Rotterdam, 5 • 7 October 1994
Organized by Netherlands Architecture Institute Nai Delft University of Technology Faculty of Architecture DUT Ministry of Development Cooperation Sector Programme Urban Poverty Alleviation DGIS DST/UR
Delft, June 1994
Publsihed aod distributed by Executive Editor Printed Cip ISBN Copyright©
Publikatieburo Bouwkunde of Architecture Bu:rge:ss I Marisa Carmona I Theo Kolstee KOli1irudij~~e Bibli~i)th(!.ek.
Den
90-5269-163-0 Marisa Carmona reservee!. No part of the material prc)tected notice may he or utilized in any any means, electronic or mecanical including tot1occmymg recorClmg or by any infonnation storage and retrieval system without written from the All this
Table of Content I Basic .............................. , II General Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . In Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IV Themes ... , . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . , . . . . .
1 2 4 7
Tbeme I. Tbe Macro-Economie Context ....•.•. 7 Sub-theme A. Enhancement of Urban Productivity . . . . . . . . . . 9 Alleviation , , . . . . . . . . , . . .. 15 Sub-theme B. Urban Tbeme TI. Environmental and • • • . . • • .• 19 Sub-theme A. Environmental Strategies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 19 Sub-theme B. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 40 En:aDl~emc~nt, Participat:ion and tbe Role of Urban Professional ..•••.••••.•....• . .• Sub-theme A. Market Enablement and the Role of Urban Sub-theme B. Political Enablement and the of the State .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Sub-theme C. Community Enablement and the Role of Urban Professionals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Tbeme ID.
53 54 58 64
V Bib:liograplw . , . . " . , , . . , . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . ., 73
Introduction The purpose of this position paper is to structure the activities associated with the International Exhibition and Seminar to be in Rotterdam in the Netherlands Architecture Institute from the Sth to the 7th of October this year around the theme Urban and Urban Design: The Hidden Assignment, At Home in the City. The paper will proceed in the way: HJ>JlVVViH<='
the Basic UO'lectmes of the Exhibition and Seminar will be stated. Second, the General of the proposed subject will be examined, and a case wil1 be made for support for the activities in this context. that Third the )rg:antzatlion,a! Structure of the events will be shows the corI.Cel;>tU,al oirgamz:atlclnal. relatu)nshlp between the activities that are proposed there will be a discussion of the Selection of the context of the of the Exhibition and Seminar.
1-"rf1..iI"I't"~
in the
Fifth, the main Themes will be identified around which the Exhibition and Seminar will be structured,
I..
Basic Ubiiectiives
To discuss the way in which contemporary urban and cnang€~ the role and of architects and .-.1"'·....... "',."
have
To compare and contrast different policy and planning approaches to the urban and shelter problem the and discussion of a range of urban and programmes from Latin America, Africa and Asia. and evaluation of recent and corlternp()rrury urban To encourage an shelter in the context of macroeconomie str2ltegles. To contribute to an improved understanding of the "current state of play" of urban policy and architectural and planning in Third World cities. To inform the Dutch ment debate towards the urban dimension.
of the shift in the
ti ""'''' I 1"'\1"\_
H .. -
GenernI
BaG~k2rollmd
A for the events must be grounded in an on the continued increase in the significanee of the urbanization process for Third World and From a it is a somewhat to remember that at the start of the 13% of the world's population lived in and that to current UN estimates over 51 % of the world s population will be urbanized by the year 2010. I
of urban has been Over the last 40 years or so the occ:urrmg in Developing Countries. In Developed Countries stabilization at levels of urbanization and low rates of urban has been achieved. variations in different world regions (which will be brclugJtlt and the of urbanization in Countries has increased to the World Bank between 1950 and 1990 the urban of Countries increased fourfold from 300 millions to 1.3 billions. In the 1990s between 12 and 15 million households will be added to eities in developing Countries each year so that there will be over 2 billion urban dwellers by the year 2000. Vrnl1Pl'tc
The consequences of this dramatic and shift of and resources from and rural, to secondary and urban sectors not only constitute the essence of the contemporary urban planning but are also as a central issue in the process. In the late aid donors and global institutions in a series of conferences and policy initiatives the central of urban trends and OOJICH:!S for Thus the urban focus on the dev'eJclprnlent qUf~Stl(m was in the OECD (DAC) recommendations for the reconstruction of urban in the Global For Shelter in the Year 2000 of the UNCHS (1988); in the Urban paper of the UNDP and in the recent Urban Sector Sector (1993) of the World Bank. The activities assoeiated with the proposed International Seminar and Exhibition are intrinsically related tó these developments and reflect current trends in developing 'UllU:\.J.JU.;:;'.
Wbilst the "urban foeus ll of has now become the dominant trend in academie and eircles it is also probably true to say that in Countries has tended to lag behind this trend and that a rural and perspeetive of de'vel~[)nment has remained dominant. A of the activities est:,eeJïalJIY those associated with the Exhibition will be to Morm oni.mOln of the shift in the debate towards the urban dimension. 2
A more specific justification for an International Seminar and Exhibition around the proposed theme at the current moment Can also be forward. The years have seen dramatic in the nature and scale of urban and in the urban and shelter-related T'\n!ll"ll"'l;! that have been implemented to deal with them. Current pOJlICll:!S and pralctI<~e of urban profes:siorlals towards ments, slums and low income settlements evolved out of the IIrevolution" in housing policy that ocurred in the Seventies. A of the earlier policy formula of taclding the housing shortage through top-down central plal11n:mg based on slum and settlement and the DrOlVISIon of units built to minimum occurred at this time. In a new consensus based on .an of the Self-Help, Appropiate Technology and Urban Informal sector Schools. emlerj~ed
out of this consensus included sites and services "core ; slum and settlement tenure regulation programmes; access to financial, managerial and technical the stimulation of small scale entlerpns(~s and informal sector activities in areas and an to the DrC'VlSlon of services. This revolution affected the professional practice of urban planners, architects and builders. A new process was from the articulations of the various levels local and neighborhood) and from people's in own built environment according thçir own needs and expectations. The rejection of the oid policy formula and the of the new and was consolidated at the first Habitat Conference held in Vancouver in 1976. The recommendations of the Conference were in a large measure taken up by national governments, and and multilateral agencies and were incorporated into urban shelter and There was a of Focal Institutions and External aIid knowon the built environment and a of non worldng at the community level. These constituted a new field of pr2LCtl'CeS arcltllte:cts, plann~~rs, and builders and involved a ClIS'Clp!m(~S concerned in cOImrmnlty UPlgra.Cllflg In the Eighties the in the world economy obliged many countries to lmlplelmelrlt adjustment programmes to improve their international position, and of national economic growth for a new consensus arose on the meetirLg clDmplf~x urban and on the between national development and urballl development. Macroeconomic meant that urban evolved in new and often directions. The roie of the urban have also with the shift from project to and of enablement. program me and with the vi se of the
3
With the of the second Habitat Conference in 1996 public and professional interest is focussed on an evaluation of these both in terms of their achievements and in terms of their ability to needs under conditions that have changed significantly since the Seventies. of the International Exhibition and the Seminar will be to A central encourage an and evaluation of human settlements practice through the policies and urban strategies and changes in prE~seIltatlon and discussion of a range of urban projects and programmes from Africa and Asia. The Themes will the framework in which this evaluation and ............vEl ......, will be undertaken.
m.
O:q;anilmulnml Strncture
)rg.anliziIlg Themes
Three principal themes have been selected which will structure the proposed activities and which will facilitate the outlined above. These LU""'U,","', which are based on current in architectural and de'vel1oplnel1t circles are: a. the macroeconomic context - how in the economy demand a and how urban T'l1"rvlll./"'t",lhr can be increased new role for urban aC(:;ordlIllg to social nl-\',"'I"h"","", b. the environmental and spatial strategies emerging from this new macroeconomic context and c. how this new macroeconomic context influences urban pnlctlce, the and partneJrShlp. role of the In each theme two or three principal policy approaches will be identified and a will be presented for discussion and in the number of These selected themes will be cross-cutted with five best selected cases ultimately in mind the of Habitat II Conference (i.e poverty, environment, governance, shelter, disaster preparedness) The Five Case Studies Five best case studies have been selected to highlight the of historical and city These five between settlement ......rnl1rlo the to the of structural and of in different national contexts. The idea is to review urbanization and shelter institutional frameworks and legislation. oriented strategies, sustainability Important issues will be the analysis of and criteria. of the possibilities and constraints of the prultlClpalOThe case of Peru ry planning practices embodied in the Metropolitan Plan of Lima which have Urban in Latin America. It been considered as an 4
UU,1.n.1H.';;;'
qu<:~stH)nS the future of community prul1clpatlOn, pracucc;!s in the 'barriadas', which have been face of the major economie and institutional place in Peru.
s(~lt-mallajgernerlt
and since the that is
The case of a highly indebted New reveals the dilemmas confronting architectural practiee in conditions of rapid urban growth and economie The rapid cultural and t'YT"\1,T("\11'lt'Y market relations within the self-built areas in Sao Paulo constitutes the context for the discussion of the re-urbanization of low-cost residential areas. of the The re-location of dwellings to frrms construction the involved in the will be examined. The urban manaeXJ>enenc:e of the former administration will also be Ul;:)\"U~';:)~..I, with issues such as operational details on legal, political and project strategies to incorporate 'favelas' into the urban of the connection of the area to the main infrastructure and and the choiee of building t"".... hr.,rl1u~" An Asian of the impact of rapid economie in a the formation of slum and settlements in the The case will the stntte~~ies solving the most crucial problem affecting human settlement development in Bangkok: the private ownership of land. and other experiences in cOlmnlUIlllty de~vellopIneIlt and institution will also be dlScm;s~j, the of three in different urban locations. with very little state control on the of the National Urban ue'velIODof the ~tT~ltpo,,, on the urban farm and the environment. This its rapid in the settlement pattem, whieh has put Y'l1""""""'"'''' on iSp<)ntlmeous urban growths have shown that mtrastrw:;de,relc)pnlents are behind the urban The proble:m to apply lnt€:!gnlted espleCially in the the cities. The case of Indonesia examines this program challenges of these issues for architectural practiee and community
Finally the case of a in transition evidence on the various infIuences which determine the current urban form, delffiogralph:lc and urban needs. The case presents the issue of urban renewal dOiNm!ra<1ed inner city and the way in which NGOs can work with T\n,...nl'3~ or~~anizati011s in the provision of secure and affordable The case will provide information on the role of the various actors involved (community, business sector, urban and designers) as well as policy and constraints which face the of social The case in will outline the policy reform measures whieh will need to be place by the current democratically-elected govemment. 5
URBAN PROnucn:vrry.' URBAN POVERTY-
I
I
SPA'TIAL
~1!.N(}TI'1.'
