction
xcvili
lover of animals.
Yet, for
its
freshness and solitude,
Avitacum was evidently near enjoyed the tunic ata
which
quies,^
the equivalent of the ease in
Avitacum was
as undefended as
But
usually were.
some
that
to resist
barian
sign
is
it
were already
seats
Roman was
to the
so delightful to
flannels
We
the city dweller of to-day.
there he
heart
gather that the
Roman
villa
of
country-houses
of this unsettled period rather, perhaps,
fortified,
sudden attack by brigands than assault by bar-
We
invaders.^
precise from the
learn nothing
Letters of the architectural features of town dwellings.
would have been
It
of the houses
the disposition
place as Lyons, and
such
in
know
interesting to
how
those
citizens resembled the larger residences in
of Italy
on the one side and Britain on the other.^
Leaving country
toga was one of the
the
off
Pliny {Ej>. V.
life.
nul/a necessitas togae
The Burgus
of Leontius
of
45) says of one of his haunts
vi.
Juvenal, Sat.
(cf.
delights
first
was
171).
iii.
fortified.
Dill
(p.
310)
notes the fact that in isolated cases such fortification seems to
have begun at the time of the Visigothic settlement
The remains 409
to 413,
spot (C.
I.
meridionale difficult
of the castle built by Dardanus, Prefect from
were L. i.
identified
xii.
ii.
i).
took refuge
xi.
in the
the forum
century.
Fauriel, Hist»
The foundation
Gaule
de la
of these strongholds in
Several allusions
feudal system.
show
that they were
2)
and Clermont
thus Vienne (VII.
The mention
interesting (I.
that
Cf.
of information about the towns themselves
also disappointing.
(III.
by an inscription found on the
country heralded the approach of
protected by walls
is
1524).
560.
The absence is
Gaul.
in
7),
forum
of that
i.
of the statues in the forum at Aries
and the allusion at
Vienne (VII.
place
still
to the deer i.
3)
stood in
which
seems to show the
late
fifth
Introduction
Of apart
xcix
the interior furnishing of the house,
is
little
from the description of baths, what
details
decked
perhaps,
those of Theodoric,
like
gleaming
here couches for the diners,
{nitens abacus)
sideboard
and
we
Here
have concern almost exclusively the dining-room.
were the stibadtum (horseshoe couch)
said
with
linen
coverings on ordinary days, and silk on great occasions (I.
The
ii).
accounts
best
arrange-
ments are given where Sidonius describes the banquets Aries
at
already
mentioned
In
Ixiv).
(p.
xi
I.
arrangement of the company on the siibadium in order of precedence
horn
one
',
his principal guest at
by the remaining guests so that the junior
clined next to the host.^
with
some
Roman
detail
in order
this
(in
into
the other,
of their
case, Sidonius
The poem the
official
xiii
silk,
figured silk textiles bearing representations of
Sassanian
West
mid-fifth century (see note, 203. I, pp.
Roman
leben, pp.
Or
at
302
rolls its
mounted
as early as the
251-2).
There
perfume to the roof; the
ff.
any rate with subjects familiar on
were favoured in
or with
dining arrangements, see Marquardt, Privai-
of the sixth to eighth centuries.
probably
The
on the sideboards and even on the couches.
Burning frankincense
For
of
which proves the im-
style,^
portation of oriental stuffs into the
are flowers
enters
accessories
couches are draped with hangings of purple
in
rank,
himself) re-
of IX.
luxurious
followed
banquet in the capital of the province.
huntsmen
strict
noted, the host being at
clearly
is
the
textiles
Similar motives, however,
in other places in the
Near East, among others
Alexandria (O. von Falke, Kunstgeschichte der
Seidentextilien
Berlin
Introduction lamps, knowing nothing of are
common
bowed under
begins the servants appear,
chased silver
Wine gleams
plate.-^
cups and bowls of various
When
the meal
garlands
feast
rose-wreathed
in
with
spiced
is
done, some of the guests are
is
of Bacchantes,
hang
that
the
the weight of the
and
form,
stimulated to the imitation
among
When
scented opobalsamum.
fed with
nard.
{oleum nescientes)^
oil
from
and dance
unguent-vases.^
the
But the chief entertainment comes with the introduction of Corinthian
who
girls,
sing to the
accompaniment
the cithara, and of other flute-players and singers. is
scene of lavish extravagance.
of
senatorial
family in every-day
few
consisting of dishes
elaborate (II. ix. 6,
in
have
to
ment when
vii),
we should
Introduc-
rule.
of so old
expect from
but there were families
wealthy
who thought more
old plate than of being useful in the world (VIII.
cup with fluted
silver
appropriate
gift for
Sidonius
is silent
we owe
the
sides,
story- that
like
shell,
own
in
plate
the time
to
(see
luvat
p. et
vago rotatu pede.
poem.
here
is
darefracta
veste
viii. 4, 5).
Gregory of Tours
silver
membra
voce Bacchus
implied
Bacchante was assumed.
^^
considered an
is
to
relieve
the
cxlviii).
vel trementes It
of their
of greatest distress at
Clermont the bishop disposed of his poor
Roman
vii. i).
Ragnahild, queen of Euric (IV.
as to his
friend
Theodoric's was unostentatious
writer, is often mentioned. (I. ii)
more
Sidonius pictures the man's astonish-
invited, as the acquaintance
Silver plate, as
been
con-
person unused to the manners of
ing to Simplicius society (IV.
meal
high standard of comfort
lo).
good cuisine were evidently the
and
It
described as
number
in
meals seem
the evening
tents
The midday
of
that
even
ludo,
lines
the
swiulare
64-7 of the
costume
of
the
Introduction himself, to
as
this rustic to
family
the
at
sit
ci
table
eleg egan ance ce which will be entertained with an el
make him think himself among the Apicius, and served by the
The
tium "/ not
abash
will
it
*'
rhythmic carvers of Byzan-
one indispensable placed
necessarily
delicate guests of
the
in
article
of furniture,
dining-room,
which
receives special mention is the water-clock or clepsydra
however,
even here,
it
in
is
one case brought in as
Of
having announced to the chef the hour for lunch.
bedrooms nothing
one passage rather leads us
said
is
suppose that sleeping accommodation was less ex-
to
we should have expected
tensive than
Such
references as occur
artistic
Sidonius, though noisseur.^ art
The
II.
the
in
reference
note, 15.
and
I,
p.
230).
6,
xiii.
7).
show
to
was not
refinement,
that
con-
that provincial
second and third quarters of the
probably
style
ix.
seem
may perhaps be surmised
It
Gaul
in
all
(II. ix.
is
to carvers
flourish, as if they
4.
who
with
officiated
worked
For the clepsydra^ see
to
music (see
note, 51.
2,
p. 224.
His
visits to
upon the
Rome
inspire
artistic treasures
of the capital.
frescoes in his baths with the in
them
to offend modesty.
of the descriptions in his
him with no
desire to dwell
He
dismisses the
remark that there was nothing K. Purgold has shown
poems which seem
most
to suggest obser-
vations of works of art are really borrowed from Claudian
and other Roman poets {Clatidianus und Sidonms, 1878).
Some
of these are elaborate, but in no case does the poet
speak with enthusiasm
or
In Carm. xxii
evident personal comprehension. frescoes
and pictures
in
the
house of Pontius Leontius rather in the style of an abstract inventory,
and without any
subjects were
critical
appreciation
the chief
Mithridates sacrificing his horses to Neptune
Introduction
Cll
century resembled the literature of the same period,
fifth
and that
work was uninspired and
its
imitative, coldly
reproducing at second-hand traditional classical models. It
probably did not share the great prestige accorded
though Sidonius mentions
to literature
temporary orators and poets,
The
pages.
are to seek in his
artists
may
wealthy Gallo-Romans
concentrated
have regarded
upon
enthusiasm
their
score of con-
have chiefly
Such com-
secondary matter.
art as
parative indifference could only have hastened the fall
Roman
of the academic
down-
before the invading
style
which now entered Gaul
oriental motives
and
Letters,
in increasing
numbers, and were naturally more congenial to barbaric
Of
taste.
The
sculpture
author
erected at
no
gives
Rome
of
even less than painting.
learn
of
description
own
allude to the sculptor.
stereotyped
when
attitudes
an episode from the siege of Cyzicus
and (an
strangling th
statue
His men-
enumerating the the infant Hercules
interesting point) episodes
In the epithalamium of Polemius and
from Jewish history.
Araneola {^Carm. xv. i59ff.) are
his
the delivery of his Panegyric of
after
Avitus, nor tion
we
woven by Araneola on
number of toga
classical episodes
palmata
themes perhaps derived from familiar
for her
father,
pictures.
Sidonius refers more than once to encaustic painting (VII. xiv.
and Panegyric of Majorian,
1.
590).
of the mosaics in the church of Patiens 54. I, 55. I, pp.
is difficult
description (see notes,
But whatever the exact translation
225-6).
of the author's words
The
may
be,
it
seems certain that no figure-
subjects were depicted, but only ornamental or conventional
designs, in
ponderated.
which
the
colours
of
blue
As Hodgkin has observed,
perhaps be sought
in
and
green
their parallels
pre-
may
some of the purely decorative designs
in the mosaics of churches at Ravenna.
Introduction (IX.
principal philosophers of antiquity
that he
had well-known
The
understanding. is
does
Sidonius
architecture
and
erected
that
by
that
by Patiens
we
the subject of
villa
Tours
at
of Avitacum
Lyons
(IV.
with
write
to
at
mind,
his
in
and his descriptions
Perpetuus
rather slight
seem
not
account of the
not that of an expert
churches,
On
it.
14) suggests
ix.
types
sculptural
but he does not himself assert
ciii
of two (II.
x)
4)
are
first
was
xviii.
do, however, gather that the
an orientated basilica, preceded by an atrium, and with coffered
ceiling
the
in
is
no
the number of aisles or the form
clear statement
The
of the hema.
though there
interior,^
second, which
replaced
the
older
building erected by St. Brice over the shrine of St. Martin,
seems to have presented most exceptional features
may have introduced was destined
into
Gaul
of choir which
type
whole course of Roman-
to influence the
esque and even Gothic building (see note, 33.
Yet nothing the
that
that Sidonius
says
says
p.
would lead us
231).
to infer
was an epoch-making
church
Sidonius
it
that
gilded roof, which, at
the sunlight
was
reflected
from the
when gold backgrounds were
period
not yet employed in mosaic, certainly implies the ceiling of painted and gilded
wood
usual in early
basilicas.
It
may
be noted, however, that he speaks of mosaics covering the ca77iei'a,
word which implies
applied to the Sir T.
apse
(cf.
note, 54. i,p. 226, below).
G. Jackson, Byzantine and Roinanesque Architecture
(Cambridge, 1913),
He
vaulting, but is probably here
ii.
31, also regards the
draws attention once more,
church as ceiled.
as VioUet-le-Duc in an earlier
generation, to the poverty of our information on the churches built in
Gaul before the tenth century.
any other writer gives us
tithe
might so easily have presented.
Neither Sidonius nor
of the
facts
which they
Introduction
civ
we
structure
infer
it
only from the later description by
Gregory of Tours.^
In connexion with the churches
mentioned by Sidonius, we must not forget the metrical inscriptions
the
which he and request
bishop's
These mosaic.
at
be engraved upon the walls.
to
length that they were probably cut
are of such
characters upon panels
in rather small
composed
his rival poets
or executed in
In the case of Patiens' church, the verses of
Constantius and Secundinus were to be placed to right
and
left
of the
altar,
those of Sidonius himself perhaps
opposite on the west wall, though
Monastic buildings are not
are not clear {in extimh).^
described by our author.
he had of
its
words he uses
the
we have
Yet, as
already seen,
personal knowledge of Lerins,
architectural
and
features, plan,
details
internal arrange-
ments would have been of the highest
He
interest.
could have described to us, too, the process by which the
simple
of
cell
Clermont developed for
at
the
into the
we
could wish
JIlsL Franc,
destruction by
monastery of
of Abraham's death
time
was evidently of some gether,
monk Abraham
Syrian
the
II.
fire.
size
the
community Alto-
ared ar ed the archi-
In IV. xx Gregory mentions
himself restored
have been familiar with
St. Cirgues,
xvii. 3, 4).^
doni do ni
that
xiv.
He
(VII.
near
its
details,
and
it
as he
its
must
should be regarded as
competent witness. This was
position
where
inscriptions
are
known
to
have been placed (H. Holtzinger, Die altchristliche Architektur, &c., p. 184).
The monastery must have been
of
those of St. Martin at Marmoutier and Tours, and based on oriental
prototypes (cp. p. Ixxix above).
completed by Abraham
its
DoUandistes^
The church was vii.
59, 60).
Introduction
reading Vitruvius (VIII.
would only have in
all
Perhaps,
lo).
vi.
the
things, and, like
whom
contemptible, have regarded
all
precept as
Vitruvian
fond of
however,
preference
his
reiterated
of the eighteenth century, to
was
who was
of one of his friends,
tectural interest
traditional
cv
for
the
accepted oracles
Gothic architecture all
divergences from
His
wholly beneath his notice.
indifference to the really important features of Perpetuus'
church lends some colour to the supposition.
of music, our author again reveals no personal
to the art
His
enthusiasm.
references
performances
concern the then, as
In relation
now,
were
But we
to inspire.
enlivening
intended
music usually
secular
to
rather
are told that
which
banquets, to
distract
than
Theodoric II only
cared for serious strains at table, and that he dispensed alike with
statement
negative
the
here
suggesting that in
houses neither was disdained
haps
at
and with vocalists
the hydraulic organs
no period of his
life
Church music
musicians.^
tion to tantalize the
(cf.
receives just
reader.
Per-
above, p. Ixiv).
was Sidonius
Among
other
patron of
enough atten-
the merits of the
accomplished priest-philosopher Claudianus Mamertus, Sidonius records his zeal in training the choir for his
Bishop of Vienne;^ again,
For
these,
cf.
note, 6.
i,
in
connexion
p. 216.
He liked the music of birds, to which he refers more than once. He also mentions without resentment the piping of the local 'Tityri', heard
IV.
xi, lines
in the
St.
hills
near Avitacum.
13-15 Psahnortiui hie modulator
Ante altaria fratre classes.
on the
gratulante
Instructas
Amabilis of Auvergne was
church of
St.
Mary
at
in
et phonascus
doctiit
'^
sonar
early Jife cantor
Clermont (Chaix,
ii.
66).
Introduction
cvi
with the celebration of the festival of
we
hear of antiphonal singing (V. xvii.
no
Lyons,
St. Just at
There
3).
is
the use of musical instruments in
definite
churches.
In the matter of costume, than of
Roman
may
It
learn
be taken for granted that the
tunic remained the usual garment
the Gallo- Romans
held
it
more of barbarian
and more of the garb of laymen
dress,
than of clerics.
we
for the
house among
sometimes the girdle or belt which
round the waist offered scope for ornament of
Over
particular fashion (IV. ix. 2).^
the tunic were
probably worn the mantles most commonly in use in
late-Roman times t\iQ
the pallium^ of
Greek
The
paenula (a kind of poncho) for bad weather.
toga was
now
and
origin,^
ceremonial garment, of which the most
sumptuous form was the toga palmata^ or embroidered robe worn by the Consul.^
Summus
nitor in vestibiiSy cultus in
The
in phaleris.
Sandals or boots are only cingulis^ splendor
Germanicus
lively sexagenarian
said to
is
have accentuated his youthful appearance by wearing clothes' (IV. it
xiii.
conceivable that
is
fashions for
garment
may
This
i).
the
Cf. Fertig,
The pallium was continued to wear
it
i.
it
ting themselves from the
felt,
or
in the
middle of the
Cf. VIII. vi.
embroidered cf.
was
came
Celtic
did he wear
who
of philosophers,
into general use, differentia-
unlearned by carrying
still
fifth
or
and that some garment
distinctive
wearing the hair and beard long. that this costume
of Teutonic
but
24.
first
after
refer only to the tunic;
influence
may have made itself may be indicated
tight
affected
From
IV.
staff
xi.
by philosophers
and
we
infer
in
Gaul
century.
and Carm, palmata
Privatleben^
xv. 145
ff.,
for her father; p.
549.
It
where Araneola for this
garment,
has been
noticed
Introduction mentioned
the description of the
method of
comprehension (VIII.
xi.,
12
11.
there
that
possible
just
is
of
not
lacing
of the poem).
ff.
an
is
It
to
allusion
pro-
which Sidonius sends
the letter
fessional dress in
Muse
symbolic figure of
relation to
in
cvii
to
Domitius, the grammarian of Ameria, inviting him to the
cool
Domitius pupils
depicted
is
wrapped
spiring in
of Avitacum
retreat
thin
as
in
Ecdicius
the
cuirass,
may
is
and
however, that
be,
to be
said
swathed round no
be
master's gown.^
which
letter
The
recounts
hero
the
Armour
is
prowess
the
Gothic
Roman
round
lines
con-
not the Visigoths or Burgundians,
of
barbarian
Sidonius was in frequent contact, but in
5),
costume
cerns
description
iii.
The
careful
It has
of
model.
most
whom
men-
described as wearing greaves,
is
the whole equipment following the
relations.
necessary
helmet with cheek-pieces (III.
the Franks, with
his
to
sensitive to draughts, for even
breaking through
in
Clermont.
it
fashion
accompaniment of tioned
expounding Terence
linen or silk
under the thick cloak he round,
summer,
thick cloak, while others were per-
in
Domitius was extremely and
very hot
in
with all
whom
likelihood
he had had probably no regular
been already noticed
(p.
xciii) that the
weapons borne by the guards of the young Sigismer,
whom
Sidonius saw
nation (note, 35.
at
i, p.
that,
even
characteristic of that
The
prince himself wears
233).
flame-red mantle over
above
Lyons, are
white
silk tunic,
times,
the
and
wealth of
cumbrous toga was
discarded as soon as possible. II.
ii.
Endromidaltis exterius^ inirinsecus fasccalus.
Ifitroduction
cviii
gold ornaments.^ His companions wear high,
close-fitting,
short-sleeved, parti-coloured (?) tunics scarcely reaching to their bare knees, and
adhering
their
legs
low boots of hide with the hair
green cloak [sagum) with skin mantle over
missile
axes
shields
enriched on the
worn on Circular
missiles^.
with
field
is
barbed lances and
are
secures
uncati^
(^lancet
and apparently
The sword
free.
other weapons
the
baldric
purp pu rple le bo bord rder er
brooched on the right shoulder
all,
sword-arm
to leave the
Each has
uncovered.
are left
and on the
silver,
umbo with gold, complete the equipment of the In
train.
he
general
depicted
is
in
the Frankish
recalls
it
Carolingian
illuminated
of the ninth and tenth centuries; though
The Teutonic
brilliant
warrior as
manuscripts
at this later date
princes
and nobles became
very fond of wearing silk in later times
but the mention of
IV. XX.
it
here
is
I.
interesting
(perhaps A. D. 470)
what has been style used
said
from
the
w^hich
at
comparatively
the
letter
was
early
written.
above of the
Cf.
of oriental
The excavation
by contemporary Gallo-Romans.
of Frankish graves has abundantly illustrated the fondness of the Franks for gold ornaments, all
the
passage
Teutonic is
so
taste
peoples, notably the
which was shared by
The whole
Goths.
important for the student of early Teutonic
archaeology that
it is
worth while to give the original words
pedes primi perone saetoso talos adusqtie vinciebantur
crwa
sziraeqne sine tegmine
versicolor^
sola
vix
praeter hoc vestis alia stricta
appropinqiians poplitibiis
brachiorum priiicipia celantes
margiiiata puniceis
genua
exertis
vianicae
viridantia saga limhis
penduli ex huinero gladii
balteis
super-
currentibus strinxerant clausa bullatis latera rhenonibus,
For Visigothic and Burgundian weapons and personal ornaments, see Barriere Flavy, Les arts industriels des peuples barbares de la Gaule^ vol.
bourgondes de Chaussin
et
Feuvrier et Fevret, Les cimetieres de IVriandCy 1902.
Introduction legs
the
The
commonly
are
garment
skin
barbarian
synonym
used almost as
is
importance was
Especial tribes to the
manner
of the
characteristic
the
adjective peUltus
for barbarian.^
by the different
attached
which the
in
bandages.
tight
was
hair
Theo-
cut.
withdrawn from the forehead and long
hair is
doric's
great
Roman's eyes
the
in
by
protected
the
is
cix
over the ears (I.
ii.
The Saxons
2).^
fore-part of the skull shorn,
have the whole
fashion which at
distance
seems to increase the length of the face and reduce that of the head (VIII.
not feel
had his
has
man
true
long
until
The
23-7 of the poem).
old warrior of this tribe,
Bordeaux,
1.
11.
normally wears his hair long
Sigambrian the
ix,
the back
at
whom
Sidonius sees
locks
cut
and
off,
they have grown again
at
will
(ibid.
28).
Of
clerical vestments, unfortunately,
at this early period, differentiation
may
lay garb
Monks
woul wo ul
Cf. above, p. xxxiii, also
to
hair
princes
grow so long
Merovingians
did i.
had
his hair
(IV.
xiii.
effect
was
cut
and
had begun,
it
the palliolum^ which
similar
barbaric habit.
do not seem
to have
allowed their
fall
on their shoulders as the
(Lindenschmit,
Handbucli der deutschen
as
330).
to
The Gallo-Roman
wheel-fashion
',
whatever that
crinis in rotae speci??ien accisus)
similar
said
clerical
The Greeks had
1. ii.
notion that the use of furs was
The Gothic
but
is
have had their importance.
described as wearing
are
between
not have gone very far
word rd few wo
and even
nothing
may mean
perhaps the
of the male coiffure on late
Roman
diptychs and on tombs of the fifteenth century, as exemplified
by the monuments of English knights whose hair the forehead, as
if
is
ut
basin had been used by the barber.
Introduction
ex would seem
to indicate
the monastic dress at
that
resembled that of the philosopher (IV.
was
cowl
apparently
present
VIL
cucullum^
word
the usual to the
xvi.
The
2).^
which
corona^
tonsured
independent
an
thick one
Chariobaudus (nocturnalem
the abbot
to
The
3).
Sidonius sends
covering for the head, as as
time
this
at
ix.
first
corona tua
tonsure
described by
ultimately transferred
is
is
is
used very
much
we
as
should say 'your reverence'.
The
allusions to sport
In the chase the but
encountering
for
spear
comes
(VIII.
bow
numerous.
and other beasts
boar
the
game being
Namatius
is
(I.
ii),
the
driven into nets
bantered on
the over-
temperament of the hounds with which
merciful
more than once mentioned of the young
In one place
pedition
to
which Agricola,
Sidonius (II.
The hood
xii. is
imitation
of
simplicity
{^Inst.
said
The none
sporting
tastes
ex-
fishing
his brother-in-law, invites
took
in
by Cassian to have been adopted
children's
Coen.
with
we hear of
Racing
l)."^
I,
dress,
ch.
too serious
perhaps be compared
by the net armed, not with
is
an essential possession
gentleman
country
2).
iii.
as
he
The hawk
of Oleron (ibid.).^
pursues the hares
(III.
fairly
the principal weapon
is
into play, the
12).
vi.
and games are
suggest
to
innocence
in
and
iii).
may who sat
sportmanship of Namatius of the younger Pliny,
boar-spear, but with his tablets,
and recommended Tacitus to do the same, providing himself in addition with
luncheon-basket and
bottle of
wine (Ep.
I. vi).
The where
peasants set night-lines
fish
in
the lake at Avitacum,
were plentiful and of good quality
(II.
other places Sidonius alludes to streams containing
Beyond the
fact that
ii.
12)
good
in fish.
Atla lant ntic ic to protect Euric had ships on th At
Introduction
former times on the lake below Avitacum,
place in
recollection of
Aeneas' regatta
Large comfortable
xii.
games
to
unfortunately they are
in
Drepanum, the people (11.
19).
ii.
manned by rowers
river-boats
on the Garonne (VIII. References
at
Trojan descent
of Auvergne claiming
seem
cxi
ply
5).^
much
of
are
but
interest,
seldom precise, and where they
to give detail, only confuse
by uncoordinated
facts.
board-game of some kind resembling backgammon,
in
the
known
that
possibly
as
passage
difficult
duodecim
scripta^^ is
in
where Theodoric
I.
ii,
indicated is
Dice-boxes are frequently mentioned,
described at play.
and one would assume that games of hazard were
little
Outdoor
too popular with
the aristocracy of Gaul.^
games with
were evidently pursued with ardour,
balls
from the
his shores
Saxons (VIII.
vi.
the swift myoparones of the
we
13),
learn nothing of naval
matters:
Sidonius enters into no particulars as to the style of the ships
His reference
or the tactics pursued.
Vandal
the Ticino and
packet in
Po
boats ixursoriae)
Italy
Variae,
the
Poems
to the
raiders has been already noticed (p. xci above).
On up
in
was
in Italy there
Such
(I. v. 3).
services
under Theodoric the Great.
II. xxi,
service of
Cf.
were kept
Cassiodorus,
IV. xv, where the crews {dromonarit) are in
question.
In this there
and
men,
doric's
two
as
game
was
board {tabula) used both with dice with
have been
appears
(see note, 5. i, p. 216).
tabtday with
the river-boat in which the luxurious Trygetius xii.
'men
of
mentioned as one of the attractions on
colours, is again
(VIII.
Theo-
is
to travel
5).
^y^gi (V.
xvi. 6)
fritilli (II. ix. 4).
But in the second
of these passages tesserae are mentioned as well as the dice-
boxes
and
in the first there
neither case have
we
to
is
also
tabula^ so that perhaps in
do with mere hazard.
Cf.
V.
xvii.
Introduction
cxli
and SIdonius,
similar
this
in
form an idea of the
to
difficult
is
There
rules.
mention of any apparatus beyond the to translate by 'tennis'
admits
But here again
devotee (V. xvii. 6).
himself
Augustine,
to
ball
misleading to
it
is
no
is
so that
itself,
modern reader:
the players seem simply to have required an open space
on
courtyard or
in
the
marked upon the ground. enough,
as
meadow by
ix.
when
elderly Filimatius is to
The
fast.2
Gaul
in the
perhaps
ii.
15)-^;
the
at
play in the
at others there
we
one place
in
4)
festival
knocked down (V.
shows
collisions
that
second half of the
of the
7).
The
game
was
xvii.
the
are
read
Lyons
at
games of the Circus were
great
lines
Sometimes two players were
the lake (II.
'sides',
reference
with
when Sidonius and Ecdicius
opposing pairs (II.
whole
grass,
held in
still
fifth century, but possibly
not after Majorian's time.^
Turning
we
to
find va vari riou ou
apparatus of more serious pursuits,
the
Letters
refe re fere renc nces es to writing materials.
and manuscripts were written upon parchment or paper the words membrana^ papyrus and charta are
But
the two latter being synonymous.^ pugillares)
and
stylus
were used
all
employed,
tablets {codicilli,
for the first notes or
There were regular grounds, sphaeristeria, at siderable villas.
con-
Pliny had them at both his principal country-
V.
uses us es {E {Ep. p. II. xvii It
all
may have been
vi).
the harpastum (dpnaaTov),
See note
73. 2, p. 239.
Majorian held them xxiii.
at
Aries
(I.
xi.
10).
Cf.
Carm.
268.
Papyrus was the
common
material for letters
adapted for use on both sides, as parchment was qud-idtj
Prwa^/eden, pp. 807
ff.).
it
was not
(cf.
Mar-
Introduction rough
drafts
IX.
fam,
IV.
(e. g.
Literary
xxvi).
accompanied by
xii.
secretary,
cxiii
and
4,
were
people
who
Ad
Cicero,
cf.
sometimes
kept the tablets always
ready for their use, or himself wrote from their dictation, as
did the secretary of Filimatius on the famous
occasion
when Sidonius composed xvii.
From IX.
x).^
was allowed
that ink
xvi
In
blotting-paper.
reference
is
would appear
it
and that the process was
to dry,
not accelerated by the use of sand,
there
upon the
his epigram
to ink freezing
by any other
or
same
the
passage
on the pens
in
very
cold weather.^
may
few miscellaneous
which bear
From
observance. I.
V.
own
10
we
in
468, the year of the wedding of Ricimer and
gather that the old Thalassio
Alypia, and that the crown was
groom
For
the ceremony.
at
contrary,
might
it
have
been
still
all
still
held
worn by the
that
is
pagan
said
its
bride-
the
to
of
marriage
Possibly shorthand was used on such occasions.
Shorthand
was certainly employed by copyists of manuscripts the episode of Sidonius' chase after the mysterious
and
in
book by
Lupus, which Riochatus had concealed from him, shorthand writers
were used to make excerpts on the spot (IX.
Tribnit et saltuosa
qiiodda??i
dictare celeranti scribarttin
ix.
sequacitas
compendhtm^ qui comprehendebant signis quod litteris
nontenebanf): Exceptores were of great service in the Church,
and Ennodius
in his life
of Epiphanius relates that the Bishop
of Pavia in his youth was an expert in tachygraphy. class
of
civil
Letters of
Mme
at
servants
ssiodo7'us,
de Sevign^ records
Grignan
in
exceptores see
the
Provence during her
Comtesse de Grignan. 546.22
named p. no.
For the
Hodgkin,
The
same thing as occurring visit
to her daughter, the
Introduction
cxiv
whereas
day,
Catullus'
both
the
contracting
parties
were Christians.
An
point
interesting
of the
disposal
The
dead.
seems to show that
in
with
raised
is
spade
Roman
the
regard
the
from
opposite
those
excavator
provinces
cremation
passages
where the machinery of cremation were
still
We should
(III.
iii.
13; III.
Carm,
xiii
xvi.
we may
hazard the conjecture that
families
preserved
an
abandoned by the mass of the people,
was
The
introduced.
first
aristocratic
had been
it
just as, in
ancient times, they had maintained burial tion
Perhaps
123).
after
when
evidence of Sidonius
Those
are of inordinate
and imply monuments with abundance of plane
That they meant
are not
to be used,
shown by
is
tomb of the
the
It
naris
would seem from
was
to
be
surface.^
flat
his desire that the
who was
prefect
III. xii.
slab,
to
cut the epitaph
Apollinaris that the
work
should
be
tomb of Apolli-
and therefore unlike the large
tombs erected by the
structural
length,
merely literary exercises, but really
of the monumental mason
on
more
incinera-
with regard to epitaphs also deserves notice.
which he himself composed
if it
memory
living
few
custom
old
Sidonius,
in
mentioned as
is
had been so within
use, or
in
the
of the
went out of fashion about the year a.d. 250. infer
to
earlier
Romans, and perhaps
exemplified in Lyons by the Conditorium of Syagrius, mentioned in V. the
xvii. 4.
monuments
church
lining the high road,
which ran close to the
but the grave of Sidonius' ancestor would appear to
have been fact that
This Conditorium was perhaps one of
in
crowded cemetery.
It
is
Sidonius and his father should
remains of the elder Apollinaris to traces of the
mound above
it
lie
rather curious
have allowed the
unmarked
until the
were almost obliterated.
Introduction checked, for fear that any
carefully
cxv error
committed
might be imputed to the writer and not to the
artisan.
Altogether, the epitaphs are of most formidable length, eclipsing in this respect those of the
eighteenth
centuries,
the
or
longer
seventeenth and effusions
of
our
country churchyards.
The
imperial road system
tained on
was
still
apparently main-
footing in the year 467,
Lyons
Sidonius travelled from
to
Rome,
when
and, as bearer
of an imperial summons, was entitled to the free use of
The
post-horses.
mamiones^
mounted
veredarii^ or
different Letters
(IIL
or
letter-carriers, are
V.
ii.
and the
rest-houses,
vii.
3).^
mentioned
in
In more than
one place Sidonius alludes to inns which were patronized
by nobles when no better accommodation was to be had, but they
The
seem
of indifferent quality.^
to
above are but examples of
much
larger
number
of points which the archaeologist may discover in the
But even these
Letters.
the study of Sidonius
is
will
sufhce
to
show
that
not altogether unprofitable to
archaeological research.
The
preceding pages
in
outline
the
From the phrase used in III. ii, angnstiae mansionunii we may infer that the accommodation was not luxurious. In Italy, as we should expect from the continuance of the river service, the
Cursus puhlicus was maintained under the Ostro-
goths as the references in the (e.g.
I.
xxix;
IV.
xlvii).
e.g. VIII. xi, lines 41
Ne,
Variae of Cassiodorus show
ff.
si destituor
of the
domo negata,
Maerens ad madidas
Et
poem
earn taber7tas,
claudens geminas subinde nares
Propter fumificas gema?fi culinas^
8cc,,
&c.
Introduction
cxvi
of SIdonius and the surroundings
life
in
which
was
it
passed.
But the conditions under which he grew to
manhood
will be imperfectly
thing
system under which the
of the
said
is
Gallo- Roman was
understood unless some-
young
For
prepared for his career.
the
education which the boy Sidonius received, the typical education
class
fluence upon
the man.
and time, exerted
lasting in-
coloured his whole outlook
It
upon the world, not always to his advantage, since his very loyalty to academic ideals obscured those natural
powers
of observation
controlled
It
and
interests,
seemed
his
to
created
him worth
thought.
his
he
certainly
astonishing
the
many
so
possessed.
determined
prospects,
literary
vigils,
which
style
but
his
us
to
is
hampering the free movement of
faded finery,
like
which
Some
of the
idea
which produced such strange
training
intellectual
results is thus
essential
our purpose.
to
The
century
fifth
of the young
education
differed
father and grandfather
was rooted
ing
in
Gallo-Roman
in
the
from that which
his
but
little
had
received.^
The whole
no longer
traditions
vital
train-
it
was
essentially bookish, uninterested in facts, almost exclusively set
absorbed
in
Grammar and
words.
Rhetoric
Before in
all
many
other things
schools these two
subjects represented almost the whole curriculum.
had of course to be learned by candidates
On The
education in the
fifth
Law
for the bar
century, see Dill, pp.
principal academic centres in
it
ff.
Gaul were now Bordeaux,
Toulouse, Narbonne, Aries, Lyons, Clermont (Arverni), and Vienne.
The
first
had been the most important, prior
Visigothic occupation.
to the
/// trodti ction
ex vii
philosophy was studied perhaps more as an accomplishdiscipline of the mind, than for the problems
ment and with
which
some musical than of
But
for
was
there
more of
instruction, perhaps
practical nature.
meant
tion
was properly concerned
it
theoretical
most youths educa-
know-
proficiency in the Latin classics,
ledge of the structure of the Latin language, and of the art
upon
of speaking before
The
was directed not
interest
but the
antithesis
the geography,
had as much
unknown
life,
under-
the mathe-
astronomy of the schools
the
mythology as
relation to
we
Science, as
stand the term, was practically matics,
synthesis of
to the
of clauses.
given subject.
to
The
fact.
interesting letter
on the death of the rhetor Lampridius
shows
on the most
that even
Roman
late
their
baneful
was
As already was done
by
still
prejudicially affected the
observe taught
or think in
observed, the most original
work
Sidonius
Greek and in
philosophy
Claudianus Mamertus
his
letters
of
interest
coruniy IV. xi. i),
(VII. xiv) contains long passages Sene Se ne a.
in the sententious style
was an
and
Several passages indicate his general informa-
and one of
in
In certain Gallic circles
Platonism {Collegium Conplatoni-
and there were
real enthusiasts for abstract
thought, but the spirit which governed of the day
naturally.
Gaul both
like
exert
Perhaps the
9).
in
ecclesiastics
still
Sidonius had perhaps more than
philosophy.
there
to
xi.
of Lampridius
noted the
tion,
Greek
inclination
That language
Faustus.
(VIIL
influence
decline in the study of
power and
could
astrologers^
schools,
products of the
brilliant
was evidently
textatus, for practising
philosophizing
that of Martianus Capella.
Cf. Cassiodorus, Variae,
orders the trial of two
much
IV.
Romans magical
xxii, xxiii,
where Theodoric
of rank, Basilius and Prae-
arts.
Introduction
cxviii
and
Latin
who
Narbonne there were men of
at
Greek
appreciated
Code shows
But the Theodosian
poetry.^
that the Latin grammarians received higher
salaries than the
higher position, and
Greek, enjoyed
probably instructed larger
Their lectures con-
classes."^
the most part in
Roman
authors, chiefly the
vocabulary of each
the
classical
poets.
Style was analysed
examined
writer
metaphors
and expressions were carefully discussed.
Points of
etymology and antiquarian knowledge were pursued along the by-paths of erudition;
Not
age for commentators.