-
...--1
Bl'lV
f- POUTICAL ENABLEMEN1'
COMMUNITY ENABLEMENT
IREP< JK"i"RR~
I
SPEAKERS
RodBurgess
j
~crr.rr,
Peru - Lima
Pal:Drewe BAn van Puttm
;me«' Diu .AIbertini CarelW~r
Liliana~
Brun - Sao Paolo
~Kr0e3
Ivorme M.Jmer I..mtta. Bneoo - Ka.tia. MeJJ.o
1'h.ailand - '"
V~Mu&r
Dkter BetJeh
.•. ..
AleDndu Tzonis
.....
Jm vm der Li.nde
Somoook Boonya~cht
HmMeyu
Indonesia - Cenmd Java
~HWsberpl
SrlP.robo~
Sooth
AA'!..!
.f
"'.11
Cct~
~eHotr.e
Puwoto
Nru:soo
-
Leen. Vlm Duin A.H.J.~
CIaudlo Adoly
I
I
R;'N'ZItiM} Mmo l.Im!:o
Mmsa Omnona TbJ:o,o Kolstee
I
11
I
AnaFaJn.
R.OO Bt!qess Gecqc. wtl. der Meule.b
I
Anita Sirepr ~Nfmpuoo
:~ PietmGarau
I
J
CONCLUSIONS
I
IV.
Orgmmilng Themes
Theme I. TUE CHANGING MACRO-ECONOMIe CONTEXT
the Seventies and early in many countries the new urban de"el()prnerlt and shelter were introduced in the context of or at least macro-economie strategies such as Redistribution with Growth and Basie Needs. These to alleviate poverty, unemployment and growth with redistributive measures, the stimulation of. small scale and labour of the urban informal sector and the intensive the introduction of transfer in public services eXl>endltl11res. A_doF,HW'''''''' there was a dramatic slow-down in rates of economie of the Third World (including GDP per in growth rates in Latin America and Sub-Saharan This condition was associated with reduced demand in falling commodity high interest rates on balance of ments a dramatic decline in investment rates. It was these conditions a decline in standards of rates and levels of unemployment, povertyap.d inequality, pru:tlculalfly in eities.
an acceleration in the structural transforeconomy which has been variously described and of theories as the 11 transnationalization " or 11 globalization 11 of manutacturmg and' serviee activities, or as the of a "New Internaof this process tional Division of Labour". One of the most significant has been an almost universal shift from "import-substitution industrialization str,Lteg~ies based on the of internal markets to oriented" industrialization strategies to the of services for the Country markets. This process has been undertaken by Transnational which have internalized a new giobal division of labour inside their structure and to take advantage of the cornp,rratlve ad'\ran·ta2:les offered different countries and eities within with wage and non-wage labour costs; trade incentives; availability and flexibility of labour costs of infrastructure of a critical mass of consumer demand. As a result share of countries in world ""~ .HJ'F> exports jumped from 10% in 1980 to 22 % in 1993. However the part of this industrial capacity has been concentrated in a group of countries described as Countries" , the "Semiperiphery", or "EInel~girLg Market Economies". These
I!
AUUJ' ....'-'.,....
......
7
These after the Mexican Debt Crisis of led to the rise of a new macro-economic Structural ~tnUe~~les based on neo-liberal theories of that stressed to allocate production inputs and the market determination of wages and finance became dominant. The basic of were to to increase its debt-service restore the balance of capacity , to attract investments and to achieve economic growth by restructuring trade and financial flows. The now feIl on measures to and non-traditional and manufactured increase the share of Measures to free trade and included: tariffs on domestic industry and import quotas; the liberalization of prices and interest rates; the devaluation of currencies; improved export incentives and the of constraints on investment. Stabilization measures included: of state assets; the retrenchment of civil servants; the withdrawal of a wide range of subsidies on energy, and the introduction of cost-recoverable prices for public services, the introduction of new taxes and the of g01r'ennment sodal and decentralization became the derived from an economic phlloslopl1tV that state interventions as largely producing "supply-side constraints " . It is clear that these new macroeconomic conditions and have had a on the conditions of urban dweIlers (especially the poor). They have also entailed and demanded fundamental transformations and adlustme;nts to the spatial structure of Countries at the natlorlal, urban and levels. In the late occurred in urban and shelter derived from neoliberal free market and labour market analysis, public choice theory and the concept of a small, effident and "enabling" state. The new policy environment directions. has moved the Habitat I in new and often
a remarkable exists bilateral and multilateral and national on the of macroeconomie linkal~es and for the urban economy and on the of urban for national Consensus has on the need to harmonize urban with national and on two that can be used to achieve tbis harÎnonization 'ull"l...,. ....,i-hr
ag4~nc:ies
~~~~~~~~LY~~~llY,andthe~~~~g~~~~~~~~~.
8
Sub-theme A. ENHANCEMENT OF URBAN PRODUCTIVITY
In earlier periods eities were often seen as centres of unproductive consumption assoeiated with urban bias and and there was much talk of the overurbanization. urban growth is seen as a vital for economie and soeial Cities are seen as of growth" adding markets and attracting value to rural products, services to and services investments. Higher levels of urbanization are assoeiated with GNP per capita levels, higher female rates and levels of education and skill. As urbanization proceeds apace so too does the urban contribution to the national economy. The World Bank has estimated that eities over 50% of the national GDP in countries and that this will rise to 65-80% by 2000. Their contribution to national value added can be even higher. The shift to based on the enhancement of urban nr.ruhll'tiiviif'v has to be understood in the context of this and in terms of the macroeconomic policies associated and Oriented Industrialization Constraints on urban productivity were identified as vital constraints on and included the following. Inadequate of infrastructure increased and inefficient coverage, maintenance and the production costs of urban lessened their and of land and diminished labour productivity. Excessive markets in relation to inefficient and inappropriate land use, infrastructure, and demand or supply side constraints that of investment available to coverage, decreased affordability, and led to subsidies. Inefficient and inadeeducational and facilities constraiof businesses and the whilst excessive informal sector diminished and income A wide range of financial and institutional constraints on was also identified associated with urban management and skills; and local government; distribution of powers between weak local taxation subsidies and finaneial services for urban development. Neoliberal pla.nnjing pOJlICIC;S to l11T1'n1"'l\v&:> urban T\1"'lruhll'tiivif'v and .n•.•'....:;;,...... "'.,,, melude the "enablement" of markets and re~~lat(lry rp(JimIP~! decentralization and mcreased and institution and bUlldJmg on a cn'V-~VU11P.. basis. lffi'Drc>vememts to urban nrr.ti11,,,tnT1hl scale trunk services and to coverage and tackle maintenance pf()bl,em,s. As only market pricing mechanism can ........1".'111'1,:> the incentives the should withdraw from direct provision, eliminate market bottlenecks, and market-oriented that encoura9
1"\'I"r"""'1".n
of a wide range of urban water supply,
and reform of re2;uialtor'y services and overall levels of urban
AJç" .... E....... CCt ..... "'•.u
mCreBlSml2:
and services telecommu-
rE~2iInes
in markets are seen as essential for and enjcj~em:y
The decentralization of urban powers from the central to local level and the of popular and groups in and financial recovery are seen as vital for and ensuring fuH co st recovery, replicability and affordability. programmes rather than run by decentralized and local with CBOs and the sector are Pinancial and institutional constraints on urban productivity and efficiency are to be tackled by city wide and sectoral financial, policy and institutional reforms. brnlpl1élsls to and the of urban skills
Shelter policies reflect these trends and currently stress the removal of demand and supply side constraints by developing property rights; the rationalization of SUblsld:les; the of finance """Irp.m,,· ..... -I-,..,.,,,t·..... ,,.,,t,, ..,::,.. the and of the nrr'~'1<:!lnn '''''ll,,,,tt.,,.. s€:!ttle~ments; the de\i'elolpmlent of the building industry, and de'lfel()prnerlt of housing institutions.
slgIlltH;an(;e of the of urban for these far from c1ear what is meant it. a broad definition of as the relationship between the and the resources used to obtain it, total factor productivity would seem to be the central but most measures are concemed with labour This m,ay weIl be but the detailed of the relative of different kinds of for urban has not been widely discussed. This is surprising given that there are probably substantial variations in their relative in different cities and world ............'Vu..,. It is also the case that the "urban" side of the urban is not c1early defined. When there is talk in the same breath of the need to improve the productivity of individuals, households, communities and cities there has been a sub tIe shift from social to a one. It is doubtful if the ""'V'''''''''I'''_ of in this way. More the Uf(>ductnrItv of the urban economy, but piannmg policies also have to reconci10
Ie their often conflicting functions and uses. More in all the recent major policy documents on urban development policies the of the urban that underpins the discussion of urban productivity has been a 11 single oriented view" that tends to identify the fact that much of cities as self-contained economies. This tends to the of the derives from its insertion in an urban in which it specialized associated with a division of labour. A basic then to be asked is:
When we talk of the need to the ln(·riP~.4Oö:lnO' the
inTnr(\ViP
urban
are we of of cities in themselves or of of urban systems?
answer "both", but lt IS far from demonstrated that lmDfClveme:nts in the of individual cities lead to overall improvements in the of national urban systems or that will occur productivity improvements to all cities in the urban conditions of and liberalised markets. The issue is of investment derived from maximizing the of because the the urban could be very different from that derived from malXumzmg the productivity of individual cities. These issues become c1ear if current urban productivity are discussed in the context of Structural and Industrialization is to achieve strategies. The expressed goal of Structural the rea1ity which through adjustment, but it is worthwhile to adjust to. This is of course that of a national economies are and economy by production, trade, aid , and labour circuits. Measures such the stimulation of nonas the restoration of the balance of of foreign direct traditional and manufactured are to investments and the improvement of the restructure the role of national economies to the new rea1ities of the globalization process. In many cases these measures involve the break-down of the structures built up by the previous model of national that of Lm'pOltt-~)ut~St1tutLOn Industrialization. In a sense this model economy based on the ae,,lelCJprneIlt mentalization of the internal markets . These economies now have to to new structures of transnationalized production, the of manufactured exports for markets within agiobal division of labour.
In this scenario what is of interest to the national governments, trasnational and and global trade and aid which dominate and this process is the advantages offered different couninternational cOlnpetI1:1vfmess tries, regions and cities in a c1imate of
ronT...... ,....'CO'lt1,n... "
11
and
level of mobility of
Policies to urban must be seen in this context. If is achieved and sufficient either trickle down or are directed towards remains lower income groups then progress has been achieved. But if low and its benefits are upper income groups or by unregulated foreign then the question has to be asked: .... Qv,.tn,.."'c tbe benefits of urban n ...,ru'l"l'tihui1f" ÏTnnro"enlent" and bow are distributed? Moreover as the process is undertaken in a context of liberalized market forces and a reduced roie of the state: What ""..........'....1-."0<:' tbere that the market will the distribution of lI'U",r\('hlptivi1rv ments in ways that barmonize. the of enÏci~efi(:y
These observations are relevant for the lmlJllcatHJnS of the new macroeconomic trends and The at urban of market and del~egulatio11, political and administrative decentralization, privatization and the roie. Given that the cornp,rrative limitation of state interventions to an to which the market most are and between different cities and distributed within the urban the national space economy, it has to be asked: geJler~ltiIlg
or diIJrunishiing inter-
This question is particula,rly relevant for those countries which plann:mg had to create a balanced of and intlegI'ate:d national space economy of the r!Pl,fpl,'"\Y"\_ ment of an internal market. the achievement of these result generally limited, it is c1ear that current urban development policies in major spatial adjustments as an unrestrained market facilitated by a nonto interventionist state allocates resources ad"antaJ:!:es. One consequence is a to fra:gmentati
12
some observers have identified trends as of small and intermediate urban centres with has been in countries with the sort of strong out of favour in neo-liberal planning ortho-
It is also the case that the relationship between urban
and spatial decentralization processes and is far from clear. Policies in favour of concentrating investments in and centres were favoured in the second half of the and seen as encouraging both and distribution of urban resources and
Decentralization of and administrative power to local authorities does not automatically decentralization - indeed the differential capacity to raise revenues it could wen lead to between authorities and to two-speed development. 11
11
Current urban a great deal of emphasis on expanding the scale investments in the urban sector and in tronk infrastructure. But of the commitments required for these of investments and the constraints to on imposed by adjustment considerations it is ask where the money will be coming from. Despite planned increases in urban by bilateral and multilateral the source of revenues will be from enhanced IQcal taxes and user and from enhanced central revenues derived from made on increased government efficiency etc. But ..orn111~",rI to put in the capacity and institutional networks to secure these revenues and the tardiness of many economies in "rol'''''''''''""n- the growth anticipated by measures, the to realize these investments and on the scale required must remain in doubt. there has been some that these urban policies - which do after all "software" rather than "hardware" projects - have as yet produced so little on the ground. and institutional development an important role in rernO'Vml2: the constraints on urban the problem of replicability. In the Eighties the was considered in the context of the formula which did at least focus attention on the crucial variables. In current policies the problem of replicability has been located in the context of the shift from projects to PollCH;S and programmes and in the need for urban and institutional an urban mama:gelnel1t reform. But is the faiIure to achieve or institutional problem? No doubt the failures is in due to institutional and institutional reforms seem to be a prerequisite for replicability, but it is a large step to suggest that institutional reforms by themselves will 13
about repUc
The
que~stl(m
ean then be asked:
"Does the re]llic:abilit.y ..........nl.. l""m derive from institutional factors or from the ."....,dh.iilliii-", lIatlm'dabilitv··co:st rleco,ve):'Y-lreplüc:abjllit~v" formula uoder conditions of escal13ltrnLg
14
Sub-theme B. URBAN PoVERTY ALLEVIATION Curn~ntlly there is aJso a of tbe between of The scale of the macro-economie setbacks of the is indicated the fact that the World Bank's 1969 Countries in the year pnmcjjolD of 1 billion absolute poor in 2000 was :reaüzed in 1990.
The dominant trend has been for a relative increase in urban poverty combined of with a decrease in rural areas. Current estimates indicate that about a urban households in LDCs live in (330 million and that the in eities. year 2000 the majority of the poor in these countries will be The World Bank believes that this proportion will not decrease over the next and years and that urban will became the most of the explosive problem the next . The O'1""",,"r,o n'r",.,.hls::>TYl of the urbanization of has led to the formulation of "'0'1]"'''''''''11 aUeviation. It
1.»......'0-..1'·.,
P,Oll<:les have ""' . . AA..........A...7 been derived from the dominant macroecoand have wUh these strategie:s.
In the modernization decades that ended in the late Sixties there was little direct nn,,,"'r1fu as it was believed that it would automatically disappear under the the trickle down effects of increased and with the growth of modern sector employment opportunities. Yet and income continued tQ increase, often in those countries with the In the Redistribution with Growth and Basic Needs strategies that were dominant in the Seventies and concern for poverty ernler~~ed based on the belief that the and not in conflict. Growth could be achieved by nnl."",,<, meqluallty and une:mp.loylnen Under the Structural Adjustment of the J_UE,llLJ.',," n,r\llr·lp.~ that addressed poverty took a back set. It was forces would incomes as a result of higher productivity, investments and it is true to say that there have been some winners small the evidence indicates that Structural Adjusltme~nts IU"H'If~" deterioration of the conditions of the poor with increased declines in the real minimum wage, decreased public eXIJen,Oltures and the removal of consumer subsidies. There is a consensus that targeted transfer strategies the most vulnerable group has been the urban poor who have been particularly hard hit currency "",,","U.I.I..lau'vu, llUC~rallZ<:l.uo:n, cuts in basic subsidies for water, energy, fuel and by cuts in social eXIJendlt:ure:s.
15
In tbe
Nineties there was a resurgence of interest in nn'lU>Mr'V derived from increased criticism of the effeds str'atE!gi«~ on the urban po or and the of issues tbat bas democratization and decentralization trends. There in tbe dominant macro-economie "'1-...... 1-"'.....'" bas however been a nn"Jo1l"1l-'V aJtlal'vsiS remains embedded of Strudural in tbe discourse on urban nrlnrtl]{~tivH[v on
The World Bank whilst that adjustment makes urban cularly insists that the trade-off of to and to reduce poverty Rather the nn.l~'PT"l~'T is derived from and constraints on the poor that limit access to productive credit and income alleviation lies in lTnlr'\T",",,,,if'1ICf human resources, access to and the intensity of nrr,rln,rh"p investment. Measures currently favoured to achieve these inc1ude: constraints on the productivity of the informal sector and micro-enterprises; the labour of women; improving the access of nOlllSenOJld.S, communities force materials and the and fi.rms to land, family and access of the poor to basic vocational and the construction of safety nets and measures for the most vulnerable. Some countries have national programmes, National Solidarity Funds that act as welfare institutions and/or banks for the po or . They provide short term transfers of essential goods and services to the most vulnerable or training and technica1 assistance to mt~:Jrnlal, small scale and and Assistance has been for employment and income geIler,ancm S(~heme:s, structure, hea1th and education National level or,g;anlzatlon have generally been concemed with formulation (with grass roots whilst implementation has mcreaSlll:g1y decentralized and NGOs and organizations. Others have tended to favour nelghl>orho<)à on the of resources ........,,.,,,,,..... between the local govemments and the
of the relationship between macroeconomic str,Lteg~les perhaps the most lmt)ortant Que:sncm asked is: Are compatible wUh basic needs
...."",,,,,ri-,, alleviation
In ment achieve
this attention must focus on the known effects of on the urban poor, and on the ability of adiustJmellt
16
There is currently a consensus amongst ob servers , makers that these have had serious effect on the urban poar through reduced the lowering of the real minimum wage, decreased and the removal of consumer subsidies. However argues that these consequences are necessary but transitional and that liberalized market forces wiU provide sufficient investments and to give the poor higher incomes as a result of greater employment, higher to ask whether the productivity and higher wages. It is therefore declared aims of Structural Policies to levels of "'J>. ...''-' ... ~." investments and to cut balance of deficits have been achieved. The World Bank has claimed that are getting higher rates than non-adjusters, but the IMF has argued the opposite and a et al has that recent independent study Aid and has had a smal1 effect Structural 11" the two world most affected growth Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America had negative GDP per rates in the Eighties. Average rea! income per head in Latin America in 1993 was still 5% below its 1980 level whilst average GDP per in SubNineties. Although Saharan Africa shrunk by 1.2 % per annum in the in the balance of payment situation this was there has been an largely been achieved reducing net investment and utilization, and most studies show a marked decline in investment as a proportion of GDP which augurs for future There been substantial growth rates, combined with an even stronger compression increases in of import growth. Given small and declining rates of per capita private and per domestic investment govemment consumption, and high that the extra revenues rather than rates, it seems to increase local economic went rather to service the debt. The ratio of extemal debt payments to tota! export of Developing Countries increased dramatically in the Eighties. I
' 0 ..1"'>1 ...