Some
trifling.
was
acute
culture
it
raised,
was
golden
however, was learned
all,
of the criticism upon Virgil and
and penetrating,
for
as,
and
Homer
example, the
fifth
book of the Saturnalia of Macrobius.
The fifth
he
great text-book in the schools of the fourth and
is
the
prince
popular in Gaul
and
To
Sidonius, as to Augustine,
of poets.*
Terence was evidently
century was Virgil.
in
the Letters allude to his characters,
the passage on the home-education of Apollinaris,
Sidonius reads the Hecyra with his son, uncertain which
him most, the
delights
to Virgil
IX.
of the author, or the
The
our author
also evident in
is
among
xiii.
style
and ardour of the boy.
ac
of Horace
fine
the poets.^
The
he
influence is
second
opulent and elaborated
If Sidonius translated Philostratus,
and did not
merely transcribe him, he must himself have been an adequate
Greek scholar. Carfii. xxiii.
loo
Cf. IX. xxi,
and
V.
ff.
Dill, p. 347.
xiii.
Horace, like Cicero, v^as
schoolmates
at
Lyons (IV.
ij
caned into
V.
iv).
Sidonius and his
Introduction Statiu style of Statiu
commended him
natura naturall ll
as that of fifth-century
cxix
Gaul
to such
society
he had been popular with
and his influence on Sidonius as poet
Ausonius
same with Claudian
It is the
deniable,^
which charmed the
ears of an
owe him much,
un-
is
the Panegyrics
Avitus or an Anthemius
splendour of the original
is
gone.
Among
prose-writers, not Cicero,^ but the younger Pliny
was the
favourite.
In the introductory Letter of the
book, Sidonius acknowledges him as his master later
book again
Pliny,
the
model
of
friends
was
evitable
was the reproduction of
society
main
was
letter-writer,
which
in
and
in
professed allegiance.^
refers
agreeable
fifth
interest
the
inevitable
correspondence
no
of existence his
with in-
less
mannerisms rather
than his excellences by purely imitative writers. introductory epistle to Constantius, Sidonius
In his
quotes as
warning the nickname given to Julius Titianus for his sedulous efforts to reproduce the style
was
the ape of orators
called
he and his
own
contemporaries
{oratorum simia). fell
they were apes of the second great caricaturing their master
Roman
Yet
same error
into the
by accentuating
he
of Cicero
letter-writer,
all
his
faults.
of Sallust's style were distorted by them
Features
in
the same manner.^ R. Bitschofsky,
De
Apollina naris ris Sidoni Sidoni C, Sollii Apolli
studiis
Statianis.
Cicero seems to have been regarded as hopelessly beyond
I.
i,
which I.
the remark in
This appears to be the real
imitation.
irritated
IV.
xxii.
has called him list
Petrarch In IX.
i.
i, p.
215).
Sidonius states that Firminus
i.
second Pliny.
of the quotations from Latin authors in Sidonius,
or obvious loans from them,
is
given by
Mommsen, Monu-
Introduction
cxx Grammatical
was followed
criticism of the classics
by specialized study of the great orators, with proficiency in
The
Rhetoric.
than
society
rhetor
from
real
life
in the
noted above,
Church, had
was the
accomplishment
was
training
was
it
still,
no doubt,
rhythm, prosody, voice-production, division
of the subject, were their value
as
pers pe rson on in
audiences
serious
it
The
of the speech-room.^
good one
But,
which, except
art
of
impo port rtan an more im
of great or
prospect
divorced
was
was
this
grammarian.
the
he professed an little
speaking
public
view to
when
thoroughly taught, and proved
all
there
was
worthy occasion for
their
But most opportunities were hardly worth the
use.
taking
the
speaker
eulogized
he
of the present
Epigoni
the
great
took
part
displays or competitions before
dead in
or the
academic
small circles, in which
ancient or unreal issues were treated in the style of the
class-room
command
these,
352
at
and not the power to read hearts and
Germaniae Historica {Auctores Antiquissimi)^
menta
of
stoc st oc
metaphors and mythological examples always
figures,
viii,
ff.
Cf. above, p. Ixxvi.
(VII.
unbounded respect for
endl dles es good memory with an en
certain models,
pp.
An
declamation.^
ix. 5)
shows what
The
address of Sidonius at Bourges
skilful
rhetoric could
still
accom-
plish.
The
oration of the young Burgundio on Julius Caesar
case in point (IX. xiv).
Sidonius promises to attend with
claque of applauding supporters (IX. xiv).
was
sensible
subject
those
were often far-fetched or absurd Dedajuatio^ 112, 113.
cf.
is
of
school
(cf.
Nettleship, Lectures
This at least declamations
Dill, p. 370).
and
Essays, 2nd
On
the
series,
Introduction sway them
genuine emotion, were the essentials
to
These were the
of oratorical success.
The
office in the State.^
such promotion implies
Roman
which
drove hearts
laudable in itself;
is
of
instead
The
of sentimental retrospect.
was the
education
fell
action
into
channels this
all
was an
it
and
mind,
flower of
fine
and
panegyric,
but in the
to an artifice
the
fertilizing
of valiant
capable
which
enthusiasm for letters which
decadence the reward
sterilized
qualities
Bordeaux, to the highest
carried Ausonius, the rhetor
time of
cxxi
artificial
flower.
been
has
It
to
Lerins.
have
as
still
zeal
for
own
neglected
the
Perhaps
others
reHgion
Sidonius was
study of the Scriptures after
that event
the
in
myth thol olog og the old my
do
religious
Faus Fa ustu tu
the
schools great
appear
to
attended
by
were
families
shown
have
which they nominally prodomi do mina nate te
never till
and
sacred learning
Some of
pagan
was
(p. Ixxvi),
brother studied un unde de
rule,
pupils.^
probably
fessed
But
been
wealthy
little
Church
the
some cases boys were placed under
teacher, as Sidonius' at
that
new education of her own
beginning that in
noted
already
really
literary
culture.
grounded
after his consecration.
his letters
show
in
the
Only
familiarity with
Ausonius taught Gratian rhetoric, and the emperor made for him, but for all his relations.
splendid provision
Gaul had
special reputation for rhetoric
the blending of
the Latin and Celtic strains appears to have been favourable to the art.
In the passage relating to education in the Panegyric on
Anthemius {Carni.
i.
or of Christian works.
156
ff.)
there is
no mention of the Bible
Introduction
cxxii
Holy Writ; examples and
New
from the Old and
both
derived
illustrations
Testament then accompany
or displace the mythological figures dear to his earlier
By
years.
we
the side of Tr Trip ipto tole lemu mus, s,
Moses, Aaron,
hear of Joseph.^
Joshua, the Gibeonites,
and the people of Nineveh are introduced
The Church woman
fair
captured
by the captor points
enemy and
the
moral.
St.
^"^
the
is
espoused
Simon Magus
the story of Peter and
obvious
its
from
Philosophy
Sara
the spiritual
is
in illustration.^
Luke
is
quoted
as
believer in the advantage of long descent.^
In no capacity did this scholastic education so harm Sidonius as in that which
man of
his quality as
it
was designed
He
letters.
was too good
pupil
bad
writer.
of his peculiar masters to be anything but
The
curse
of the
clung
chronic disease;
like
genius
never too
was improper
it
him
literary
man
be
to
xii.
VI.
i.
VII.
VIII. xiv.
i.
VIII. VII.
in his heart,
he him-
IX.
viii. 2.
single letter
and Assur. in
All
mytho-
the language of another world. •*
xiii. 4.
IX.
ix. 12.
ix.
Ibid. '^
it is
The
him the
complete contrast with the old indulgence
logical allusion
he
in
allusions to Lazarus, Pharaoh, Babylon, this is in
it
His age was
defended
mirror of contemporary writers VI.
himself,
he had the reward of his obedience.
whose conventions
society
him
In an age when
spontaneous.
for
to
destroyed the originality of
thought too faithfully of the proprieties. just to
to advance
St.
Luke
is
also quoted in VI.
Claudianus Mamertus, Preface to the
Gennadius,
De
Script,
EccL
c.
92.
i.
2.
De
Statu
Animae
Introduction self
was
Though, soon doubt,
was long before the general
it
The Middle Ages
of admiration con-
century dared to attack.
eighteenth
and even
But the Renaissance grew
tinued to be heard.
of Sidonius
verdict turned
approved
after Petrarch's misgivings, the voice
the
was won.^
posterity
Ruricius might whisper
after his death,
him.
against
of
vote
the
that
sure
cxxiii
lay in
really
his
If the value
and
style
critical,
himself believed, then his credit would
beyond
shrift at the
ceived so short as this professed
dead
Hardly any Latin author has
resuscitation.
he
diction, as
re-
hands of modern criticism
champion of the
Roman
When
tongue.
good Latinity was once more understood, our author's
became
pedestal
writer upon missiles
ment
style,
after his
merits
are
pays
',
Boileau,
to
it
back-handed compli-
Even those who uphold
manner.
provided
Gibbon, preferring his
pelt him.
insipid verses
works of every
the
from Horace
wherewith to
prose to his
and
pillory
particular
forced to draw upon the arsenal of epithets
forged against the affected and the turgid writer.
most recent
critics are the
says that Si Sido doni nius us ha posi po siti tion on as
post-classical author; Dill sees in
of de depr prec ecia iati tion on th
now
condemned Yet he
last
be said.
who
The
intestabilisque
est facilitas
said (cf,
Appreciations
Germain,
of
nothing
Latin style of Sidonius
French
style
facility
is
of Voiture.^
rather than
quam faculias
Sidonius of
him one
In the matter
ever lived.
credits himself v^'ith
Casaubon
fifth-rate
word has been spoken
as finally as the
Scribendi ?nagis
Hodgkin
all.
achieved nothing beyond
the most tasteless writers
fresh can
most severe of
The
talent
(III. vii).
in re Latinitatis improhus
p. 114).
Sidonius' style will
be found
in
all
Introduction
cxxiv
But the position of Sidonius no longer his
manner
some
his style is to-day brushed aside as
Though he missed one of
the great opportunities in
though he failed to record much that was
literature
most worth recording of the new
instead
refused
he survives as the historian malgre
to write history
luu
He
obscuring what he has to say.
veil,
tire-
in
world
the
about
and
him,
drama of his times
to
transmit for the hundredth time the vapid and worn-out
of Greek mythology, he has yet preserved for us
stories
enough to constitute him
facts
century in which he lived.
paradox is
he
is
His
lite li te ar
work
for
which they themselves
By
important.
indeed
fate fa te is
one of those men whose parergon alone
and who are esteemed
valued,
of their
chief authority on the
the
very
deemed
careful sifting of the Letters
and the
which, classified and co-ordinated, has thrown
who
deal with
is
dictines
Sa
ii,
their
dure^ ses phrases obscures; en
insupportable
est
{Hist,
litt,
de
la
un
France^
570).
p.
He was in the
asked by Prosper of Orleans to write on events
war with
history of
Gaul (IV. In
his
and by Leo on the
Attila (VIII. xv),
disinclination,
wisdom. cleric
The
his works.
diction est
sa prose
from
useful
contained in the severe judgement of the Bene-
criticisms
mot,
least
modern writers have extracted much material
Poems,
writers
part
later
each case he re refu fuse sed, d, ei eith ther er sense of incapacity, or from worldly
reply to
Leo he gives
should not turn historian.
why Sidonius may
his reasons
In this case
have been doubly impressed by the need for caution, as Leo
may have been
the mouthpiece of Euric.
The Poems, historical
fact
especially
the
Panegyrics,
and allusion as the
Letters.
rich
in
Introduction
points, Sidonius is the sole source
his
yield
on many
on one of the darkest periods of history
light
is
cxxv
The
mannerism always with him.^
most with
Nor
of information.
Letters which
which
least trouble are precisely those in
an eager personal interest in his subject, or the pressure
of
busy
the
have forced
with style and
some unexpected
or
life,
writer
tell
to
abandon his preoccupation
his business
such times he speaks directly
The most
dehentia diet.
Cf. Baret, pp.
the tradition that
68
nunc
tarn
lam nunc
dtc'it
cause of plainer writing is
the sole authority for
Horace was saved
Maecenas
intervention of
At
natural way.
in
efficient
Sidonius
ff.
necessity for haste
Philippi by the
after
(Pref. to the Panegyric of Majorian),
and that Crispus was poisoned by Constantine (V.
He
viii).
alone relates the attacks of Euric on Auvergne,the war waged
by Leo
Huns (Panegyric
against the
of Majorian,
Auvergne
Aetius and Majorian
of
the victory
212),
1.
is
All that
served the
is
of Euric against
we know
derived from him; so
the priests Constantius and Claud ianus
of Orleans
is
of the
life
our knowledge of
Mamertus
Prosper
only mentioned in his pages, and he has pre-
names of numerous Gallo-Roman philosophers and
poets otherwise unrecorded or hardly known.
done similar service
The names of
by him.
Ragnahild and Sigismer are from IV.
236),
1.
over Cloio (Panegyric
and the campaign
(Letters, passim).
of Bishop Patiens
of Anthemius,
in his literary allusions.
We
He
can infer
that the Epitrepontes of Menander, of
xii.
has
which
we have now recovered great part, was preserved intact in his Through him we learn of works now wholly lost, time. e. g.
an account of Julius Caesar by Livy,
history of Caesar
by Juventius Martialis, and the Epheinerides of Caesar's tenant,
Balbus
(all
IX.
xi).
He
also
lieu-
mentions works of
Palaemon and Junius Gallio, brother of Seneca, no longer extant (V.
Symmachus does
now
possess
An
x).
epigram attributed by him to
not occur in the works of that author as
them (VH.
x.
i).
are
we
Introduction
cxxvi
was probably the debt
We
large.
is
work
stress of episcopal
when amid
are infinitely relieved
we come upon
familiar affectations
to this our
the stilus rusttcans or
the sermo usualis for which he apologizes as tion
We
of his pen.^
degrada-
almost lose sympathy with him
personal troubles, as soon as
his
appears
it
that
misfortune which has simplified his diction.^ ciating to the full the honourable solicitude
for the purity of Latin,
while of the
antitheses,
of Sidonius
we
willing to
are
to be rid
alliterations, the inversions, the
to
forced
see the meaning quickly in
What we want
dress. is
and
of Sidonius
is
pleasant to admit that occasionally
too
much
the
mask and speaks
is
Appre-
condone any intrusions from the vulgar tongue for
it
in
and his ever-present fear of
or Teutonic encroachments,^
Celtic
the
simple
plain fact,
we
get
it
and
it
without
sometimes the actor removes
exasperation
in unaffected tones.
fore be recorded to
Let
it
there-
not always
that
offend,
and that not once or twice, but many times, he
writes
in
an
manner worthy
VII.
IV.
ii.
condidimus arido IX.
Sermonis
exilij
and
ii
Not only the
Avas
language
speak
III.
it
position
sermoiie
pat^te vtilgato.
iii,
where he uses the phrase
The Latin language than
the
it,
at
pessimists
stood in
supposed.
the most efficient instrument of expression in
of
it
was indispensable as
diplomacy between the various Teutonic
Probably most
133.
Nos opuscula
inaxima ex
theo th eolo lo y, and the sciences, but
courts.
p.
certe
at
be remembered that his
also
Cf. VIII. xvi
Celtici squaina.
more impregnable aw
X.
it
literature
iii.
VIII.
Cf.
Let
day.
earlier
Roman
of
of
the
principal
barbarians could
any rate among the Visigoths.
Cf.
Germain,
Introduction subject-matter
has
story
tell
gift for portraiture,
his
to
he can
Nor should we overlook
effect.
few sentences, as
in
character
who
with the younger
Himerius the model the description
with
is at
hand.
free
the
dresses in
priest
(VII.
men
We
At
xiii).
who
will
hear nothing
in spirit
than
(IV. ix).
who does which
we have
whose
of age
quodammodo
girdles
hunts, hawks, and
but listens to the
who
and grows more
brings,
it
xiii),
have the interesting sketch of Vectius
the country gentleman,
to
(IV.
every day (non iuvenescit
who
drawn
and of Ger-
ii),
sexagenarian
juvenile
We
other times
have amusing pictures of the
the fashion,
repuerascit).
design,
(V. xvii), and
greater length, and details are
except the increased respect boyish
sketched in
is
lively veteran Filimatius
young fortune-hunter Amantius (VII. manicus
and with
the case of Paeonius the parvenu,
Athenius/ the
ball
brightly
the fact that Sidonius
the malicious old
plays
his narrative
which frequently lends animation
Sometimes
pages.
when
often well presented
is
him,
interests
cxxvli
Psalms
many of
his
friends,
more
priestly
entertains
at meals,
those
are of exquisite
and
who wear
is
priests'
garments
We have the memoir of Claudianus Mamertus all
the hard
work
for his brother St.
made above
allusion
the
Mamertus,
(p.
Ixxxi);
reminiscences of Lampridius, the quick-
tempered rhetor, In
murdered by his slaves (VIII.
classes of
same precision
men
xi).
are portrayed with the
for instance, informers, or
popularity-
hunting candidates for municipal appointments (XV. xix). writer possessing such penetration
I. xi.
i;
and
12.
and such graphic
Introduction
cxxviii
powers
these
as
untempered
most lamentable of puns,
like the infirmities
which they
are.
often diseased language,
ut
It calls aloud for
and
ties,
would renounce long on
crete instances First,
The
antithesis.
times
unnecessary to dwell
in evidence.
take examples of the ruling passion for
abuse of this
oppositions
verbal
himself
euphuist
pathetic side, yet con-
its
must be adduced
we may
his
of the knife.
free use
It is
which has
subject
pathology
which could only
which the
as foolish.
examina-
the platitudes, pomposi-
io
conceits
verbal
into the
which sound
critical
literary
semblance of health by
regain
sufficiently
antonomasta^
for paronomasia,^
of Sidonius' work resembles is
an
the mania for
is
obliquities of language
the other
language
are
and plays on words which degenerate
antithesis,
tion
indictment
the
in
First and foremost there
numerous.
all
than
ridicule.
Yet the counts
and
more
something
deserves
are
is
and some-
persistent,
cumulated
with
almost
incredible pertinacity, as, for instance, in the description
of Ravenna
(I. viii).
Sidonius pits against each other
the words novus and
antiquus^ until the staleness
of the trick antiquus (IX.
(VII. (V.
vi.
l),
Thus novus
infuriates.
novo exemplo
ii)
in fam'iliari
am'ic'itiarum
vet us to
however elementary, comes amiss
conjiieiur
novum
Vetera iura potest atis
ius
But no glaring contrast of word or sense,
xviii).
caed'ihus
peccator
clericus^
gladn^
rnacri
repulsam
ieiumis praeliatores (VII.
qui
profitetur
phareiras sagittis vacuare^
Cuius parva
tuguria
pingues
for instance
offensam
(VII.
lacr'imis oculos implere
magnus hospes
vii.
hnplest'i
3) ix)
(V. xii)
(III.
Itinerum longitudinem^ brevitatem dierum^ &c. (III.
ii.
ii)
3).
Introduction
And
The
so on, and so on.
cxxix
who
reader
more
desires
of this misplaced ingenuity will find instances on every Plays upon words are no
other page.
common.
less
Inferre calumnias^ deferre personas^ afferre m'tnas^ auferre substantias
(V.
(IX.
at
iv)
non remaneamus
remanet (IX.
Indidtt prosecut'ionibus^
seu
Concordia^ inconsulte
(IV.
xxv.
(IV. xxii.
such
(VIII.
consultat.
vi.
iii.
non
8);
par-
prodid'it
seu sic sentient
7)
sententia
ix.
terra
(III.
tribunaltbus
ed'tdit
concordante
sic
solventes
&c. (VI 11.
addttit titulis^
tibus^
quibus
terrent
iusta
luste
iii)
conscientia
forttor
sctentta fortts^
vii)
(IV. xxv.
5);
praedae praedia
3);
2)
The
i).
words as
changes are continually rung upon
and
dicere
ducere^
suspicere
despicere^
orare perorare.) ambiendus ambitiosus, providere praevidere^
The
&c.
of such things
list
we have
yet at the worst
is
two of them ul in
(VIII.
once
way,
in
forgiven
carefully
friends
ing
ex more cecinisse
kind,
puns
for
long non
tarn
viii)
list
vi.
but
13)
Faustus,
to escape
let
durent
be carved on the
quod
nihil rusticus
man
pardonable for
how
indulge
bishop
can
publication,
and
himself
we may
to
cite
in
but the
work
by
his
follow-
honorare censor quam censetor
honoris
ex amore (IX.
(VIII.
like
conversation,
by
revised
From
It is
intimate
in
who
(VIII.
this to
are not
Perpetuo
series
rusticans midtum
of this
specimens
onerare
the
Rusticus^
xi. 6, cf.
name
seldom allowed
(IV. xviii
church)
weakness be
represent
Pe pe petu tu
wall of
is
proper
we
from which
to endure puns
schoolboy would recoil. Perpetuus, or Rusticus
endless, but
iv.
oneris
i)
(IX.
ii)
classicum in class
Aptae fuistis^ aptissime
defuistis
cxxx (IX.
Introduction perhaps
ix)
to
draw the
to
condone
over
veil
conclude
It
all.
which
faults
we may
of
worst
the
impossible
is
it
with
the
instances o^ paronomasia and antonomasia.
following
Leges Theo-
dosianas calcans^ Theudoricianasque proponens (I.
Jlumen fectos xii.
In verbis,
fulmen
Domini quam
{IX.
inter praefectos
reader
may
3)
inter per-
vii)
(VII.
Valentiniani
be spared illustration of the over-
loaded interminable
all
sufficed,
and then enumerates them labouring of points
the
till
to the bitter
on these things
is
We
may
The
or tasteless use.
end
made
mind of man of adverse
sea,
song
or
(VIII.
ix.
4).
illuminates (III.
iii.
9).
afar,
The
world
harrow.
Life
in service.
seaTVoyage
is
curb
is
Verse written
barbed hooks.
no
the
suddenly disturbed by the squall
Silence
tidings.
is
metaphors of Sidonius for the
literary career
is
there
so by immoderate
threshing-floor, spiritual exhortation river
to
pass to other features, not
and worn
part are familiar,
like
or of the
of
waste time
to
reprehensible in themselves, but
like
which
which here thou
or the tautologies recalling the
possible defence.
is
out
is
tail
they are, so to speak, hammered
till
vie west, beholdest, surveyest or seest
most
of
on things which might be praised,
declares
insist
strings
or of the mannerism
proportion to the kite
blunt
the
and persons, sometimes eight or
where two would have
ten
or of
sentences
instances
illustrative
is
ii.
4).
The
of
in clausulis
time
is
the
music
king's
but
in
evil
sorrow
of very
favour
is
tongues are
tense
strings
flame,
which
consumes
in
friendship
like the
is
not maintained
is
like
Introduction sword
that
not
if
are
The
polished.^
frequently
Lyons resemble
schools of natures
rusts
cxxxi
which youthful
mint, in
die (IV.
struck on
i.
3).
Where
originality is attempted, the result is often either
crude
or over-intricate.
fault
of
we may
his
(IV.
xiii.
hidden
rays
deep
or
4)
ground (IX.
who
which likens an author
extraordinary
2).
iii.
again, that
9);
always
is
the
like
writing
Donne (VI.
find similitudes
Salsi
anima
sermonis
laxavi
partur'iente
linguae porrtgis (IV.
i,
3);
There
ii.
(IV.
not sur-
l);
lacrtmis
7)
manum
xi.
faece petulantiae
qu'tbus
lingua polluitur infrenis (III. xiii. 2), his quality.
et
similitudes
It is
2).
(III.
libra
adeps
mysticus
mix metaphors with
Sidonius will
prising to find that
any man.
vi.
but
but never
snarls
Sometimes we
our taste,
Crashaw or
hahenas
xi.
whose
moisture
arvina^ which recalls the startling
spiritalis
of
up
dog who only
to
to
and draw
detect
under
barks out (VII.
Lupus, the
comparing
that
talent, to the sun,
will
never publishes,
scion
the roses armoured in the thorns of
all
generous discoverer searching
comparing the
rosebush, for if he be not holy
clerical family to
sin
an example of the latter
passage
the
take
he stands amid
As
may
suffice to
show
are other defects or affectations, not
immediately concerned with words, but equally due to
same
the
imitative
There
tradition.
is
contentment
sense
The
what Chaix has
rusty sword or rusty
in different
rhetorical
the tiresome realism which insists
upon elaboration of unessential finer
bad
with
comparisons
(cf.
details
called
armour
VI.
vi.
is
offensive to the la
manie de tout
used more than once
i).
Fortunae nauseantis vomitu exsputus
(I. vii.
12).
Introduction
cxxxii peindre
there
the parade of erudition which, if less
is
obtrusive than the determined pedantry of Cassiodorus,
weariness to the reader
is yet
there are the hyperbole
in flattery, the perverse preference
combinations of confused magnificence
the joy in
cannot
more
justly
his
worst
than
at
which the
last
stigmatize
by
his
style
criticism directed
English poets of the
too
marred
is
from
criticism
en
tury,^ but equally applicable to our author
For
We
'.
work of Sidonius
the
phrase was quoted,
certain
against
of the inappropriate,
of the
fifth.
by descriptions copied
from descriptions, by imitations borrowed from imitations,
by
imagery and hereditary similes
traditional
The thing could not be better said. The result of all these artifices, unshrinking
hand,
construe.^
Ruricius,
is
that his
Sidonius
younger
'.
applied
with
an
often
hard
to
is
and
contemporary
Cf. the description of the parasite (III. xiii).
ii,
p. 97.
It
need hardly be said that Sidonius
is
at his worst
His calculated
believed himself at his best.
when
effects
are
tedious in form and redolent, not (to use
phrase
of his own) of the Muses, but of the rhetor's lamp.
Among
almost
all
such show-pieces are
addition to
he de desc scri ript ptio io
the reply to the complaint of Claudianus
parasite)
(IV.
(in
Mamertus
Mamertus' death (IV.
Clau au ia ianu nu the letter on Cl
iii),
of the
xi),
that on the informers at Chilperic's court (V. vii), that with
the
disquisition
(VII.
xiv).
Petronius
on necessary
Even
Maximus
the
letters
(II. xiii) are
Johnson, Lives of the Poets
For
instance,
on
between the cultured
Theodoric
(I.
ii)
and
not free from these defects.
Life of Cowley.
the translator will be confronted by sen-
Nain aim
viderein quae tibi pulchra
te videre^ ipsa??i eo te??ipore
desiderii tui i7npatientiam
tences like the following:
sunt 72on
affinity
desideravi (IV. xx. 3).
Introduction imitator,
partial
Petrarch
obscurity,
him
was
the
of
complain
to
first
confessed
cxxxiii
he
that
found
often
and the most accomplished modern
unintelligible
editors of his text admit that
he presents some problems
While
which they cannot be sure of having solved.^
some of
diffuseness is his besetting sin,
condensed
the
to
constructions
his
his phrases are
rendered obscure by
are
and
of impenetrability,
point
his
imperfect
the
development of his thought.
Petrarch wondered
at the
audacity of his style
Baret has remarked,
when
it is
examined,
direct
it
yet, as
found that
is
than Tacitus,
irregularities
Virgil.
prose he has fewer
in
and,
instinctively felt, but not easily defined,
of the golden age, but with that of is
which charac-
differing not
his cadences have
those of the classical authors.
Sidonii temeritatem
aloud,
they
but in kind
from
read
are
in degree,
early critic has given blunt
writer like
late
heteroclite
when they
an unfamiliar ring strike us as
Were
not that an
it
utterance to the suspicion,^
admirari vix
sufficio^
nisi forte
temerarius ipse sim^ qui temerarium ilium dicam^ eiuSf seu
tarditatis
{nam unumqiiodque intelligo (Preface to
See Preface, p.
The word
than
work, compared not only with that
terizes our author's
He
verse,
certain strange exotic character,
It is rather
Symmachus.
in
meae^ sen illius styli
obice^
dum
sales
seu fortassis
possibile est) scripturae vitiOy
non
satis
Epistulae adfam,). iv,
is Baret's, p.
io6e
Giraldus of Ferrara (quoted by Baret),
who
says that
both in prose and verse Sidonius strikes him as having something of the
Gaul and the barbarian
generCy Galliantim nescio
{De
poet,
hist.
quid
Dialog, v;
in
et
in utroque dicendi
barbarum
Opera,
ii,
p.
redolere videtur.
114.)
Sidonius
Introduction
cxxxiv
we should influence
known upon
hardly dare to hint that
had
to himself, the older
idiom.
Is
of thought
merely
have been
champion of the
Gaul was
who had
of hers
it
secretly revenged
only ears for an Italian
fancy
indigenous
that
Do we
classics?
Romance
witness the
The
synthetic
point
to
the conjunctions
positions
that
^^wi?
way.
to pass into analysis
replace the complementary
grow more indispensable is
reader
used
in
cases
manner which
number
of the Latin text will discover
modern way. is
almost French.
is
of words or turns of expression used
famiJia
Pre-
the abstract replaces the concrete term.
the genitive
The
to issue in
Various
of the older Latin
infinitive
first
language in the South of France
seem
indications
turns
adopted by this
unconsciously
movement towards the changes which were the
Celtic
subtle
manner, and that, un-
really
this son
some
In one place,
employed
Latin sense (VI.
Vir
mediaeval or
not in two, the
French,
in the
vii).
if
in
in
Ittterarum is
word
place of the old
homme de
lettres
would himself have borne any reproach rather than For the lifelong guardian of pure Latin
in
Gaul, the con-
temner of the Celtica squama, to be told that his own
smacked of barbarism, would have been for endurance.
His zealous
this.
blow to
interest in Latinity
style
grie gr ievo vous us
and
his un-
easiness at the indifference of certain fellow nobles to correct diction, deserved.a better
VIII.
ii).
reward
III.
(II.
IV. xvii
iii.
Discussing the influence of Celtic dialect, Fertig
asks what kind of Latin the middle classes spoke,
nobles were so
careless?
(Part
Sidonius ius himsel himsel significant that Sidon
iii,
p.
insists
24).
It
is
if
even
perhaps
on his preference
for
current words, and on his avoidance of archaisms or far-fetched
terminology (VIII, xvi).
cxxxv
Introduction nebula de pulvere is nuage de poussiere.
number of these
Baret records
and gives
peculiarities,
We
archaisms and neologisms in the text.^
few favourite or peculiar words
of the
list
may
note
tumultuarius^
e. g.
used of rapid or impromptu composition
knocmari, to
coax or
eventiiare, to
fattgatio^ chaff or banter
flatter
go over,
or
piquant
piperatum,
new
to avoid the conclusion that is
plimentary formulae he
though he Sanctitas
sense
tua
as
scriptions give
some
thus
is
words is
it
rule correct
as
and
terms like
celsitudo
His
appellations.^
name of
Roman
of
the
title
domino
his correspondent
employ the
Sidonius does not
address adopted by
Lupo
papae
Ruricius,
the letter ends with
spondent
is
So much
Vale
99; pp. 115
bishop.^
modes of
domino pectoris
is
As
when
the corre-
memor
nostri esse
but
to Ferreolus). characteristics
which
ff.
your sublimity',
became the common mode of addressing
great officials of State.
The word papa
su'i
domino venerabili^
But after Diocletian, such epithets as your magnificence
the
friend,
aequ ae quip ipar aran ando do Sidonio.
more obvious
for the
is
in
In one instance he closes with
an ora pro nobis (VII. xii
p.
e, g.
bishop, the formula
dignare^ domine Papa,
he
affectionate
domino animae suae Pomerio
omni nibu bu admirabili^ et Sanctis om rule,
if
or
super-
dative, with the addition of suo^ if the person is
or
hard
In his com-
alone appropriate.
honorific
the
hospitality
more than once he employs
fond of abstract
is
To
caustic.
Sidonius appears to give
toreuma where toral
humankas,
through
search
or
is
applied to bishops throughout.
Introduction
cxxxvi
mar the
we
of Sidonius
style
estimate his merits as
letter-writer.
he cannot be placed
be
contemporary
he
to
need hardly
It
he
rank
But he touches so many
far
is
less
sides
of
he lived through such momentous
life;
so exceptional in speaking with two voices,
is
man of
nobleman and high
first
as
as
prominent Churchman, that
letters,
in spite
official,
then
of his deterrent
he has an interest somewhere for almost every
style,
reader.^
he
briefly
second Pliny,
second Cicero.
times
now
in the first
as
not,
have
In most things
superior
is
letters
to
cultivation
his predecessor
of brevity,
Symmachus, whose
seldom touch either great or entertaining
but are written to discharge the obligations of
issues,
punctual
correspondent, and are often brief as memoranda, and of
an unsurpassed aridity.^
be more easy to under-
It will
stand the level on which Sidonius
we
which make the
letter-
and then ask whether he possessed them.
The
few of the
consider
writer,
master in this letters
become
or they
placed if
may
art
gifts
must not
treatises
argumentative,
or his
he must not always be serious,
He
insensibly change to sermons.
know, as one of the greatest of the
craft has
must
how
Sidonius tends to avoid the deeper subjects which occupy the thoughts of Jerome and Augustine.
of
field
life
Cf. Dill,
But
in the ordinary
his range is very wide.
Book
ii,
ch.
2.
The
successors of Sidonius as
representatives of the art of letter-writing in Gaul, Ruricius
of Limoges and Avitus of Vienne, both share his defects of over-elaboration writing in the
ment
and tumidity.
first
Cassiodorus,
half of the sixth century
he has been described as
is
the
Italian,
no improve-
concealing commonplaces
within fold after fold of verbosity
'.
Introduction matters by their small side
to approach great les
cxxxvii
grandes choses par
petits
les
prendre
If he confines
cotes.
himself chiefly to questions of public concern, he must be
doubly
above
and vivid
terse,
he must have the light touch, and the latent
all,
which never permit the
gaiety,
be
be individual,
careful to
skilled
in
must be
things
expression
But the
will not put themselves.
cealed that
tale to drag.
what he writes and
men and not
few
upon
instrument
an
modern view,
revealing
intimate,
the
rate,
He
most
letter-writers
play
and
We
life.
hence
lectual
the
interest
interest is absent
much
which best
is it
is
in
entailed
the
of
are mostly
reticence
on
affairs,
which tends
to reduce
human
of their
letters.
there
evidence enough, especially in
is
background,
too objective
one-sided
these reasons,
sometimes
the
telling
greatest
They
It is not that
But
the case of Cicero, to prove the contrary.
too
often
certain preoccupation with intel-
themes and public
human
the
in
thus require of the
that even the
Roman manners
intimate things
And,
own mind, and
the ancient letter- writers cannot give.
Romans
must be
his letters should be
much
correspondent
perfect
they
interest
strings.
the writer's
something of his private
must
greatest
of many
any
at
He
subject.
put,
us like the prompt
phrases of an unpremeditated conversation. catholic in taste
must
must be so con-
art
afl^ects
He
is
and
it is
correspondence
not letter-writing at
its
perfe rfect ct balan balance. ce. lacks the pe
it
even the
first
among
the
modern reader
disappoint the
seventeenth
often
very
For
ancients will familiar
and
with
eighteenth
centuries, but approaching the classics for the first time.
In
many ways Cicero
is
almost
modern
his
lively
Introduction sympathies bring him nearer to natural unreserve than
any letter-writer of antiquity
But
himself.
we
if
he stands
wanting when reading Cicero, with mobility, his
and
colour
inevitable that the
something
of
conscious
are
his ardour, his
all
conciseness of
same deficiency
phrase,
in the less
more conspicuous
Sidonius should cause
by
class
in
is
it
admirable
The
void.
studied care for form which makes the agreeable Pliny
sometimes
in his last disciple until all
tire, is
spontaneity
is lost.
And
while the manner
repellent, the matter often wearies in its
too talk
much
of obscure literary
laudation
of home
affairs,
of country
life,
frequently
is
efforts,
Rome it
in the time
was
is
com-
at
and with quotations from Virgil
route followed the Flaminian
the latter part of
travel,
were, with the eyes of
it
When
nearer to his lips than true feeling to his heart.^
Sidonius visited
is
little
Nature
duke or cardinal of the Renaissance, seated fortable point of vantage
too
of details of
of the natural beauties of southern France. overlooked, or regarded, as
there
turn
Way
of Anthemius, his
from Rimini
and
undr un dred ed
fifty
the wonderful
nd
miles beginning at Foligno, the stage which travellers
from northern Europe used to cover before the railways.
Rome charm
Goethe followed Shelley came
to the full.