Of course it is difficuit to isolate effects from other causes when eXl)laJlllulg the and of urban These other causes include structuralfactors such as the inability of existing technologies to create to meet the in labour a sufficient number of in the distribution of wea!th and and the of reces sion. Nonetheless it is to reiterate that urban alleviation POJICH3S must remain just that that aim to lessen the numbers of the poor or to the burden of poverty no matter what the underlying trends are. are not to be confused with of eradication. Current nnl" ... ii':>1:: also empb:ClSb~e lies in measures to irn'.......... on therefore arises: are the ble wUh the of aUeviation? '1I1O
Market-oriented and deregulatory policies tend to reinforce existing income and 17
wea1th Whilst labour market for can of income and employment, it can also increase for the it is leave the poor the worst forms of of infrastructudoubtful that for the re and services which operate on profit-making criteria under conditions of technical monopoly can deliver services at that are affordable the poor in the absence of substantial subsidies. to enhance aetivities in those area where it How could be do not arrive spontaneously and how to foealize those baekwards areas and social groups (i.e ethnica1, women, older) whieh are outside the benefit of growth. Given the about the mass of the poor in the cities it is clearly important to defend and the coverage of safety net provisions. It is therefore important to know specially in the presence of budlgetarv eonstraints derived from . . rl,,,,,+,..... "",,,+ p()UCles:
What of GNP can or is on and where do or should the funds for alleviation come from? In many countries it is already known where are the poors and how many are the is how to sodal mvesiments and on able to favour small nrllu1l1l'tivIP acl:ivities: nrllullll'tivlP reconversion of backwards secondary roads and infrastrudure that to the modernity process. "".... ", ... +",)
Some makers and academies are of the of macroecclnolmc determination of the life chanees of the urban poor and have suggeof bottom-up as an alternative. These avenues need to be and the qUt~sbon:
To what extent can be used to alleviate poverty? needs to be discussed. What are the most important constraints on small enterplfls~es to increase their level and be able to articulate with formal to in in the market? Important debates also exist about the appropriate form of implementation of alleviation These relate to the discussion of the relative merits and programs and of the most alloeation of powers and funetions between the various levels of the and NGOs. Important questions also exist about the political dimensions of poverty alleviation programs and projects. These will be discussed in the third Organizing Theme. 1"\.('''.1'''1"'1,,,
.., ... v " v v ....
18
Theme ll. ENVIRONMENTAL AND SPATIAL STRATEGIES
Sub-theme A. ENvIRONMENTAL STRATEGIES
As the rates and levels of urbanization in Ue~vejlODmg Countries have accelerated so too have urban environmental Dr()lJH~ms. Ke(:ently the sig)1Ïn4~an4~e of urban environmentai issues bas been recogare now seen as vital for any nized effective urban ae'VeI4[)pl1neIlt ",1~ .....,.i-Ll"'" Attention has focused on the spe~Clt:LC characteristics and effects of Third World urbanization on the deterioration of local environments and its contribution to environmental change; on the socio-economic of urban environmental on the significanee of environmental issues for the efficient of urban infrastructure and on the and effective of different architectural and and environmental po.L1C1.es; and on the significance of environmental issues for the sm;ta1nalbll1.tj of eities and modeis. It has been that cities are the areas of environmental all the effects of modification derived transformation ,. where ae'"elj~prnerlt come together. In Third W orld cities these transformations dramatic given the rapid rates of physical and delnoJ~ra1Pand the number and continuing of megacities. 18 out of the 21 with more than 10 million P01)Ul,aUC)fl the Nineties will be in Countries. Environmental ........"'.... 1"'...... '" been exacerbated lack of resources and insufficient investment in infrastructure and services and the generally uncontrolled and p04Juy-regllUaLean:SlOltl. ltrrloslphe~nc chamg€;s associated with Third World urbanization inelude chc:mgl~s in radiation and rainfall levels; increased eloud cover; and' the creation of 'urban heat islands' that dust domes and convectional wind that eirculate pollutants over the city. However by far the most significant Five out of the transformation is the generation of high levels of air are to be found in six eities in the world with maximum levels of air Deve10ping Countries.
The sources of air are the domestic of firewood and power station combusticoal for healing and cooking; motor vehiele ons; industrial emissions and emissions from toxic and hazardous materials and of urban air are oxides of su1phur and nitrogen, wastes. The
19
carbon oxidants aldehydes and ammonias and a range of particulates inc1uding lead, cadmium, asbestos, arsenic, benzene and chloride. In addition cities also of ~re:entlouse , ... ".,Inrl, ....... carbon methane and CFCs that contribute to or ozone In absolute terms energy consumption in Developing The Countries is rapidly and energy use per unit of output is because of continued increased situation in cities is worsening increased power wider car and street the close of workers to the sources of pollution and the lack of and enforcement of environmental standards. also occur with urbanization. modifications to the hvc!ro],ogllcal Urban initially involves the removal of veJ:?:etaticm and soH and volume of sediments that fills channels. The the release of a lmlDerviousn"ess of urban surfaces increases with further construction, leading to model of increased increased run-off and incidence of flooding. A storm inter-storm low flows has been a which is accentuated in areas. has become a serious in many Third World cities. In many countries the failure to of water and the collection and treatment of solid waste and waste water has the water Water is often than the repllac:emlent '"":I1"'JI,""'h,, of sources. The total volume of water bya on population the climate and the demand from industries. The demand for high in Third World eities straining existing water is sources lakes, and groundwater) and requiring massive investments in treatment and distribution networks. Excessive withdrawals from exj.stiIl~ sources can cause further environmenta1 Subsidence derived from Iowered water tables is a serious problem in many cities, exacerbating urban flooding and causing damage to buildings and infrastructure that is costly to rectify. Subsidence rates of up to 14 cms p.a. have been measured in S.E. In some coasta1 cities Manila and the water table has been lowered to the where has occurred because of seawater seepage. The critical significance of safe water for the of health and led to intensified efforts in the to 'n'>,....r"'J:> Sl:lp!)lIes. at the end of the International Water and it was estimated by WHO that 25 % of all urban dwellers in Developing Countries lacked access to safe water supplies and over 50 % lacked access to an .......""", '-" ...."" sanitation It has been estimated that by 2000 more than 600 million urban residents will lack sanita.tion and 450 millions safe water. The lack of maintenance of water and distribution ~"C!t""T1C1 co resu1t in the 10ss of vast of water before its arrives for consumption. U.1.1.Un.JlUj:::,
20
coverage combined with the longer term effects of short term soil infiltration from pit and and malaeqm:tte.Ly maintained water and sewerage environmental problems, particularly water contamination. Shallow groundwater sourees in urban areas with sanitation and levels of infiltration are often pOJllUtOO. eities in Developing Countries also have other serious and growing problems of water pollution, particularly where there has been a of industrial activities. A wide of pollutants is into lakes and coastal waters from untreated hu man sewage and animal wastes and from industrial, mining and chemical sources. of infections diseases; plant These include oxygen-demanding cornp()Un.ds, morgamc chemicals and oil and sediments. Third World eities are often built in naturally hazardous areas: in areas of high or the of major in active zones or in the ........ th"""".., of These cities are prone to floods and infrastructure and Often the of the destruction of Third World urban development leads to an exacerbation of these hazards. The the destruction of through air deforestation of catch ment and the and uncontrolled of settlement by environments wetlands and to disasters sometimes on a very scale. coastal Swamp infills for settlement in Lagos and Manila have blocked river outflows and led to flooding. In serious hea1th risks are also derived from the release of toxic and hazardous materials into the urban environment as aresuit of of solid waste disposal and manaJ;enaenlt. \JV.L.L,..WlVU.
the of environmental on socio-economic de1veI4lplne][}t has been in recent years, it is still far from understood. In urban contexts atlention has focused on environmental imlJac'ts on the health of urban on urban nr,nI11IU"_ and and malmtaining cient and effective services. Some observers of cities and believe that current
A consensus has emerged in recent years that environmentally-related hea1th risks and the incidence of infectious diseases have increased rapidly in Third World eities. Within the eities it is the poor in slums and who are most at rates amongst risk, and who se hea1th is suffering the most. Infantile the urban poor are often two to three times higher than those for middle and 21
upper income groups in the same and often than the rates for the roral poor. These settlements not only have the lowest environmental but health are also inadequate hygiene and health care and a low economie capacity to spend on health. of chronic and social The urban poor suffer from the fuU diseases. The high incidence of infectious diseases amongst the urban poor is related to environmental factors such as; poor shelter conditions that involve overcrowinsects and poor exposure to to water and the contamination of tion of human wastes and the presence of waters which act as vector bn;~:ine: grounds. These conditions expose the poor to cholera, gastro hepatitis, u'V,........"",....... cluster diseases and intestinal worms. In Mexico was listed as an airborne disease after dried excreta became and contaminated the air. One of the most serious in poor neighbourhoods is indoor air pollution derived from the use of wood or coal-burning cooking fires infections under conditions of poor ventilation. This can result in in the chronie and adverse pregnancy outcomes. Those form cardio-vascular and chronic respiratory diseases (chronic bronchitis and asthma) are particularly at risk. In in the the human settIements caused 60 % of air area and induced grave res'pinatoJry disorders slum dweIlers. U.UUA.LllE.
.ex!>oséXl to the health risks associated with the occupaFatalities and from mud and land tend to be concentrated floods and amongst the poor because they live in areas and built environments that are most at risk. For economie reasons 10w income settlements are generally and located in close to the sources of air and water many residents are these installations. Solid waste collectors levels of and other deaseases. levels of birth defects and respiratory have been recorded around steelmills, chemical and fertilizer plants and oil refineries. and deaths associated with exposure the metal and toxie chemicals are set to increase as industrialization and as the chemieal of increases. Lead derived from industrial and traJtlsport common and produces neurologieal, blood and reproduction in and lowered levels and behaviourial disorders in children. The poor are also to have worse in small fi.rms which are conditions lower environmental and controls than firms. Journalistic reports (El Pais, May on dumping' have hightighted the environmental conditions of confections fi.rms in Phillippines and lndonesia based on children labour and similar . There is also a heavy concentration of social diseases amlongst the poor derived 22
from instability, poverty and to whieh environmental conditions and make a contribution. These inc1ude venereal disease.
It is also
that environmental degradation has a significant negative effect on urban productivity and research in this area is much remains unknown about the nature and disease and poor health scale of these effects. has a of individuals, households and though the scale of the costs involved is unknown.
Female labour nr4...,"hIt>tiivH-v is parncuJlarJly constrained by in the water Deficiencies in the use and elimination of water women to the time on domestic and on work. The waste
time involved in traffic for water and collecting firewood must be prodigious. Some economist believe that pollution a of scarce resources (energy, raw free goods water, soH) and labour time. Environmental (such as soH landslides, +I,.,.,.,.rl-'T'\t·, ce and acid clearly has a significant effect on urban e!tl.cleJOcy productivity of existing investments in the built environment. '-'.L\J&f"""'-' aré:lllnéLge cné:lmnl~lS, ruptured sewerage corroded OUllGI10gS structural to and infrastructure have an effect on productive activities. Preventative measures are cheaper than rehabilitation in the long term, and the extra costs involved in account of or environare- immense. It has been estimated that the total amount mental needed to clean up Mexico air is $ 2.5 - $ 3.0 bills. Environmental d.ej:;mdatlOn can also undermine important economie activities such as horticulture, fishing and tourism. The environmental sustainability of Third in relation to energy, food and water under World eities
The formulation environmental policies for urban is ....... 1... +... ,"'11·., recent and the of these poJ,icit:!s remains a future task - albeit an one.
The Fifties and Sixties the modemization decades of the Fifties and Sixties economie was and little was done to the of land, ve~~eté:lltioo, water or air. As in the modemization of and it was believed that environmental problems would automatically be resolved with 23
growth. Once growth was achieved the protection and reinstatement of the environment could be realized. In the meantime no were This saw nature as a 'bottomless pit', environmental components to growth as free goods, and predicted no major difficulties in the of the model. environmental and economie Tbe Seventies In the Seventies under the impact of rapid urban development it became that the urban form and its had to be rationalized in relation to its environmental to do this land use, zoning and development controls. Investments in various infrastructure systems were deeided and realized at central government level to priorities established local master There was also a rec:ogmtlon of the character ' of infrastructure and services that these in the investments had to respond to welfare and need as weU. as to demand, and subsidies were widely to extend infrastructure and services to poor It fen to local to coordinate and harmonize the and to cover and maintenance rationalities of the different costs. An at this time was the is Curitiba urban and urban management strategy. The ~lll~hUes As the a marked and deterioration of urban was placed on spatial environments occurred. . In manY countries decentralization polieies which attempted to address the economie and environmental of and by urban to centres in the urban Within the eities some isolated environmental measures and tariff and reforms were introduced but explicit environmental policies were still absent fi.,.r'Ul1,nn alarm about the environmental sustainability of Third World eities. The Nineties By the early Nineties concern for the urban environment led to a recognition that urban environmental policies were and that fundamental reform of was essential. The for these reforms constraints was based on neo-liberal theories that market, and to largely related to the excessive intervention of the state in finaneial and obstac1es, In this the of environmental urban enhancement and poverty alleviation were related. The marked deterioration of the urban environment led to a general increase in health and safety hazards, constraints on the efficiency of productive activities and reg:re~;sr"re ,~ in the and costs of basic services to the poor, causes of environmental to neo-liberal " ...... 1""." could be traeed to massive <1eITIoJgraphl.c O1I""'u,l-h' ......."lS .................. Po!llCles: ma oeqlua1te investment in infrastructure and services and !-'v...... deficient regulatory and institutional frameworks; weak Ul\AlUu.J. ..........
1
u.UJU
24
and and inefficient subsidy and taxation DOllC:les: inalDProPlriate distribution of povers between central and Iocal ..""",,,"'........... "'... + and the cornmumty and lack of politic al will. AllmClU2:ll a number of new measures and instruments were "".."'........."'"..-1 the overall framework was based on the neo-liberal pantJlleOJI1: withdrawal of the and the enablement of the market; reforms and liberalization; price, subsidy and imancial reforms; m~malge]llleJnt and institutional cat)acilty-bu:Udilll2:, po]litic~lJ'adJrniIlist.ra tive decentralization and increased COlDIIJLUnlÏty parhcipation.
The neo-liberal on institutional and factors for environmental underinvestment in the delivery and maintenance of infrastructure and services factor. Environmental derived from water is identified as a and sanitation is caused by inefficient and ineffective subsidized services at wen below economic cost. it is argued are overmanned; provide a ripe few environment for 'rent-seeking'; are unaccountable to users, incentives for and tend to make subsidized services availabie to the middle classes at the expense of the poor. The solution is for to refrain from the direct of to break up the This including corltractiIlg out services from to and It is admitted that some activities are more amenabie to these alternatives than others (eg. water distribution, public transport, solid waste management, sheiter-related services). Direct government action is I ... .,''-U.JL
The Urban stresses the in the quality and reliability of services rather than the extension of coverage. Some suggest that performance indicators for investments should be based on the amount of service land and the amount of value-added created land and valuation rather than the of the networks Iaid sug;ges:ts an emlph,asis on upjgradil1lg rather than coverage. down. This eUITent policies also attach a
deal of signüiicaJtlce to
25
and .......
<:. . . . .:11-
reforms to achieve the twin of enviromnental and in urban n1l".n..rh'I't-"uiit"'IT A systeD!latic elaboration and codificawUh strict enforcetion of enviromnentallegis1::atio,n effective and civil and criminal peJlallties for violators. imDr4:lVf'~mc,,:nt
A review of the environmental of regulation governing land use (including and density controls), land subdivision, infrastructure standards, rural/urban land conversion and standards should be undertaken and reforms enacted to access to open and green spaces, to mlmmlze air to increase the use of energy intensive increase access to serviced land and to provide incentives for uPJ::1;raidmg. environmental standards should be determined and should be am>r01Jriate, affordable and enforceable. Strict controls may wen be necessary for some activities (eg. lead toxic land use controls for disaster mama:gerneIlt), but incentives and liberalized and standards are generally tradeabie emission permits for air pollution and flexible construction "t-",nrl.., ..rt"
These reforms should be enacted in the context of rhnnoOlTni ... Structure Plans that the process of urban in fine with an Urban based on and sustainable enviromnental ''''v>,,,,...t callac:ity considerations rather than Master Plans based on and detailed land use Reactive Action Plans are also recommended to investments that tackle bottlenecks. C' . .
Environmental issues should be fully into urban plann:mg ~'\T~tpn"l~ and policies and the envir.onmentallmlJacts of all should be !:'In~llv~7pt1 the planning
prj.ciIlLg and sut)siclv Financial reforms and cl1:anl~es as vital for co[mb~ra~~tiIJlg are derived from the waste of resources.
poll(~ies
It has been estimated that Countries use 20 % more than If infrastructure and would if consumers paid the true costs of II1P1"\111"I"'C are it is then waste follows and coverage is restricted. Full cost recovery is seen as essen~al for re"j:H1c:at):land must be into infrastructure (through valorization ""......... 6...,.,' rates, taxes, user charges). Tariffs should be increased and the revenue base broadened. Indiscriminate and subsidies should be eliminated because go to the rich rather than the poor. They substitute for lmprc)Vements that would have been made users anyway, and they often that is detrimental to the environment and health. to achieve correct pricing is through market of industries as free but which in have a value. Calculations of this on the cost to the a proposed are also necessary in the determination of fees 11 into Environmental Impact Funds at the IJVAJ.UL.LUj;,
26
time of oe'vel'oplnellt approval.
it is on is the I demand-driven I !:lnnrlr\!:l('h want and are to pay for.
In
for water and sanitation provisithose services that
nr"lvirl!'>
Urban service provision to become less more efficient and more accountable has to become more responsive to consumer demand rather than subsidized need. subsidies are in those cases where there are broader environmental benefits and where households are less to pay trunk sewers and waste water net provisions can also be targeted on the poor. However the water undermines the regulation and discourse. cities for a proportion of their water from water tank as do many peliplleroa1 areas in In Barranquilla, Colombia about 30 % population is by water and the monthly consumption of a bÁ..~ family is 6.5 M3 in to 40M3 of a The marginal family pay the of $US 2 per M3 cents per M3 for a high income consumer . H
........
Neo-liberal also directly link environmental to failures in urban mamagelneltlt and institutional weaknesses. The enhancement of environmental m2ma:gerneIlt c:ap::lclt:v and institution building are seen as fundamental pn~rec~Ulsltt!S for urban environmental and for creating cityspecific environmental These reforms involve a fundamental shift to and market wide programfrom 'hardware' or project level It is only through city wide management and urban level that effective coordination of the agencies in charge of different infrastructures can be achieved in areas such as and pff~rec:1Ul~;;ite for the evolution of institutio(usa,ster's, and for and coordinated aDlJrOiaCJtleS treatment and disposal of environmental solid, liquid and toxic wastes. a facilities resources in recent years has been directed at "-'..,"'UV.LL..,U,LU,5 to institutional and managerial capacities, mClUomg tT'o:t1'Y"l1rIO netVi/orks. technical assistance programmes for management, accountancy, effective cadastration and tax collection and assessment.
Political and administrative decentralization from centra! and regional government to loca! authorities is also seen as a reform that is essentia! for efficient curative and preventative action on the urban environment. In the centra! planned, financed and built 27
related infrastructure and services whilst local authorities were re~;DOnsible and maintenance. The transfer of decision-making and investment to local authorities power with funds on-lent from central government or derived from enhanced loc al tax revenues is seen as an essential measure. Democratization and empowerment of local government are seen as vital for out of the culture of public inertia and for the political will to act on environmental issues. The new environmental also recognized a significant role for community participation and NGOs in addressing environmental issues and achieving environmental improvements. Experience has shown that involvement in and better and more ad~OOllatc~l v maintained .......r"<>I"·l'c 21" initiative UNCED's "Local their own environmental action cOJllSensl11s-building between "'.U.ILor,:;."",~ zations.
authorities to consultation and
can best be achieve Some argue that environmental and their of labour and maintenance Numerous examples exist where COlmnlUI1tity in collaboration with NGOs has produced significant environmental ,"",,,,-,,.,,"'ment through low cost water and sanitation Some such as the ILO and UNDP are willing loans and technical assistance to DfC)ffilote initiatives such as sidewalk ments, and . of drains and water the construction of health posts, and the planting of trees. Their support derives as much from their to and incomes as for their environmental effects. Major environmental improvements are also identified with effective hygiene and educational programmes aimed at women and the provision of school medical services and diet programmes; the shift from curative to T'lTI:>"I'·nt~It1"P. health care, and on health care and vaccination programmes.