Though,
it
down
when he it
in
first
8,
approached
and
felt
the
But of that charm the Gallomore demonstrated
as Sir A. Geikie
{The Love of Nature among the Romans, 191 3) several of true passion for natural beauty, yet, the great writers had taking Latin literature as
whole,
aspect of nature rather too prominent are the
same
thing.
we
find the spectacular
landscape and scenery*
Introduction poet
betraying no interest in these things, and
Is silent,
assuming none
guess
Castellana,
had
he
that
seen
from
looked
or
we should
the Velino
from
Soracte
Castelnuovo
Civita
on his
river
journey
down
the
across
of the Tiber towards the distant Alban
valley
And
He
in his correspondent.
to say of Spoleto, or the falls
never
cxxxix
hills.
the Ticino and the Po,
in the bulrushes gives
him
pleasure, his thoughts are soon diverted to Tityrus
and
though the song of the birds
the metamorphosis of Phaethon's
sisters.
For
these
and other reasons Sidonius cannot be placed very high
among the masters who through the medium of
have
expressed
It is in vain to seek in
letters.
his pages the unstudied brilliance of
and
wit
the
vivacity
Horace Walpole, feel that
'La
alone in the
His
is
of Voltaire,
'La
or
woods
all
not the art to
sentences
escape
adventure. plicity,
the
Sainte
nor
is it
of
de S^vign6, irony of
light
or the natural gaiety of
Cowper.
We
path or copse
Horreur';^
or
stay
day for sheer love of verdure.
throw off
dozen words, or to resume an
the
Mme
Sidonius would never christen
Solitaire'
themselves
his to
affair
make
half
in
of State
in
pair
of
hearthside event like
absorbing and complete
pet
In edification,
he lacks the winning sim-
the amiable grace of St. Francis of Sales,
He
cannot restrain his scholarship like Gray, or expand in confidences like
Though
Nature.
His humour
often strikes us
on
Lake Como
Comedy', because one was on
high rock,
Pliny
Tragedy' and the other on
Lamb.
low.
nicknamed
his
villas
Yet here again the Stage intrudes on
Introduction
cxl
he
forced
as
Hotel
de Rambouillet, but less
fine,
he
lived
in
his
compliments
has
was the victim of an
those
like
turned.
In
training
he
adroitly artificial
of the
of renaissance but of dissolution
was an age more eager
for epistolary honours than
any other, but more obviously debarred by circumstance
from
their attainment.
Though we
are not primarily concerned with
nius as poet, the inclusion in the Letters of
Sido-
some dozen
epigrams and short pieces compels us to ask whether
Gibbon's
contemptuous
these verses
insipid
Of
among them. on the imputed
temperate epithet for some
is
the two impromptu (I.
satire
(VIII.
xii).
The former
achieved in this there
and
field.
defeats the
In the second, as in that to Namatius,
IX.
The
Guez,
b.
1594, d.
add the remarks
1654), just
copy of ^Cinna' will
de
mains
S'il ^tait vrai qu'en
les
il
malades
rend
vi).
de Balzac
as
much
ce
serait
car je vous assure que
il
illustrate
fait que
la parole
quelquune de
senti quelque faiblesse, et vous^
the reader
recalls the Seigneur
Voire Cinna guerit
batt tten en paralytiques ba
Muses
We may
tires
as
following passage from Balzac's letter to Cor-
acknowledging
eussiez
which
vii.
many ways Sidonius
(Jean-Louis de
affinity
Trygetius
letter to
and incompetent sportsmen (VIII.
Cf. also IV. xviii
neille
and the
cites the letter
probably the best which our author
humorist's end.
about doctors
Voiture.
say that, like
humour,
certain straining after effect
is
In
is
viii),
Fili-
they should not
time,
in defence of Sidonius'
on Amantms (VI.
to Graecus
other on
we can only
against
other
one
epigrams,
4), the
xi.
matius' towel (V. xvii. 10)
Germain,
Were
deserved.
is
that remained to us, there could be but
all
one answer
phrase
ses
un
-be'^so^tne
ct
the les
un muet
parties votes
secret e7itre vos
ne Va reconnue.
Introduction
cxH
The
have been exposed to time's revenge.
and church
elegies,
the mechanical
have
one whose
expected
be
to
inscriptions
mind
good
the imagination
come near which
The
to deserving the
poet's
these secondary efforts
the
Anthemius.
and
which challenge,
it
issued
panegyrics
three
ages have often
some of them
of naenia epitaphistarum
feared
them himself.
for
In
rests in
upon the Carmina, the
468,^ and
these
jo
more
find the
comparison with
same
faults so con-
spicuous in the writer's prose, with others added antitheses,
the
metaphors,
far-fetched
forced emphatic utterance, the unquestionable
of knowledge, making whole parts read
the
parade
like versified
But though over the greater
hangs the curse of an
part
the
facility,
the lack of emotional inspiration, the tiresome
of Livy'.
n,
works,
ambitious
if unsuccessfully,
we
upon
chiefly
honour of
in
Claudian and Statins,
glittering
left
cannot, however, be judged by
reputation
twenty-four poems
title
almost
author
their
all
In truth,
uninspired.
of kind-
nature, or out
ness of heart, motives which in
was
But they
continually exercised by questions of metre. are mostly written out of
epitaphs,
implacable
memory
Pegasus
though
that
cannot forget
the
reined to the
manege, the whole achievement cannot
fairly
ates.^
Schools,
first,
ever
be dismissed as bad because the bad preponderIt
may
be that
in
The poems were published Felix.
is
The
out of
fact that the its
at
the
Fertig, Part
ii,
p. 15.
periods
of
Magnus
the request
panegyric of Anthemius
historical sequence, is in
mentioned above.
stilted
is
placed
favour of the date
Introduction
cxlii
of the Letters, the ear
and strange
there
arrested by unfamiliar
But where the author
there
feels
opulence
dexterity,
is
rhythms
breath of barbarism
here, too,
sonorities
has passed. power,
is
his conscious
movement,
and
pageantry of changing form and colour to
is
which the name of poetry cannot be denied.
which
are narrative passages for example, the
Roman army
seize
description
and hold the
There interest
of the Vandals, or of the Parts of the Panegyric
crossing the Alps.
of Majorian advance with an ardour worthy their theme, while here and there flash out gnomic phrases after the glittering
style
The
of Lucan.^
declamatory manner
of these hexameters, so far removed from the suave Virgilian
the effect
description
of
admits
grandeur,
frequent
brilliance
in
that of historical painting on
is
by
skilful but uninspired master.
Some
of the pieces on
less ambitious subjects are not
without
large scale
The
occasional grace.
verses to Majorian, pleading for
remission of the triple
tax,
light
strike
vein
with
more success than the humour of the Letters would but the Epithalamia would damage
lead us to expect
Sidonius
any reputation.^
he
vein
is
is at
the rhetor through and through. adroit
never-failing
proverbial
wisdom,
Ausonius,
and takes his place
poets of the
The his
Roman
literary
death.
he
the
is
reputation
Ruricius
Mors
Carm, XI.
of
vixissefuit. xv.
In his
use of mythology and natural after
successor
of
him among the
decadence.
of Sidonius
Limoges,
Cf. the often quoted lines
mundi
his best in the rhetorical
Has
in
long
survived
some
respects
inter clades et
Junera
Introduction
we have
conscious, as his
him
to
refers
pupil,
quence
and
power
regards
him
as
are his
frank admirers
during
But
familiarity
with
his
critical
has
illustrated
were
models
Classic
reputation.
We
his
popularity
of
Salisbury,
to
with
his
imitate
his
Politian
unfavourably
reacted
have
and
critical
still.
read
clearly
familiar
sought
writers
Fortunatus
the fourteenth century, the growing
in
was
Petrarch
Jornandes had
mediaeval
manner.^
upon
Ennodius and
master
late
Cassiodorus
improvisation.^
and other scholars
and
works,
obscurity in
praises his elo
Middle Ages, when John
the
Abelard,
of
Savaron
poems.^
certain
Gregory of Tours
writer of letters.^
his
of
seen,
though
terms,
eulogistic
in
does Avitus of Vienne, another
so
style
cxliii
already
noted
Renaissance
the
was unimpressed by his
that
more style
Vives called his prose nd^\z\AQ\x'Si{ahsurdi$stma)\ Casaubon is
severe, though Scaliger can
The he
and
editions
interest in
works
his
finally lost credit as
times.
find
words of praise.*^
Sirmond
an
revived
but with the eighteenth century writer of Latin, while securing
permanent place as an his
still
authority
for
the history of
From Tillemont and Gibbon
to
Amedee
Thierry, Guizot and more recent historians of his age, Baret, p. 102
Ep.
Germain, pp. 112, 113. Hist. Franc.
xxxviii.
II. xxii.
Ennodius, in his ht Natali S, Epiphaniiy adapts lines
from the Panegyric on Anthemius,
The
portrait of Attila {Get.
c.
v.
24, 25)
69 is
four
ff.
indebted to the
Panegyric of Avitus. In th at the "^
exce ex cerp rpts ts from mediaeval writers {^Elogia Veteruni)
beginning of his edition.
See Baret,
p. 105.
Introduction
cxliv all
have
homage
rendered
while one man of
letters
borrowed
from
material
to
at
ill
name nor
Sidonius has not
is
his periods will never be
or instruction,
and
forgotten
men pursue
while
libraries,
above).
xciii
(p.
stylist,
Though
work
his
pages
his
pleasure
for
either
has
hands of the posterity to which he
the
entrusted his fame. recited
merit,
at least,
Despite his chastisement as fared
involuntary
his
neither
his
our greater
in
Letters and
research, the
the Panegyrics will always hold their undisputed place.
Of
man
Sidonius as
it
almo al most st un unne nece cess ssar ar
is
to
speak
the Letters prove his noble qualities, and those
written
after
entry
into
the
the
reflect
defect of his ambitious early
chief fault,
an over-readiness to
flatter
where
flat flatte tery ry
should not have come from him.
when he
Church
which won him the honour of canonization.
saintliness
His
his
to
was
given at
all,
There were times
conv co nven enie ient ntly ly forgot the antecedents of the
great, or their
bade him to
if
life,
connexion with men
whom
Majorian was
conciliate.
honour
for-
comrade
the
and the nominee of that Ricimer who had murdered Avitus
Sidonius
had murdered
II
doric
perhaps
forgets
for
political
save the royal virtues.
of the to
man who was
Graecus
trials
and
nor was
disillusions
real to us,
his
own
end,
Such
brother;
appears
Theo-
soon.
Sidonius,
oblivious
flexibility
is
of
all
unworthy
to write the stern letter of rebuke
of the nature which
it
proved to be really
the worst charge which his other failings are
the fact too
his.
This
is
can be brought against him
little
weaknesses which make him
and which he never seeks to conceal.
Thus
Introduction sometimes
he
cxlv
unworthy
towards
lenient
for instance, towards the deception of the
action
adventurer Amantius
young
charming
but he confesses with
frankness that he does not Hke censorious rigour (VII.
His
iv 3).
by
modesty (VII.
false
now and
literary vanity is
IX.
iii,
confidence disarms
his simple
then accentuated but
xiii)
as
rule
When
resentment.
he
assured his friend Fortunatus that the appearance of his
name on ensure
than not
was probably more
immortality, he
its
after all,
Fortunatus
he spoke the
preserved (VIII.
is
He critics
much of
he received
was complimentary
it
profuse of
no
illusion
allowed
great
occasion
to
as
to
latitude
an extent
His
sentiment.
current
its
which
Sidonius had
IV. xxii;
xiv; is
must
himself of
it
upon
modern
is
and with
sane
all
we
allowance for cannot read
and apparently sharp ones.
VIII.
IX.
i;
namque aut
Cf.
it
I.
But his attitude to
iv.
miniinui7i ex hisce metuendiun
aut per ovinia omnino coitticescendmn, Unless
xxiii),
it
is
excelled by the
of which Dill
absurdities (p. 362).
IX.
it
Claudianus Mamertus reaches
letter to
critics,
age
but
of an eulogistic time,
the influence
verbiage,
The
value.
exaggeration
in
the limit of extravagance,
est
the
he can
to others, that
It
be admitted that Sidonius availed
criticism
in
and he himself
belonging to the etiquette of his day
III.
were
i),
But no doubt he discounted the eulogy which
wrong.^
under
probably had
PHny (IX.
second
and was quietly convinced that his
serious
name of
truth, for the
v).
no objection to being called
was
would
the superscription of one of the Letters
iii,
he
is
Cf. also IV.
vii.
546.22
poem
[^
to Consentiiis
ashamed
iii.
22
{Carm.
to transcribe the
VIII.
i,
x, xi, xiii
Introduction
cxlvi
without continual
When we
irritation.
the subject of his praise can hold his
names
in
every
field,
that
own
with the
first
with Orpheus, Aesculapius, Archi-
medes, Vitruvius, Thales,
Euclid,
Chrysippus, and
the greatest Fathers of the Church as well, credulity
all
is
and we wish that Sidonius had
too obviously taxed,
remembered more often the gnomic saying which he ascribes
Symmachus
to
Nevertheless
castigat.
eulogies
almost
ut vera laus
must
it
absurd
as
periods very near our own. Saeculare
grossly
so
Johnson's
We
celebration.^
falsa
remembered
that
been perpetrated
Thus
Prior, in his
William
exhausted
may
ita
have
flattered
he
phrase,
be
ornat^
all
III
his
in
Carmen that,
in
powers
of
dismiss the present subject by
once more applying to Sidonius the words of the same critic,
as
and say of him that
much
in
these matters he
can be properly exacted from
veracity as
writer professedly encomiastic
quickly moved, impair his are
Again, Sidonius was
'.^
allowed his temper to
He
dignity.
blazes
when views
out
which controvert
expressed
retained
pet
opinion
and
when more
seriously offended, does not confine himself
to words.
The
apparently innocent disturbers
grandfather's grave feel the weight of his lash
of his whip (III. xii)
We may
remember,
compared her daughter's
he explodes
too, that even
Mme de
to Sidonius,
times to speak VII.
vii).
frank
is
word
shown by
in
really
is
(IV. (I V.
generally best (VII. xviii).
Incandui (VII.
at the
care-
Sevigne once
xiv. i).
convention,
his readiness at all
His practice did not contradict
outspokenness
fists
style to that of Tacitus.
That such indiscriminate eulogy was and not natural
of his
iv,
xiv; V. xix;
his theory that
Introduction lessness of
who
slave
speak to him for days (IV.
But these
The most Though
are
the
some
lost
xii.
uncommunicative that
of great
defects
small
and
letters,
will not
2).
affected of writers is the
enough to show
cxlvii
about
qualities.
most natural his
home,
men. he
good father
he was
says
of his
family, affectionate to his wife, solicitous for the health
There
and welfare of his children. the passage, already noted, in
real
is
charm
in
which he describes him-
his son, distracted between
self as sitting reading with
delight in the boy's ardour, and in the fine passages of
the poets (IV.
there
xii)
years the enthusiasm
(V.
in later
the young Apollinaris
waned
Mention has been
made
xii).
He
was
of his
loyal
letter
to
fidelity
disgrace (V.
vii).
friend.
Arvandus
in
the dangerous hour of
Similar qualities are apparent in the
on the death of Lampridius,
whose
when to
when
regret
real
is
own
who had
Burgundian court to
foil
the
of
the
Letters
illustrate
anxiety for the health and prosperity of those for
he
felt
When
was extended
to
mertus
the
bears
unselfishness
Sidonius real
them
regard, or his sympathy with
fortunes.^
is
of so
in-
brought Apollinaris into danger (V.
number
large
vii).
time
anxieties were great, he exerts himself
the utmost at the
formers
At
he was by no means blind.
faults
his
another friend to
he became bishop, wider
circle,
highest his
life,
testimony
possible
when
vi,
k2
in their
mis-
and Claudianus Mahe
claim upon him, that he finds too iii,
whom
this fellow feeling
little
xii.
to
complains
busy attending to those
Cf. V.
his
who
the that
have no
time to answer
Introduction
cxlviii
He,
the letters of old associates. ated
remembered through good and
friend,
necessities of the
human
in the distribution
of
He
lot.'^
gifts
and
in
Gregory of Tours
how he
silver,
An
quoted,
on the recovery of
insisted
where
xvi,
He
he is
sends
ever
of younger
efforts
ready
men
to
(II.
x,
is
seen
cowl
winter
the
ways.^
in other
kindly thought for others
his
Chariobaudus. literary
of others.
qualities
the poor were compensated
example of
VII.
in
alike
gave away his silver plate to relieve distress,
and how, when Papianilla the
was generous
passage often
relates, in
the
evil
the sentiment which
always ready to recognize the
is
vener-
too,
to
encourage
IX.
xi),
the
and
even to lend them most precious volumes in his library,
supreme
test
towards
tolerance^
He was
of human kindness.
most detested
those
the
whose
religious
be sound
in
judgement does
He
vision.
in
man may be
dictum
his
was
views
sociable
and
pleasing light,
Jew and
of
friendly,^
possessed
affairs
to
men
manner which would have won though
down
to
us
examples
of his
of his
wit
which have come
sometimes tiresome, he was probably
are
Condicionis
in
Nor was he devoid of humour
Horace.
the
yet
to his
credit
of tact and patience, accommodating
favourite
he
Letters concerning the two Jews
Gozolas and Promotus exhibit him and
capable of
humanae per omnia mentor
(IV.
xi. 4).
Hist. Franc. II. xxii.
In his judgements of Origen and Apollonius of (II.
ix.
VIII.
iii.
4)
we mark
distinct
Tyana
freedom
of
judgement. In his earlier
life
he could enjoy good cheer, and evidently
appreciated the refinements of luxury.
Introduction good company when Letters
he
appears to help
endeavours
of
As
life.
We
see
him
in
the
the kindly
the
as
cxlix
others
the practical
in
bishop, his benevolence
difficulties
always
is
active.
truant son and bringing about
receiving
reconciliation
who
intermediary
with the injured
(IV. xxiv)
father
of interest on an
securing the remission
for
the advantage of an orphaned family (IV. xxiv)
delinquent husband
suading
(VI.
He
But he
ix).
saw
never
to
countenanced
favouritism.
reward should only follow
clearly that
should go by seniority
man of
(VIL
common
and
insight
VIII.
ix
efficient
maxims
the
in
Letters
that the
insists
his
attest
He
vii).
reflections
safeguard of enduring friendship
iii.
7)
may be pushed
i)
he
to the
verge
he knows that the most
bittei
sees that self-depreciation
(IX.
and
wisdom.
practical
Hes in community of likes and disHkes (III.
folly
was
whom
upon
sense,
Many
people relied for good advice.
of
wife
his
and expressly opposed the plea that promotion
service,
He
return
to
per-
family quarrels are those which arise over the division
(IV.
of estates as
at
and that
i),
at
most others, proximity
to
Burgundian court, kings
is
dangerous
(III. ix).i
He
was
patriot
Roman and
both as
In the earlier part of his career urging the strenuous
We
name. the
men of
life
for
we
find
his
happiness
him always
the credit of the
Roman
have seen that more than once he rebukes family
who
allow
centre in
all
their estates or pleasures, while the imagines Cf.
Arvernian.
remarks
(VI.
xii),
on friendship (V. and prudence (IV.
iii
vi).
of trabeated IX.
xiv),
on
Introduction
cl
ancestors look
down on
philosophy
not accepted
is
contemplation (VI.
their degeneracy (I. vi)
an excuse for inactive
as
He
vi).
did not despair of
empire even in the days of Julius Nepos that
men would the
past
viii).
by Euric, his
spirit
its
and
he
it,
attacked
was worthy of Roman
tradition
during
issued from
by
strength
which enables men
the
fire.
to
fortitude
ancestors.
of his
full
It
is
his
life
and
strength
in
possessed to the
changed
of
service
and
crisis
confirmed
it
He
this
Clermont
of
siege
worthy of his
fined as
in
the
courage
unnecessary to dwell upon nature
as in the great days of
it
evinced
him
which proved
good
as
When Auvergne was
Both
best.
after
show
appear to
(III.
at
he thought
only patriotism were fairly rewarded,
if
the
re-
the moral
overcome old prejudice
The
ideal.
exclusive
magnate who chose his acquaintances with such care
became the friend of beg
for
Church
the
consistent in
his
men
all
the proud noble could
VIII.
(III.
loyalty
to
his
new
He
iv).
was
profession,
and
resolutely maintained the dignity of the priesthood even
against
the high worldly rank which he never ceased
to respect
humble
in
(IV. his
VIII.
xiv
sense of his
of guidance for himself
the language
(V.
iii
VI.
earlier years
is
was sincerely
own unworthiness
in
felt
his Letters to
VII.
vi).
to
be
the need
Lupus and
the see of Clermont,
lect le ct on
emphatic but the contrition
The
devotion
is
sincere
which
in
had perhaps depended much on formality
of observance was life
He
time when he
the shepherd of others at
other bishops after his
vii).
now
the reputation for
the piety
guiding
principle
of his
which he gained among
Introduction his contemporaries
proof of
his
cli
and immediate successors History
sincerity.
precisely comparable
to
is sufficient
no
records
Conspicuous
this.
alike
rank and literary celebrity, Sidonius was
his
ways the
his
in
native
in
land,
and unfamiliar duties
arduous
his
fulfilled
personage
first
career for
many
j^et
he
spirit
in
of abnegation equal to that of colleagues trained to the renunciations of monastic
In the evil days which
life.
upon his country, he never abandoned
fell
when
own
his
fortunes were
others escaped affliction (IV. greatness as
There
writer,
them.^
some twenty containing
Out of
reason
were
man.
works of
small part of
Monumenta Germaniae
Historica^
importance, some of these
few other manuscripts, which
to
affinities
as
number, Lutjohann, when
large
this
selected six as of superior
this
it
greater part of the
editing the text for the
having
If Sidonius failed of
ii).
he surely attained
whole
Sidonius, and
rejoiced that
darkest,
more than sixty manuscripts con-
are extant
taining the
his people
occasionally
employed.
The
for
six
manuscripts are 1.
Codex Laudianus, 04) 9th or
MS. Lat. Known as L.
(Bodleian Library,
loth
century.
Related to this book are Partsinus 1854 of the
0th century, known as N, and Faticanus 1783, loth century, known as V. 2.
Marcianus,
(Marcian
loth century.
See
Teubner
the
Summary by
edition,
Mon, Germ,
pp.
Hist.
Library,
Known Dr.
iii-vi;
P.
as
Venice,
554.)
M.
Mohr, Praefatio
to
and Lutjohann and Lowe
VIII {Auct, Antiq.), pp.
vi-xiv.
the in
Introduction
clii
Laurentianus,
3.
(Laurentian
XLV.
Plat.
23.)
ith~i2th century.
Known
lOth-llth
century.
T.
as
(Madrid.)
Matritensts,
4.
Florence,
Library,
Known
C.
as
(Related to this
Vaticanus
is
3421, loth century.) Partstnus,
5.
13th century. Parisinus.
6.
Nat.,
(Bibl.
Paris,
Known
as F.
Nat.,
Paris,
Bibl.
Known
Of
these, the first
for use
subsidiary
where
common
and
lOth-
all
and with
at the Vatican,
the other three are of
may be noted
It
to
had
cate that they
2781.)
P.
it fails
importance.
lacunae are
12th-
the most valuable, with the two
is
related manuscripts in Paris
and
9551.)
this
that
would seem
to
indi-
which
in
these
single archetype,
had per-
places presented difficulties to the copyist or
haps been damaged by Printed
fire.
of
editions
Sidonius
was issued reprinted
at
Basel
E. Vinet's edition appeared
Wouweren^s value)
^VQ^
in Paris
edition
first
followed
edition, with
thing
to
Canon
in
last
which period one
learn,
only
in
at
in
Lyons
1598.
in
1542 in
J.
1595.
1552, and
The same
his second (the
1609.
and
first
year saw
of
Sirmond's
critical
valuable
from which every one has some-
notes
years later.
appeared
at
the
and another from Milan, the
being
Savaron's
with
begin
quarter of the fifteenth century,
latter
certain
was issued
in
1614;
Elmenhorst's
Complete translations have hitherto
French
of Troyes,
was
the printed
first,
in
by R.
706
Breyer, that
of
Introduction
clili
1787 and 1792
E. Billardon de Sauvigny
Gr^goire
The
and Coilombet's version dates from 1836.
last-
mentioned work has often been criticized for inaccuracy, but
it
Single
Letters, or
marized or translated or
his
The
is
known,
Constantius, the
by many writers
at
Sidonius
request i),2
of
nine books
in
perhaps
light,
The
and the ninth
the
It
as
early
as
468
was added
jurisconsult
at
Aries
of
of Firminius (IX.
at that
of
The Poems
eighth book
Petronius
is,
Seven
different times at the request
appearing in 478.^
first
above, p. cxli).
Letters
perhaps about the year 484.^ to
on
that of Sidonius himself.
had already seen the
(VIII.
the
of Letters, are sum-
parts
arrangement of the
books were issued
the
experience
age.
as far as
(see
who knows by
of their task to join in censure upon this
difficulties
point.
one
not for
is
i),
soon becomes apparent
any reader familiar with the history of the times, that
the
order
of the Letters
is
books contain Letters from the of Sidonius'
life
most
not chronological
and
earlier
and within the
limits
later
parts
of the several
books the arrangement often seems capricious, Letters logically
others is
and
historically connected
unrelated to
them
partly due to the fact
in subject. that, to
nine books,^ Sidonius had
Chaix,
ii,
This confusion
complete his
tale
of
his drawers
ransack
p. 272.
Petronius had the privilege like those
being separated by
which had preceded,
it
of Consta Constanti ntius. us.
of revising
book, but,
appeared under the auspices Chaix,
The number was imposed upon him admirer and imitator of PHny.
this
ii,
p. 306.
as
professed
Cf. note, 176. i, p. 250.
Introduction
cliv
and cases
Clermont for drafts of
at
years before
this
explains
the
books of Letters referring
last
But
was
he
not
that
true
also
is
it
primarily
he brought
sequence
One
book
long
the
two
inclusion to
his
in
early
preparing
in
for
concerned
with
his
together
letters
which
reasons, by associations of idea obscure.
letters written
publication
chronological for
other
to us are often
of them probably was to ensure to each
wide variety of subject, that his readers might
not accuse him of monotony.^
regarded
it
of the collection of Letters as such
as that for
manhood.
it is
essentially discontinuous,
odd moments
from
logical order is not
now
been
and provides reading
point of view,
this
of prime importance.
suggested
the
that
lack of
It has before
arrangement
author's
should be disregarded, and that an edition should be issued with every letter in possible
to
majority
of the
give
and
precise letters,
But although
date
certain
of
the overriding
approved by Sidonius might be grounds.
If
proper order.
its
justified
Lett tter er certain Le
on
were
it
to
the
the
order
utilitarian
date da te themselves
by recounting known events, while the period of others can be inferred from personal or other allusions, there
remains conjectural
being so,
which nothing more than
large proportion to
or approximate
it
is
dates can be given.
hardly justifiable to upset the sequence
which received the author's retained
for
This
fifteen
and has been
sanction,
hundred
years.
Moreover,
the
convenience gained in one direction would be lost in another
for
the
references
to
Sidonius
in
historical
Pliny seems to have acted on the same principle letters
manner are not chronological.
his
Introduction and
critical
were
it
literature
civ
follow the old system
all
changed, the reader, driven to consult
concordance at every turn, would soon Order back. nine books
head
and,
table
of
wish the old
has therefore seemed best to keep the
It
they stand in the texts, placing at the
as
of each
letter
certain
its
or
date
conjectural
wherever such can be reasonably assigned. In
many
by
indicated allusion,
cases the year the
for
instance,
before
or after the
the Church, or the
empire.
which many
is
between letters
naturally to fall
us
to
possible
infer
to
say
given letter must have been entrance of Sidonius into
long interval of leisure in a. D.
descriptive
461 and 467, within
of provincial
life
seem
few of these might be transferred
the years between a.d. actually suggested this.
456 and 459, though It will thus
date of the majority of letters
approximate.
particular
abandonment of Auvergne by the
Again, there
the
enable
often
is
it
others,
may
tone,
with some confidence that written
In
contents.
or
the period
exactly or approximately
is
to
have not
be seen that the
can only be regarded as
BIBLIOGRAPHY Works specially relating to
A. Baret,
M. E.
Opera
C. S. Sidonii Apollinaris
Sidoine Apollinaire.
De
Bitschofsky, R.
Sidonius. CEuvres de
Paris, 1878.
C, Sollii Apollinm'is Studiis Statianis,
1881.
Brakman, C.
Sidoniana
[Breyer, R.
of
et
Letters of St.
Boethiana.
1904.
Lupus of Troyes and
St.
Sidonius
by R.
B.,
Canon of Troyes.
Apollinaris Sidonius
als
Politiker,
Clermont,
translated
Troyes, 1706.]
M.
Biidinger,
ungsberichte der Wiener
Chaix, L. A.
Saint Sidoine Apollinaire
1880. et
son
la villa de Sidoine Apollinaire,
1867.
siecle.
Avitacum, essai de critique sur
Cregut, G. R.
ment de
kad, xcwii.
in Sitz-
emplace-
1890
[in
Mem.
Scie Sc ienc nces es de Clermont-Ferrand, 2nd Series,
de I'Acad. de fasc. 3.]
Roman
Dill, S.
Empire.
Society in the Last Century of the Western
1898.
[Especially pp. 157
Digbeiano 172 Elmenhorst, G.
vet, cod.
Sidonium
ex
Codice 1882.
i,
A, Sidonii Opera, ex postrema recogni-
tione To. Wovverii,
ex
ff.]
Anecdota Oxoniensia
in
C, S.
and 270
Apollinarem
in
Glossae
Ellis
ff.
^c, Geverhartus Elmenhorstius edidit
textum emendavit
et
indicem copiosum adiecit,
Hanoviae, 1617. Eshevsky,
S.
Lite7'ary
C.
and
the Political History of
S.
Apoll.
Century.
St. Petersburg,
M.
Sollitis
Fertig,
Zeit,
Sidonius:
V.
Caius
Sidonius
dargestellt,
parts issued).
Gaul in
of the
the Fifth
(in Russian).
Apollinaris
nach seinen Werken
(unfinished
1855
Episodes
und
seine
Wlirzburg, 1845-8
Biblio^aphy Essai historique
Germain, A. C.
et litteraire
Gregoire, J. F., and Collombet, ¥, Z.
Apollinaris Sidonius.
Zur Sprache
De
Gustaffson, F. V.
CEuvres de C. Sollius
Paris, 1836.
des Apollinaris Sidonius.
Apoll. Sidon, emendando.
1892. 1882.
Die Werke des Apollinaris Sidonius
Kaufmann, G.
Gesc schi hich chte te se sein iner er Zeit. Quelle fUr die Ge
Pericaud, A.
sur Apollinaris
Montpellier, 1840.
Sidonius,
Grupe, E.
civil
Notice
historique
sur
als eine
Gottingen, 1864.
Sidoine
Apollinaire,
Lyons, 1825.
from
extracted
[Notices
the
Archives
Rhdne,
and
by Gregoire and
with additions and alterations,
used,
dii
Collombet.] Archdologische Bemerkungen zu Claudian
Purgold, K.
Gotha, 1878.
Sidonius,
Lettres de Caius Sidonius Apolli-
Sauvigny, E. Billardon de. Paris, 1787.
naris.
CEuvres de Caius Sidonius Apolli-
Sauvigny, E. Billardon de. naris,
Savaron,
und
1792. C. Solli Apollinaris Opera, Jo. Savaronis studio
J.
castigati atius us recog recognit nita. a. et diligentia castig
Paris, 1598.
[Text, with Life.]
Savaron,
C. S. Apollinaris opera
J.
tensis inulto
quam
Jo. Savaro Claromon-
antea castigatius recognovit
coinme7ttarium adiecit.
[Another edition in 1614.
et
Paris, 1609.
Savaronis commentary
is still
of
value.]
Sirmond,
J.
Sirmundi Soc.Jesu.
C, S. Apollinaris opera^Jac.
presh. cura et studio studio recogn recognita ita notisque illustrata.
Paris,
1614.
Sirmond,
J.
notisque
Labbeo.)
Opera, Jac.
Sirmundi cura Editio
illustrata.
et studio
Secunda.
recognita
(Curante
Ph.
Paris, 1652.
[Sirmond's work, which passed through later editions,
an example of seventeenth-century scholarship at
and the notes are Yver, G.
its best,
excellent.]
Euric, roi des Wisigoths,
7noyen age dediees
is
ci
G. Monod.
in
Etudes
1896.
d^'histoii'e
du
Biblio^aphy
clviii
TEXTS The two important edited
by Mohr, and
Teubner
are the
texts
critical
that of Llitjohann,
Lowe, and
text,
Mommsen
viz,
Apollinaris
Sollius
C.
Sidonitis,
Paulus Mohr,
recensuit
Leipzig, 1895.
Sidonii ii Ep Episi isiul ulae ae et Carinina, recensuit Apollma7'is Sidon
G. et
emendavit C.
Liitjohajiii.
[Completed by F. Lowe and Th. Mommsen, who contribute the preface. the
Among
texts
is
dealing with
important.]
of less value not already noted in the biblio-
may
be mentioned that printed by
in his Patrologiae
1844;
xviii,
Mommsen,
Praefatio of
Sido doni nius us &c., of Si
life,
graphy
The
Sidonius
is
included
in
1850;
vol.
&c.,
Collectio
M.
J.
x,
vol.
The Corpus omniuvi Poetaruin Latinortwi, Chorus Poetaruin
Nisard's
Bibliotheca
in the
Vetenun Patru??i of A. Gallandius,
the
Migne
Ctirsus Complettis^ Latin Series, vol.
Collection des atttenrs latins^
P.
J. P.
1765;
in
vi,
1627, and
Classicorum duplex, &c.,
pt.
I,
16 6, include the Poems.
The
sixteenth century produced the texts of J. de
with notes by Lyons, 1598
Wouweren and
P.
Wouweren,
Colvius,
E. Vinetus, Lyons, 1552
Paris
and
G. P. Pio, Basel,
1542.
To
the fifteenth century belong an imperfect text with Pio's
commentary, produced
at
Milan
in
1498
and an edition
issued at Utrecht by N. Ketelaer and G. de
1473
Works of General Reference. History of the Later
J. B.
Roman
The Cambridge Mediaeval History, as
in
(?).
B.
Bury,
Leempt
vol.
Empii-e. i.
191
1.
1889.
(Quoted
C.M.H.)
Dahn, F.
and VI.
1870,
Pastes episcopaux de Vancienne Gaule.
1907.
Die Kbnige der Germanen.
Pts.
1871.
Duchesne, L.
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clix
Ch. xxxvi.
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der deutschen Stdmme.
Schmidt, Thierry,
Vols,
«&c.
les
Amedee.
siecle.
Ricits de
histoire
19 10.
romaine an cinquihne
i860.
Tillemont, L.
S.,
Le Nain
de.
Memoires pour servir d,
ecclisiastique des prein iej'S siecles.
1701-12,
histoire
vol. xvi
OF CORRESPONDENTS
LIST
AND PERSONS MENTIONED IN THE LETTERS IMPORTANT FOR THE CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF GAUL. {Asterisks indicate correspondents
and
the letters addressed
to thej?i.)
Abraham. who,
VII.
from
flying
Ascetic from Mesopotamia,
Saint.
xvii.
Persian
persecution, settled
in
Clermont, where he founded the Community of
Died
in
the occasion of
Vitae Patrum^
Gregory of Tours,
The
xxi.
11.
church of
VII.
Carni. v,
in
of
and
Unknown
Agrippinus.
VI.
*Agroecms.
*VIL
is
IX.
ii.
unknown.
Alethius.
224).
who
general,
defeated
Also men-
III.
Brother-in-law of Sidonius
Avitus
brother
of
Ecdicius
and
except for mention in Sidonius.
An
ii.
de la France
litt.
Albiso. see
p.
to the
ix.
*II. xii.
ii.
Emperor
the
Papianilla.
Hist,
The famous
3.
vii,
*L
*Agricola. son
xii.
ii,
cf.
also Hist. Franc,
and was murdered by Valentinian
Attila,
tioned
iii
Victorius,
Abraham were removed
of St.
relics
c.
Eutropius in 1804 (Chaix,
St.
Aetius.
made by Sidonius and
visit
Cirgues.
miracle attributed to him on
For
477 (June 15th).
St.
Gaul, at
I.
Bishop of Sens.
p. 564.
or po poss ssib ibly ly
priest
Cf. Chaix,
II. vii.
priest.
Cf. VII. ix. 6.
v. ii,
unscrupulous
ii,
bishop whose
p. 75.
dispute with Paulus, which
Party in
Sidonius refers for settlement to Explicius.
Amantius. VII. young reader who and Graecus.
vii,
IX.
iv.
Cf. also VI. viii
ii,
p. 108
ii.
served as letter-carrier between Sidonius
native of Clermont, he sought to better his
fortunes at Marseilles, with the success related in VII.
Chaix,
VII.
f.
ii.
Cf,
List of Correspondents *Ambrosius. Sirmond Chaix,
*IX.
same
to be the
ii,
by
Conjectured
bishop.
vi.
clxl
correspondent of Ruricius.
as
Cf.
p. 98.
Annianus.
VIII. xv.
time of Attila's invasion.
Bishop of Orleans at the
Saint.
Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc,
Cf.
II. vii.
Anthemius.
ix
I. iv, v, vii,
Had
noble, son of Procopius.
V.
II.
Byzantine
xvi.
on the Danube and
served
elsewhere, and married Euphemia, daughter of the
Marcian.
Nominated Emperor of the East by Leo,
On the
the death of Severus. in
panegyric to him
him the
secure for
to
Anthemius was not
strong
brought to justice in hi
re gn
in
marriage to Ricimer
VfiXh.
his son-in-law,
principal
is
Carm,
ii,
and died
Had
unknown.
Also
*Aper. *IV. xxi; V,
Prefect of
Gaul
*Apollinaris.
Son of Sidonius. *Apollinaris. Sidonius,
brother
at Lerins,
Friend.
and practised
Remi.
An Aeduan,
possess-
V.
Grandfather of Sidonius
ix.
408 under the 'tyrant' Coi.stantine.
his native city of Lyons, i,
(^*j^
*III. xiii
Dis-
the usurper, he withdrew to
where he
pp.
Cf.
life.
bishop whose see
xiv.
friend of St.
gusted with the instability of
GiUile vieridionale
events in his
See Fronto, Auspicia.
III. xii
in
same year (472), Sidonius
Lupus
xiv.
ing influence in Auvergne.
Apollinaris.
daughter Alypia
his
See Ricimer.
ff.
lived with
monastic austerities.
Rome,
Prefecture of
gave
many
Antiolus, or Antiolius. VIII. is
ii),
10), but ultimately quarrelled
in the
authority for
{Carm.
though Arvandus was
ruler,
He
v.
(I.
197, 199, 205
in 467,|after
occasion of his second consulship
468 Sidonius addressed
which helped
Emperor
Hist, de la
99.)
V.
VIII.
xi.
vi.
12
IX.
i.
5.
Cf. Introduction, p. xiv.
*IV.
vi
*V.
iii,
of Thaumastus,
whom,
vi
II. ix.
and apparently
jointly with himself,
Simplicius,
to
addressed.
(Cf. also VII. iv. 4.)
at the court of Chilperic,
Cousin
*IV.
iv,
(?)
also xii,
of
of are
Endangered by informers
whose machinations were thwarted
by Sidonius. Apollinaris. 646.22
II.
ix.
i.
Connexion.
Host of Sidonius
of Correspondents
List
clxii
of Vorocingus (or Voroangus) in the valley ot
at the estate
the Gard not far from Nimes.
*Aprunculus.
*IX.
Cf.
Carm.
xxiv. 53.
Bishop of Langres.
x.
Suspected
Gundo-
of intriguing with the Franks by the Burgundian king
whom
bad, he took refuge at Clermont with Sidonius, there xxiii
succeeded.
Gregory of Tours, Hist* Franc,
Cf.
Duchesne, Pastes episcopaux,
*Aquilinus.
*V.
ii,
gran andf dfat athe he of Rusticus, the friend of Sidonius' gr
His father was Vicarius of
II.
p. 185.
Grandson
Schoolfellow and friend.
ix.
he
ApoU Ap oUin inar aris is
province in Gaul under the father
of Si Sido doni nius us
*Arbogast. Treves.
*IV.
Count, and Governor of
Friend.
xvii.
Descendant of an
earlier Arbogast, created
count by
the younger Valentinian, and famous in the reign of Theodosius.
good Christian by
Praised as
Possibly the same or 474.
Auspicius, Bishop of Toul.
man who became Bishop
(^Hist. litt.
Mem, xvi, pp. Arvandus.
St.
de la France,
250, 475, &c.
Tillemont,
pp. 478, 548
Gallia Christiana,
Prefect of Gaul.
vii.
I.
\i,
of Chartres in 473 ii.
481.)
The impeachment
of this governor in the reign of Anthemius was one of the last acts
of authority exercised by the Senate over Gaul.
Cf.
Introduction, p. xxx.
Asellus, Flavius. in 469.
5.
Co?nes Sacrartim largitionum
Guard of Arvandus during
Astyrius vi.
I. vii. 4.
Had commanded
Consul 449.
Athenius.
(Idatius.
I. xi.
*Attalus.
*V.
Turcius
Asturius),
(Asterius,
success in Spain.
his trial.
Ann,
VIII.
Rufius.
imperial troops with
450.)
Guest at the banquet of Majorian.
xviii.
Sirmond conjectures that he
Count of Autun who was uncle of Gregory of
is
the his
youth he had been sent as hostage to Childebert near Treves,
from
whom
he escaped
of Tours, Hist. Franc,
VII. xii;
Attila.
in iii.
an adventurous manner.
(Gregory
15.)
VIII.
xv.
King of
the Huns.
Cf.
Car?fi. vii. 327.
*Audax, Prefect of
Castalius
Rome
Aiispicia.
Innocentius.
*VIII.
vii.
Friend.
under Julius Nepos (474).
IV. xxi.
Grandmother of Aper
{q, v.).
List of Correspondents He
de la France,
litt.
xvii.
Bishop of Toul.
3.
high reputation for learning and piety.
enjoyed
Hist.
IV.
*VII. xi
*Auspicius.
clxiii
VII.
Atixanius.
p.
ii,
Chaix,
478
Succeeded
xvii.
p. 86.
ii,
Abraham
St.
See
as abbot
of the monastery of St. Cirgues, near Clermont.
Auxanius.
Roman who
I. vii. 6.
advised Arvandus on
the occasion of his impeachment.
Gennadius.
Avienus,
An
Corvini.
I.
Rome
influential senator at
Sidonius' visit in th
by the Senate
in
of
the
during the period ot
He had
been chosen
when he went
accompany
452
(Pro (P rosp sper er of Aquitaine, Chron. An. 452.)
Colleague of Valentinian *III.
in his seventh consulate in 450.
Kinsman
i.
He
about his age.
family
the
of Anthemius.
reig re ig
out to meet Attila.
*Avitus.
Of
ix.
(cousin
of Sidonius, and ot
?)
possessed influence with the Visigoths,
which he appears to have used with some request in or about the year 474.
Cf.
Carm.
estate of Cottion (Cottium) is mentioned,
Basilius, Caecina.
ix.
Rome,
fluential senator at
effect at Sidonius'
xxiv. 75,
and Chaix,
ii,
which he
p. 147.
An
Consul, 463.
2.
of the Decian family,
for Sidonius the audience at
where his
who
in-
secured
recited his Panegyric
to Anthemius, preparatory to his nomination as Prefect of the city.
Basilius
was
later
at
time treated with consideration
by Odovakar, who summoned him to ii>
his Court.
Cf. Chaix,
P- 333.
*Basilius. bishops
*VII.
Bishop of Aix.
vi.
who were nominated
to
treat
Graecus, Faustus, Leontius).
Cf.
One with
of the four
Euric
(see
Gregory of Tours,
Hist. Franc. II. xxv.
Bigemis. in the
Of
I. xi. 3.
Aries.
Associated with Paeonius
episode of the anonymous satire.
*Burgundio.
*IX.
young man of senatorial
xiv.
family in Clermont, devoted to rhetoric and poetry.
Caelestius.
IX.x.
i.
Friend.
Fraternoster:
Probably
cleric.
*Calminius. Eucherius.
*V.
xii.
Friend.
Compelled by Euric
his native country.
Cf. Chaix,
ii,
Son
to fight against Auvergne,
pp. 292-3.
List of Correspondents
clxiv
Camillus. Cf.
Carm.
OfNarbonne. Nephew of Magnus
I. xi.
ix,
8.
1.
*Campanianus.
Friend.
*I. x.
*Candidianus. settled in
*I.
Native
Friend.
viii.
I. xi.
*Censorius.
*VI.
Pastes episcopaux
ii,
V.
Chilperic. tetrarchs
An
*VII. xvi.
vi.
vii.
2,
xv.
One
i.
of
the
kings
four
Father of Clotilda, queen
man
Beziers.
Distinguished
of the villa Octaviana between
of great intellectual gifts.
Cf.
169, 177.
*VIII. iv; IX. xv.
Son of th pr prec eced edin ing. g.
as poet in Greek and Latin
(v.
22 of the poem). great reputation
Possessed
Succeeded
(IX. xv).
to
the
earlier life entered the Imperial service,
Villa
and was entrusted by Prefect
stantinople, xxiii,
2,
IV.
Constantinus power
Gaul,
in
Gerontius
litt,
V.
(III).
ix.
emperor,
The
tyrant
by
after
He was murdered
sent against
Cf.
him
months,
siege of
near Mantua by order of
Honorius, while being taken to Ravenna under (411).
and having
besi be sieg eged ed the tyrant in Aries.
this disunion,
whom,
But
Honorius.
general in Spain, revolted
profiting
(407-411).
Established his
and was recognized by
Consta Constanti ntius, us, to
he surrendered.
p. 653.
ii,
or anagndstes,
i.
Constans at Vi Vien enne ne
{Carm.
under Avitus.
de la France^
lector^
xii.
{q. v.), his
slain his son
his genera genera
Palace
of the
proclaimed emperor
soldier,
Con-
III with missions to
Hist,
98, 176.)
Constans.
The
abbot.
22 of the poem).
(v.
Owner
Narbonne.
xxiii. 33, 98,
Friend.
(Duchesne,
Mamertus, Claudianus.
see
*Consentius.
xii.
of Magister inilitum.
title
Consentius. IX. Narbonne and
Carm,
p. 441.)
Bore the
Claudianus,
Cf.
Auxerre.
of
of the Burgundians.
')
of Clovis.
Bishop
x.
*Chariobaudus.
Carm.
Cesena,
Friend and comrade of Sidonius
3, 4.
at the time of the Coniuratio Marcell\in\iana,
citizen of
of
Ravenna.
Catuliinus.
('
(^.z^.).
safe-conduct
Freeman, English Historical Review^
i,
1886,
PP-53ff-
*Constantius. *I.i;*IILii;*VII.xviii;*VIILxvi; II.x.3;
List of Correspondents IX.
Of
Priest.
xvi. I.
noble family in Lyons
reputed for
The
publication of
eloquence, judgement, and love of letters. Sidonius' Letters
was suggested by him, and the
was
Petr tron oniu ius, s, request of Pe
Constantius wrote of St.
The eighth book,
book to him.
dedicates the
himself, his principal
little
his
for
When
church
great
was
character of Constantius wide.
collected at the
work being
the capital of
Life
at the request of Patiens.
poet led Patiens to ask of him
His reputation as
Letter
first
be issued under his auspices.
to
Germain of Auxerre, composed
inscription
dxv
at
Lyons
metrical
The
x).
(II.
noble one, and his influence
Auvergne was
laid desolate
by
the Visigothic siege, Sidonius sent for him, and his arrival
had the most salutary (III,
He
ii).
about 488.
have
VII.
occupied
Crocus
lived
episcopauXy
Nimes
of
seventh
at
an advanced age Chaix,
ii
ii,
p. 206.
Considered by Sirmond to
Bishop.
see
the
in
de la France,
litt.
vi. 9.
the
but the
(Duchesne, Pastes
century.
p. 313.)
i,
Dardanus. 409-10.
upon the desperate population
supposed to have died
is
Cf. Hist.
Crocus.
effect
V.
ix.
Prefect of Gaul, temp. Honorius,
i.
After his prefecture he appears to have embraced Letters were addressed to
Christianity.
For an
Augustine.
him by Jerome and
inscription relating to him,
cf.
note, 60. 4,
P- 237-
*Desideratus. St.
Desideratus,
poetical
Bishop of Clermont after
judgement was
Severianus considered
it
highly
*II.
grammarian
teaching
as
tioned in
Carm.
xxiv.
*IV. xx
poets
V.
whom
and
Auvergne,
treatise
de la France,
Perhaps born
ii,
at Lyons, but
of Ameria.
critic,
xiii.
on
p. 576.)
Men-
and compared
only laughed once in his
xvii. 6.
IX.
Served as Quaestor.
an interest in theology, and
litt.
severe
who had
*Domnulus. *IV. xxv at Aries.
in
in the schools
10-16 as
to the censorious person
*Domnicius.
{Hist.
Friend.
ii.
valued
His
St. Avitus.
an advantage to publish
rhetoric under his auspices.
*Domitius.
Friend: perhaps an ancestor of
*II. viii.
life.
Friend. xv.
i.
Friend
living
Poet and philosopher, with
Churchman.
Majorian invited during
his
One
of the four
sojourn
in
Gaul.
List of Correspondents
clxvi
Probably
still
Carm. xiv
old man, in
as an
living,
Hist. Hit, de la France
*Donidius.
ix;
*II.
Living on his
spectabilis.
VI.
ancestral
Cf.
p. 507,
ii,
v;
III.
483 or 484.
Vir
Friend.
v.
Eborolacum
at
estate
(Ebreuil, near Gannat), in the valley of the Sioule, part of
w^hich he lost during the disturbances of 474.
*Ecdicius.
*III.
*II.
of the emperor Avitus
law of Sidonius.
became the
II.
iii
ii.
V. xvi.
15
brother of Papianilla and brother-in-
An
Patrician.
champion
athlete
and
of his countrymen
who
patriot,
during
Auvergne to Euric's aggression.
resistance of
Son
i.
the last
Ecdicius con-
tinued the policy of his father Avitus in conciliating the barbaric princes, and his diplomacy confirmed the Burgundians
support of the Gallo-Romans against Euric
was
of
defender
also
against encroaching
followed
which he relieved
with
consider that
the Isicius
is
Bishop of Vienne (Chaix, he
is
country in disgust after
*Elaphius.
II.
thought that
It is also
p. 209).
describes as
leaving his
Resident
in
Perhaps subsequently
Gallia
vii
Some
starving.
succeeded Mamertus as
Friend.
xv.
baptistery.
Ep,
the
surrender to the Goths {Get, xlv).
its
*IV.
where he built
ii,
who
whom Jomandes
the Decius
(Ruricius,
During the misery which
barbarism.
invasion, Ecdicius rivalled Patiens in the
Euric's
generosity
language
Latin
of the
but he
Christiana^
Rodez, bishop. p.
iii,
593
Tillemont, Me?n, xvi, p. 260.)
*Eleutherius.
*VI.
xi.
Bishop.
(Tillemont,
Mem,
xvi,
p. 232.)
Eminentius.
IV.
Epiphanius.
V.
Friend of Arbogast.
xvii.
xvii.
10.
Scriba or Secretary, either of
Filimatius or Sidonius.
*Eriphius.
*V.
Friend; of Lyons.
xvii.
Son-in-law of
Filimatius.
Eucherius. previously tises
IV.
monk
ii,
p. 275
^Eucherius.
7.
at Lerins,
and homilies.
France
iii.
Cf.
St.
Eucherius, Bishop of Lyons,
Author of various
D. 449.
Carm.
xvi,
1.
115; Hist,
Duchesne, Fastes episcopaux^ *III. viii:
VII.
ix.
18.
ii,
litt,
trea-
de la
p. 163.
Friend. Virillustris,
ckvii
List of Correspondents man
whom
of integrity, for
R°--
the decaying
^^J^^ be the Sirmond conjectures h.m to found no had Victorius when E„r.c Count under who! Eucherius death. accused, and put falsely was seized Auvergne, TiUemont, Mem. xv, important post.
le
Hist. Franc. II. xx
Sregory of Tou;s,
^'Sphronius. His
of Antun.
Bisbop
*VII.viii;*IX.ii;IV.xxv...
ChMon
to
visit
place
taken
IV XXV must have
Of
years.
his
with Patiens, described was about 47°, when he remains
there
writings,
only
advanced in the B.shop with Lupus of Troyes to IrittenVintly flener
He
ecclesiastical discipline. Aneers on questions of
agSage\bout Chaix,
ii,
Euric
p.
74
iHut.
476.
litt.
dela France.
Viligoths
465,
11
1?-) p. D-hesne, Pastes epscopaux VII. vi. 4; VIIL u^ix. 5. Evarix
(Eoiicus, TT
died at
IV
c,
Kmg
of the
of his brother
Theo-
VIII.
viii.
Murderer Ind successor
Cl.
I.
ix.
rulei,
and energetic bigoted Arian, conqueror, until by the conhis'territory from Septimania,
doric II.
whTextended Berry, and quest of Auvergne and the last territory
preserved
Odovaka^ Provence, it em
the cession
Rome
to
by
France outside the Burgiindian southern of whole braced tie Euric probably died in 484-5 >" dominions. ^^--J/ofe Isidore Getica, c. Ivn), though (Jornandes, year of his reign of of Seville and Gregory Cf. Chaix,
ii,
p. 330-
Eusebius.
IV.
Eutropia.
VI.
i.
give
Tours
different
dates.
,. at
vons Lyons,
,.,
.,„
Teacher of philosophy
3.
and many of his where he taught Sidonius Bishop of Marseilles Eustachius. VII.ii.4,9-
same
friends.
i,
ii.
celebrated in the
widows on September *Eutropius.
Sanctorum {^Uy
*VI. 27),
Roman
15. vi.
p.
possibly the
pious widow;
4-
martyrology among sainted
(Tillemont,
Bishop
699
of
Hist.
Mem.
xvi, 227.)
Orange. litt.
de
See
Acta
la France, n,
ipiscopatix, 1, p. 205ATI- Duchesne, Pastes Lifelong friend; memvi. nil. *I.vi; ^*EutropitJS. honours. distinguished for its official family, noble ber of Cf. Chaix, u, p. 19Became Prefect o£ Gaul.
List
clxviii
Evanthius.
V.
of Correspondents xiii.
An
i.
of public works under
official
Seronatus.
*Evodius.
*IV.
Petitioner at the court of Euric, to
viii.
whose queen, Ragnahild, he presented *Explicius.
Faustinus.
own
iv.
Entered
youth.
his
IV.
had
efforts
vi.
p.
551
cf.
Faustus.
Born
life
eloquence.
One
HtL de
{Hist.
where he established
(IX.
Preserved the ascetic habits
Celebrated for his learning and
iii).
bishops nominated to treat with
of
new church
dedication of Patiens'
(IV.
iii
agai ag ains ns
famous
letter
Guiz Gu izot ot
Hist Hi st
th
district
Lyons (IX.
at
at the
Pub-
iii).
maintaining the materiality of the soul
Arians, for which he
was
v.
exiled
165
f.),
by Euric
wrote to the
where he enjoyed the intercourse
liberated in
and died
484,
of
an advanced age
at
His writings, which give evidence of
490).
{c.
Preached
de la Civ. en France^
of Limoges,
Ruricius
for
Sub-
school.
Euric (see Leontius, Graecus, Basilius). lished
la France^
Abbot of Lerins (433-4)
sequently Bishop of Riez (462). of monastic
from
iu
pp. 116, 118.)
ii,
in Britain.
twenty-seven years,
id
Church, and perhaps became the
the
Chaix,
Sidonius
failed to settle.
Friend
i.
successor of Hermentarius at Velay. ii,
whom
jurisconsult, to
*II. vii.
dispute which his
refers
silver cup.
modified
Pelagianism, were regarded as heretical after his death, but
were not condemned Hist,
lift,
his
in
de la France
ii.
(Auctorum Antiquiss. pp. p. 294;
587 liv
Mon.
ff.)
Magnus
Ferreolus.
Ferreolus,
VII. see
i,
i,
Martyr
7.
i.
ii,
interred near Vienna.
II. viii.
Wife of Eriphius and
(?).
Friend; of Lyons.
*I.
iii
V.
xvii.
Father-in-law of Eriphius; father
member
vivacious te pe am amen en
pp. 169, 297.
248-9;
p. 284.
*Filimatius (Philimatius, Philomathius).
(?)
pp.
viii
Tonantius Ferreolus.
daughter of Filimatius
of Filimatia
Historica,
Felix.
Filimatia (Philimatia).
10.
See
xvi.
Cariii.
Geri7i.
Chaix,
Duchesne, Fastes episcopaux,
Felix, see
Cf.
lifetime.
of the Prefect's council.
an
poetical tastes.
Cf.
man Chaix,
of ii,
List of Correspondents Firminus.
*IX.
Friend.
xvi.
i,
native of Aries.
publish the ninth book of the Letters.
Incited Sidonius to
Ennodius of Pavia praises his learning and
He was
viii).
I.
generous
of
time of trouble.
Caesarius in
St.
clxix
literary style {^Ep,
and
character,
Cf. Hist,
assisted
de la France^
litt,
p. 684.
ii,
*Florentinus. *Fonteius.
*IV.
*VI.
*VII.
vii
Bishop of Vaison from
ir.
Sidonius praises
about A.D. 450.
He
Friend.
xix.
charming character.
his
have exerted over the Burgundian princes an
fluence
which enabled him
Romans
of his
diocese.
Pastes episcopaux^
i,
to be of great service to the Gallo-
Chaix,
Cf.
ii,
Duchesne,
106
p.
p. 262.
*Vni.
*Fortunalis.
in-
Lived
Friend.
v.
in
Spain (Tarra-
gona), and witnessed the conquest of Iberia by the Visigoths
478-80.
in
Fronto.
Grandfather of Aper
IV. xxi.
Possibly
{q. v.).
the Count twice sent as ambassador to the Suevi in Spain, first
Vale lent ntin inia ian, n, th then en by Avitus. by Va
VIII.
Grallicinus.
Gallus. VI.
(v.
xi.
39 of the poem).
man living in the diocese of Troyes, whom
ix.
Sidonius persuaded to return to his wife.
*Gaudentms. *I. iv I. iii. Of tribunician rank. Became Vicarius Called vene7'abilis in III.
*IX. XV
*Gtelasius.
Germanicus. IV.
IX. xvi.
Gerontius.
ix.
xii.
1.
ii,
p. 80.
Friend.
4.
of the Seven Provinces.
i.
Friend.
Resident at or near Chantelle
neighbour of Vectius.
VIII. xv.
V.
III.
i.
juvenile sexagenarian.
Germanus.
Cf. Chaix,
xii. 4.
xiii.
the Bourbonnais, and
Sidonius as
Bishop.
in
Described by
Cf. Chaix,
ii,
p.
242.
Bishop of Auxerre.
i.
Commander
in
Spain under the
'tyrant' Constantine {q.v.), but rose against Constans, the tyrant's son,
at Vienne.
whom he drove from Spain into Gaul, and slew He then besieged Constantine in Aries, but on
the arrival of Honorius' general Constantius,
by
his
men, and
flying to Spain, there perished (411).
Gregory of Tours, Hist, Franc,
Gozolas.
was abandoned
III. iv.
V.
V.
II. ix.
Jew.
Cf.
List of Correspondents
clxx *GraeCUS.
*VI.
*VII.
viii
Bishop of Marseilles.
*IX.
vii, xi
ii,
VII.
iv
vi. lo.
Charged by Julius Nepos to negotiate
with Euric, together with Leontius of Aries, Basilius of Aix,
and Faustus of Riez. Gratiatiensis.
Cf. Introduction, p. xlii.
Vir
lo, 13.
I. xi.
Guest
illustris.
at the
banquet of Majorian.
Heliodorus.
IV.
x.
Mentioned as JlHus meus^ but
i.
probably no relation of Sidonius.
*Herenius
(Heronius).
*I.
Friend;
ix.
v,
cultivated man, interested in geographical questions, and
x;
*II.
IV.
xxii.
Himerius. Son of
VII.
Sulpicius,
de la France^
p. 437.)
Man
Friend.
of
priest, or possibly bishop.
i.
xiii.
and pupil of Lupus at Troyes.
neighbourhood of Ebreuil. *IV.
Injuriosus.
litt.
IX.
x.
Innocentius.
VI.
ii,
p.
149.
dependant (clerk?) who
i.
ix.
II. v.
Cf. Chaix,
Friend.
ix.
Sidonius for Ap Apru runc nculu ulus, s, bisho bisho
Johannes.
{Hist,
person with influence
Friend.
*III. v.
*Industrius.
left
of Langres.
vir spedabilis,
3.
friend involved in legal difficul-
i.
introduced by Sidonius to the jurisconsult Petronius.
Johannes.
IV. xxv.
Bishop of Ch^lon, consecrated
3.
by Patiens and Euphronius. ii,
ii,
p. 490.)
ii,
*Hypatius.
ties
i.
historical
also intimate with Leo.
letters
in the
and
de la France^
*Hesperius.
of Lyons.
Duchesne, Fastes episcopaux^
Cf.
p. 192.
*Johannes. in Aquitaine
*VIII.
ii.
under Visigothic
Jovinus.
V.
rule.
Assumed
Tyrant.'
ix.
Grammarian, teaching
Friend.
the purple while
Constantine was being besieged by Constantius at Aries (411).
Defeated and slain at Narbonne
in 41
acting on behalf of Honorius.
Cf.
Julianus.
IX.
Gallia Narbonensis.
Julius Nepos.
Emperor,
A. D.
the empire.
v.
V. xvi.
Cf.
Carm. XXIII.
i.
173.
Perhaps of some see
Bishop.
Cf. Chaix,
by Ataulf the Visigoth,
ii,
V.
in
p. 149. vi. 2, vii.
VIII.
474-5, in whose reign Auvergne was
Cf. Introduction, p. xliii.
vii. 4.
lost
to
List of Correspondents Justinus.
*V.
Brother
Friend.
xxi.
Their brotherly affection was celebrated. 26
Sacerdos.
of
Cf.
xxiv.
Cai^ni.
ff.
V.
Justus.
The church
*VIII.
Poet and orator
versatility,
whom
enabled to
was known by
VIIL
ix.
his
p.
494-
*Leo.
with
Euric,
*VIII.
native
of
whose
IX.
iii
talent
he
litt,
xiii.
de
la
4.
of great
He
probably
2, xv.
thus
Murdered France^
ii,
Minister
i.
He
inherited.
philosopher, orator, and jurist
bore
also
Castalii Chori^ IX. xiii),
Appius Claudius himself
expounded the law of the Twelve
silent
Tables
{Carm,
selected
by Euric as minister,
made
2,
Narbonne and descendant of the
high reputation as poet {^Rex
would be
xiii.
man
was
and
Hist,
*IV. xxii
Fronto,
orator
IX.
xi.
Sidonius in regaining his liberty.
assist
Euric,
name.
the Goethe of his age
household
by
his
of Bordeaux.
Fertig calls
himself
ingratiated
390.
c,
doctor attending Severiana.
xii. 3.
*Lampridius. Friend.
d.
erected by Patiens on the site of the old church
IL
Justus.
Bishop of Lyons,
Saint.
xvii. 3.
of the Maccabees at Lyons
of
clxxi
xxiii.
446).
easier the lot of
many
Though in
was
he
Catholic,
which capacity he doubtless
While
of his co-religionists.
Sidonius was in banishment Leo encouraged him to occupy himself with the
life
cession of the powerful minister
Leo was
release.
XIV,
xxiii.
446
still
living
Tyana
and the
inter-
must have contributed
to his
of Apollonius of
about 483.
Cf.
first
in
*VL iii. Bishop of Aries, and who confirmed the privileges of his xv).
I.
company with
Chaix,
ii,
314,
ff.
friend
of
see as the
Friend of Faustus, Felix, and Ruricius
Gaul.
Ruricius, Ep. in
ix.
Hist. Hit. de la France^ ii>pp- 627
ff.
*Leontius.
Pope Hilary,
Carm.
(cf.
Arranged terms of peace with Euric
Basilius,
and
Graecus,
Faustus.
Cf.
p. 189.
Leontius,
see
Licinianus.
Pontius Leontius. III.
2;
V.
xvi.
i.
Quaestor;
envoy
from Julius Nepos to Gaul at the time of Euric's invasion of Auvergne.
List
clxxii
Livia,
VIII.
of Correspondents
xi.
Pontius Leontius
{q. v.),
*Lucontius (Lucentius).
*Lupus, IV.
d.
St.,
3; VII.
xvii.
Mother of
poem).
34
(I.
*VI.
479.
at Toul.
Bishop of Troyes.
spare the
city.
*VIII.
iv, ix
i,
Friend.
xviii.
VIII. xiv.
i;
xiii.
*IV.
2, xv.
In 451 he persuaded Attila to
After separating from his wife Pimeniola,
Honoratus, subsequently as to
monk under
abbot.
(Cf.
Carm.
xvi.
On
11.)
Opponent
the see of Troyes in 426 or 427.
of Pelagianism.
wrote him
xi
Born
Saint.
i.
sister of St. Hilarius, resided at Lerins first as
Summoned
*IX.
xi
Sidonius' election to Clermont,
Lupus
extant letter of co congr ngratu atula latio tion, n, the terms of
still
which seem to imply
previous intimacy in spite of their
Lupus was no
disparity in age.
than for the austerity of his
eminent
less
for his learning
(IV.
life.
Bollandists,
Acta Sanctortim, July 29
Chaix,
la France,
Duchesne, Pastes episcopaux,
pp. 486
ii,
ff.
i,
p.
Hist.
442
de
litt.
ii,
p. 449.
*LupUS.
*VIII.
xi.
Friend.
gueux or Agen, the former being literary taste with
de la France^
ii,
Magnus. Felix, both of
Camillus.
man
his native city.
Cf. Hist.
predilection for science.
xi.
I.
10.
litt.
Gaul
whom
Consul
Senator of Narbonne.
in 469.
in
Father of Probus and Magnus
were friends
Sidonius.
Uncle of
great personage in Gaul, where he
was widely
of
respected for his integrity and practical wisdom.
XIV.
of
p. 583.
Prefect of
460.
Rhetor, residing at Peri-
xxiv. 90. 455 ^Magnus Felix. '^II.
Cf.
Carm,
xxiii.
*III.
iii
vii;
iv,
*IV.
v,
x.
Friend.
Son of Magnus and brother of Probus.
Patrician.'
Lived
at
Narbonne.
whom
latter
dedicated
Chaix,
ii,
his
Julius
Roman Emperor. Aetius and Ricimer.
Lyons
poems.
Cf.
Carm,
ix.
the
330, xxiv. 91
p. 294.
Majorianus,
457.
Schoolfellow of Sidonius, to
Valerius.
Distinguished
I.
xi.
IX.
4.
of
soldier
Raised to the throne by the
Pardoned Sidonius
xiii.
latter
in
for his share in the insurrection of
after the deposition of Avitus,
and during his
visit to
List of Correspondents Gaul treated him with ruler,
who
attack
upon them
but
Italy,
in
was
Majorian
distinction.
sought to stem the progress
Vandals
clxxiii
wise
by
were thwarted by the burning of
in Africa
own
his
Panegyric on Majorian
Mamertus.
Carni,
IV.
*VII.
Tortona
at
episcopaux^
Pope
of
Die.
bishopric
V.
xi.
Hilary
Chaix,
Cf.
Writer of IV.
to
ii.
Learned
treatise,
his
De Natura
i,
Marcellinus. in
II.
Serranus
Marcellinus.
IV.
iii;
i^(3!j/^j"
ii.
i.
well-
Aniinae^ in three books,
reply
(^. v,
maintaining the
),
as of
465,
man
and
of
dedicated
p. 361.
jurisconsult of
i. 1,
i,
who
Guizot, Hist, de la
Cf.
Chaix,
ff.
xxiii,
V.
xi.
Mamertus, bishop
St.
Friend of Salvian,
xiii.
character, but amiable
whom was
Duchesne,
and author of
Ecclesiastes.
pp. 166
Carnu
*IV.
Bishop of Riez
work on
Civ. en France,
described
Incurred the
112;
in philosophy,
letter of Faustus,
him
Intro-
in
Brother of
Priest,
material nature of the soul. to
Saint.
Clermont.
at
p.
ii,
*Mamertus, Claudianus.
known
xiv.
p. 205.
i,
of Vienne.
The
461.
public disaster, the Rogations, which
time of
displeasure
was
Cf. Introduction, p. xxi,
v.
were afterwards adopted by Sidonius the
in
Brother of Claudianus Mamertus.
Bishop of Vienne. duced, at
troops
is
an
his preparations for
his fleet, and, having incurred the enmity of Ricimer, he
assassinated
he
imperial decay
Narbonne,
frank outspoken
many
friends,
among
{q. v.).
Distinguished soldier. Served under
I. xi.
Aetius, after whose death he withdrew to Dalmatia and established
On
practically independent state.
the diadem
was apparently
offered
the death of Avitus
him by
in Gaul, to
which Sidonius belonged, and which was subdued by Majorian. Cf. Introduction, p. xx.
*Maurusius.
Maximus.
VIII. xiv.
wards Bishop of Riez.
Maximus. service,
Cf.
IV. xxiv.
subsequently
Toulouse.
Landed
*II. xiv.
Cf. Chaix,
2.
Friend.
ii,
and
friend.
Abbot of Lerins, and
Carm,
cleric,
proprietor,
xvi,
11.
112, 128.
Formerly
in the Palatine
possibly bishop, living
p. 235.
after-
near
List
clxxiv
*Megetllius.
of Correspondents
'^VII.
Bishop,
iii.
of
possibly
Belley.
(Sirmond.)
Megethius.
VIII,
between Principius and Sidonius.
Menstruanus.
Acting as messenger
Cleric.
xiv. 8.
Cf. IX.
Friend
II.
viii.
i.
and
Sidonius
of
Pegasius.
Modaharius. by
VII.
Visigothic Arian confuted
vi. 2.
Basilius.
*Montius. Namatitis. the
*VIII.
Oleron.
France^
{Hist,
litt,
de la
p. 576.)
ii,
VIII.
vi.
Cf. III.
2.
i.
3; VIII.
vi.
Chosen by common consent to
Advocate of Lyons.
panegyric at the inauguration of the Consul Astyrius
deliver
An
at Aries in 449. litt.
of Euric on
and apparently
villa at Saintes,
Studied architecture.
Nicetius, Flavins. 8.
Admiral
Friend.
vi.
He had
West Coast.
an
Friend.
*I. xi.
de la France^
*Nimecliius.
admirer of Sidonius* writings. p. 500.)
ii,
*VIII.
xiii.
Bishop of Nantes.
{Hist,
He was
present at the Council of Vannes in 465.
*Nympliidius. mius.
Carm,
Cf.
Optantius. father of
girl
Sidonius gives
*Oresius.
Paeonius.
*V.
Grandfather of Pole-
Friend.
ii.
xv. 200.
Vir clarissimus.
II. iv. 2, 3.
demanded letter
*IX.
in
The deceased
whom
marriage by Proiectus, to
of introduction.
xii.
I. xi.
During the interregnum,
Friend
living in Spain.
parvenu and ambitious demagogue. after the
death of Avitus, he usurped In this capacity he
the position of Prefect
who
himself essential to the young nobles conspiracy of Marcellinus
'.
made
participated in the
After his term of office he was
given senatorial rank, but did not succeed, like Sidonius, in conciliating the favour of Majorian;
to this cause perhaps
was due the enmity which he displayed
anonymous
*Pannychius. illustris.
in the affair of the
Cf. Introduction, p. xxii.
*V.
xiii;
VII.
ix.
18.
Friend.
Vir
Living at Bourges.
Papianilla.
*V. xvi.
Cf. II.
ii.
3, xii.
V.
xvi.
List of Correspondents Carm,
xviii.
Ecdicius
Gregory
Cf.
{q. v.),
and Introduction,
*Pastor.
Daughter of Avitus and
Wife.
i.
clxxv sister
of
Hist, Franc, II. xxi,
p. xiii.
*V. XX.
Pateminus.
Friend,
IV.
Bearer
i.
xvi.
of
from
letter
Ruricius.
*Patiens. III. xii. 3.
man
*VI.
2;
x.
11.
xii.
II. xxiv.)
Sidonius
Acta Sanctorum 54;
our chief authority for Patiens.
is
p.
ii,
needy in
(Gregory of Tours, Hist, Franc.
September
Chaix,
in the relief of the
Hist,
11
de
litt,
la
Cf.
France,
Duchesne, Fastes ipiscopaux^
304;
p. 163.
ii,
Paulus. Paulus, at
Cf.
5.