28
CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF URBAN ENVIRONMENTAL STRATEGIES
described above bring up a number of issues and of consideration in the International Seminar.
nnI1f'H"C
qUf~St1~::ms
that are
The question of the relationship between macro-economie and environmental and remains controversial. ...uv'nl':i ... irlo as the between and the environment is far from clear and lies at the heart of current debates on .. sustainable and ti:tl"!:lItl"Ol'>'2
and the lack of it can gel1erate environaelgra.aaltloll. A macro-economic that does not gelrler'ate increase can be to massive environmental which environmental policy measures can do little to that generates levels counteract. On the other hand a of but which does not tackle the poverty issue can - - - - - - - - - J environmental A that achieves and steady eradiction of poverty can result in a decrease in environmental much on the roIe of effective environmental
For most Developing Countries the dominant macro-economie been that of Structural Adjustment.
has
Which of these scenarios best fits the rel:ati()nsJrlip between this de'vel()plllleIlt ",t-~'",t-L.nr .. r and environmental issues? The answer is far from clear not just because of the perpetual difficulty of from or because of about the in relation to their Part of the performance of adjustment particularly from the urban side, is theserious Iack of research into qm!shon. Whilst there has been some critical research into the environmental effects of adjustmeJnt .,..",1"'1<:"" in rural areas the Qm~stion:
What have been the effects of on the' urban environment in countries? and What has been the of urban environmental on these effects? have been addressed. A number of issues reliatulg to these
Qm~stlons
can be brcmgJtlt up.
a central of neo-liberal urban environmental poIiey is the need to increase urban infrastructure and service investments in order to deal with environmental Yet there is a deal of evidence to indicate that in many countries structural have cut rather than increased these investments. A number of reasons have been suggested for this: 29
Some have that the central policy goal to increase the share of tradeabie and services has led to being to investments that gellerate over those that do not. Governments that subscribe to the of value' have identified urban public foreign because they do not' directly "''''' ...',. ...... p;,v
Others to the central of adjustment policies to restore the balance of payment situation. This has been achieved by reducing net investments and "~""~""lh, utilization. In Latin America between 1980-1988 per domestic investment decreased by 5.4% p.a. it has been that the investment as a of GNP has come about as aresuit decline of of the compression of the development rather than the recurrent budget for political reasons. A third reason for public disinvesment under has been fisca1 reforms that aim to cut the public budget deficit. Budgetary allocations to local authorities for basic urban infrastructure, services, shelter etc. have COtllseclueIltly been sqlleel~eá. Whatever the disagreements over the nature of these trends, and wh ether they are long term or short term, most ob servers agree that they have accentuated the of urban poverty. ob servers believe that "poverty is the , it is the poor who suffer from the consequences of environis often its cause. A deterioration in mental and the conditions of the urban poor, such as that which has occured under Structural Adjustment, would worsen the environmental degradation of Third World cities. The therefore has to be asked: pOJllCI4~S
realizabie under
"' ......... "I"",..."' ... t- of the macro-economie determinants of the success is the size of the I resource of current urban environmental pool', the financial resources available to make the necessary investments in urban environmental Wh ere will these resources come from? A range of sources is Central revenues and transfers to local authorities are The size these revenues as the World Bank on the which must take cautions "without jeopardizing financial stability'. This constraint (largely indicates that the ability to raise revenu es related to the Debt from is limited. A third source -aid- is to capital on the scale UNCED estimates that only about of dev'elolOment as sistance is devoted to areas, and resources devoted to urban environmental problems were overlooked in the Rio environmental financial commitments. Neo-liberal therefore a great deal of reliance on local revenue enhancement and the sector to find the necessary investments. The associated
30
discussed But even under the most oPltlI11l1StJlC scenario and for a dramatic reduction in the standards of .....rr'u1C'1nn of environment lmlJrOVeof the investment ments the resources available wi11 funds. Annual Învestment rt:>ElIlli-rt:>l'nt:>lnt" imDrlllVE~mlEnt are more in annual flows between Countries and UeveJlo1]led Countries in the form of debt <:.Ll>
Another basic issue that is critical for success in dealing with urban environmental degradation is its with the that characterizes so many Third World urban systems. In the Fifties little attention was to decentralization as it was believed that regional would be corrected automatically with further development convergence would come about as a result of the trickle- down effects of unbalanced growth. In the Sixties and Seventies it was argued that convergence a more active set of government pOJ.1CH:!S and doubt was cast on the wisdom of ' excessive" growth to occur in primate eiries. Polieies were introduced based on tax incentives, infrastructure-led development, and to decentralize industrial and urban in growth poles', 'resource and of growth centres'. In the the focus on regional eities and national urban continued. The of 'polarization promoting the reversal' identified regioI}al convergence as of eities. Some countries undertook national urbanization strategies where the national urban infrastructure investments on those eities potential. In others concerns were incomes and to quarenIn some countries tee minimum serviee levels throughout the national level decentralization was the regional or .....,... j;;,.Lu.... ""'"' doubts grew about the wisdom of a t relaxed attitude towards urban iJ.U.Jeu ...,,, y as it became realized that very environmental costs accompanied the benefits of an 'excessive concentration of economie eities. It was that these costs were not borne them, and that could be reduced if urban growth distributed throughout the urban I
I
In the late and Nineties with the consolidation of adJusltm€:!nt measures and neo-liberal -side theory there has been a dramatic shift in focus in spatial now it is the 'city in itself' rathef than or national urban systems that is identified as the locus of productive activities. This shift has led to the demise of and decentralization and the rise of ' urban policy" single-city model. In a climate of increased intensification of international competition assoeiated with industrialization neo-liberal policy-
31
makers that it was unwise to disturb the market determination of the rel.atlc)flslhlP between location and economie by go'V'ernment reg,Ulaltlon. lndeed attempts to do so eould slow the rate of national growth and exaeerbate IJI~innll'HY should faeilitate national economie growth and gains in rather than eoneerned with attempts to aehieve eonvergenee of regional ineomes and service provision in the name of
that de1vell[)plnel1t . . .,..ii"",r"iiH,o., should be based on and that investments should go to exustmlg and pOl:enltial COIlllp3lrat:ive ad vaIltalges those eities with the for the of tradeabIe and services. In this context it is
1
These eities are the essential for ma.xmniz.ing
nriiTn~ratp
eities which are seen as
The neoliberal tends to the contribution of urban to urban It argues that no causaI relationship has been estabIished between the incidence of urban and ClVv-Slze: and if amvthlinp nrr.hl"'TnI01 -lncludUllg environmental ae~~raaal[IOll1eUicÏlenc:y and n ...'r. ...hu.. ltii"riiih:r prJlll1~tcy
There is a need to correct environmental externalities in order to raise returns for are themselves correctable measures to inerease urban The best environmental is to improve urban urban and urban en'Ilr<)flflnerltaL manal~ernerlt in all tax rates and infrastrueture more ade:qwateJly reflect social eosts; to issue tradeabie ting industries; to restriet eertain types of heavy industries.
between urban enviand decentralization raises a ronmental It is dear that this proposes number of that there is no conflict between attempts to stimulate urban productivity and to deal wUb environmental de~~ra.aaln01[). and Improvements in urban produetivity and will both attraet further growth and reverse urban environmental degradation. It is assumed, but not explained, that the benefieial policy effects on the urban environment will be greater than the eosts of the additional environmental externalities geIllera.tec1 by It is difflcult to see how this can be aehieved without serious att1empts to transfer the social eosts of environmental onto the flrms and individuals responsible for producing them through administered lt is reasonable to expect that the payment of high externality costs) if 32
are absorbed by the producers) would diminish their returns. In a national and global market this would diminish the cornpérra1:ive advantage of the in and would lead firms to locate in those countries and cities where these costs were less. .. " '. ., '..U ................
In this context the wisdom of 'single-city' be questioned: Are effective urban environmental basis of a model?
to current realities can realizabie on the
lJ'UJLII"J.'''''''
to sustainable and In recent years many of those 'sustainable cities! have - from an eXI>l1Cltly - the wisdom of facilitating the further cities under a of market liberalization and with Avr'll1''''''''''U investment criteria. From this viewpoint the cOJmplexlty the relationship between the built and natural environment in Third Cities cannot be fully comprehended traditional economic pruranlet ers fail to free that fail to critical environmental thresholds; that fail to internalize environmental and of environmental which fail to address the health and 1
that 'city-wide' policy measures to eliminate the waste much environmental degradation are necessary, are not seen as sufficient to achieve environmental sustainability. ,,..,,rl"'1''nU1C
cOIlSum}:lti()~n levels and that even with eXl:st:iJJlg plOPllllation many are !l'1",IlI!ll1lv e:Jdumstmlg their environmental with water the of primary sourees, the destabilization of pOJllution levels that are to human health and
Given these trends it is that it is unrealistic to believe that further market-led urban growth can continue up to the point where negative environto locate in the mental externalities make it no longer profitabIe for
arguments thus the current wisdom that city size can be taken out of the equation for dealing with urban environmental and assert that decentralization and regional are with urban environmental pn)Ollems. According to sustainable environmental rationale (that is not neo-liberal economie re
33
This environmental rationale demands the reassertion of a territorial basis of socio-economie for based on a close and detailed and environmental palraIJneters at various scales. The environment operates as an integrated system, and modification even if are local in nature may achain reaction of multifarious effects that are national or even international in scale. Urban environmental sustainability cannot be achieved discrete and policies that confine themselves to the household, neighborhood, municipal or city-wide levels. Rather the metropolitan, regional and urban systems levels of planning have to be reinstated and a territorial planning structure instituted that is of at different scales. Thus the to the on can be asked:
Can cun'ent neo-liberal urban enviromnental in the absence of zation pOJlict,es·t
realise environmental and decentrali-
UUl.n.:u:::!t
sm~tainalbllitJ
qm~st1C)ns can also be raised about the environmental to nn"~T'l'7P and the of urban "'''' ...'''r>,''''' infrastructure and land development.
Neo-liberal polic~vmaklers argue that these measures are necessary because charader" of the welfare state model which the services and int·ra~ttnlctl11re lno'rln.vi,~il1,n was neither effleient nor eQlllitlible, leamDlgtothede,Telolpm~nt sig:nUtlc~mt environmental externalities. Privat:izatioJ[1, re~gu]ato:ry reforms and the cost services that involve the real cost of rnaintenance and would eliminate costs of extension of central production and distribution and these allow extension of coverage, irnprovements in in combination with subsidies would prove to be more eql11wime. qm~stilons can be raised in terrns both and to achieve these effects.