3,
of great wealth, which he employed in the building
times of national distress.
p.
i,
Archbishop of Lyons from before 470.
Saint.
and restoration of churches and
ii,
IV. xxv.
IV. XXV. I. ix.
Of
I.
Bishop of Chalon.
I.
Host of Sidonius
prefect orian rank.
Rome. Paulus.
dispute with Alethius, which
Party to
II. vii.
Sidonius refers for settlement to Explicius.
*Pegasius.
*I. vi.
^Perpetuus. Tours.
Soon
*VII.
years
xviii.
memory
of
St.
by Sidonius
he convened
litt.
p.
ii,
pp. 619
ff,
at
and remedy abuse Vannes.
at
His
the earlier church.
in
an intimate friend of Euphronius,
de la France^
council
Martin led him to erect the
Gregory of Tours, Hist, Franc.
Cf.
Bishop of
&c.
5,
4,
summoned another
he
basilica described
ii,
IV.
ecclesiastical discipline
later
devotion to the
He was
ix.
after his accession
Tours to regulate four
Friend.
II.
whom
he survived.
X. xxxi
xiv
Hist,
Duchesne, Fastes episcopaux,
300.
*Petreius.
*IV.
xi.
Friend.
Nephew
of Claudianus
Mamertus.
Petronius. xvi. I.
V.
*II.
*VIII.
I.
VIII.
vii.
Eminent jurisconsult of Aries and lover of
letters.
Associated with Tonantius Ferreolus in the impeachment of
Arvandus.
Persuaded Sidonius to publish the eighth book
of the Letters.
Hist.
litt.
de la France^
ii,
pp. 581
ff.
List of Correspondents
clxxvi
Petrus. Secretary in
the
IX.
{f?tagister
Prologue
xv.
4;
xiii.
Bom
i.
Panegyric
the
to
Majorian.
of
epistolarui7i)
Emperor, describes Petrus as
Maecenas
his
71
and was no mean pcet. died in 473 or 474.
VII.
*Philagrius
la
xi.
who
Polemius and 254; Hist.
litt.
Cf.
xiv.
II.
man
156, xxiv.
Friend
i.
iii.
of culture
Hist,
93
Of
litt,
de
man
of
fine villa,
Burgus.
Aquitaine
{^Facile
celebrated
the
Descendant of Tacitus.
philosophical tastes, and
Araneola).
pp. 514
ii,
VIII.
Chaix,
also
Cf.
de la France,
xii.
xi.
Cf. Hist.
Paulinus.
VIII.
litt.
de la France,
xii.
Son
5.
Native of Aquitaine.
devoting himself to religious subjects.
Tillemont,
xvi, p.
404
his
Hist,
Cf. litt,
in
his
p. 409.
ii,
of
in
has
Sidonius
and hospitality of Burgus
elegance
Friend.
situated
importance
Aquitanoruni).
pi^iimis
347
Of Bor-
5.
which was
of
p.
i,
ff.
personage
twenty-second poem.
student of
(an epithalamium for the marriage
xiv
neighbourhood
the
of Grenoble.
Friend.
Leontius.
deaux, in
Leontius.
p. 439.)
appreciated the writings of Sidonius.
Car7n.
Pontius
*VII,
vii.
*IV. xiv.
Prefect of Gaul.
Pontius
ii,
tribunician rank.
Carm,
*III. xiv.
*Polemius.
ii.
said to have
is
pp. 41, 576.
literary tastes,
Cf.
and
interests,
by reputation only as
Cf.
*Placidus.
Plato.
569-
Connected with the families of Avitus and
Felix. ii,
Of
2.
to Sidonius
France
he
that
{^Carni. v.
{Hist. Hit, de la France,
(Filagrius).
and erudition.
Magnus
was
it
After the assassination of Majorian
he devoted himself to literary
Known
and
Petrus had also gifts of eloquence and style,
305.)
Petrus.
Sidonius,
friend
this
his peace after the rebellion at Lyons.
ix.
Italy.
honour of that
in
probably owing to the intercession of
made
North
in
Pontius
poet, chiefly
Carm,
ix.
304
de la France,
ii,
p. 470.
*Potentinus. as the
model
*V.
for his
*Pragmatius. matjus of Autun.
xi.
Friend.
young son *VI.
ii.
Cf. Chaix,
Regarded by Sidonius
Apollinaris.
Bishop. ii,
p. 97.
Probably not
Prag-
List of Correspondents Pragmatius.
V.
i,
x.
man
2.
clxxvii
of eloquence
and
personal charm, adopted as son-in-law by Priscus Valerianus. Cf. Hist,
de la France,
litt.
*VIIL
*Principius. Elder brother of
*IX.
xiv
Remi.
St.
pp. 499, 580.
ii,
Bishop of Soissons.
viii.
Cf. Hist,
litt*
de la France^
ii,
p. 668.
*Probus. of
and precocious litt,
ability.
de la France,
*Proculus.
man
Cf. Carm.xyi*
329-34; xxiv. 95-8;
ii,
man
of
of literary taste
p. 649.
*IV. xxiii; IX.
poet and
origin
Magnus
elder
Magnus.
and
{q, v,)^
Hist,
Sidonius;
of
Husband
from schooldays.
Friend
i.
cousin
Eulalia,
Felix
*IV.
Friend.
xv.
{Hist,
letters.
litt,
Of Ligurian
de la France,
ii,
p. 538.)
Proculus.
IX.
Proiectus.
ii.
I.
II. iv.
i.
deacon.
Vir clarissimtts.
Betrothed to
daughter of Optantius, and introduced by Sidonius
to
his
friend Sagittarius (or Syagrius).
Promotus.
VIII.
^Prosper. from
this
xiii.
Jew.
3.
Bishop of Orleans.
*VIII. xv.
and from his mention by Bede.
letter
Sidonius, at the time of his exile, to write
attack on Orleans.
VI.
iv. 2.
*Pudens.
*V.
xix.
is
only
IV.
viii.
Laon
Principius.
p. 456.
slave.
Her name
Queen of Euric.
5.
Sidonius.
*Remigius (Remi). near
Witness to the sale of
ii,
Friend.
known through
of the Franks.'
Invited
history of Attila's
Cf. Duchesne, Fastes episcopaux,
Prudens.
Ragnahild.
Only known
*IX.
vii.
Cf. VIII. xiv.
Bishop of Reims.
Saint.
Born
c.
Apostle 458, in or
son of Count Emilius and Celinia, and brother of the see of Reims by
Elected at an early age
popular compulsion {Raptus potitis
quam
electus
Hincmar).
496, using on this occasion the famous
Baptized Clovis in
words bidding the King adore what he had burned and burn
what he had adored.
Author of Addresses {Declamationes^,
highly praised by Sidonius, but no longer extant. litt,
de la France,
Ricinier. 646.22
I.
iii,
v.
p.
10;
Chaix,
156 ix.
i.
ni
ii,
Cf. Hist,
p. 88.
The famous 'king-maker',
List of Correspondents
clxxvlii
raised emperors to
the throne (Majorian, Severus)
or
deposed them (Avitus), but never assumed the diadem him-
He was
self.
(cf.
Carm.
267).
361
ii.
He
Suevic father and
the son of
Gothic mother
and comrade of Majorian {Carm.
ff.),
married the daughter of Anthemius (L Cf. Introduction,
after his antagonist.
Riochatus.
IX.
who
{antistes ac rnonachtis)^
him works by Faustus of *Riotlaamus.
*III.
He
and monk
bishop)
visited Clermont, bearing with
Riez.
Commander
ix.
engaged to join the Empire Visigoths.
shortly
p. xix.
(or
priest
ix.
but
v),
war ensuing, died
quarrelled with that Emperor, and
v,
of
in resisting the
Bretons
advance of the
Roman
engaged Euric before
the
uppo up port rt co
reach him and was defeated by that king at Bourg-de-Deols on
whereupon he took refuge with the Burgundians.
the Indre,
Cf. Introduction, p. xxxvi.
Roscia.
V.
Daughter of Sidonius and Papianilla.
xvi. 5.
Cf. Introduction, p. xiv.
*Ruricius.
Member
*IV.
of
patrician
Married,
Anicia.
before
After
xi).
some
*VIII.
connected
family
Iberia,
470,
Arvernian Ommatius, Sidonius
{Carm.
xv
*V.
xvi
Friend.
x.
with
Gens
the
daughter
of
the
writing their epithalamium
years, he renounced the
world for
484 he became Bishop of Limoges. Author of two books of Letters, in which an imitation of life
of piety.
Sidonius
In
These mostly date from
sometimes apparent.
is
the time previous to his episcopate, and though exemplary in their piety,
and showing an admirable character, contain
of interest addressed
for
Sidonius.
to
Of them Bk.
the historian. {Hist.
See also Krusch, Mon.
pp. 49-56.)
(Auctorum Antiquissimorum, pp. V. ix. *Rusticus, Decimus. Apollinaris
as
Prefect of
Constantine (409). generals
Aquilinus.
Cf.
Rusticus.
Ixii i.
at
Captured and
Honorius
of
Gaul
few
de
Hit,
ix.
2.
France^
iii,
viii
ff.).
Succeeded the
time
later.
his
friend
of the
tyrant
Auvergne by the Grandfather
Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc, V.
ix,
I.
Germ. Hisiorica,
slain in
years
la
little
Son of the preceding.
of
II. c. ix.
Tribune and
List of Correspondents notary under
Honorius, with
subsequently
V.
*Rusticus ii,
Son of Aquilinus
ix. 4.
(Rusticius).
VIII.
xi;
*II.
(?).
36 of the
(v.
xi.
{HisL
living near Bordeaux.
Friend
France^
and
of Sidonius,
father
vicarius.
Rusticus. poem).
the
clxxix
de la
litt.
p. 428.)
*SacerclOS.
*V. xxi.
Brother of Justinus
Friend.
(^.z*.).
Cf. Carvi. xxiv. 27.
^Sagittarius the
name of
*II.
(?).
The MS.
Friend.
iv.
gives
the recipient of this letter as Syagrius.
*Salonius.
VII. xv. Friend
have
living at
considered him to be the son of St. Eucherius of the same name,
who was is
when Sidonius was quite young, but
bishop
not universally accepted.
{Hist.
litt.
Tillemont, Memoires, xvi, p. 207
*Sapaudus. his studies
*V.
litt.
p.
he received the advice of Claudianus Mamertus, de la France^
*Secundinus.
*V.
earlier
Roman
writers.
p. 498.)
ii,
II.
viii
V.
x. 3;
viii.
Poet of
i.
Asso As soci ciat ated ed wi with th Constantius and Sidonius in writing
Lyons.
metrical inscriptions for the church erected by Patiens. satire
Wrote
exposing the merciless cruelty of Gundobad, one
the Burgundian {Hist,
433
For
Rhetor of Vienne.
and sought to inspire himself from the {Hist.
ii,
view
Sirmond, note to VII. xv.)
Friend.
x.
de la France
this
litt.
tetrarchs
de la France
*Secundus.
ii,
of
Sido doni nius us or grandson Nephew of Si (Mommsen, Praefatio^ p. xlvii).
II.
i.
V.
xiii.
i,
(cf.
4; VII.
Hist, des Efnpereurs,
Adherent
2.
Perhaps
Introduction, p. xxxviii).
The people
of Auvergne brought
and he re rece ceiv ived ed th penalty of death.
*Serranus.
vii.
more open treason and even worse oppression
than his predecessor. to justice,
their families.
p. 502.)
Governor of Aquitanica Prima
He was guilty
and
*II. xii.
of one of his uncles
Seronatus.
to his brothers
',
vi, p.
352
Chaix,
i,
p.
him
Cf. Tillemont,
377. at
Narbonne.
Emperor Petronius Maximus.
Friend of
*1I.
xiii.
Friend;
living
Marcellinus.
Severiana.
II.
Introduction, p. xiv.
Daughter
(?)
of
Sidonius.
Cf.
List of Correspondents
clxxx
Severianus.
IX.
xv.
xiii.
Domnulus, Lampridius and
Gaul, considered to rank with
In his prose work he
Sidonius.
ii,
compared by the
is
Cf. Carvi, ix. 312
Quintilian.
to
poet of repute in
i.
latter
Hist. Hit. de la France^
p. 509.
Severinus. Guest
at the
xi.
I.
VII.
vi. 9.
Simplicius.
VII.
viii. 2,
son-in-law
of
461.
(?)
prince.
Cf.
*Simplicius.
bishop.
*V. *VII.
xiii.
(Chaix,
see.
where
Sidonius (as above).
p. 20.)
VII.
iv.
Friend. (I).
I.
his
V.
vii.
subsequently Praefecttis Praetorio in
Lyons,
ii,
iv, vii, xii
Of Lyons. General
viii. 3.
Bourges.
of
{q.v.).
Syagrius, Flavins Afranius VIII,
bishops
IV.
III. xi
Perhaps brother of Apollinaris *Sulpicius.
both
same
to the
iv
Son of Eulogius
ix. 16, 25.
Palladius,
Nominated by Sidonius
at
year
xciii.
Simplicius.
Buried
the
young Frankish
IV. xx.
Introduction, p.
Cf. V. V.
of
banquet of Majorian.
Sigismer.
and
Consul
16.
10,
xvii.
4.
of Valentinian
an
consul in 382.
is
mentioned by
monument
His daughter Papianilla was the mother
of Tonantius Ferreolus {q-v.).
*Syagrius. *V.
*VIII.
viii.
Great-grandson of the pre-
Man of letters. At one period living much at the Burgun-
ceding.
dian court; at another on his estate of Taionnacus near Autun. It
seems best to follow the Benedictine Histoire
la F7'ance^
ii,
p. 651, in
littiraire de
regarding this personage as distinct
from Syagrius, son of Aegidius of Soissons, defeated by Clovis
Sirmond and
in 486. if
not both
letters, as
to this view
is
been able to
live
far
away from
others, however, regard V. v. at least,
written to that Syagrius.
that the ruler of Soissons
among Burgundians
X.
I.
style
would hardly have
or in
country-house so
Aurelius.
I.
orator,
His Letters survive
II. x.
i.
Flourished in the second half of th
Consul 391. Famous as an are lost.
objection
his proper sphere of interest.
Symmachus Quintus VIII.
The
four fo urth th century.
though most of
in ten
cf.
his speeches
books, and are written in
which compared with that of Sidonius
is
simple and
List of Correspondents The
direct.
known
best
the proposed
that relating to
is
clxxxi
restoration of the altar of Victory in the Senate.
Cf. Cai'm,
304.
ix.
*Tetradius. Cf.
Carm.
xxiv.
80-3
*Thaumastus.
Hist, *I.
de la France
litt,
vii;
V.
4;
impeachment of Arvandus.
Theodoric
jurisconsult
vi.
Carm.
Cf.
II (T (The heud uder eric icus us). ).
his brother
Succeeded
466.
Cf.
him
vii.
Theodorus.
who
fell in
the
former years,
in
his brother Euric in
and see Introduction,
262, &c.
III. x. i.
whom
Afterwards once more recon-
Empire, but assassinated by
Carm.
King of
3.
and death opposed Majorian, by
he was defeated before Aries. ciled to the
i.
453 after the assassination of Supported the election of Avitus as
Thorismond.
his deposition
Friend.
i.
in
having been acquainted
and on
pp. 577-8.
xxiv. 85.
II.
I. ii.
the Visigoths (453-66). Son of the Theodoric battle of Maurica.
ii,
of Aries.
Associated with Tonantius Ferreolus
Brother of Apollinaris. in the
Friend.
*III. x.
p. xvi.
Introduced by
Vir darissimus.
Sidonius to the jurisconsult Tetradius.
*Theoplastus. *VI.v. Bishop of Geneva (?), Fastes episcopaux^
Thorismond Visigoths.
i,
p.
227.)
(Thorismodus).
Son of Theodoric
I,
VII.
who
xii.
Attila, but
King of
3.
whom
he was
Besieged Aries soon after the defeat of
was induced
to
withdraw through the practical
diplomacy of Tonantius Ferreolus
'^Tonantius Ferreolus. *VII.
{q. v.). I. vii.
xii.
4;
II. ix.
Grandson of the Consul Afranius Syagrius, and through mother, Papianilla, connected with the Aviti.
Gallo-Roman noble, son of three
the
died in the great battle
of Maurica, and brother of Theodoric II, by assassinated in 453.
(Duchesne,
An
i.
his
important
Prefect of the Gauls, himself
times Prefect, and Patrician.
With Avitus, he was
instrumental in arranging the co-operation of the Visigoths
with the Romans, which resulted
Maurica by Aetius.
He was
which enabled him
to save the
gifted with diplomatic
dinner (VII.
xii),
powers
when besieged
town of
by the new Visigothic king Thorismond, of
of Attila at
in
at the trifling cost
but his qualities as
strong and just
List of Correspondents
clxxxii
administrator led to his selection, after his the principal accuser of Arvandus cultivated
country-house Prusianum
(II.
about 485, and was thus Sidonius.
were
1.
his
contemporary of is fr
36
Hist,
IX.
xv.
nd
de la France
litt.
p. 540.
iii,
*Tonantius. Ferreolus.
*IX.
xiii;
same Trygetius
At
Avienus.
*VIII.
ii,
of Tonantius
sent
According to Sirmond, the
xii.
on an embassy to Attila with
the time of Sidonius*
Bordeaux, Trygetius was living Chaix,
Son
Cf. Cartn. xxiv. 34.
*Trygetius.
friends at
his
house at Bazas.
his
at
to
visit
Leo and
St.
Cf.
pp. 225-6.
*Tumus.
*IV. xxiv.
Turpio.
IV. xxiv.
Son of Turpio.
Friend.
V.
Priscus.
x.
matter of
and
Prefect of Gaul,
2.
Emperor Avitus.
relative of the
in the
his
See Turnus.
debt to Maximus.
Valerianus,
On
of tribunician rank.
P'riend
death-bed requested Sidonius to help his family
Father-in-law of Pragma-
Consulted by Sidonius on the merits of his Panegyric of
tius.
Avitus. p.
tastes
Born about 420, he died
ix).
lifelong
Car?n. xxiv,
Cf.
His
vii).
(I.
which Sidonius gives of
the description
cf.
official career, as
360
Cf.
Carm.
Chaix,
*Vectius
See also Hist,
viii.
lilt,
de la France
ii,
p. 183.
ii,
(Vettius).
IV.
'^IV. xiii
ix.
i.
Friend.
noble living in the
practising austerities in secret.
His home was near Chantelle
in the
ii,
Bourbonnais.
(Chaix,
p. 239.)
Victorius.
VII.
xvii.
Count of Auvergne by Euric, that country in 475.
Cf.
I.
after
IV.
x.
2.
Appointed
he obtained possession of
Probably the patronus of IV.
x.
2.
Gregory of Tours, who describes him as duke, gives him
much worse and
De gloria
character than Sidonius {Hist. Franc. II. xx. Confessoriun^
Victorius.
Sirmond thinks letter is
the
V. it
addressed
Consulate
of
xxi.
c.
xxxiii).
Uncle
of
person to
probable is
Sacerdos
Victorius of Aquitaine,
Constantine
and
Paschal Cycle, and had some repute as
who
and
Justin.
whom in
457 under
Rufus composed poet
(cf.
V.
this
x).
the
His
List of Correspondents home was among the of La Lozere. {Hist,
hills of th litt,
now
Gaba Ga bali lita tani ni
de la France,
ii,
clxxxiii the district
pp. 419, 424.)
The
poet and the author of the Cycle are distinguished.
Vincentius. Vindicius. Auvergne,
V.
who
Sidonius'
Auxanius
i.
2; VII. iv.
i.
*VII. xvii; IV.
request
St.
lite litera rary ry
xviii. 2.
work.
Intimate friend.
and support
of St. Abraham, as abbot
Cirgues, near Clermont.
Perpetuus he became bishop of Tours. 224.)
deacon of
Friend.
he assisted with advice
(^. ^.)> successor
monastery of
Friend.
assisted Sidonius in hi
*Volusianus.
At
*I. vii.
On
(Chaix,
the death of ii,
pp. 222,
BOOK "To
A.D. 477
C,
With
all
Constantius
his friend
the Influence you derive from
me
sound advice, you have long urged
and bring together
genius for
to correct, revise,
one volume the more finished of
In
those occasional letters which matters, men, and times
me
have drawn from
am
to
presumptuous foot
set
where Symmachus of the ample manner, and Pliny of the perfected art have gone before.
had best be dumb
writer
In his Letters of
model
was not of
his time,
he
tried
to
imitate
and Fronto's other
him
the privilege of his
have done your will
how
own
my
devotion
fears,
546.22
fall
here you have the is
short
letters,
nothing, but to polish
Do to
now makes you
upon this deep
had been safer had
far
period and genius.
you devoted not to studies only, but
despite
pupils,^ in their
pains.
and, as the phrase goes, clear of lees.
Which
which
have consistently claimed
not merely to revise, for that
too
repro-
style
ape of orators
of these great examples
But
letter-
not Julius TItlanus himself,
have always been horribly conscious
for each
Cicero as
Famous Women, could worthily
duce that
jealousy, called
Of
breathed no
main
not
the
know
studious
launch
me,
of ambition.
word about
these
Book content with the reception of
trifles,
my
poems,^ which
good luck
surely helped to recognition rather than skill
of mine.
Such fame as
anchor cast
content with
which
my
the haven of safe repute.
in it
me
have should be to
an
ought to be
after the envious snarls of all the Scyllas
But
ship has passed.
of jealousy
if
spares these extravagances of mine, volume shall follow
upon volume,
full-brimming with
all
flow of correspondence.
my most
copious
Farewell.
II
To
[Jns brother-in-law']
A^icola^
A.D. 454(?)
You
have often begged
the Gothic king, to
whose
description
gentle breeding fame
you want him
every nation
quality, in his person,
in
his
Well, he
quantity
fine
my
and
and ingenuous
page allow, curiosity.
man worth knowing, even by
is
commends
and the manner of his existence.
gladly accede, as far as the limits of
and highly approve so
of Theodoric
those
who have
cannot enjoy his close acquaintance,
Providence and Nature joined to endow him with the perfect gifts of fortune
even the envy which of his proper praise. is
well
set
below the retreating
up,
giant.
And
The king
by
such that not
wait for kings can rob him
lies in
as
first
height above
His head
person.
He
man, but
round, with curled hair
is
somewhat from brow
Translated 352.
in
way of
his
to crown.
His nervous
Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders,
here described
is
Thorismund, predecessor of Euric.
Theodoric
II, successor
ii.
of
Letter 11 neck
is free
The eyebrows
from disfiguring knots.^
when
bushy and arched
the
down
reach almost half-way
hds
droop,
the cheeks.
are
the
lashes
The
upper
ears are buried under overlying locks, after the fashion
The
of his race. thin
nose
the lips are
aquiline
finely
is
and not enlarged by undue distension of the mouth.
Every day the back
that
from his
springing
hair
cut
nostrils is
on the face springs thick from the hollow
of the temples, but the razor has not yet come upon his cheek, and his barber rich
assiduous in eradicating the
is
growth on the lower and neck are
throat,
complexion
part
of the
but not
full,
and
fat,
seen close, their colour
is
Chin,
face.^ all
of
fair
fresh as that of
youth
they often flush, but from modesty, and not from
anger.
His shoulders
are smooth, the upper-
arms strong and hard
hands broad, breast prominent
The
waist receding.
and fore-
divi di vidi ding ng the broad expanse
spin sp in
of back does not project, and you can see the springing
of the
the sides swell
ribs
with
salient
His
well-girt flanks are full of vigour.
hard
horn
the
knee-joints
knees themselves the world. is
firm
muscle, the
thighs are like
and masculine
the
the comeliest and least wrinkled
full
ankl an kl
in
supp su ppor orts ts the leg, and the foot
small to bear such mighty limbs.
Now
for the routine
break he goes with
habit
speak than
guards
He
prays with assiduity, but,
confidence, one
conviction
duties of the
Armed
in
in
this
in their
suspect
piety.
kingdom take up the
nobles stand
day-
life.
very small suite to attend the ser-
vice of his priests,^
may
of his public
rest
if
more of
Administrative
of the morning.
the royal seat
the mass of
garb of skins are admitted that they
may
Book be within
but kept at the threshold for quiet's sake
call,
murmur of them comes
only
in
from
their post at the
And
doors, between the curtain and the outer barrier.^
now
The
the foreign envoys are introduced.
them
and says
out,
cussion he puts
The
dispatch.
throne
the
it
the order of the
is
never carries his
bow
at his side,
When
gatory to royal state.
he
from
rises
treasure-chamber
his
or stable.
day, he joins
marked
is
hand
for him, or happens to cross his path, he puts his
the string
hanging loose
all
trick to bear
bow from
weapon ready
receive the
for as he
quiver, so
in
it
he sometimes holds
in
it
extremities towards each
finger up
the
When
it
other
at others
lifted
ask you
will
through cither's error, fault,
On
lets
and unpolished
the
weight
lies
like
If there
there
hangings
is
either
He
him
in
to
miss
is
at
skill.
silver set
rather
After
fly.
board does not groan beneath
dull
it,
and runs
ordinary days, his table resembles that of
The
sets
your vision will mostly be
and not the archer's
person.
plate
hits.
he
string.
beforehand what you would
you choose, and he
transfix
given him,
heel,
he takes his arrows, adjusts, and
that,
effeminate to
it is
and wavering
slack
boy's
it
both hands and bends the
knot-end downward, against his his
page with
deems
he holds
strung.
but
it,
considering this dero-
bird or beast
behind his back and takes the
dis-
matters ripe for
hour arrives
second
inspect
to
If the chase
but accelerates
off,
more
thing needs
if
little
king hears
the
private
mass of
on by panting servitors conversation than in the
sensible
talk
or
none.
The
and draperies used on these occasions are
sometimes of purple
silk,
sometimes only of linen
art,
II
Letter commends
not costliness,
than bulk the oftener see
Toasts
silver.
thirsty
the fare, as sp spot otle less ssne ness ss ra rath ther er
guest
and you
few,
are
than
impatient,
will
one
full
In short, you will find elegance
refusing cup or bowl.
of Greece, good cheer of Gaul, Italian nimbleness, the
of public banquets with the attentive service of
state
and everywhere the
private table,
What
house.
No man But to my
feast days
dinner
always
is
When
inclined
up
gather
to
need for
shakes
me
pomp of
The
sometimes
them
know
intermitted.
quick
is
with
throws
hand,
expert
his
siesta after
board-game,^ he
examines
dice,
king's
as not to
again.
and
the
for
box with
the
unknown
theme
slight,
the
to describe the
so
is
discipline of
care,
rapidly,
humorously apostrophizes them, and patiently waits the
bad,
annoyed
neither
too
is
he disdains to
revenge if it is
opposed
effect recovery
will
proud to
avail
see the
one
strategist is
Yet
feared.
him
Vexation
at play all to.
upon
yours.^
he puts off
his little
good fellowship and
in the
man whom he
is
afraid of being
beats delights
he will never believe that his opponents have not their
You would
born of these great
You
the pieces
think he
him win unless
victor.
if offered
obstruction on his
game
the freedom of the
refuse
to
go on playing.
when he moves
victory.
or
himself of one
quietly
of his kingly rigour, inciting
let
ask
men without
of your
and always the
fortune,
he recovers his without collusion
side
You
by
He
philosopher.
and
good throw, he makes merry over
Silent at
issue.
affairs.
little
annoyance proves him really
be surprised
happenings
Petitions
that
how
may
often the pleasure
favour the march of
some wrecked
influence
Book had
come unexpectedly
left derelict
him when
gladly beaten by
About
cause.
ment
begins
have
and does not diminish even
among the
by
is
and are
courtiers, this
evening,
no guest
which no
less
charm the mind with
watch begins
my
vigil
first
ever
is
will hear
its
no players girls
with
kingdom,
my
armed
stand on guard
sentries
am wandering
But
never promised
whole chapter
few words
about the king.
but
pen";
virtue than the ear
he rises to withdraw, the treasury
hours of slumber.
subject.
must stay
you
is
the king cares for no strains but those
When
10 with melody. during the
set piece
till
Withal
tongue.
biting
astir
supper
rare,
is
no master of the music, no
flute,
cithara or tabor
the
till
no noise of hydraulic organ,^ or choir
of lyre or
on
lasts
by the royal
wound of
conductor intoning
from
sides buzz the
of mimes, but
sallies
exposed to the there
all
on
till
Sometimes, though
enlivened
importunates,
then they only disperse to attend their
various patrons
bedtime.
the
sound which
voices of petitioners,
my
govern-
Back come
again.
ask,
to
the gaining of
the ninth hour, the
back the ushers to remove them
repast
favour
my game may mean
since the loss of
myself am
to port
you asked for nothing more than
one or two facts about the person and the tastes of
Theodoric not
and
history.
my own
Farewell.
aim was
to
write
letter,
Letter III
III
To
his friend Filimatius 467
A. D.
Indict
me from
me now by
the laws against intrigue/ degrade
Senate for keeping patient eyes on the
the
promotion to which, since his
my own
comes
but
now
my
Of
citizens.^
praetorian
our friend Gaudentius,
who
they
yesterday
amazed
at
now
He
whom
hostility
they always
reserved for them in court.'^
good the
loss
of your old
the prefect's council
you
sit
now
as neighbour
they
though
find
You
office
offered
friendly
too
best
Farewell.
down
bench
make
by the membership of you
if
you
without the advantage which such
confers, you will be set
Vicarius.
they look
rise,
for his part sets his crier to stun
the ears of his drowsy detractors; to
of our good
man scorned
respect
sudden
such
up to one as magistrate on looked down.
sloth
as for him, his one sentiment
And
so, if
and
course our young nobles grumble at his
satisfaction.
them
grandsire
If
in
unenterprising
passing over their heads
till
claim,
of tribune's rank, towers in the dignity of the
Vicariate above the
is
my
wife's,
me
gives
court and army.^
rank
that, consider
to
birth
all,
him were urban and
or held high
prefects, it
and
before
too
sire
sire
after
as one only
fit
fail
to
do
position
to represent
Book IV
To
his friend Gaudentius 467
A. D.
Congratulations, most honoured of
you
by
are yours
office
did
your
parade
not
To
merit.
the rods
friend
win your dignities
mother's
income,
the
or
of your ancestors, your wife's jewels, or your
largess
In place of
paternal inheritance.
all
this, it
was your
obvious sincerity, your proven zeal, your admitted social
charm which won you favour thrice
and four times happy man, whose
joy to friends,
and
alert,
what
own
his
and the spur applied
The man who
the slow.
it
will,
may
exertions,
with
all
tries
haply
but
your example.
to
and glory
to enemies,
gall
will
fancy
miserable arrogance, the
to emulate
owe
their cups with
see
you, be his
last
success to
owe
among it
and
listless
his
start
the envious, said, the
old
lost
to
all
ambition,
sophistries about the
their motive
charm
base indolence,
of the ideal which they pretend.
and not
[Such a] fear
own
old scorn of service affected
free life out
for
the
certainly
by men too slack to serve, men
of
means
your
to
the
deference to better citizens be
who crown
rise
say nothing of the example given to the
posterity, to
spirit
household.^
in the imperial
that
taste the
wisdom of our
fathers
boys might take advantage of
rejected, it
they
and perfectly
likened school orations to
textile fabric,
understood that, in
of youthful eloquence,
it
is
harder to spin out the terse than cut the exuberant short.
So much
for this subject
for the rest,
remember
that
Letter
my
Providence approves
if
mean
back safe and sound, equal measure,
To
to repay your
goodness with
-,
friend Herenius
his
letter finds
know whether
to
467
me
at
Rome.
You
are solicitous
how
fared on
me
the affairs which have brought
go forward as we hoped, what route
far
me
endeavours and brings
A. D.
Your
IV
what
it,
what towns famed
rivers celebrated in
so
took, and
song
saw,
what mountains
for their fair sites,
reputed as the haunt of gods, what glorious battlefields for
it is
your delight to check the descriptions you have
by the more accurate
read
am
rejo re joic iced ed th that at
know then,
relation
you inquire about
that your interest springs
though
little
of the eye-witness.
my
doings, because
Well
from the heart.
accidents there were,
begin,
will
under kind Providence, with things of good event
was the wont of our even
tale
ancestors, as you
of mishap
know,
to develop
from fortunate beginnings.
was
it
As
avail
myself
of the public post on leaving our beloved Lyons
my
bearer of the imperial letter,^
path lay amid the homes of kinsmen and acquaintances;
and
lost less time
multiplicity
from
from scarcity of
of friends,
so
closely did
every one cling
about me, shouting each against the other best wishes Paraphrased by Hodgkin,//^/^ and her Invaders^
For the occasion of Sidonius' p. xxvii.
Rhodamisiae nostrae.
visit to
ii.
454
Rome, seejntroduction,
lo
Book happy journey and safe
for
drew near the Alps, which
ascended easily and with-
formidable precipices rose on either
out delay
but the snow was hollowed into thus smoothed before me.
not
be
In this way
return.
crossed
in
had
boats,
and the way
track,
Such
side,
could
rivers, too, as
convenient
fords
by the
traversable bridges with covered arches, built
or
art
of
old time from the foundations to the stoned road above.
On
Ticino
the
boarded
which
soon
laughed over
those
cursoria,
Phaethon's
sisters
bore
and
Adda,
Adige, slow
eddies
songs of
many
heights,
looked
as
Po
banks were clothed with
their
or
loos lo osee-pi pile le
nest ne st
of amber
margins
upon
their
and
high
and maple.
riverain soil.
The way
birds,
swayed on the hollow canes, and
flourishing
from
Lambro, blue
groves of oak
amid the
luxuriantly
about
ours
Everywhere sweetly resounded the harmony of
whose
sure
tributary
sedgy
the
as
be
their unnatural tears
Euganean
swift
known
the
to
convivial
Ligurian or
very
me
passed the mouth of
gum.
packet
the
in
the
smooth
moisture
reed-grass
of this wet
led past Cremona,^ over
whose
We
proximity the Mantuan Tityrus so deeply sighed. just touched at Brescello to take on Aemilian in
place
right, it
boatmen
of our Venetian rowers, and, bearing to the
soon reached Ravenna,^ where one would find
hard to say whether Caesar's road, passing between
the two, separates or unites the old town and the port.
The Po
divides
above
through, part round the place.
main bed by the
State
dykes,
the
city,
It is
and
part
new
flowing
diverted from is
its
thence led in
diminished volume through derivative channels, the two
Letter halves so disposed that one encompasses and moats the
them and brings them
walls, the other penetrates ^an
admirable arrangement for commerce in
and is
of provisions with water
that,
our thirst
On
could not quench
neither pure-flowing aqueduct nor
nor trickling
cistern,
filterable
well.
was
there
we
about us,
the one side, the salt tides assail the gates
in
piercing
poles,
From Ravenna we came
to the
the frontier between
when
the
towns.
Thence
the
famed for
first
is
fouled
the bottom
slime.
its gravels,
two
peoples
journeyed its
divided
the
Rimini
to
and formed
and the Cisalpine
Italians
association with
second tainted by the
lion, the
the filthy
Rubicon, which borrows
name from the red colour of
Gauls,
stirs
the canals, or
by the bargemen's
its
unclouded
source,
on the other, the movement of vessels sediment
general,
But the drawback
in particular.
all
trade
Adriatic
and
Fano,
Caesar's rebel-
of Hasdrubal
fate
for
hard by flows Metaurus, more durably renowned through the fortune of to run
red to this
blood-stained this
single
in
at
waters to
Calabrian
Tuscan
the
my
left
Dalmatian
the dead on Sea.
other
the
at
After
leaving
and the Umbrians on the
succumbed
Atabulus
or
charged
to
now
hot,
ravaged the
marrow
of
right
either
to
insalubrious
poisonous
exhalations,
cold.
of
the
the
air
with
and blowing now very
down
roll
ha
region,
had never ceased
if it
the other towns of the Flaminian
one gate, out
Picenians on the
and here
and
hour,
just traversed
Way
day than
my
Fever and being
in
thirst
vain
promised to their avidity draughts from pleasant fountain or hidden well, yes, and from every stream present or
Book
12
come, water of Velino clear as glass, of Clitunno
to
cerulean of Teverone,
ice-cold,
of Farfa,
pellucid
like draining
down
prostrate
Before
Meanwhile,
of the the languor vanish from
After which proof of
protection,
alighted at the
gaged
and there lie
upon
my
am
of which
inn
As
couch.
official.
For my
marriage of the patrician Ricimer, to
have not
yet
Emperor or with
whom
the
Emperor's daughter was being accorded
of the
hope of securer times for the State.^ but whole classes
alone,
little rest,
coincided
arrival
celestial
have en-
trying to get
presented myself at the bustling gates of
Court
felt
reached the city limits
felt
enfeebled limbs.
ro writing as
view, but
the
at
Apostles, and in
part,
While
Alps.
Not
the
hand in the
individuals
and parties are given up to
you have the best of
rejoicing
to
her aqueducts, or even the water of
her naval spectacles.
my
my
herself spread wide before
fell
was mad
muddy of Tiber
prudence stayed the craving.
drink, but
Rome
sulphureous of Nera,
it
was writing these
provision-market, praetorium,
on your side of the
lines, scarce
forum,
temple,
theatre,
or
gym-
nasium but echoed to the passage of the cry Thalassio
and even is
doin do ing, g, th
there
of
at this
Courts are voicele voiceless, ss, missions are postponed;
truce to intrigue, and
is
life
hour the schools are closed, no business
seems merged
Though
in
all
the serious business
the buffooneries of the stage.
has been given away,
bridegroom has put off his wreath, the palm-broidered robe,
gown,
man
the
brideswoman
though the consular
her
his
wedding
distinguished senator his toga, and the plain
his cloak, yet the noise of the great gathering has
Letter not died
away
in the palace
delays to
still
start
chambers, because the bride
what remains
to
tell
of
my
When
husband's house.
for her
merrymaking has run out
this
13
its
course, you shall hear
proceedings, if indeed these
crowded hours of idleness
which the whole State
to
seems now surrendered are ever to end, even when the Farewell,
festivities are over.
VI
To
his friend A. D.
Eu tropins^
467
HAVE long wished
but feel the impulse
more than ever now, when by the
am
grace,
actually
motive, or at least
preventing
Christ's
My
on the way to Rome.
my
chief one,
is
sole
you from
to drag
the slough of your domestic ease by an appeal to you to enter the imperial service.^-
Moreover, by the goodness of God, your age, your health
of body and
to
fit
you
for
the
you have horses, arms, wardrobe, establishment,
task
slaves in plenty err, is
the one thing lacking, unless
the courage to begin.
energetic enough that it
mind concur
dull
fairly
it is
In your
own home you
are
only at the idea of exile from
despondency intimidates you.
How
it
can
be described as exile, for one with blood of
senators in his veins and with the effigies in the trabea daily
once
greatly
in his
prime
forced upon his sight, to
Rome
ancestors visit
Rome
the abode of law, the training-
Partly translated by Chaix, p. the letter on Eutropius, see III.
vi.
264.
For the
effect
of
^ook
14 school of
the fount of honours, the head of the
letters,
world, the motherland of freedom, the city unique upon
where none but the barbarian and the slave
earth,
is
foreign
Shame on you now
you bury yourself among cow-
if
keeping rustics, or grunting swineherds, as height
the
to
felicity
tremble above the scythe, to spoil
meadow of
the
hoe the luxuriant vines with
Have done
awake
of your duty
it
In
than his estate
its
fine,
young man's exercise
flowery wealth, or
face
bent earthwards.
unst un stru rung ng the sinews
higher things.
to
man of your
in
bowed over your
or,
sleek ease ha
raise
the plough-handle
feel
furrow,
cleft
descent
to
what you
is really
were
if
Is
less
it
himself
cultivate
are pleased to call
relaxation only
fit
for
broken soldiers, when their feeble hands exchange rusty
sword
Suppose you achieve your
for belated mattock.
suppose that vineyard upon vineyard foarns with
end
purple juice, while piled granaries collapse under endless
mounds of
cows
crowding
suppose plump neatherds drive the with
yards to milk
reeking it
grain
udders
swollen
their
What
what then
the
use will
by sordid gains
be to have enlarged
have lived recluse not only among such
like
things,
You
into
but,
will
stand,
deeper shame
for
such things' sake
have only yourself to thank
nobleman born, obscure
you
if
in
one day you your white
hairs behind your juniors seated in debate, if
you smart
under the speech of some poor man risen to honour by office,
in in
and with anguish see yourself distanced by those
whom our
it
would
train.
been presumption to follow
But why say more
Take my
appeal
Letter as
IS
It
VI
meant, and you shall find
ly
me
your side ready
at
But
to anticipate and share your every efFort.^
yourself be caught in the insidious nets of pleasure
let
you choose to yoke yourself, as the saying
if
you
if
of Epicurus,
the tenets
who
is,
frankly sacrifices
with
virtue,
and defines the chief good as physical delight, then, be
my
our posterity
wash my hands of the
witness,
Farewell.
disgrace.
VII
To
his friend Vincentius 468
The
case
conceal
my
of Arvandus distress, for
mp
it is
it
was
me
this
for
given
my
lapse
bound me
has no
because
the truth and not to strike
is
steadfastness
For he despised
down.
at
so
me
is,
long.
adversity, things,
not that he
How
fell
often
the
him when he and made the
marvel
but that he ever stood
he would boast of weathering
when we, with
deplored
say this
friendly advice
at last,
had
though he
all
himself throughout the sport of fortune to
has scorched
fast,
on his side is
intimate
But since
from prudence.
friendship, honour
it
who
lately kindled against
account, the flame of which
his
do
safe to be with one so light
and so unstable, witness the odium
me on
friends
was more
need not hide their friendship.
man than
nor
crowning
or
condemned prisoner may have
praise that
with this
me,
distresses
sure
unable to call happy any
less
superficial
disaster
man who
of his
only
sense of rashness,
Book not
always deserves
But now
name.
the
question as to his government
words, and with
During his
was
very popular;
Crushed by
of the
nobles
fun of
his visitors, profess
and spurn good
offices
if
he showed suspicion the
last
He
was
all
too regularly, contempt.
him
encompassed
set foot
coast, as if convinced
were somehow
at
of the
Asellus,
his
for
his
like
his authority,
prisoner bound for
the city
in
when he
his
At
the
Largess,^ his
host
and
prefectship,
yet warm, so
the very elements
that
bidding.
Imperial
acted as
deference were,
at advice,
exultation over his fair passage along the stormy
Tuscan Count
make
would
was well divested of
Hardly had he
his
people called on him too
he was invested with guards, and
Rome.
disastrous.
astonishment
if
hate
general
before he
rampart
however
among whom
from
must needs be chosen.
At
was
second
successor
rarely,
few
debt, and living in dread of creditors, he
was jealous
all
friend
in
term as prefect his
first
the
you
tell
the loyalty due to
all
far brought low.
rule
will
your
for
which
newly was
friend
it
Flavius
showing
jailer,
the
Capitol,
seemed,
stripped from
him as
it
him.
Meanwhile, the three envoys from Gaul arrived upon his
heels to
Tonantius
with
the
impeach
provincial
in
Ferreolus,^
the
public
the
decrees^
empowering
name.
They were
ex -prefect, and grandson,
on the mother's side, of the Consul Afranius Syagrius,
Thaumastus, and Petronius, and eloquent,
They
all
all
men
practised in affairs
conspicuous ornaments of our country.
brought, with other matters entrusted to them by
the province, secretary,
now
an intercepted
letter,
which
Arvandus'
also under arrest, declared to have been
VII
Letter dictated by his master.
cluding peace with 'the
he
instead
should
was evidently addressed
It
whom
King of the Goths,*
the
17
dissuaded from con-
it
Greek Emperor
',t urging that
Bretons
the
attack
to
north
of the
Loire, and asserting that the law of nations called for
of Gaul between Visigoth and Burgundian.
division
There was more
Of
action.
of
ship,
we
both
did not escape the
tactics
and
into
flagrant
myself;
whatever
in
felt
that to evade
way
consequences
the
of his fate would be to brand us as
and
barbarians,
the
one
quiet
to
have incurred the impeached man's friend-
this crisis
to
shame
or
These
Auxanius
we might
vein, calculated
course the lawyers found here
treason.
excellent
mad
the same king,
choleric
inflame
case
in
unsuspecting
prosecution,
We
poltroons.
no
victim
less
whole scheme which
the
than
astute
intended to keep dark until the
traitors,
exposed
once
at
at
and ardent,
alert
scheme was
their
trial
noose in some unguarded reply an adversary rash
to
enough to repudiate the advice of wholly on his
rely
what one
to safe
us
secret
its
simulation would be ruinous tious
he
admissions
grasped
in
our
to
and
your
prefectorian
he
nonsensical
Euric. 546.22,1
not
was
their dis-
drew incau-
leave
this
degenerate part
When
himself;
and cried
fears,
the
try to extract
if it
beside
him
give
to
answer to their questions.
point,
fathers
him
told
and
seemed the
insignificance
suddenly broke out into abuse,
you
We
away which they might
on pretence of
friends
friends
we begged him
course
his
unaided wits.
and to more
slightest point
from him
own
all
of the
Anthemius,
he
Begone, sons
of
afl^air
to
Book me
beyond an intelligence
is
It
cates to
defend him on the charge of bribery shall be
We
one concession.'
his
the employment of advo-
conscience
trusts in
Arvandus
like yours.
came away
low
in
spirits,
disturbed less by the insult to ourselves than by
what
concern
man
when while,
has
right
in
which he
casts curious eyes on the
fabrics of the
the
offence
Mean-
goes off to parade the
gratified air as the bubbles
down
take
to passion
he
white raiment too
in the sly greetings
He
doctor to
past cure gives
our defendant
square, and
the
Capitol
finds sustenance
he
receives
of
real
listens with
flattery burst
gems and
silks
and precious
inspects, picks up, unrolls, beats
prices
as
if
he were
likely
purchaser,
moaning and groaning the whole time over the laws, the age, the senate, the emperor, and
would not had
left
because they
him then and there without
few days passed, and, as
tion.
(I
right
all
Rome
learned afterwards
was
in the interim), there
Arvandus proceeded
in the senate-hall.
investiga-
full
house
thither freshly
groomed and barbered, while the accusers waited the decemvirs'
summons unkempt and
snatching from
half-mourning,
in
him thus the defendant's usual
right,
and securing the advantage of suggestion which the suppliant
garb
confers.
and, as the custom other.
is,
took up positions opposite each
sit;
unhappy impudence of
forced himself almost
were admitted
parties
Before the proceedings began,
rank were allowed to that
The
into
all
instantly his,
the
of prefectorian
Arvandus, with
rushed very
forward and
bosoms of the
judges, while the ex -prefect* gained subsequent credit
Tonantius Ferreolus.
VII
Letter
19
and respect by placing himself quietly and modestly amidst his colleagues at the lowest end of the benches, to
show
that his quality of envoy
was
his first thought,
While
and not his rank as senator.
members of the house came
on, absent
was going lo
this
the parties
in
They
stood up and the envoys set forth their charge. first
produced their mandate from the province, then
the
already-mentioned
by
sentence
sentence,
authorship without
envoys
dictation to the
even
fall,
waiting
And when
The of his
fact
madman,
the
the
blind
deadly blow by
twice, the accusers
the
shout,
the
dealt himself
repeating the avowal not raised
read
be asked.
to
that
cruelly,
was obvious.^
depth of his
being
when Arvandus admitted
rather
rejoined,
was
this
letter
cried as
man
one
that
he stood convicted of treason out of his own mouth. Scores of legal precedents were on record to achieve
Only
his ruin.
at this
man
the wretched
point,
and then not
said to have turned white in
repentance of his loquacity, recognizing it is
on the spot of an
years,
now
all
tardy
too late that
possible to be convicted of high treason for other
He
offences than aspiring to the purple.
ture,
at once, is
judges
re-election
and consigned to the
in
he had held ^vq
common
jail
as
it
Eye-witnesses report, as the most pathetic
all,
that as
all
that
result
bravery
of his intrusion upon his
and
smartness
while
accusers dressed in black, his pitiable plight
no pity when he was led off to prison
How,
one not
degraded to plebeian rank, but restored to
own.
feature of
stripped
the privileges pertaining to his prefec-
which by
office
first
as his
all
was
indeed,
could any one be
his
won him
little
much moved
later.
at
his
ir
Book him haled
seeing
fate,
still all
death,
bare fortnight.
and flung
or hard labour
the quarries
trimmed and pomaded
was deferred to
to
He
Judgement
fop
like
was then condemned
into the island of the
There, an object of compassion even to
Epidaurus.^
his enemies, his elegance gone, spewed, as
Fortune out of the land of the
the
living,
law his
by benefit of Tiberius'
Rome
or out of
we
daily vows,
respite
We,
noose of the brutal executioner. in
it,
drawn sword, and
are doing
Arvandus has only he
and
stairs,
the
of course, whether
we
all
may suspend
can
we make
But whether
exile.
desire than to die.
must actually
most miserable soul
marks of
branded
of the
already half dead
to expect the worst, or
surely the
is
the stroke
man
rather visit
with confiscation of property, and
it,
of thirty days
redouble prayers and supplications that
the imperial clemency
undergo
were, by
he now drags out
of hook and Gemonian
thought
it
shuddering through the long hours at
sentence,
after
Serpent of
alive
if,
has any other
Farewell.
VIII
To
his friend Candidianus^ A. D.
You
congratulate
expense.
You
seen the
273.
prolonged stay
at
Rome,
my
say you are glad your old friend has at
sun, since
Partly translated i.
me on my
note the touch of irony, and your wit at
though
last
468
Cf. Letter
V.
on the Saone his chances of
by Hodgkin,
i.
860, and
by Chaix,
VIII
Letter good look
my
few and
at it are
Lyons/ and
misty
morning fog that the
Now
unveil them.
shown your venient
may
natal
pierce
soil
does this nonsense
fall,
fitly
come from
The
it.
midges of
may
city frogs
Po
croak and
you know very well that you
side, but
way about
scarcely
You have
Ravenna than
home.
at
marsh of yours the laws of everything
the wrong
abuse
of your charming and con-
the
are better off in exile at
can
town Cesena
by leaving
your ears
swarm on every that
heat of noon
full
opinion
real
You
far between.
deplore the days so cloaked by
of that oven of
native
21
In
are always
the waters stand and the walls
the towers float and the ships stick fast, the sick
man walks and
the
doctor
lies
abed,
blaze,
the
dead
and the houses
chill
the
baths
are
swim and
the
quick are dry, the powers are asleep and the thieves
wide awake, chants
the clergy live by usury and the
Psalms,
the
business
men
turn
men, old fellows play
soldiers business
fellows hazard, eunuchs take to
And
to letters.^ to settle in,
who
is
place that
ground.
solid
that
Be
triumph yours.
if it
soldiers
and
and young
ball
rough
allies
the kind of city you choose
may
kinder,
never provoked you
Syrian
boast
therefore,
territory but little
to ^Transalpines
their climate
wins too cheap
shines only by comparison with such as
Farewell.
IX
lo
his friend Herenius A. D.
The
patrician
468
Ricimer well married, and the wealth
of both empires blown to the winds in the process, the
22
Book
community has
at
happened
home of liest
senses
and
before
had already been made welcome
to the
again to business.
field
and most hospitable treatment than
piety
man more eminent
than
sober
the prefectorian Paul, and enjoyed the friend-
respectable for
the
its
Even
opened door and this
resumed
last
my
do not know
learning.
in every
kind of accomplishment
am amazed when
host.
which he propounds, the
subtleties
house no less
in
of the
think
of rhetoric
figures
adorning his judgements, the polish of his verses, the
wonders which and above
this
his
And
perform.
over
encyclopaedic knowledge, he has conscience superior even to
better possession,
Naturally,
science.
can
fingers
my
first
inquiries
as
to
still
all
possible
avenues to court- favour were addressed to him
him
this
with
discuss the likeliest patrons for the advancement
There
of our hopes.
is,
however,
the number of those whose sideration
so
is
little
influence
There
small.
need to hesitate merits our con-
many
indeed,
are,
senators of wealth and birth, ripe in experience, helpful in
counsel,
all
of the highest rank, and equal in
But without disparagement
consideration.
we
found
two
Caecina Basilius,
consulars, in
rest
account the great military
oflicers,
if
you leave out of the
of the exalted order easily come
We
admiration
and
peculiar eminence,
and conspicuous above the
himself.
others,
Avienus
Gennadius
enjoyment
to
real
these
two members
to the emperor
found them both deserving of the highest but their characters were very
diflPerent
what resemblance there was rested rather on inborn than
acquired
qualities.
description of the pair.
Let
me
give
you
Avienus reached th
short
ns la late te
IX
Letter by luck, Basillus by merit.
23 that the
was observed
It
with enviable rapidity, but former attained his dignities
was
number of distinctions
in the end.
to
But though the two were
in
clients
was
like
human
so far on
level,
him
about afoot to escort him, and pressed tide.
the greater
If either chanced
whole populace of
house,
his
leave
won
slower, he
that although the latter
their friends were very the spirits and expectations of far
brothers, but
energy
was so absorbed the
in
the
preferring
What Avienus while he was
mind
Basilius
Decian
office,
freely,
rarely
and
and
for
not
but
gain.
in this
own
his
con-
time,
respect for the older consular,
but
it;
the
to
two was
in-
but in the one case in
the
other,
alternatives,
we would
sense
came of
little
of the
affability,
After long balancing of
compromised
family.
Avienus opened
some
Neither
reaped mere
further reason
for
station.
accessible or costly of approach cultivation
was
aspirants
Corvinian
obtain
once,
at
advantage.
petitioner's
or
Basilius obtained for strangers
private
in
sons-in-law,
outside
the
to
could only
nexions while in
his
or
There was
proportionately impaired. for
lay
in family candidates that
of
interest
him
that in
all
advancement of his sons,
for the
his
Avienus would do
from equal.
we
preserve
solid finally
all
due
whose house we were duly
to the habitues frequenting, but devote our real attention
of Basilius'
house.
Now
with the assistance
while,
of this right honourable friend,
was considering how
best to advance the matter of our
Arvemian
petition,^
which day the the Kalends of January came round, on the Fasti as emperor's name was to be enrolled in consul for
second year.
The
very thing,' cried
my
Book
24
My
patron.
engaged bring
Muse
your
out
her
let
audience,
you begin
these
to
be
the
may
plan, but gave
influence
named
there
to
am the
trust
my
my
you before
good recep-
some experience say that
me
my new
consul, that
was incontinently
But
expect you are tired
sena se nate te
work
and would much rather
itself at
your
Indeed,
leisure.
few days
speak for myself
win the suffrage of your
be
delighted as if
not of senators alone but of you, nay,
insist
slight piece of
me
critical
all
until
If
hence.
judgement,
speech of mine in bravos'
warn
the citizens.
with you, not to think of setting this
mine on the same plane as the hexameters
own Muse,
for
will suggest the triviality
by the side of yours
panegyrist
my
lines
of epitaph-mongers rather than
the grandeur of heroic verse.
one.
took
the support of an invincible ally in
the assembly or from the rostra called forth the
fine
serious
scheme.'
little
herewith, and must do duty for
to
with the
the
to
you would, so the eloquent pages bear you
verses
shall
new
withdraw from the suggested
little
sure
lines
the
will obtain
encourage
me when
accrue from this
president of hi
come
of
appropriate
have
done.
to death of this prolix letter,
peruse
honour
in
homage imposed upon me, and managed so
the act of to
wish you would
something
he
hint
that you are
and guarantee you
recite,
matters
advantage
again
sing
when you have in
know
whatever haste composed.
occasion, in
you an
well
an exacting duty, but
in
consul
dear Sollius,
Rejoice,
the same,
all
he cannot claim the
credit
of
performance, but at least he has the reward of
And
so, if
gay may enliven grave,
will imitate
IX
Letter
25*
the Pyrgopollnices of Plautus, and conclude in
And
and Thrasonical vein.^
tious
since,
have got the prefecture by
aid,
you
me
treat
conceivable
my new
as
felicitations
my
eloquence or
state
and
lucky pen,
exalt
to
the
up
stars
all
my
your smile when
you see your friend carrying
To
pile
bid
please, or fail to
as
please, your judgement.
braggart airs of
by Christ's
demands
luck, according
robus-
off in this style with the
it
Farewell.
stage-soldier.
Campanianus
his friend
468
The the
Intendant of Supplies
friend
my new
to
to him, but
you commend him as your old
which
in
letter
most of
all
my
desire
oblige
to
my
in
my
cause and
may
be
grain run
an
short,
in
For
the
my
patching him
immediately
because news
is
put
in
at
please
if
am on
to
hand
to
that
is,
rather fear that
theatres
account.
commend
commend,
and that the hunger of
will be laid to
have
But
us.
nt ca
repute.
uproar
and of intimacy, since
you cannot but draw closer the
turn to his vi
my
eagerly embrace
welcome,
bonds which already unite
me
evidence of
friendship certain and proof
this opportunity of acquaintance,
my
greatly indebted
to yourself for this
suspicion.
all
am
judgement.
your resolve to assume against
has personally presented
the
that five
Ostia laden with
the all
supplies
the
of
Romans
the point of dis-
harbour in person, ships from Brindisi
wheat
and honey.
Book stroke of energy on his
and we should have
-part,
these cargoes ready in no time for the expectant crowds
he would win
my
the people's, and he and
favour,
Farewell.
together yours.
XI
To
friend Montius
his
ABOUT
On
461-7
the eve of your departure
your people of
visit
Franche-Comt^, most eloquent of friends, you ask copy of
certain satire,
duct
my
jump
in this
manner.
It is so likely
my
energies
my
service
publish.
of
Why,
mere
grammarian would Against the
not
that at
libellous
to
which
perilous
it
the
there
is
advice
not
to
with
acquaintance
recall
poet,
should
leisure,
assuredly
nodding
suffice
not
young man doing
in
and
com-
it is
kind of literature
to
compose,
to
of
my
for
friend's con-
is it
total lack
would have been presumptuous his
really
false conclusion about
to
then age and with
devote
it
must say the request surprises me
position,
nice to
assuming
me
of
remedy
of law and sentence
To
prevent any more credulity of this sort as regards
your old friend,
will
set forth
at
some
length,
from the beginning, the events which brought on head the
smoke of
sound
reign
of Majorian, an
satire
in
invective,
verse it
was
took
circulated
advantage
at
of
court
very
mordant
gross
unprotected
my
In the
public odium.
anonymous but
and
in
its
names,
XI
Letter though
The
it
lashed vice,
inhabitants
its
know on which of nation the
was
to fall
invisible
at
always
me
arrived
It this
at
close friend of mine,
we had
than ever, as
common
know how)
whom
branded.
visibly
Catulllnus
illustrious
together
just
from home
duty away
Well,
fellow citizens nearer.
Paeonius and Bigerrus set visitor
scene
they wanted to
excited
most
had
he was then nearer to
brings (you
the
head were the men
their
juncture from Clermont
served
was
city
personal.^
all
our poets the weight of public indig-
author
chanced that the
(that
much
of these events) were
was above
attack
of Aries
27
the unsuspecting
they took him off his guard, and asked him,
before numerous
But when they went on
Catulllnus.
was
familiar
Let me hear some of
new poem.
with the
he
witnesses,
it/ said
jestingly to quote
various passages from the satire, he burst
ut
augh au ghin in
and asseverated, rather inopportunely, perhaps, that such verses deserved to be immortalized, and set up in letters
At
of gold on the rostra or the Capitol.^ flamed out, for he was the
man whom
the crowd
Just look at Catulllnus
author of this public outrage.
points beforehand.
conclude
from
How mere
Auvergne.
part,
as
was not only
babe
unless
We first
he
know
It is easy to infer that
and that Catulllnus was the
Now
obviously he
knew
all
the
could he thus anticipate, and
acquainted with the whole in
he cried to
have found
the spot,
half dead with laughter there
Paeonius
the fiery tooth of
Ha
sharply bitten.
the satirist
this
were
already
that SIdonius is
he wrote the thing
to hear
it
from his
lips.'
absent, but ignorant and Innocent
that did not prevent
tempest of fury and
28
Book me
abuse against
and
play,
favourite
As
they cast to the winds loyalty,
draw the
to
such power had this popular
inquiry
fair
fair
crowd whither he would.
iickle
you know, Paeonius was
demagogue well versed
the tribune's art of troubling the waters of faction.
in
But
you
if
home
his
whom
any
than
stick
to
he would
nature
For
ment.
of
He
notice.
once
than
nothing
at
the eminence of his
distinction
brought to public
and more
let
be
it
his
attain
if
when
whom
advance-
engagement
of
his
word)
family above his own,
does
not
announced
lie,
beyond the
Again, when the Marcellian con-
to seize the
diadem was brewing, what did our
novus homo^ and
do
would
though mean by
end
the
first
rising,
he
that
dower
strict civic standard.
friend
seen
on
would not breathe
rumour
Pamphilus
spiracy
was bent
own
brought him the alliance of
Chremes,^
stepfather
own house
his
spend
example,
daughter (against
our
where
and
descent
his
known he was nothing more than
'tis
plain citizen,
more
whence
asked
in his
grey hairs, he must
needs constitute himself the leader of the young nobility until in the fullness
of time the efforts of
were rewarded, for the interregnum, threw
The
flash
rift in
throne was vacant, the State in confusion
tials, to
face,
assume the fasces
months together climb,
in
Like
honours
at
birth.
but he,
without waiting for credenas prefect in
Gaul, and for
the sight of gods
the tribunal distinguished by so trates.
clouds,
of splendour on the obscurity of his
and only he, had the
to
like
lucky audacity
illustrious
magis-
public accountant or advocate promoted
the
close of
professional
career,
he
XI
Letter managed
just
my
only
and senator
prefect
odium of good and bad
one
came
or two together.
how
my
spiracy as
soon as
at
my
wondering
all
of this excess,
first in
doubt,
to
exchange
greeting.
remarked
You
answered,
me
my
satirist
you.'
did
who with
to the
appeared, the con-
others,
time what
the
Some
'and as
much
that
they so,'
my now
show cried,
them the excuse
brought the charge and
their
impress
me
It is in
fear
proceedings
your quality
or detestation of
when
detected the offence
who
continued thus
To
little/
on what grounds
who
to
do indeed,'
that
this
the gang,
and incidentally he
talked,
they
abasement,
in
these people
as
meaning
came forward
play the part,
may say
was
sides.
when one of
kind interpreter rejoined
How give
see
at
might be the
to ask,
We
with looks
again,
insolence and
was determined not
put up, no
of
down
knees, abasing themselves beyond
of affected sorrow, walked closely
which
next day
says,^ dares put nothing to the touch.
the necessity of salutation
astonish
The
others hid behind statues or columns to avoid
propriety
but
were good
enemies
once confounded, being of the sort which,
at
cringing
fell
As
always do.
was
Lucan
my
duty to the emperor, and went
forum, as
verse
string
to
dared not venture.
to believe
were
if
Aries suspecting nothing
to
though
should
enough paid
nominally his friend, as
still
man of my epoch competent
the only
such wise that
exposing him as utterly as he deserves,
behold him unashamed to alike against
in
hara ha ract cter er of his son-in-law pre-
respect for
me from
vents
end of his
to get recognition at the very
term.
official
29
the proof?'
Then,
My
if
dear
sir,
you
Book
30 don't mind, oblige
me by
asking these excited persons
from me, whether
It
was
professed Informer or spy
who
got up this
Imaginative
If they have to
satire.
later, it will
No
than they
salutations,
writing
the Inevitable apology
be better for them to give up this outrageous
behaviour at once.'
message,
make
my
about
story
not
sooner had he conveyed the
came
all
to
their
offer
hands and
man by man, and with decorum,
the whole herd with
rush.
Our Curio was
but
left
all
alone to breathe imprecations on the base deserters, until at
fall
of
was hurried
evening he
off
home on
The
10 shoulders of bearers gloomier than mutes. day the emperor commanded
my
end of the couch
year,
who managed
favour throughout
At
wind of even and
all
Next him was
the
changes
our vast dynastic
the uneven fortunes of the State.
who had just
virtue
office,
laid
down
the consul's
of these two dignities was no un-
Beyond Magnus was
worthy neighbour.
the
was Severlnus, the consul of the
to trim his sails to
ex-prefect Magnus,
next
presence at the banquet
he was giving on the occasion of the Games. left
the
held two
Camlllus, w^ho had also
nephew
his
and by
offices,
his
conduct of them added equal lustre to his father's prorank
consular
him was Paeonlus, and then Athenlus, every turn of controversy and
After
Gratianensis,
mentioned lower
In
in
emperor, 11
When
the same
was
who
the
dinner
was
upon
versed in
character not to be
and though
breath with evil
last,
lay at the
man
to
of the times.
rank than Severlnus, above him
estimation.
Next
and his uncle's consulship.
the
in the Imperial
left
side
of
the
right extremity of the table.
well
advanced,
the
prince
XI
Letter
few short remarks
addressed
whom he talked At an early literary.
several times, the subjects being
remark
My
an
that
uncle
hims hi msel el
saw
promotion,
presence did
which greeted
mean
cannot say
purpose,
z.
By
Even
the
loud applause
the oversight
ill,
laughed
it
was
The
he had
own
boiling
dignity
with
Paeonius
surprises me.
my
into
that
Sire,
place,
of
craftiest
to
satirist.
me and
that
said
you are
it is
news
laugh,
the elders
had
placed
been
all
It
no longer
should try to push him-
now pushed
when he has
On It
is
The
this, the
illustrious
news
me
too.'
into
Gratia- 13
wide
emperor turned round
to me,
writer of satires.'
to
the
above him,
remarked that the episode opened
here
field to
all
the
for
resentment
your Majesty's conversation.' nensis
To
was observed.
suppressed
he
emperor
very genial in
compensation
as
That
suffered.
be
to
but he calmed himself enough to say
self
passed
some question or other
way
his
came
laugh
the
because
time
now
and made matters worse by answer-
society so long as his
had been
or of set 12
accident,
ing before the other had time to speak.
slight
the
Paeonius had the bad manners to take
to Athenius.
Athenius
'A
first
which, the prince
over Paeonius, and addressed
only
coveted
and replied
check
not
conferred
who
Camillus,
rejoinder.
this
having
chance,
his
consulship. Sire! you surely
emperor's
on
m^yself
consulship on your family.' like
Camillus, with the
to
you have so admirable
dear Camillus, pride
He
consul.
with
then turned to the ex-consul,
addr dres esse se opportunity he ad
the
to
Count Sidonius,^
Anyhow,' he
beg you to be merciful
answered,
Sire,'
to
replied
me.'
with shall
Book
52 myself
spare
do, then, to the
This, Sire/
him
let
me
out
into
the
rebut the
assailant,
provided
looked
Paeonius,
at
But
if,
proved
as will prob-
ask of your
charge,
word
embarrassment
The emperor
hesitating,
and made
But he
however, he managed to say
your conditions,
agree to
Very
verse on the spot.'
if
that attitude the time occupied
you can put them
well,'
said
my
hands,
back, as if to call for water for
round the
by
my
an impromptu our sanction for writing mightiest prince, let
him who
and turning remained
me
calls
replied
pray that this be thy decree
libeller
which followed was equal Camillus
or prove his charge, or
Then
composed.
common
private
less
in
what you please
call
by the
that evident
and
the charge brought
if the imperial decision
quarrels
God
had
give you
future
you was not susceptible of proof.
most unjust to
the emperor cried
weal to witness that
licence to write against
greeted
that
than by the speed with which
merit of
the
to
fear.'
applause
was earned, of course,
though
to ask in
satire.'
do not want to seem conceited,
15
in
former position,
Your undertaking was
and the emperor
in
quick servant in going
then resumed
table.
sign
and the prince spared his
to answer, at last,
my
choose about
observe the law.'
who was
am
of inquiry whether he accepted the conditions.
had not
shall
accuser be,
If
open.
clemency permission to write anything
14
What
said
Whoever my
abide the penalty.
be the case,
from
refraining
who have provoked you
people
answered.
come
guilty, let
ably
rejoined,
Thereupon the emperor
illegality/
we
also/
allo al lowe we
malice
It
would be
such su ch
might imperil
XI
Letter
whom At guard.'
by obscure charges nobles puts wholly off their
modestly bent of
my
my
35
conscious innocence
pronouncement
this
head and thanked him
the face
opponent, which had previously shown successive
signs of rage
and vexation, now grew
was almost frozen with sword.
had withdrawn
imperial presence,
when
and were
the consul
my
prefects seized
pity,
we
so
and bade
drawn
rose from the i6
short distance
the
the act of putting on our
in
upon
fell
hands, and
himself so often and universal
executioner's
said before
Little
table.
mantles,
the
it
he had re rece ceiv ived ed th
terror, as if
order to present his neck to
Indeed,
pale.
my
my
bosom, the ex-
guilty friend abased
profoundly, that he aroused fair to place
me
more
in
in-
vidious position by his entreaties than he had ever done
Urged
by his insinuations. e,
nobles
he might
set his
to speak
by the throng of
closed the episode by telling him that
mind
should write no satire
at rest
on his base intrigue so long as he abstained hencefor-
ward from the misrepresentation
of
my
should be punishment enough for him to ascription of the
lampoon
to
me
actions.
know to
whom
honoured lord, the man
not been loudest in calumny
But
since,
by
his offence,
so warmly greeted by so fluence and position,
that his
my
and brought nothing but discredit on himself.
It
credit
In
fine,
thus confounded had
he was
had the
mere whisperer.
satisfaction of being
many men of
confess that
it
in-
was almost worth
while to have borne the scandal of the exordium for the sake of so triumphant
(46.22
conclusion.
Farewell.
17
BOOK To
^his brother-in-larv^ Ecdicius^
two
countrymen of Auvergne
What
evils.
presence, and your
name
first calls
so named,
are
own
antiphrasis used for war, the
our
predecessors
root of
beautiful
mercy
day
is
in
just returned
their
by
word
and, with no their
in
This
Fate, because Fate never spares.
who
did,
most hideous thing on earth the
his very
when he was
think that
the root of
perversity,
Seronatus'
ask.
Seronatus
absence.
from
fortune must have played with
prescient as
suffer equally
you
those
for notice
contradictions,
less
470
A.D.
C,
Your
II
name
for
Catiline of our
of the Adour to
from
blend in whole confusion the fortune and the blood of
unhappy victims which down there he had only pledged himself in
shed.
You must know
that his long-
dissembled savagery comes daily further into the
His
spite affronts the
day
as his arrogance is servile.
no
more
tyrant
peremptory witness.
in
The
exacting
sentence,
his dissimulation
He
commands
than
no
was
he,
livelong day he goes
abject
despot
no judge
barbarian
light.
falser
in
more false
armed from cowardice,
and starving from pure meanness.
Greed
Partly translated by Fertig, Part
i,
p. 20.
Letter and vanity
formidable,
35-
he continually commits
cruel
himself the very thefts he punishes universal
amusement he
company, and of
the
civilian
Though he them under
to revise
same conditions. nor does he trouble to
but he never thinks of paying,
himself
furnish
prove
with
is
it
hopeless
to
condemnation
He
mute.
jests in
church and
snores on the bench, and breathes
preaches at table
his
in
the churches with
fugitives
scoundrels,
cries the
His
bedroom.
woods with dangerous
He
knowing
deeds,
In the council-chamber he commands,
title.^
but in counsel he
men.
show of buying
he covets he makes
All
the
the
alphabet, he has the conceit to dictate
and the impudence
letters in public
in
among Goths.
literature
knows the
barely
war
rant of
will
To
others.
in
actions are filling
from the
estates,
the prisons with
holy
Goths up and the Romans down
he prepares illusions for prefects and collusions with public
Theodosian Code doric,^ raking
linger
Our
delay.
almost dead. all
is
to
as
people
rumour
the
resource, our nobility
and give up Farewell.
short
cut are
at
new
justify
tangle
of
is
the
foot
laws of
Theoimposts.
affairs
whatever causes
the last gasp
there
that
your
freedom
is
any hope, or whether
they want you in their midst to
If the State says,
the
unravel
Whether
be despair,
lead them.
under
to set in its place the
to
you
tramples
up old charges to
Be makes
He
accountants.
is
powerless to succour,
Emperor Anthemius is
is
if,
without
determined to follow your lead,
their country or the hair
of their heads.
Book II
(J
II
To
461-7
A.D.
You
me
attack
Domitius
his friend
(?)
for staying in the country
of you for lingering in
complain
with greater reason
might
Spring already gives place to summer
town.
has travelled his
the Tropic
range to
full
the sun
of Cancer
and now advances on his journey towards the
Why
waste words upon the climate which
should
The
here enjoy
exposed
are
Creator has so placed us that afternoon
the
to
the whole world glows
Alps
The
the
earth
plains
said
melting on the
is
is
running
the
dust
he se ve
not the word
streams
We
are all perspiring
but there you stay at
gown,
great
all
deep
chair,
mother was
and
with
setting
Samian
As
in this
as
most welcome
the
most temperate of
Ameria
buried
yawns
in
My
from the heat
you love your health,
once from your suffocating
at
household
many
pupils paler
to
than from any fear of you.
away
languish
ong; on g; as for the water,
boils.
it
light silks or linens
get
we
seamed with gaping heat-cracks.
is
and hardly drag
in
snow
the
Enough
heats.
we
fords are nothing but dry gravel, the banks hard
mud, the hot
pole.
of
alleys,
join our
guests,
all
and
retreats evade the intemperate
dog-star.