The
claimed for urban
and services
in Third W odd eities remain an assertion rather than a verified result. There are a nurnber of reasons for this.
attempts in these cities although a dominant trend are in rnany cases far from complete, and comparative and with a coverage have yet to be undertaken. Second evidence from cities where the models for Third World privatization were fiTSt developed, has a longer time span and is more widely available. surrounds the relevanee of these
34
findings given the fundamental differences that exist between infrastructure and service provision in cities in and Developed Countries. Third, the range of described by the term is considerable, and it is clear that only in certain sectors and activities (which vary from to country and city to city) has there been a fuH linear progression or conversion from the public sector to the sector. More there of the articulation of public and has been a of this capital, and much remains unknown about the nature and new even amongst those who are its protagonists. there are those who claim that the combination of privatization and measures which has been Countries will not achieve the sought after eII1CH~nc:y in Country eities. in search of
and
eniciEmc~y
pu;IJUc~ly-·ow'neld.
zed and hierarchical monopolies that dominate the infrastrudure sewerage, roads,
centraliof technical transport and
nl"drlVl":ICln
Here the quest for profit and competition has involved the transformation of pf()!It:ab,le monopolies or segments of monopolies into private ones; the the of of residualization of the less networks and the division of public within the and private responsabilities according to functional policymakers believe that the advantages of private ownership and therefore the process must be can be neutralized by
Others have argued that the concept of a self-regulated market for urban infrafor Third World cities. It is argued that the hierarstructure is not infrastructure are not or chical and characteristics of statutory but are a function of the of ",u",t.:''I''r'" rI,,,,lnl"'''''''''HT soeialized consumption goods and services. Access to these goods and services deçlen<1s on an of and distribution networks - in water and sanitation for distribution and capillary distribution These networks are natural or technical monopolies in which market laws often do not at the level of the essential to achieve segme:ntal:lOn of these can leoIPaJ~d12~e productivity do not nec:ess:arlLy system; the fission of networks into distinct local quality differences between by the need for sca1e equalization of costs is often thrlom~holut the that can be with privatizatiOll.
35
eXlparlSlcm of centra! without coordinated increases in distribution networks can lead to inefficiencies and high costs associated with arld whilst rapid of distribution underutilization of can lead to systems without increases in central failures.
In current the of respolnsillJle for trunk infrastructure and central to effectimatch and coordinate their investments with volatile demand for capillary associated with market liberalization of land and nOUS111l2 de'rel~[)pInelt1t can be questiLoned. Given their technical and from Countries seems to indicate that the shift in ownership from the public to the private sector. In some countries where fisca! pressures are severe, the of future monopoly and a weak more attractihas been used to render infrastructure ve to lack of public control of strategic resources.
Differences between urban realities in Countries are also another reason why doubt has been cast on the. appropriateness of the priva1dz,ltio'n!clerceglllation formula. In Countries urban .... ""v ... n""'· there are levels of consolidation of investments in basic coverage and high levels of technological homogeneity. As the costs of the basic system have been pnvaltlz,mcm is concemed with and arld with starldards. In lJevel.on:Lllt! vaW.L,(J.t",-Vll occurs under circumstarlces of urban a low level of consolidation of investments in the basic system, arld high levels of technological heterogeneity. eXplarl5110n of the basic in ways that benefits and which are environmentally sustainable. The ability of the private sector to rea1ize what are massive investments with slow rates of return has been questioned. This is levels of waste, and not to that these dties are also characterized by of low associated with underinvestment in the maintenance and the eXlstlrLg ..,'.TCT.::'n-IC
The decision to prioritize investments between extension of coverage and to the is and and needs to be undertaken within an regulated and coordinated framework. Doubt has been thrown on whether current policies with their emphasis on weak regulation, demand determi....a'........'.. , and market aUocation can ihis framework.
irnlnr()Vp.mp.nt!iO
36
a commonly-heard objection to the "demand-driven" water and sanitation is that given household choice water wi11 precede sanitation and water use will exceed waste disposal with few environmental or hea1th benefits. It has also been argued that the weak or "flexible" regulation can have deleterious effects which will ultimately In the mid-Eighties inner air pollution in 300 % after the privatization of Santiago, ehile exceeded levels collective transport, which was found to be for 70 % of the incremerely give firms ment. Some have also argued that tradeabie emission a licence to rather than compelling them to cut back. ('>",.,'Vll"'"t"
to Questions have also been raised about the ability of neoliberal a more equitable distribution of infrastructure and services. These of doubts derive from the discrepancy between the exclusive general cost recovery, and demand-driven investment in the and allocation of outputs, and the of the sodal of the "public character and environmental objectives embodied in the of services". The conflict between theses and economie enlclC~nc;y beyond effective and in these drcumstances it is regulation is essential. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that adherence to cost recovery and the widespread withdrawal of subsidies would lead to the exclusion of a part of the population from access to these basic and which would then assume the status of a Given the sodal and political implications the commodity rather than a. state would have to fulfill this need without access to the cross subsidies I./V.,'''''''','''' in the In this context it is to note that after the water and sanitation in the blg:hW~S 30% of households were unable to pay the new tariff. In the
of one would also increase in non-invoiced of water and ""&""......,."H·", U)llI:er:agc~) and measures to control this would be rendered less effective erosion of sodal and associated wUh an idE~ol()gy commodification.
Similarly the of networks and the extension of coverage on the basis of the ability to pay could a serious polarization of sodal and environmental living conditions in the and will contribute to the formation of through the high costs of and the high cost of non-conventional supply of water. The to service and low income settlements would be seriously set back and costs of because it is in these setlements that the technical nrr,vic'll"\n are highest because of geo-morphologiuinera,blllltles, r!1"l"\ro-~ln"7Ar! layouts, environmental hazards etc. net in the absence of tariff provisions could prove to be 37
structures with subsidies to the poor and recovery rates ... r1""<,t,,,rl to cadastral income levels and consumption levels.
issues and questions also needs to be considered about A number of the relationship between environmental and policies and the decentralization of and administrative power to local authorities.
that in measure the failure of earlier of environmental could be traced to ineffective and unaccountable local governunderuse or overuse of resources was associated with excessive concentration of de(~ision-m:akiln2 in central 20'vernnlent. In this context neo-liberal tbe transfer of power and resources to the local go'veI'nnlellLt ll.I..lL:'U;:"I;;,
Numerous models were for this decentralization process and cant differences exist between them. In Countries the most commonly applied version was one where executive were transferred to but powers and fiscal resources remained at the central level. Here the central state retained control aild flows of finanee to local authorities and monitored the and execution of local authorities has enhanced powers to choose, v .......'............ and these and were empowered to raise revenues from services and local taxes. These measures in combination with in urban access to tnternational loans; enhanced technical as sistance and institution-building would result in a environmental capacity derived from a buoyant fiscal base, contract and service standards, In some versions of decentralization supported a wider was associated with the extension and consolidation Here the local organizing authorities increased their roie in and households. Some to the citizen was a prerequisite for "bottom-up" environmental based on local knowiedge and and were essential for increased cost of nno taxation without representarecovery and local taxation on the tion". jJ .......
Much of the on the of neo-liberal decentralization measures centres on fiscal issues. the flow of central transfers is critical for local environmental improvements, is by on the ability to increase the contribution from local taxes administrative and user charges. This ability depends on a range of has to be demonstrated. and political issues and
38
Concern has been eX1Dre$St~ that the of local revenues for environmental and urban is more the need to fill the resources gap created cut-backs in central govemment transfers to 10cal authorities as a resuit of policies. Under these cireumstanees decentralization measures ean be seen as a means of for the effects of national am"tm:'Uy go'VeI'IDlllellt without nwo,,... ,,,"',n, ... the resources to deal witb them. Same argue that the effects of decentralization on the distribution of environmental improvements will be negative. Those municior tax base will make 1t'n-nrr\UPTnP.ntc with an whilst in the absence of poorer mlml,::ap.all1:leS further environmental deterioration. If these differences were alowed to grow, the net environmental effect at the macro-level could be focus for urban could also A "local rather than resolve environmental in those many eities or me:tro1pollum areas which come under the of more than one authority. Decentralization of power and resources could here lead to an intensification of to generate tax bases through the relaxation or of environmental standards. Some are just too small and cannot afford either the or skills for the provision and of services. The political and complexities involved in overcoming this difficulty (mergers, umbrella organizaexpensive and service boards etc) can make these ineffective. The effects could be an intensification of many of those irrationalities in the urban form that threaten its environmental support capacity - the uneven distribution of infrastructure and services, green and open areas, differentialland use and standards etc. Critics of the universal aPlJl1c:abll1t) of political and administrative decentralization measures have to the absence of strong local govemment of current to traditions in many coulntrles. and have doubted the make much of an for a of time. In those cases where reglLllatory conrlpelten<;e has been transferred to the local many doubt that local authorities will have sufficient power to confront greatly strengthened sector interests. The can therefore be asked: What is the most effeetive distribution of powers over the urban environment the various levels of the state?