You may you are
invited.
Avitacum,^
my own
like to
know
We
the kind of place to which
are
at
the
estate
known
as
name of sweeter sound
in
my
ears than
came
to
me
with
patrimony because
it
my
Letter II harmony which
Infer the
wife.
me and mine
the west
it
but you might be
work of some enchantment.
the
big
rises
between
established
God's ordinance
it is
pardoned for fearing
On
37
but not
hill,
rocky, from which issue two lower spurs, like branches
double trunk, extending over an area of about
from
But while the ground opens out enough
four jugera.
form
to
on either side
slopes
straight
the
boundary of
south.
the
to
On
the
closely
adjoin
cut on
the
the
villa,
lead
valley
which
the
hill
own
piles
that
if
of logs
and
timber
is
down
slide
weight, and are brought up against
At
this point is
hot bath, which corresponds in size with th unguentarium^ except that
it
the
adjo ad join inin in
has an apse with
semi-
here the hot water pressing through the
circular basin
lead
to
south-west are the baths,^ which so
the very mouth of the furnace.
sinuous
right
north
faces
wooded eminence
almost by their
the
door,
front
the
pipes
The chamber
sobbing sound.
from beneath
full
is
it
wall
well
itself is
of day,
and
with
issues
heated
overflowing
so
with light that very modest bathers seem to themselves
Next come
something more than naked. frigUarium, which
may
those in public baths.
fairly challenge
The
roof
is
the spacious
comparison with
pyramidal, and the
spaces between the converging ridges are covered with
imbricated
tiles
the architect has inserted two opposite
windows about the junction of walls and dome, so if
you look up, you see the
the
best
tentiously
apartment
advantage.
covered is
The with
fine
cofl^ering displayed
interior
plain
that
walls
are
to
unpre-
white stucco, and the
designed by the nicest calculation of space
Book II
3« contain
to
the
servants to
No
holds bathers,
bath
circular
same number of persons as the semiwhile
move about without impeding one
frescoed scene obtrudes
its
the art to the disgrace of the
no painted actors
will find
oiled
no
comely
artist.
nudities, gracing
You
will observe
pugilists or wr wres estl tler er
wand
chaste
intertwining their in
Enough you
few verses there
cares
no
enough, since to
moment
the
upon these walls none of those things which not to look upon.
the
bouts,
real
unlocks
the enlaced limbs look indecent.
lines
rival-
with colours gaudy as the rainbow.^
limbs in those grips which,
gymnasiarch's
the
another.
absurd masks, and costumes
in
ling Philistio's gear
You
allows
yet
it
will see is
it
are,
nicer
harmless
one either regrets perusal or
you want to know what
If
peruse again.
marbles are employed, neither Paros nor Carystos, nor
Proconnesos,
nor
nor Phrygia,
Numidia, nor Sparta
had no use
have contributed their diverse inlays. stone
that
broken surface, with
simulates
for
Ethiopic
crags and purple precipices stained with genuine murex.
Though marble,
enriched by
my
plain
really better talk
citizen
eastern side an annexe,
Greek word,
foreign
may
aspire.
But now have, than
this hall is connected on the piscina, or, if
you prefer the
capacity of about twenty
baptistery, with
thousand modii.
Into this the bathers pass from the
hot room by three
The
of
splendour
about the things
With
lack.
wall.
cold
poor huts and hovels do not lack the cool-
ness to which
had
no
arched
entrances
in
the dividing
supports are not piers but columns, which
the glory of buildings.
your experienced architect
calls
Into this piscina, then,
stream lured from the brow
II
Letter of the
conducted
hill is
outside of the
channels curving round the
in
swimming
39
basin
to one
whic ic pipes terminating in lions* he ds wh
seem
rapidly,
to present
When
manes.
indubitable
eyes,
fangs,
real
house stands here with
through six
issues
it
authentic
fury
of the
master
the
of
household or his guests
his
about him, people have to shout in each other's ears, or
makes
the noise of falling water
sound forces conversations
the interference of
which are quite public
On
secrecy.
leaving
assume an amusing
to
chamber you see
this
of you the with drawing-room separated only by
adjoining
the
is
of
front
in
the store-
ea in ing. g.
portico
wooden
ported by simple
it
air
movable partition from the
place where the maids do
On
words inaudible
their
commands
instead of pretentious
pillars
On
the lake, sup- 10
monumental
columns.
entrance
long covered space unbroken by interior
is
divisions
it
but
may
At
the end
fairly it
delightfully
the
festival,
may is
the
be incorrect to
award
curtailed
cool
call this
name of
the
it
by
halt
front
hypodrome,
cryptoporticus.
form
when we keep open
chorus
chattering
dependants sounds
the
off to
bay, and here
whole
of
side
when
of nurses and
the family retires for
the siesta.
The
winter dining-room
porticus this
fire
entered from this crypto-
on an arched hearth often
apartment with smoke and smuts.
may
am
roaring
is
spare you
inviting
things which
From
glowing hearth
you to enjoy suit
the
here one enters
just
now.
season and
is
fills
But
that detail
the
last
thing
pass instead to
your present need.
smaller chamber or dining-room,
Book II
40
open to the lake and with almost the whole expanse
all
of lake
in
This chamber
view.
its
furnished with
is
dining-couch and gleaming sideboard upon
mount
area or dais to which you
gradually, and not
abrupt or narrow steps from the portico below. at this table
you can give the
the cups,
If water of
one sees snowy spots and clouded patches
reflections
of the
greased.
Such on
thirstiest soul
the sudden chill dulls the fugitive
From
almost
surface
cups
restrict
set
floats,
lure
the
if
had been
it
draughts
one's
the
of Your Abste-
the freezing
to
lip
you may watch the fisherman
table
and spread his seine with
his boat out to mid-lake,
cork
as
earth, to say nothing
would
miousness,
row
the
served and quickly poured into
is
form outside them
caution.
by
Reclining
moments between
idle
courses to the enjoyment of the prospect.
our famous springs
raised
or suspend his lines at marked intervals to
greedy
on
trout
excursions
nightly
their
through the lake with bait of their own flesh and blood
what phrase more proper, since 13 by
The
fish
room,
which
summer. no
its
14 them
delightful
noon,
it
literally
is
withdra wing-
pass into
makes
perfect
receives
all
caught
place
in
the dayhght but
very small intervening chamber accom-
drowsy
the
forty
we
coolness
Facing north,
direct sun
modates
at
meal over,
fish
winks
to
the
sit
but
here
croak
clangour of swans
servants,
large
not
and
enough to allow
regular to
listen
of
frogs
in
and
geese
in
the
the
shrill
It
is
cicala
gloaming,
the
the earlier night or
the crow of cocks in the dead of
it,
of rooks saluting the rosy face of
Dawn
in the half-light, nightingales
sleep.
fluting
the ominous voice in chorus,
in the
or,
bushes and
II
Letter
41
To
swallows twittering under the eaves.
this concert
you may add the seven-stopped pipe of the pastoral
Muse, on which the very wakeful Tityri of our often
will
one
vie
with
while
another,
hills
herds
the
about them low to the cow-bells as they graze along
All these tuneful songs and sounds
the pastures.
but charm you into deeper slumbers.
down
colonnade and go
you come to trees
two
great limes,
lakeside harbour,
we
grove of
There stand
allowed to go.
is
one continuous canopy.
in
play at ball^
with his company
In their
when my Ecdicius honours
but the
moment
shadow of
the
covered by the branches
the trees shrinks to the area
we
little
with roots and trunks apart, but the
boughs interwoven
me
If you leave the 15
greensward, and, hard by, to
where every one
dense shade
to the
will
stop for want of ground, and repose our tired limbs
at dice.
have
described
of the lake.
description
to
fury,
spray.
At
bog-holes, saturated
on
all
extends
It
course towards the east, and it
now
house
the
when
its
head the ground
impassable
mud
sides;
to
the
is
marshy and
explorer
full
slimy
the edges are fringed with weed.
But
if dirty
the south the whole lake
of
and
is
its
When
changeful surface
weather comes up from
swollen into monstrous waves
of spray comes crashing over the tree-tops upon
the banks. in
winds lash
has formed there, and cold springs rise
in all directions.
rain
devious
in
violent
you
drenches the lower part of the house with
the wind drops, small boats cleave
and
owe
length.
By
nautical measure,
Where
the
river
it
is
comes
seventeen stadia 17 in,
the
water foams white against the rocky barriers
broken but the
Book II
42
stream soon wins clear of the overhanging crags, and lost in the
smooth expanse.
makes the
lake,
certain
that
it is
or it
Whether
only an
is
the river itself
know
affluent,
not
reaches the other end, and flows away
through subterranean channels which only deprive
and leave
its fish,
into
more
The
intact in volume.
it
sluggish waters, increase in size,
and white under the escape
They
belly.
own
opens to
level
red bodied
it
On
composition.
sweep of
arching boughs lend the water their
to the pebbles at the
it
similar fringe of foliage produces
east,
the north, the water preserves
west, the shore
is
growths crushed
in
over them
on the
the south-
many
19 the grey-green
flat
on the
bottom
On
like tint.
on the
natural colour
tangle
common
of
where boats have rowed
smooth reeds bend
growing
turning
an
is
to the
contact with
to cheerful grief.
islet,
near. at
In
the
deep
one end of which
post upon boulders naturally piled,
at this point
sports
hue, and the
leaves of aquatic plants float upon
willows
middle of the lake
by
places
over-
the sweet waters nourish the bitter sap of
the surface
projects
its
covered with
close by, tufts of
wind, and pulpy
worn
own
in
the right,
line
On
grass.
were
west the shallows along the banks look green
water transmits
of
cannot either return or
wooded shore curves with an indented it
it
driven
fish,
they fatten, and go self-contained as
portable jails of their
left,
is
oar-blades
during
our
aquatic
competitors often collide and
Our
come
fathers used to hold boat-races
here in imitation of the
Trojan ceremonial games
at
Drepanum.^ It is suffice
it
not
in
my
to say that
bond it
to
describe the estate itself;
has spreading woods and flowery
II
Letter meadows, pastures run on
much
before you
and
rich in cattle
Here
shepherds.
43 wealth of hardy
Were my
must conclude.
reached
overtake you
the
further
Accord me,
the end.
grace of coming quickly;
the
then,
your return shall be as slow
And
as ever you choose.
pen to 20
forgive
me
in
if,
my
of
fear
have
overlooking anything about our situation here,
given you facts in excess and beyond the fair limits of
As
letter.
untouched for
it
is,
which
there are points
But
of being tedious.
fear
have
left
reader of
your judgement and imagination will not exaggerate the size
of the descriptive page, but rather that of the house Farewell.
so spaciously depicted.
Ill
To
^his friend Magnus'^ C,
REJOICE,
of this most
distinction
more because the news powers, and after
comes back
to
exalted
these
are
the
and
title
announced
is
to
all
me by
most
special
now high among
loyal of friends,
by being shared, and
for these qualities that the
the
lofty
Roman
how
far
station.
so rare It
surpassed
all
was
people once preferred to
with his dictatorial rigour and his Papirian pride
Pompey
^,
how much your
Fabius the Master of the
these that
the
years the patrician dignity
modesty as yours exalts Quintus
see
the Philagrian house by your felicity
will discover,
honours grow
all
to
lord,
For though you
messenger.
you
472
A.D.
honoured
Felix
rivals in
Cursor for
popularity
^ook II
44
which he was too wise to scorn.
By these Germanicus
won
and
to
whole world's
the
repress
concede imperial
credit
pleasure.
these
has
It
reasons
only
override
advantage
Your
us.
one
not
to
the
advantage it
over
has the power
privilege,
your unique
you have neither actual
this
is
peculiar
will
promotion
your
for
Tiberius
forced
were we to oppose your claims,
ours to
the
all
For
envy.
his
favour
nor
rival
Farewell.
visible successor.
IV
To
friend Sagittarius^
his
A.D.
The
honourable
Projectus
your friendship
He
advances.
trust is
ardently
you
will
upon
bent
not repel
his
the reputation of
and his grandfather's eminence
Church
unite to lend
all
wealth,
that
is
of noble lineage
his father and in the
461-7
that
probity,
lustre to
his
name
conduces to distinction
energetic
youth
but
not
he
family,
he
till
is
assured of your good graces, will he consider himself to
have attained
the
culminating point of his
career.
Although he has already asked and obtained from the
widow of hand will
the late honourable Optantlus her daughter's
may God speed
have been gained by
solicitude, or
as well.
all
intercession
he
that
little
his vows, unless his
own
gains
For you have taken the
dead father
Or
my
hopes
fears
him your support place of the
you have succeeded to his share
to Syagrius, as C.
girl's
in the
Clarissimus.
IV
Letter resp re spon onsi sibi bili lity ty
she
her
fo
looks for
upbringing
father's
And
your
government
admirable
men of
should attract
is
it
but
your
of
household
the right stamp even from distant
In the usual course of events
kindly response.
would have
fallen
consent
it
as
have
is,
to
gives
regard
this
to
he saves you this trouble, and you
you
the
my
friend,
is
another as good
that
greater.
caught
(if
until
he had
Farewell.
inextricably
the
what
to
such there be), has looked into his
more than one
has
loss
is at
in
your experienced eye, or
The
determine their validity. it
if
461-7
complex business, and
what abandon titles to
himself,
father
his friend Petronius A.D.
labyrinth of
authority in
parental
effect
in
could not have claimed
John,
Your
troth already approved.
match
To
it
you to obtain him the mother's
to sanction
reputation
in
guidance,
reward the modesty of this suppliant wooer by
places,
lived,
since
you that
to
is
it
patron's
love,
guardian's bounden care. that
45'
side,
case
is
confusing
and he does not
see whether his statement should maintain one line of
impugn another. therefore, to
examine his documents and
his rights are,
what this
what he ought
his procedure should affair
most earnestly beg you,
flow
be.
him what
or refute, and
Let but the stream of
from the springs of your advice, and
have no fear that the other side its
tell
will
unfa fair ir di dive vers rsio ion. n. any un
manage
to reduce
Farewell.
Book II
4
VI
To
his friend Pegasius
461-7
A.D.
There
proverb that delay
is
had proof that
just
it
We
true.
is
have had
Menstruanus long enough among
friend
him worthy of intimate
place
He
friends.
manners, moderate,
among our
sensible,
his is
obtains
when admitted you
to the
this for
and
tell
to inform
you of what you already know.
will
now
be pleased
friend-
and not
As
result,
on your judgement
in the
at this
friends
my
certain
for the very qualities which,
receiving the
it
You
be pleased, since to
lastly
satisfaction,
as
reign in three separate quarters.
choice and adoption
to you
much
most approved of
ships.
content will
of refined
and no spend-
religious,
my own
find
and most
personality which confers as
thrift
your
to
us,
dearest
agreeable,
is
have
often best
is
the Arvenians will
knowledge they liked him
am
sure,
Menstruanus himself
commended him
will
be gratified at
good opinion of honourable men. Farewell.
VII
To
his friend Explicius A.D.
You that
have given so many proofs
you
reason
461-7
have
am
won
universal
impartiality
respect,
and
always more than eager to send
after justice to
your judgement-seat
for
all
that
seekers
by so doing
ease
VII
Letter
47
the disputants from their burden, and myself from
in
pr se sent nt case, unless your diffidence should prompt
th
you
to
refuse
the
For almost every one expecting
arbitrator,
advantage.
press
audience;
parties
the
inaccessibility is
or
These ends
of argument.
necessity
all
Be
proof of your
best
very
impartiality.
intrigues to be chosen as an
else
gain
to
your
but
indulgent,
something therefore,
influence
in
men who
to
on each other's heels to enjoy the privilege of
pleading
judge
fair
your repute
that the loser can never be so stupid as to verdict,
or the winner
so over-
Both sides respect the verdict goes respect
you
those
to
whom
Therefore
it
implore
such
impugn your
those against
truth
is
deride
whom
it.
the
favours
show
your
early
decision on the matter in dispute between"^Alethius and believe your sound sense
Paulus.
and healthy judge-
ment can alone heal the malady of quarrel,
and that they
will
this
interminable
be far more effective than
any decrees of decemvirs or of
pontiffs.
Farewell.
VIII
To
his
friend Desideratus A.D.
WRITE Oppressed by ago Filimatia died, and
all
of respect to her memory. kindly mistress,
whether of her
at
home
461-7 great sorrow.
business
Three days
was suspended out
She was an obedient
capable mother,
wife,
dutiful daughter,
or abroad, earning the willing service
inferiors, the
affection
of her equals, and the
Book II
48
consideration of the great.
Left an only daughter
at
er mo moth ther er's 's death, she so bewitched her father by her
charming ways, that though he was he never longed death
two
pierces
and
father
has
been
worst
away before
which we pay the dead of bearers
were dissolved upon
little
ones would seem
of
tributes it
affection
was not the
buried her
the bier as if they would hold until
it,
left,
all
present
and the very strangers hung
in tears,
imprinted kisses on
her very
time,
are not vain
who
children
live
had she been
The
now.
of
her
misfortune
than
helpless
her sudden
husband desolate
The mother
childless.
and the invalid father taken, the less
And now
heir.
hearts, leaving
snatched
her
fertility
male
young man,
still
more
They
back.
it
one in slumber
like
than one dead, she was received by her relatives
When
be laid to rest in her long home.
the
the rites were done, the bereaved father begged write an elegy for her tombstone
were
tears
still
almost warm,
did
choosing
them
the lines too bad, in the
my
my
volumes of
bookseller
selected
me
while
to
my
hendeca-
the
If you do not
syllabic in place of the elegiac measure.
think
it
and
include
shall
poems
if
you do,
the heavy verse shall be confined to the heavy stone.
Here
is
my
epitaph
In this tomb the
matron
swift, fate
mourning country's hands have
Filimatia,
whom
snatched from
consort,
wise
art
of
thy
spouse, from
and pure
and tender, and worthy
what
fierce
gentle
to
and
stroke
sire,
pride of thy house,
oiphaned children. thy
with
and seemly,
laid
from ^we glory of strict
precede even the aged, by
thou
unite
the
Letter Fill which seem
qualities
at
severe for gaiety
were ever the companions of thy due
For
discord with each other
modesty
grave ease and
mourn thee
4y
Therefore
Jife.
we
and the
taken, thy sixth lustre hardly run,
paid in this undue season of thy prime.'
rites
Whether you
You owe
the city.
the verses or not, hasten back to
like
the bereaved
townsmen the duty of
homes of two fellow
so act that the manner
may
action
your reproach hereafter.
God
Pray
consolation.
you
never be
Farewell.
IX
To
his friend Donidius 461-7
A.D.
To
your question why, having got as
your
leave
still
my
that
what
have
enjoy
passed
is
the most delightful
ApoUinaris,
just too far for
ride
vines
over
and
wide
company of Tonantius Ferreolus most
charming
olives
flat
hills
their
in
the
houses
they
in song.^
to
make the
above the houses
might
The
be
are
Nysa and
view from one
villa
country, that from the other over
Translated by Hodgkin, 646.22
hosts
march together
The
Aracynthus, famed is
fact is,
time in the most
walk and just too short
worth while.^
under
The
know
and the extent of intervening ground
are not far apart is
the
Their estates
world.
dilatoriness, for
by
even
will
your enjoyment too.
beautiful country in the
and
my
Nimes,
reply
delayed return.
upon the causes of
dilate
expectant,
hospitality
giving the reason for
far as
ii.
324
f.
Book II
TO woodland
yet different though their situations are, the
eye derives equal pleasure from both.
now
have
sites
and
our return
men from each
were the roads patrolled by but even winding short-cuts and
estate,
captors
of
we
instantly
make
quite
it
no unwilling prisoners
fell,
made
us swear to
continuing
Into
and our
dismiss every idea
week
whole
until
And
elapsed.
to
us to elude the friendly ambush.
impossible for
of course
enter-
posted to look out for
sheep-tracks were under observation,
this
my
unfold the order of
to
Sharp scouts were
tainment.
But enough of
so every morning began with
had
flatter-
ing rivalry between the two hosts, as to which of their
kitchens should guest
nor,
conn co nnec ecte te
first
manage
am
though
thro th roug ug
by
smoke
my
for the refreshment of their
personally related to one, and
with
relatives
alternation
give
to
other, could
the
them
equal
quite
measure, since age and the dignity of prefectorian rank
gave
Ferreolus
above
were
prior
From
other claims.
his
hurried
of invitation
right
from one pleasure
had we entered the vestibule of
saw ^two opposed repeating
each
pairs
other's
wheeling circles
in
the
and
over
moment we
first
another.
Hardly
either house
when we
to
of partners
movements
in
the ball-game
they turned
as
another place one heard the
in
rattle
of dice boxes and the shouts of the contending players in yet another,
were books have
hand shelves
of
some
in
abundance ready to your
Imagined yourself among
the
of
the
grammarian,
or
the
Athenaeum, or
bookseller's
were so arranged
that the devotional
he
ladies'
seats
tiers
towering cases.^
where the master
They
works were near sat
were those
IX
Letter
Roman
ennobled by the great style of
had
arrangement
defect, that
this
books by certain authors
and Horace
them
consult
to
on
separated
it
certain
to each other
Thus Augustine of
sides
writes
but you had
like Prudentius
different
The
eloquence.
manner as near
in
as in matter they are far apart. like Varro,
j-i
room.
the
Turranius Rufinus' interpretation of AdamantiusOrigen^
was eagerly examined by the readers of theology among according to our several
us
by
certain
of the
translation
so
is
work so
Demosthenes and in
clergy
is
that
nor
of
Cicero's
more
the
had
hour
punctual,
at
elapsed,
just
had
is
properly
the
of
version
of
Ctestphon
of
to
use
the
While we were engaged
fancy prompted each, appears
an envoy from the cook to warn us that the bodily refreshment
but spirit
admirably adapted
these discussions as
Father contro-
Apuleius'
neither
of our Latin tongue.
rule
trenchant
too
as
and yet
literal
well,
Phaedoj
Plato's
we had
and best avoided by the prudent
versialist
the
of view,
for the censure of this
to give
different reasons
points
And
hand. proving
marked
hours upon the water-clock
The
^.
in fact the
that
the
moment of fifth
man was
the
advance
of the
dinner was short,
but abundant, served in the fashion affected in senatorial
houses
where
the one brief,
with stew.
alternated
anecdotes
we were
and
(the
learning
entertained
and good cheer. cingus
Amusing and
accompanied our potations sort,
numerous
prescribes
few dishes, though to afford
courses on very roast
usage
inveterate
with with
After dinner,
name of one
estate)
variety,
instructive
wit went with
To
the other.
be
decorum, refinement, if
we were
we walked
at
Voro-
over to our
Book II
f2 quarters and our
the
other
is
own
called,
Tonantius and
young]
[the
brothers turned out of their
beds
surely the elect
appetites for supper.
we
they are
among the nobles of our own
we took
over,
his
us because
for
dragging our gear about
could not
siesta
If at Prusianum, as
belongings.
The
age.
sharpen our jaded
short
Both of our hosts had baths
in
ut in neither did they happen to be avail-
their
so
able
set
my own
sober interludes which filled,
the
work
into this
the rare
in
bowl, too
convivial
often
made them
allowed their sodden brains.
pit at their best
river
servants to
dig
spring or by the
speed either near
heap of red-hot stones was thrown,
and the glowing cavity then covered over with an arched
This
roof of wattled hazel.
exclude the light and keep
in
still left
we
we
when
laid coverings
In these vapour-baths
all.^
passed whole hours with lively talk the time the
all
and to
the steam given off
water was thrown on the hot stones,
of Cilician goats' hair over
interstices,
and repartee
cloud of hissing steam enveloping us
induced the healthiest perspiration.
When we hot
water;
had perspired enough, we were bathed the
treatment
repletion, but left us languid
with
bracing
For the
river
except
in
time of flood,
and flows
tell
feeling
when
still
less
and
the
two
the stream
is
or river.
properties
swollen and
through
it
its
tawny
pellucid over its pebbly bed,
with the most delicate
you of suppers
of
therefore finished off
Gardon runs between
lo teeming none the could
we
the
fountain, well
with th me melt lted ed snow, clouded wi gravels,
removed
in
fit
for
king
it
is
fish.
not
my
sense of shame, but simply want of space which sets
IX
Letter
my
limit to
f3
You would have
revelations.
great story
turned the page and continued on the other side
if
am
but
always ashamed to disfigure the back of
with an inky pen. here, and hope,
my own
by Christ's grace, that we
elapses to restore
first
There
long for.
appetite
To What
most love
richest
promising letters
the
purity
for
your
is
your love of
firstfruits please
in his
we
and
that
indifferent little
fine flowers
their splendour through the apathy
time.
My
the
rust
we saw
see
to
discipline
its
of
at
sorry
abolition
of our people.
present
each other
grow
of diction will lose
duty
you what you asked, namely, any verses since
is
band can save the
soon have to mourn
All the
another
in
esteem.
own day smarted under
tongue from
Latin shall
your
my
man's labours
growing up
that unless
and decease.
written
letters,
the better for
begins to rise in
reward of
which he
of the
of that
Farewell.
470
The numbers of
rate
barbarisms
you
in
young men
cane.
such
the healthy
nothing like thin living to
is
A. D.
my own work
and even the
good
enhance the generous devotion by the highest
can give
praises
of
meet very
his friend Hesperius C,
strive to
me
system disordered by excess.
give tone to
For
shall
provided only that
table or yours
week's interval
it,
the point of
the story of our friends' banquets will be better
shortly told at
am on
Besides,
letter
last,
is
to
But send
might have to
compensate
^ook II
f4 my
you for
though you
are,
we
that even
now
absence.
satisfy
your judgement
seniors
already so matured
is
Hke to obey your wishes.
church has recently been
built
Lyons,^ and
at
successful completion by the zeal of Bishop
carried to
know
you
Patiens
how by
life,
young
your desire
holy,
his
abounding
his
and ascetic
strenuous,
and hospitable
liberality
love towards the poor he erects to an
temple of
At
spotless reputation.
height the
wrote
his request
hurried inscription for the end of the church in triple
metre by this time as familiar to you as
trochaic,
Hexameters by the
has long been to me. poets
Constantius and Secundinus adorn
the altar for you.
poor
of
Just as
my
too
escort for
verse appear
does
and
my
dark
stands
less for its faulty art set
outshine
it
where
mine,
production.
it
their nobler
instruments.
and the
last in merit,
in space
poor thing, no
as
Their inscriptions
is.
But excuses
are
lines
of
little
properly
and
sketchy
but
is
use
fanciful let
the
demanded of me
here applaudest the labours of Patiens
our pontiff and father, be Translated
common and
than for the presumption which
which
who
looks his swarthiest
condemned
wretched reed warble the thou
man
scrannel pipe sound
Holding the middle post composition
makes the worst
bridesmaid
drowned by the
has
my
copy here
would be too overwhelming.
leisure
beautiful
bride,
in white,
my
let
to
comparison of their accomplished work with the
at all
is
with diffidence that
It is
the walls by
mere shame forbids me
these
illustrious
it
by Hodgkin,
thine to receive of heaven ii.
328
ff.,
sponding English metre; also by Fertig,
v^^ho ii.
37.
uses
corre-
Letter
High
prayer according with thy desire.
an answer to
stands the church right nor
SS
splendour, extending
in
neither
to
but with towering front looking towards
left,
the equinoctial
Within
sunrise.
shining light, and
is
the gilding of the coffered ceiling allures the sunbeams
golden
as
The whole
itself.
basilica
bright with
is
diverse marbles, floor vaulting and
adorned
all
with figures of most various colour, and mosaic green
blooming mead shows
as
its
design of sapphire cubes
The
winding through the ground of verdant glass, entrance
triple
is
on Aquitanian
portico proudly set
second portico of Hke design
columns
closes
atrium at the farther side, and the mid- space afar
by columns numerous as forest
flanked
is
On
stems.
the
the
one side runs the noisy highway, on the other leaps the Saone
here turns the traveller
here the driver of the
afoot,
bowed over chant to
Christ
raise the
psalm,
the goal of
all
the
till
the
who
rides or goes
creaking carriage rope,
banks
here
their
raise
river-
So
re-echo Alleluia.
wayfarer and boatman, for here
mankind, hither runs for
all
the
is
way of
their salvation.'
You
the younger man.
older and that to
is
the
you were the
But mind not
payment easy and
only one thing to do
stop longing for your books.
now
if
to forget
expect repayment with compound interest
make
there
have done your bidding as
see
so near,
must not
delightful,
read shamelessly
The
auspicious
mean the home-coming of your
distract
how many
positively
you
and
never event, bride,
keep steadily before your mind
wives have held the lamp for studious or
meditative lords
Marcia
for Hortensius, Terentia
for
Book II
f^
Calpurnia for Pliny,
Tulllus,
Pudentilla for Apuleius,
When
Rusticana for Symmachus.
you are inclined to
complain that feminine companionship
may deaden
not
only your eloquence but your poetic talent as well, and
edge which long study has set upon your
dull the fine diction,
remember how
round off
to
verse,
her Gaetulicus,
often Corinna helped her
Lesbia her Catullus,
Argentaria
Why,
Propertius, or Delia her Tibullus.
day
as
and only
to the idle an excuse.
mob
permit
the
rarer
Set
is
to,
it is
her
as clear
opportunity,
do not
then
of the unlettered to discourage your zeal
For
for letters.
the
the studious, marriage
to
that,
Caesennia
Cynthia
Lucan,
her
Ovid
it is
Nature's law in
accomplishment,
all
the arts that
higher
the
the
value.
Farewell.
XI
To
his friend I^usticus A. D.
we
If only
distance which
allow
no
461-7
nearer
lived
in
each
were
sunders us
remissness
to
other,
less
to
the
should
vast,
correspondence
duties of our established intimacy.
and
affect
the
should not cease,
the foundations of our mutual friendship once laid, to raise thereon
The
noble structure by
all
honourable attenother
may
hardly affect the union of hearts linked once for
all,
tion.
yet
it
interferes with
remoteness rarity
distance of our
of our
we keep
of our letters
homes from each
the intercourse of minds.
cities
is
really
but so close
The
responsible for the
is
accusing ourselves, though
our friendship that all
the
time the
XI
Letter
and
obstacles are purely natural,
good hour,
whom
marked the
real
my
opened
ground gates in
messengers,
to your
lord,
illustrious
no
afford
blame or for excuse.
for
either
S7
in
of your training
and the
influence of their master's unassuming manners.
heard
with pleasure
them
effect
they had to say, and finally dismissed
all
as the event required.
Farewell.
XII
To
461-7
A. D.
What
well, with
and
couch
who knows
steersman
sturdy and expert oarsmen
must hold me excused join your fishing
concern
not
its limits.
awaken
in
our
for
own
source
of
but
to
The
At
many
brother
you too
this,
our Severiana.
shattering
me
feel fe elin ings gs of
give up the expedition and return.
troubled by
yours detain
circle
natu tura ra If the na
is
But you
invalids,
you the moment you open
general solicitude
who seem
decline your invitation to
if
merely to our
beyond
sent,
the whole
down.
stronger nets than
of anxiety
nets
have
present of fish
able to shoot up-stream just as fast as
here,
you
boat
well-built
to hold
In addition,
too river
and
fast
roomy enough
Agricola
brother-in-law
his
will
cause of this first
she was
upon this
intermittent cough
an exhaustive fever supervened which has grown worse during
She longs
successive nights.
the country
preparing
to
when your leave
town
letter
for
came,
the
your
prayers
to
ours
that
we were
villa.
decide to stay where you are, or to
away
to get
actually
Whether you
come
Nature with
into
to us,
her
join
vigorous
Book II
5-8
growth may bring back health
Your
Hving in suspense between
and
sister
we thought
hope and fear
that to oppose
wish would only make her
we
Christ's guidance
fret
all
who
across the
disagree
ignorance and endless
bed, and by their
off their
kill
So under
the more.
our household, and incident-
escape the doctors also,
scientiously
the invalid's
are determined to fly the languor
and heat of town with ally
one pining for country air.
to
patients.
visits
con-
Only Justus
shall
be of our party, but in the quality of friend, physician
Justus,
who,
then with
us
were
time for jesting,
Machaon.^
Chiron rather than
could easily prove
Let
if this
all
the more
not as
diligence
and
entreat
beseech the Lord that the cure which our efforts to
may come down
effect
to
fail
our invalid from above.
Farewell.
XIII
To Serranus^ 461-7
A. D.
The makes
The
friends.
you give
amount,
to
all
amiability
the
?)
most fortunate
most honourable the
diadem.
he
of
truth ',
Personally,
words of greeting
Petronius
and
of
(o
you
justice,
after
state,
shall
he
trifling
Maximus,
pers pe rsis iste tenc nc
because,
offices
of the sort that
is
of your space, no
rest
With more than
letter
consecrated
the
laudation
imperial patron. it
has
man of experience
him
find
over,
advo ad voca cate te Ma Marc rcel elli linu nu
shall
style
holding at
last
all
ii,
200-2.
call
him the
attained
always refuse to
Partly translated by Hodgkin,
your
call
XIII
Letter man
that
tous and
who
the
life,
usurp the
office.
blindness to their
the
the
unspeakable
And
upon
law and
all
own most
and
justice,
Does
not their
harassing servitude alone
wretched than other men
prove
precipi-
did, really to be
Sulla
as
power the only happiness
believing
on
of your fortunates
life
title,
for trampling
so styled
poised
is
of
slippery peak
miseries of that are
who
fortunate
S9
For
as
kings rule their subjects, so desire of domination domi-
Were
nates kings. after
him
left
of
the fate
out of the
had scaled with
consular citadels
tite for office,
he took
the yawning
swam
enormous
power,
Imagine
with an unsated appe-
gulf of the the
and
the
how much was
at
of this two-months' principate,
happiness fortunate
his
Is
it
with
that
not
could
to be one.
life
then think its
whirl-
not plain that his real
was ever given him figure,
his
of the influence,
beginning,
was over and done before
was so life,
end.
its
of
sight
now endure
left in all this
brought
dignity,
man who once
the power, and the stability of the old
its
effi^rt
imperial
diadem
master could not
wind course,
the
prefectorian,
second term posts which he
beneath
bear to have
the
of warnings.^
But when the supreme
had already held. head
Maximus of
this
maximum
intrepidity
patrician, the
to
princes before and
account,
yours would alone provide the
He
all
his
this
epithet
The man who conspicuous
of
once
way of
banquets, his lavish expense, his retinues, his
literary pursuits, his official rank, his estates, his extensive
patronage
who
that the clock
every hour
so jealously watched the flight of time
must
this
set before his eyes the passage
of
man, once made emperor, and prisoned
Book II
6.0
was rueing
in the palace walls,
the
first
forbade
And when
evening
fell.
him
mete the hours
to
way, he had to make instant regular
empire and
senatorial ease
The
of it
to
was from the
him
inconsistent with each
are
to have traversed
all
other offices
swift
and
long cozened him, showed
bloody end
his rule of
tempestuous, with popular tumults,
first
was unprecedentedly
tail
of the old
renunciation
tumults of soldiery, tumults of
as the
his former tranquil
in
the fairest of fair weather
in
made
mountainous cares
his
deceive his sad forebodings
future
was no help
it
success before
he soon discovered that the business of
life
other.
own
his
it
who had
her faithlessness and
all
last
the climax
Fortune,
cruel
now
was the
And
allies.
of her that stung him, prominent, noble man
of the scorpion stings.
of high culture, whose talents raised him to quaestor's
man of
rank,
mean
great
thrice-loathed
say
crown
the
nobility,
whenever
that
Maximus
set
the
longing
he would often hear him exclaim
Damocles, whose royal duresse did
thou,
not outlast
to
burden of
for his ancient ease,
Happy
used
Fulgentius,
among
influence
Damocles was
History
banquet
single
Sicilian of Syracuse,
One
ance of the tyrant Dionysius.
tells
us that
and an acquaint-
day,
when he was
extolling to the skies the privileges of his patron's
without any comprehension of
Would you
him
its
drawbacks, Dionysius to
see for yourself, at
said
to
this
very board, what the blessings and
royalty
are
the other.
was
like?'
'I should think
curses
of
would,' replied
Instantly the dazzled and delighted creature
stripped
splendent
like
life
of
his
with robes of
garb
and
made
Tyrian and Tarentine
re-
dye
Letter they set him on
gems and
of
But
pearls.
was about
feast
61
couch with coverings of
gold
figure glittering with
Sardanapalian
XIII
to
begin,
Leontine wheat was handed round
fine
silk,
as
just
and bread just as rare
viands were brought in on plate of yet greater rarity just as the Falernian
foamed
unguents tempered the
in great
ice-cold
gem-like cups and the
crystal
whole room breathed cinnamon and frankincense and perfumes
exotic
floated
to
every nostril
as
just
the
garlands were drying on heads drenched with nard,
behold
sword, swinging from the ceiling right
bare
over his purple-mantled shoulders, as if every instant
must
it
The menace
and pierce his throat.
fall
of that
heavy blade on that horsehair thread curbed his greed
and made him
oppressed him that
through sighed
gaping
all
he was off
like
of
as
He
as
most
he
wept,
and when
flash, flying the
fast
the awful thought
he swallowed might be rendered
wounds.
every key
in
kings
on Tantalus
reflect
at last
prayed,
he was
let
he go,
wealth and the delights
men
follow
after
them.
horror of high estate brought him back with longing to
the
call
mean, nicely cautioned never again to think or
the mortal happy
who
lives ringed
round with army
and guards, or broods heavy over steel presses
no less heavily upon him than he himself
upon his gold.
know it
are
dispute.
not the
while the
my
If such
state be the goal
lord brother
but that those
most miserable of men Farewell,
of happiness
is
who
proved
attain
beyond
62
II
Book
XIV
To
Maurusius
his friend
461-7
HEAR
that your vines have
work and our general
responded to
more
hopes with
threatening and lean year
harvest than
you
expect
that
village
of Vialoscum
called
Martialis,
was not the
from
Of
formed
it
course you have
large farm besides
which
formerly
place
when
time
the
Caesar's winter quarters
proprietor, both of
promised.
consequently stay longer at the
will
vineyard there, and
abundant
rich
worthy of its great
keep you and yours busy
will
harvesting the various crops and always in fresh quarters.
When
your
granaries
decide to pass the in
rural
and
ease
stork
and
stores
are
snowy months
and
by your smoking hearth
reappear
if
we
so,
too
until
enjoy your society.
You know me
aware that even the sight of revenues could never give
keen
pleasure
neighbour of esteem.
which
my own
Farewell.
me
swallow
keep
to
town, and while you enjoy your country
Numa
cut
shall
engagements hardly promising enough
may
you
full,
life
we
short
us
in
shall
well enough to be
fine estate
with ample
half the satisfaction or the
derive
from intercourse with
years and so
worthy of
my
BOOK To
his friend Avitus C»
From
III
472
A. D.
our earliest boyhood and through
have been Jinked by
you and affection.
To
relations.
Then we were
our youth
many bonds of mutual
begin with, our mothers were very near
and were contemporaries
born about the same time
at
school
we were
together
initiated into
the study of the arts and employed our
leisure in the
same amusements
we were
the same imperial favour service of the state. antipathies our
Lastly,
of
scope
The
outward
in
personal
friendship
than
resemblance
of
all
our
the
and
rest
careers
we were
less alike, for
is
likings
nature.
perhaps
widening
by the bond of similar occupation
that yours
the
factor
together
more excellent
in
colleagues
judgement has always agreed
stronger and more efficient
the
we were promoted by
together.
drew
us
inwardly
yours was by far the higher and
And now
gladly recognize
the hand to crown the edifice of our long
mutual regard by this most timely endowment of the
church bishop
in
Cler ermo mont nt our poor town of Cl
am.
at its gates,
to
its
whose unworthy
Cuti tiac acum um In this estate of Cu
lying almost
you have indeed made an important addition
property
to the
members of our sacred profession
Book III
whom
your generosity
has
thus
enriched,
much
venience of access counts for almost as
which
revenue
the
place
as the
co-heir, but the
late
example
has already moved your surviving sister
of your
to emulate your
And
good works.
heaven has already
own deed and
repaid you as you deserve for your
upon her;
effect
con-
Under your
yields.
you were only
sister's will,
the
God has
its
chosen you out to be exalted by
He
unusual good fortune in inheritances. delay to reward your devotion
did not long
hundredfold, and
it is
beli lief ef th that at these earthly gifts will be followed sure be
by heavenly
unaware of
really
may
gifts hereafter. it,
the Nicetian
that
heaven's
repayment for
pray you
in
forward
it
make
frequent
own
might become
place
all
which they would laid
valour
pushed their in
you would
it
because they covet this land of yours, like to
annex even
if
everything upon
But by God's grace and your
tranquil outlook lies before us.
though the Goths have broken
esteem
if
how
they are always depreciating
visits
waste.
more
mediation
their
property there.
Septimania,^ and even talking of returning
to the empire,
were
hence-
conclude from the attitude of the Goths the
it
church
its
you have inherited
valuable
their
We
should be more than ever the object of your
on
it
is
the future to extend to the city itself the
you have already shown
You may
succession
Cutiacum surrendered.
interest
ro ec
you, if you are
tell
their old
and the impetus of frontiers to the
which you
are
bounds, though
vague greed have
Rhone and
held and
For
Loire, yet the
the
weight your
opinion carries, should so influence both sides that shall learn to refuse
when we
we
ought, and they to refrain
6y
Letter from further demands when
met with
firm denial.
Farewell.
II
To
friend Constantius
his
A. D.
The
474
people of Clermont salute you,
and simply environed by
what joy they
amid
felt
guest
coming without ambitious retinue
lowly homes,
in their
great
their
Merciful God,
love.
their tribulation
when you
your venerated foot within their half-ruined walls.
set
How
dense was the crowd of both sexes, and of every rank
how
and age about you
word you,
and
to one
how
how
all
among
older
cheering
kind the small
young men, how helpful
considerate the
the
advice
impartially you gave
us.
What
you
tears
in
shed
over our buildings ruined by the flames and our homes half burned to the ground, as if you had been the father
of us
What
all.
buried
fields
And
grief
you showed
under the bones
afterwards what
at
the
sight
of the unburied
of
dead.
power of encouragement you
were, with what spirit you urged the people their loss.
Over and above
less desolated
by
barian onslaught
harmony
their
The
internal
this,
you found the city no
dissension than by the
but you conciliated
all
you renewed
you gave the country back her sons.
walls are re-manned, the people restored to
at unity, all
brought
thanks to you
them back
They
all
your
children
546.22
bar-
into
it
one mind as
them
was which
into
one
city.
regard you as their father and themselves as
they
perceive
with
an
infallible
eye
6d
Book III
wherein
by day
your greatest
lies is
it
borne
thing this
ficent
an age and
in
in
to
title
upon
their
minds what done
that you have
is
For day
praise.
so advanced
at
so delicate and infirm
magni-
state
of health.
Despite your noble birth and the veneration with which
you are
you broke
regarded,
sheer force of love
down
every barrier
by
the difficulties of the journey
all
were nothing to you, long ways and short days, thick
snows and thin roads
with
fare,
frost,
with
rain,
you had steep
with
hills to climb,
landslides
continual
pass
to
every discomfort you came triumphant
whole people comfort
was
And
the
last
thing
Lord
good
that he
ever be about your path
be regarded from
peculiar work.
life
which you seem
structure of our concord
may
valleys
through
you thought.
may
hear our
that the friend-
be yours to have and hold
that our affection
may
rivers
with the love
of which
prayer and set far the term of your all
ribbed
reward because your own
for your
beseech the
ship of
now
highways covered with rough stones,
slippery with ice
choked
now sodden
of holes,
full
wide wastes and narrow lodging,^
to be leaving behind
and
finally,
that the fair
which you began to
foundation
to
restore,
summit as your
Farewell.
Ill
To
his
brother-in-law A. D.
There
never was
time
needed you so much as
Ecdicius
474
when my
now
people of Clermont
their affection for
you
is
Letter III passion
ruling
more than one
for
man's native
because
67
may
soil
reason.
First,
rightly claim the chief
secondly, because you were not
place in his affection
only your countrymen's joy at birth, but the desire of hearts while
their
man
age can the same be said
the statement
is
that as
it
went by,
fell
will not dwell
which yet so deeply
but the proof of
your mother's time advanced,
the citizens with one accord as
Perhaps of no other
unborn.
yet
day
to checking every
on those
common
things
man's heart, as that here was
stir
on which as an infant you crawled, or that here were the
swam, the
way
in
you
first
knew
first
trod, the first
played ball and
with
remind you that here
with
first
and
horse
schooldays brought us
that your
and that
you
cast the dice, here
hawk and hound,
will forget
quarters,
you
rivers
woods through which you broke your
veritable confluence all
you
fields
not
sport
bow.
first
of learners and the learned from if
our nobles were imbued with
the love of eloquence and poetry, if they resolved to forsake
personality their
barbarous
the
that
universal
they
Celtic
owed
regard for
dialect,
all.
was
it
Nothing
you as
this,
kindled
so
that
your
to
you
first
made Romans of them and never allowed them relapse
again.
And how
ever fade from any patriot's
should
the
memory
your glory upon that famous day,
as
vision
of you
we saw you
when
to
in
crowd of
both sexes and every rank and age lined our half-ruined walls to watch you cross the space between us and the
enemy plain,
At
midday, and right
you brought your
through
little
middle of the
company of eighteen
some thousands of the Goths,
feat
safe
which
Book III
of you, nay,
deem
surely
will
At
incredible.
very rumour
at the
the
sight
name, those
seasoned troops were smitten with stupefaction
were so amazed that
captains
note
how
They drew
small.
of
steep
whole force
off their
they had
hill
stopped to
own numbers were and
great their
You
gallantry alone
man
lost
had led
in that
not
down some of
cut
even
their
deploy
for
whom
bravest,
You
never
sharp engagement, and found yourself
exposed
plain with
no more
back you than you often have guests Imagination
table.
brow
to the
to defend the rear.
sole master of an absolutely
own
how
yours
been besiegers before, but
when you appeared they dared action.
their
may
at
your
words
better conceive than
describe the procession that streamed out to you as you
made your
way towards
leisurely
the city, the greetings,
One
the shouts of applause, the tears of heartfelt joy.
saw you this
receiving
glad
the
return
were crammed with dust of battle from horses
the press
in
Some
kissed
away the
your person, some took from the slimed with foam and blood, some
the bridles
inverted and ranged the sweat- drenched saddles
undid
cheek-pieces
the
flexible
to
remove,
longed greaves.
One saw
blunted by
much
on
spacious house
courts
people.
ovation
veritable
others
set
of
the
about
others
helmet
unlacing
you your
folk counting the notches in swords
slaughter, or measuring with trembling
made
fingers
in
cuirasses
by cut or
thrust.
Crowds danced with joy and hung upon your comrades but
naturally
borne by you. but not
all
the
full
brunt
of
popular
delight
You were among unarmed men
was
at last
your arms would have availed to extricate
Letter III you from them.
6^
There you stood, with
grace
fine
half torn to pieces
suffering the silHest congratulations
by people madly rushing to salute you, but so loyally responsive to this popular devotion that those the greatest liberties
seemed
acknov^ledgements.
And
surest of your
finally
who
took
most generous
shall say nothing
of
the service you performed in raising what was practically force from
public
your private resources, and with
help from our magnates.
little
shall
not
of the
tell
chastisement you inflicted on the barbaric raiders, and the curb imposed upon an audacity which had begun to
exceed
bounds
all
men on your
or three
lie,
They
decapitated
all
and
in the short night-hours,
you
to
conceal
whom let
they
the head-
forgetting in their desire to avoid the identifica-
tion
of their dead, that
just
as
light,
disasters did
most unworthy device
heavy losses.
could not bury less
Such
side.
upon the enemy by these unexpected onsets, that
they resorted to their
which
squadrons with the loss of only two
annihilated
inflict
or of those surprise attacks
well
trunk would betray their ruin
they saw their miserable they turned
savagery,
When,
whole body.
as
at
last
their precipitation disguised
artifice
to
revealed in
open obsequies
but
the ruse no better than the
ruse itself had concealed the slaughter.
even raise
with morning
They
did not
temporary mound of earth over the remains
the dead were neither washed, shrouded, nor interred
but the imperfect rites they received befitted the manner
Bodies were brought
of their death.
where, piled on dripping wains
paused be
taken
moment into
in
in
from every-
and since you never
following up the rout, they had to
houses
which were then hurriedly
set
Book III
70 alight,
fragments of blazing
the
till
roofs,
But
upon them, formed their funeral pyres.
my
beyond
my
proper limits
aim
you how eagerly your friends here long
is
our
people
homeward
dangerous
court
it
no more
things
them
they come within
if
to
it
is
flame,
which
consumes
but
Farewell.
range.
its
and
intimacy of kings
distance
short
at
retreat
the most distinguished
of mankind have well compared illuminates
and of
sound the
The
once.
at
theirs,
the
If, then,
can persuade you,
you
once quick and
at
your prompt return.
that
see
to
such fevered expectancy as
efficacious, for
start
only
is
was not
few among them, to convince
but to remind you of
there
run on
writing
in
In
whole story of your achievements,
to reconstruct the
again
falling
IV
To
his
Magnus
friend
Felix
A.D. 473 bearer of this
overcome
my
anxiety.
Our town
in
at
find in
arms the
all
Gozolas,
man
your excellency,
which
is
should like
contempt for his
it
Jew, and
lives
round
of
We
it.
rival
are
of tribes
peoples,
exposed as
pitiful
prey
suspected by the Bur-
gundians, almost in contact with the
Goths
we have
of our assailants and the envy
to face at once
of our defenders.^ that
could only
if
an obstacle to their expansion and surge
mercy of
me know
of
write in great
sect.
in terror
client
all
But of
this
more
later.
goes well with you, and
Only
let
shall be
IV
Letter
71
For though we may be punished
content.
of all men for some obscure offence,
enough of heart
the
generous If
his
enemy
that takes
him
is is
no his
Farewell.
nature.
To
still
others well in evil times he
captive
own unworthy
are
to desire for others all prosperity.
man cannot wish better than
we
in the sight
friend Hypatius A.D. 473
The
excellent Donidius
admires and respects your
and had he no other aim than
character
his
own
family
advantage, he might safely confide in your acknowledged reputation,
and
feel
no
need
But he thinks so well of me, ask for him what he
alone
that he
advocacy.
would have me
certainly obtain alone.
crowning
sequently, you will acquire tion in
of another's
title
Con-
of distinc-
making both of us your debtors, though one
will
reap
the
material
He
benefit.
seeks
to
acquire the other moiety of the estate of Eborolacum,^
abandoned even before the barbarian came, but now possession of
patrician
family
his rights are
but the added weight of your support would
welcome.
in
clear,
be very
Respect for the memory of
him
and no mere greed,
inclines
down
death of his stepfather the whole
to the recent
property belonged to his family.
He
turn of mind, but not the
man
goods
the
loss
former
troubles
him
little
it
is
not avarice
of
to this purchase, for
is
of an economical
to covet his neighbour's
possession
in
itself
the point of honour decides him
which
prompts
his
action,
but
the
Book III shame of you owe to
my
Deign
inactivity.
own
to your
therefore to consider
credit,
of rounding
off the
by
little profit
These
estate.
known
acres are not just casually
upon them as an
his honourable desire,
help to secure for him this
friendly intercession
chance
to
him
to
have been too contemptible not to make the
may
regard as fellow
shall be as
my own
by
it
origin,
much beholden
would
What-
effort.
be able to accord to one
whom
son by profession,
brother in years,
citizen
make
will
but he feels that
their recovery
paternal
he crawled
He
infant hardly weaned.
ever favour you
what
and
friend
by
loyalty,
matt tter er tu turn rned ed to as if the ma Farewell.
particular advantage.
VI
To
his friend Eutropius
470
A. D.
If
kind memories
(?)
remain
still
to
you of our old
comradeship and of an intimacy ever and again renewed,
you
will readily understand that our soaring wishes will
follow your ascent to each rejoice with
you over your
new
height of
We
office.
insignia, believing that thereby
your house and our friendship are alike promoted. proof whereof tions
^,
which
But what
remind you of
You were
trouble
deep
had
in
of exhorta-
persuading you that
in the tenets
prefect at the
maintained
that
man
same time
of Plotinus, and the Platonic
school had seduced you into age,
letter
think had no small share in this result.
philosopher and
might be
my
In
only
quietism unsuited to your
man without
family
VI
Letter was
obligations
Most
nature.
our
nobles
disinclination
Chri Ch rist stia ia to
people
than
your scorn
ascribed
to
fail
philosophy of that
profess
to
rise
Now,
raised
It
hopes are also
crown
all
raised,
look for even better things to
fairly
really
depends less on ample crops than on
good administration to
rank
official
comm.on saying with provincials that
is
good year
as
therefore,
you to an
your exalted birth
come.
from
less
state
begin by rendering unstinted thanks
Our Lord who has
we may
the
in
incapacity.
shou sh ould ld
so that
public
for
malignant tongues added
simple indolence
service to
that
free
73
it
must be yours, honoured
lord,
our expectations by such measures as the
Our
present occasion demands.
nobles do not forget
from which you spring
they are sure that
so long as the family of Sabinus controls their destinies,
they have nothing to fear from the house of Sabinianus.^ Farewell.
VII
To
his friend [_Magnus] 474
A. D.
You
you
are
conclusion
be
own temperament
And
your peace.
itself
am
beyond reproach,
that
this
indefatigable
kind of virtue.
interminable silence is
gossip,
since in other obligations
of old acquaintance ever
it
Each
are very sparing in your correspondence.
of us obeys his
ship
Felix
you hold of friend-
driven
to
of ease
love
the
must
But, seriously, will no thought lift
Or
you from
are
you
the
really
nothing short of insult to refuse
rut
of this
unaware that
talkative
man an
^ook III
74 You or
and
office
bury yourself
no sign of
give
expect the attention of
and
Hfe,
yet
now and
line
Hbrary
the while
all
then from
though you know quite well that mine
this
The
gifted pen.
which we enough
depths of
in the
is
me
rather
apprehensions among
ought alone to furnish you with subject
live
write then, and do not
for letters
good bulky missive
to
to entrust
fail
some one coming our way, and especially
relieve your friends' anxieties
to let
know whether
the
open
safety out of these mutual alarms.
described as one
new
who
quaestor Licinianus
has more than
fulfilled
to
them
is likely
He
to is
the expecta-
formed of him, proving greater on acquaintance than
tions
man
conspicuously endowed
his great repute
in fine,
with the best
of nature and good fortune.
gifts
model
of judgement, adorned with equal discretion and personal charm, this trusty envoy
worthy of the power
is
which he represents.
He
or pretence
nothing feigned
there
which lends weight
is
to his
sadors
to
secrets,
is
of their
seek
as
man
as favourable
know
at
perhaps
once
cloudy their
if
we may
unceasing
in
courts,
mission.
diplomacy
vigils
own is
carries
on
among those ambas-
who
Such
rumour
their
sell
at
the character of the it
to
But
us.
fact.
let
us
Then
some breathing-space from our
present neither
moonless night
watch upon the
master's
advantage rather than
the description squares with snatch
gravity
who
and work for their
that
the
does not follow
not to be numbered
barbarian
in
affectation
He
men, and are over-timid
hand, he
from
words.
the example of most envoys safe
quite free
is
walls.
will
snowy day nor
tempt our people from
Even were
the barbarian
VII
Letter to
draw
JS
off to winter quarters, their fears
to be eradicated
at the most,
they can only be deferred.
you may regard
Encourage us with hope of better times
we
our country as remote, but the cause near to your
own
are too deep
stand for
is
as
Farewell.
heart as to ours.
VIII
To
his friend Eucherius (No
HAVE
indication of date)
men of
the highest respect for the
but mere priority
in
time shall never lead
antiquity,
me
to place
the virtues and the merits of our contemporaries
lower plane of excellence.
Roman has
state
reward
capable of
Men
carelessly
but
shall
my
when
long overdue.
this,
when
anything
opinions
men of
the
they had best abandon
Yet what
and bids
We
have
It is abundantly
which the
of uncivilized
we
moral, most
of looking up to the men of old time
habi ha bi
now
ground
never
ignorant of the facts had best refrain from
clear that the recognition
yes,
is
of this de-
granted to the great
and down on those of our own day.
power,
not
Torquatus
point
it
the state owes you the rewards which
conceived
the ob obst stin inat at
sons
loyal
ask the purport
yourself
men
history applauds past.
You
our age.
You
its
Brutus or
therefore admit that
claration?
be true that the
has sunk to such extreme misery that
ceased to
born into
may
It
upon
fair
to
is
state
there to
owes you wonder
allies directs
bring
it
men of rank and
the
is
at in
Roman
crashing to the valour
who
excel
ourselves could hope, or our enemies believe.
76
Book III
Aye, and they do the old deeds forthcoming.
but the reward
is
not
Farewell.
IX
To
C,
WILL
write once
first
more
my
in
Not
usual strain, mingling at all desire to
that
words of greeting with disagreeable seem
subjects, but things
man of my
472
A, D.
compliment with grievance. follow up the
l^othamus
his friend
to
be always happening which
my
order and in
position can neither
tion without unpleasantness, nor pass over without neglect
Yet
of duty.
some and
my
do
best to remember the burden-
delicate sense of
ready to blush for others'
honour which makes you so
The
faults.
bearer of this
and humble person, so harmless, and helpless that he seems to grievance
his
ture
enticing
his
true one,
slaves
the
that
is
away.
cannot say
invite
Whether but
if
charge, if indeed
secretly
you can only confront its
merits,
think
make good
his
stranger from the country unarmed,
or kindly hearing against adversaries with
advantages he lacks, arms, astuteness, the
discomfi-
and impecunious to boot, has
abject fair
own
his indictment is
man may be
unfortunate
insignificant,
Bretons are
the parties and decide the matter on
the
his
is
aggressive
friends.
spirit
Farewell.
of
men
all
the
turbulences, and
backed
by
numerous
Letter
To
most laudable
is
men when
461-7
more experienced heads
they
He
does.
is
much ennobled by of humane tion,
to
which he
mendable
ardour,
family, but quite as
admirable
modesty as by his
is
setting
hoping
to
even
like
experience
that
in
out with
erudi-
the most com-
much himself and
learn
to impart to others.
yours
to
fail
give
Should
him
all
he needs against such factious and powerful
opponents, at
him
to the source
mean the pure fount
much
the help
him
introduces
perhaps bring away as
an
Theodorus
as the honourable
letter
letters,
in
man of good his
My
high descent.
the character of younger
trait in
questions of perplexity
now
Tetradius
his friend A. D.
It
77
good
all
events your skill and advice will stand
me
Unless you wish
stead.
you regard our
and
as troublesome
petition
joint
to conclude
importunate, justify his hopes of you and this testimonial
of mine by wavering
favourable
fortunes
reply,
of this
by your salutary counsel.
so that the
suppliant
may
cause and
be
fortified
Farewell.
XI
To
his friend
(No KIND of grudge us
indication of date)
fatality attends
sight
Simphcius
of you.
my
hopes,
But,
most
still
excellent
of
Book III men, we need not therefore regard you as one whose
memorable actions must necessarily escape our
For
all
included, hail you with
our people, the
one accord as the model of even
the
in
and
select
The manner
move.
this
agre reea eabl bl mind an ag
society
critical
which you
in
which you have
in
brought
husband
up
confirms
and the accomplishment of
the opinion of our friends in
father should be,
that
all
your daughter, and chosen
your desires
notice.
union must have
raised
in
your
whether you have most
unce un cert rtai aint nt
excelled in the choice of the one or the education of the other.
On
that
venerable
score,
wholly set your minds
at
excuse
my
earlier letter
not to have sent it,
lose
fear, Its
it
before
was
it
My
betrayed the chatterer.
pertinence of this
if
Please, therenegligent of
me
but the dispatch of
did,
blemish of loquacity
may
you surpass every one
rest
because your children surpass even you. fore,
you
parents,
officiousness will
you condone the im-
greeting by sending
me
an answer.
Farewell.
XII
To
his
nephew Secundus C,
HAVE
A. D,
dreadful news.
467
Yesterday profane hands
but desecrated the grave where great-grandsire lies,^ but
God's
my
grandsire and your
intervening
the accomplishment of an impious act.
had
for years been
all
arm stayed
The
cemetery
overcrowded with burned and un-
burned burials,^ and interment there had long ceased.
But snows and constant
rains
had caused the mounds
XII
Letter
the raised earth had been dispersed, and the
to settle
ground had resumed
how
explained
sumed
was
it
some undertaker's men
that
it
pre-
They had
the ground, so that the piling the fresh
showed
soil
happened to be passing on
and saw
this public outrage
my
gave
to
me
and sending
from
in the act,
instant's
still
doubt,
impunity
neighbour-
horse his head, and dashed at
full
was
or steep
flat
The
whether
hesitating
when
all
villains,
caught
make
off or
to
was upon them. could
but
not
allow
It
was
them
an
on the very grave of our beloved
gave them such
ancestor
Clermont,
shout before me, stopped the infamy even
were
no
mere
grudged even those brief moments,
hold their ground,
wrong,
By
of
myself reached the scene.
before
were
black, and
my way to
speed over the intervening ground,
same
already unturfed
sods upon the old grave.
chance
hill.
Must
were unoccupied by human bodies.
what happened
relate
the
This
surface.
its
to profane the spot with their grave-digging tools
just as if
ing
79
trouncing
should
as
in
molestation, and safeguard
future secure the
the pious care of the survivors.
did not reserve the
bish shop op,^ ,^ co cons nsid ider erin in case for the judgement of our good bi it
best
knew
for
too well the
gentle
nature
much
severity,
To
common
the
strength
my own
case,
me
and these these fe fello llows ws with too great
affair after
upright and holy absolution
of
he was certain to judge
satisfy his right to be
whole
advantage not to do so
informed
had resumed
man gave me
expected
lenience.
journey, and this
more than the mere
he extolled
nation, declaring that in his opinion
with too
did explain the
my
far
and his
my
righteous indig-
men who
perpetrated
Book III
8o
deed deserved the death our forefathers
so audacious
would have
The
inflicted.
should
incident
prevent any similar mischance in future, and see
to
mound upon
and to have
again,
my
at
it
disturbed earth
the
that
money with
is
at
smooth
help
beg you
once raised
sum of
have deposited
expense.
to
placed
slab
flat
to
the venerable Gaudentius to cover the cost of
The
the stone and of the mason's labour.
verses
which
enclose were composed the night of the occurrence
was too
of course they are not finished to perfection
Such as they
busy with preparations for the road. please have
are,
them carved on the tomb with the smallest
possible delay, and be specially careful that the stone-
mason makes no
were not
down
all
it
obligation
P'or
either
by negligence or with
for whatever the cause, the captious
intention will put
errors
shall
to
me.
If you carry out this pious
thank you no less heartily than
certain to receive part of the praise
were
I,
reader
and
if
you
credit.
your uncle, no longer with you, the whole
would have devolved on you
responsibility of this duty
as the next descendant after myself.
grandson not
unworthy of such
all
dedicate to him, though father
my
and
passer by,
paternal
may
all
too
uncles
never
Here
all
Gaul, was
country.
He all
and and,
for
the
being dead,
tread on
the
to
that
unmounded
who
Apollinaris, who,
gathered
is
my
you,
earth,
buried in
having ruled
bosom of
mourning
was learned
in the
law and helpful to his
other men.
He
laboured for the land,
the
cause
State,
example
lies
this epitaph,
late,
unwitting of the reverence due to him this grave.
grandsire,
and
perilous
in
to
others,
he
of eloquence dared
be
free
XII
Letter under chief to
the
to fame, that of
title
purify
But
of tyrants.
rule
This
rites.
he
he equals
in
was the
first
cross and
abandoned the
first
outstrip
honours, and
is
in
hope those
placed by his desert
above his fathers though on earth his
same
his
the highest glory, this
man
the transcendent virtue, if
whom
is
as
the
sign
his limbs with baptismal water
old sacrilegious
stands
this
his race he
all
brow with the
his
8i
were the
titles
as theirs/
know
well
that this
do not refuse
unworthy of our
is
yet methinks the souls
accomplished ancestor lettered
epitaph
And
poetic tribute.
of the
neither of
us need regard as too belated the pious duty which
have
now
fourth
fulfilled in
degree.
our
How
heirs in the third
uali ua li
many
we and
revolving years rolled by
before Alexander celebrated funeral rites for Achilles'
shade, or Julius Caesar for the shade of that Hector
whom
he
an ancestor of his
own
Farewell.
XIII
To
[his son] r.
The
love
of purity
A. D.
Apolltnaris 469
which leads you
my
company of the immodest
shun the
to
whole approval
when
the
men
you shun are those whose aptitude for scenting
and
rejoice at
retailing
wretches
646.22
and respect
it,
especially
scandals leaves nothing privileged
who
when they language.
it
enormously
think themselves
violate the public sense
Hear now from my
or
sacred,
facetious
of shame by shameless
lips
that the standard-
Book III of the
bearer
troop
vile
Imagine
country.^
an
very
the
is
Gnatho of our of
arch-stringer
arch-
tales,
fabricator of false charges, arch-retailer of insinuations.
whose
fellow
once without
talk is at
without
buffoon without charm in gaiety
point
dares not stand his ground.
bully
Inquisitive without insight,
and three-times more the boor for his brazen of
ever
word ready
carping
When
future.
he
Grant
when
some advantage, no beggar so
refused, none so bitter in depre-
terms
he moans and groans when
hear the end of
debt,
and
he pays, you never
if
But when any one wants
it.
wherewithal
if
he does lend, he makes capital out of
the loan, and bruits the secret abroad
he
deny
his abomination, he loves the
lives well
Abstinence
receipt.
table
avarice itself
is
not for his digestion unless
He
others.
debtors delay
man who
but
wins no praise from him unless he
Personally, he
too. is
tries to
if
when they have
calumny
to
resorts
absolved the debt he is
loan of
about his means and pretends he has not the
lies
repayment
sneer for the
and he grumbles, using every
on to refund
him he
and
his request
artifice to get better
called
for the past
is after
importunate as he; ciation.
affectation
creature of the present hour, with
manners.
fine
who
only
viands, and send
eats
them
at
off
is
it
home
amid
if
treats
well
the best of bread also
the bread of
he can
pilfer
storm of buffets.
his
He
cannot indeed be wholly denied the virtue of frugality
he fasts when he cannot get himself invited.
Yet with
the light perversity of the parasite, he will often excuse
himself
when asked
that
men
left
out
avoid him,
he
grows
on the other hand, he will abusive
fish
if
if
he sees
for invitations.
admitted,
If
unbearably
XIII
Letter
no blow descends on him unexpected.
elate is
83
served
appetite
he
late,
bandit upon the dishes
falls like
too
stilled
is
If dinner
he
soon,
lamentation.
to
falls
Thirst unquenched makes him quarrelsome ness makes him sick. scurrilous
him
for
all
in
more you
fouler the
stir
the
like
is
His
it.
ungovernable
him,
banter
he
all,
drunken-
If he banters others, he grows
others
if
life
one
whose
bladders
burst
to
drink
thirst for
is
break
or
take
sewers, the
in
filth
brings pleasure to
few, love to none, contemptuous mockery to is
if
canes
He
all.
upon,^
one
only excelled by his thirst for
exhaling loathsomeness, frothing wine, uttering
scandal
venom, he makes one doubt for what to hate him most, his unsavouriness,
But
',
you may
colour to
redeems
drunken
his
perhaps
say,
mind
of
person
is
fouler
who meet
when
which,
like
through darkness. skin
the Stygian
His
surrounds each
aperture
is
own
leaden lips and teeth
fact, his
corpse rolled
could
slave
lake,
with
olflictory ends, but
bestial rictus,
foul mephitic
not
hardly sees out of his roll
waters
indurated
He
at
down
an ulcered
suppurating tumours.
cavernous vision of horror.
brown
In point of
broad at the nostril and narrow
strait for his
have
good im-
ears are elephantine
either helix is bossed with
nose
may
man
the brands have settled
He
bring himself to put back. eyes,
the
him.'
villany.
charm of person
very undertaker's
thing as
his
complexion lends
and more unsightly than
half-burnt from the pyre
such
or
he may create
elegance or exquisite taste pression on those
fair
perhaps
vile nature
ineptitude
habits,
waste,
His
the bridge,
for the
obtrudes
with purulent
spectator face with
gums and
odour breathes from his
Book III
84 decayed and hollow
teeth,
enhanced by eructations from
the feasts of yesterday and the bilge of his excesses at the
board.
forehead too
he flaunts hideous with
He
creases and distension of the brows.
which age vainly whitens, since it
His whole
black.
dolorous
with
face
is
hulking residue, gout- ridden,
many
scars as
nape so it
malady
keeps
it
were ever
spare
and
fat
you
the
spare
flabby.
covered
skull,
with almost as
spare you the description of
hairs.
short
beard
as pale as if
shades.
infesting
you his weal-furrowed
Sylla's
grows
that
when
head
his
thrown back
is
seems to merge into his shoulder-blades. grace and
The
sunken
of his arms,
the
gouty hands bound cestus-like with greasy poultices
all
carriage,
these
the
lost
vigour
spare you, so too the ac acri ri
entrench his sides, and pollute the near
him with
that
from Ampsanctus' cave.^
reek three times
now
shameful
in their debility,
than what spine
it
Why
hides.
for every nostril
air
more
And
pestilent
in
mother's.
abdomen about
tell
mere
And
genitals thrice
foul creased covering
should
than
breasts collapsed
hanging like
the pendulous folds of the
armpits that
man's body even
with adiposity horrible on protuberance, but
hirc hi rcin in
worse
of his back and
True, the ribs do sweep round from the verte-
and cover the
bral joints
structure of bones is
pass
belly.
make even
over
chest, but the
drowned under the fat
reins
whole branching
billowing main of
and buttocks which
his paunch look insignificant in comparison.
pass the bent and withered thigh, the swollen knees, the slender hams, the horny shanks,
the small toes and enormous
him, he
is
horrible
enough
in
feet.
the
As
weak
ankles,
have drawn
his deformity,
monster
XIII
Letter
whom
from
blood and
his
noisomeness drains half the
infinite
who
life,
cannot
in
still
those
in
of all
But
his tongue is
more
all
let
He
keeps
busy lo
it
is
most
to patrons with anything to hide.
For
tempting
friend's secret,
but
prurience
vilest
who
luck he belauds, but those
he betrays
yard,
than his other members.
the service of the
dangerous of
or walk
litter
sit
however much they prop him. detestable
Sj-
moment
and instantly
it
are unfortunate
but urge to disclosure
this Spartacus will break
He
bars and open every seal.
will
mine with the
unseen tunnels of his treachery the houses which the
rams of open war have
This
failed to breach.
is
the
fashion in which our Daedalus crowns the edifice of his friendships, sticking as close as
when
but
adversity comes,
The more
teus.
Theseus
more
elusive than
you avoid even
first
such company the better you will please those
to
so
shameless the
players
at
bridle.
For when
liness
no
booths,
man
all
exults
life
with
in
any Pro-
introduction to
me
especially
degraded
like
leaving
nor
bar
neither
and fouls
all
seem-
loose tongue
lawless licence, be sure his heart
less filthy than his language.
liver
talk
know
and
and decency behind,
with the dirt of
they
that
in prosperity
serious tongue
are very rarely allied.
You may
is
find an evil
the foul tongue and virtuous Farewell.
XIV
To
his friend Placidus AFTER
Though me,
learn
A. D.
477
your loved Grenoble^ holds you
from
sure channel
far
from
your former hosts
Book If that you are kind
or verse to
enough
it
gave
me
writings occupy your leisure
enough that
it
debt
is
all
the
greater
For
the
how
understand well
but
friendship
and not
this delight.
wins
me
rest,
have not yet considered what
make
The
self-appointed critic
style
with equal appetite
of
to the
absorbs
my work.
sound or unsound
he cares no more that the
world should exalt his favourite than despise the object of his mockery.
that
And
so
it
should
we
see the
construction, the comeliness and
our
Latin tongue exposed to contemptuous criticism of quidnuncs
minds careless and so
books only to carp abuse.
Farewell.
the
honestly give the composi-
definitive reply
fine
It
pleasure to hear
work which procures you
honour which you tion.
prose
in
trifles
really affection for the author
is
the quality of his
My
my
the other volumes on your shelves.
all
goes without saying that
my
to prefer
at
flippant as this
their use for literature is
idle
want mere
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