39
Sub-theme B. SPATIAL STRATEGIES
Some observer argue that transformation in the urban systems of ve:veJ.onJm2: Countries are These transformations bring forward new in the management of questions regarding sustainability and state the built form. A new model is as the transformations of the Nineties a new social urban structure in which the growth of poverty is not in line with the growth of informality. The Sixties In the Sixties the dominant models that urban policies in Ve:veJlonm2: Countries were derived from modernization theory with its strong Western bias. It was that the urban structure of cities in and of a Countries was different because they were at different similar urbanization process whose revea1ed the mation of the former to the latter as modemization and proceeded. Third World cities were at transitional in the framework of "universar' tYIJIO!C)gI(!S derived from the historical pattern of Western urban ae"el<)pI1UeI1lt. Although phenomena such as urban overurbanization and urban were seen as remediabie only through further and differences existed about the extent to which planners could and should intervene. In general and again in imitation of plann:mg theories and that were dominant in the it was believed that on Western minimum standards and direct and rationalize urban to achieve this was the Master Plan which attempted to regulate and "direct" land uses, location of activities, and services and networks. In some counto01s such as interaction models were tries often mtlegI:ate~ with master planmng. were also Dualistic theories and models of the and were used to lity, culture of poverty and duallabor market and formulate social and cultural issues and policies. In their form they expressed the notion of two forms of organization defined according to criteria pf()h1entticm of shantytowns on the urban and on 'non-urbaniwho zable land was a result of the direct migration of rural peasants to the reproduced in these settlements the social cultural and living conditions associated with the "traditional" or cultures which were seen as obstacles in the towards modernization. Urban were thus based on a refusal by the state to extend services and infrastructure to these settlements, where possible to eradicate them, and to construct conventional care-units with "minimum standards in their The failure of these policies was clear by the late Sixties: slums and <,h"lnh,tr""rI" state the of new conventional units was I
ll
40
miniscule in relation to need, and despite up to 75% of the population. unaffordable
subsidised they were
The Seventies that was consolidated at the In the Seventies a new policy consensus HABITAT I Conference This approach adopted a far more TV\(~1tnTP attitude to the growth and of squatter settlements, and was a new spatial model of the The new model discarded the dualism of the earlier model and related rented inner city slums and settlements through the mechanism of the economie and associated with the migrant's life in the city. In this model inner city slums were identified as deteriorating reception areas for new migrants and peripheral settlements were seen as the The last point of residence for established of continued socio-economic of model was based on the urban residents; the transition of residents from to owner - occupation, and a clear differentiation of those settlements based on rental tenure from or owner-occupation. Research in the Del[1DJrrethose based on ral settlements revealed that households and in contrast to the sector, were building affordable process ""'•• "r",a ..... and It was of these pnnCJlpl~~S and process into public housing and the extension of public infrastructure and services to these settlements would allow the and increase the propensity to invest labour expansion of state They included a and management skills in shelter and urban recogJtuuon: of the significance of home of tenure for and finance; of the need to development for built areas, materials, structures and the need to reduce housing and infrastructure standards to affordable and materithe need to develop and provide access to contributions and in als; of the need for and of the need to encourage informal sector and project and settlement de,rel()pnlenlt. labour intensive activities in \'.'PT'"\nr'p('·
emlen~ed
out of this consensus inc1uded sites and services slum and settlements tenure programmes; improved access to manaigel1a1 and technical assistance; the stimulation of small scale enterprices areas, and an to the and informal sector activities in nTf"'."UH"1nn of services. In line with the of the policies generally owner the exacerbation of low sprawl and the linear extension of arterial systems on the urban periphery and there was a general neglect of inner slums and the needs of the rental market. Elg:htu~s
to 41
it was recognized that had to minimal subsidies and defaults) and the and of
and services for low income groups. The "affordallility - cost recovery - re'(.':llicabilit,r" formula became under growing economic, fiscal and pOl1UCal in policy over the decade. In the early Seventies attention focussed infraon sites and services but in the face of structure, services and land costs and scale middle class encroachment it rapidly became c1ear that these solutions were not affordable the poor, and could not meet cost recovery or replicability criteria.
Conse~llientlv in the second half of the Seventies the shifted towards slum and squatter settlement upgrading in the form of "Integrated Development de-densificati, sometimes combined with sites and services to settlement up,gra,d.1Ilg nrnH>t"'tc on. Some slum and and middle c1ass groups in generating cross subsidies for numbers the poor. Some countries Indonesia) did manage to achieve urban improvement on a large scale these projects, under the of unified 11 metropolitan of and cost recovery often authorities 11 • emerged in newly upgraded projects as exposure to increased rents and the costs of the improvements led to expulsion of lower income groups. r:>. .........HJ,IJL,:) in the to further reduce standards, increase densities and to stimulate labour intensive and cOJmnmrnty could do little to counteract these trends.
the with the emergence of the Debt Crisis, Structural Adjustment, measures and land and costs the n()~:~lnlllities for these to the -cost recover replicability" formula dramatically receded. Under the impact of economie and reduced subsidies, sites and shrinking public services were almost out, slum were reduced in number and almost exc1usive attention was paid to settIeof public ment In was on the and private housing finance, on the reduction and targetting of subsidies, on financial regulatory reform and on an increased emphasis on private sector nr(lVt~~tOT1_ but the poor were denied access to resources. In some cOl11ntries. hl()wl~ver . .. was used as a macro economie tooI for rp':I('h'lT!Ät'lno the economy and significant increases in output were achieved ColombiEig;htlc~s it was generally recognized slg:nlIllCaJU inroads into the urban 'v ... ..,'... uF,
The Nineties of the Nineties a new urban the based on the neo-liberal o:>n~lhT~';"
framework was elaborated the failure to achieve the ..... ~." .... ".jöo," it was .. _' .... bu.....J""-' that some progress had been in it for drastic new measures to achieve the cost recovery and replicability of urban goods and
42
services. Fundamental was attached to. policy, institutio.nal and mamagel:1al reforms rather than "bricks and mo.rtar" and technical apl;>rOlaCJtles for these measures reflected the goals o.f neoliberal analysis: eliminatio.n of supply and demand side constraints; withdrawal of the state and of eliminatio.n and of der'eglliation and institutio.nal ..."...."1"'11'" D'UWlln:g; increased participatio.n and po.litical/administrative decentralization.
Neoliberals turned to the of 'enablement' to n:..r,,,,,1A the theoretical underpinning o.f the new policy framewo.rk. As the supply and demand side co.nstraints o.n 'free markets' were derived from state mt,enrenhon. the state sho.uld withdraw fro.m the direct of and and measures that 'distorted' demand. Instead it should facilitate o.r 'enable' sector, formal and informal and groups and to and and restrict itself to. ""6'......... '. . ...,,, and coo.rdinatio.n of the sector. Enablement of efficient markets was as the mechanism to the levels of thus commensurate with demand (if not need) and to resolve the replicability pro.blem. A range of 'enabling '- po.licy and lending instrurnents were pro.posed that would to. create a wen housing secto.r and which would 'serve the interests of all in the sector' . included measures to stimulate demand such as the of (expanded regularization and registration of privatizatio.n of public housing stock); the develo.pment of finanee and the targetting/rationalizatio.n o.f subsidies. Measures to facilitate included the pro.visio.n o.f residential lnt"..-:.c-t-/"l1ll"'tJ'l'A' reform of urban and standards, and the stimulation of competitio.n in the building industry. The privatization o.f appropriate services, co.ntracting out o.f wo.rk to. small scale enterprises, informal workers, private NGOs and the were all In the were no.t concerned framework of enablement state stock, but co.nfined to. the o.f trunk with the creation of new infrastructure for marketized land and the upgrading o.f settlements.
eXJllailn tbe fanure to realize the atl'ordit)ilitv-cm;t recoveryfOf'mulla, neo-liberal amlLlySiS also
oriented sector and policy level planning.
POjnte~d
to the
inaldelClmlClc~s
and recommended a shift to programme,
It was
to fail fro.m macro.-eco.no.mic policy rather than in a bad eco.no.my was likely to be a ; that the rationale imposed , getting prices right'- and the adequate co.nstraints on innovation and rates of return in project co.ntexts was project were 43
generally too smal1 to make an and were and Or~~aI1l1Z
It was that there should be a shift from or sites" to wide" or 'market wide' programmes such as land and housing finance. lf the shift from projects to sector and policy level approaches was to achieve replicability a on improved urban management and institutionbuilding was also rt:>rlll1,rt:>r!
urban resources should be de[)lm/ed in reinforced institutioand technical in areas such as manap12LIDllinl~, effective tax coUection and administration etc. Cons€~qlllently
m~malge.rIal, 'h~gilnirlI6
Domestic resource mobilization and co st recovery were essential and could be achieved by tax cost recovery for public the reduced coverage or termination of a wide range of and the reform of urban and standards on the basis of from cost-benefit analysis reg;U12Ltory audits'). Decentralization of power and resource to local authoriimorclVeJmelnt of their financial and plannJlllg " .......,'"'".,.u and increased participation was deemed lmpleme~nUltlc~n and fuIl cost recovery on user ch2IIge:s; p·t1-t:>,"1-n.YP> tax collection and improved On the left for these measures was based on a redefinition of the of enablement to accomodate the of democratization and settlements would be and NGOs and CBOs would be the of urban manaj~enr1enlt.
44
ClnTICAL ANALYSlS OF SPATIAL STRATEGIES
These up a number of issues and consideration in the International Seminar.
qm~stliDns
that are
of
The first concerns the relationship between current urban overall urban In the Seventies and the the was to reinforce the dynamic of the residential mobility model. the end of the decade as a result of the impact of these doubt was expressed about the policies and macro-economic trends and wisdom of further pursuing this and the relevance of the model llnt'lprnlnn;T1IO' it. In the Eighties the thrust was for peI1.p!lenil development, squatter settlement upgrading and an increase in the of informal housing through eXl:eniomg owner-occupation, tenure and the availability of services. The concentration of investments and improvements on the periphery was of the inner city residential accompanied by a and urban was unleashed areas. On the periphery a process of low to a of the urbanized area. For between 196985 Lima s grew by two and a half times, but its built area almost three and a half times. In and informal settlements the search for affordability, "autonomous residential and immediate survival often led to the use of low Clerlslt:les, ma.DD:ronnate locations and excessive public service nonhierarchized roads, network etc. The deleterious effects of these on urban and the urban environment have investments on been discussed. It is also c1ear that the concentration of the maximized linea! meterage of infrastructure and services and involved massive "hidden urbanization costs that increasingly exc1uded the and which made it more difficult for the poor from access to in the to state to service distant locations at rational co st. increase densities and rationalize in order to increase cost recovery through the of could do little to offset the costs of extending trunk infrastructure in this way. f
I!
neglect of the inner the absence of any consistent alternative forms of tenure the failure to use and mcmomg cornmunau., Ci()-Olnelratlve. and leasing arrangements, and the relaxati-
A
downgrading of the built environment and infrastructure has ocurred 45
to underutilization of technical infrastructure and inner city space, increased maintenance costs and an increase in and environmental hazards. to commercial and de<;onge!;tiofn and land use rationalization have often led to the \.J'u of the poor, the destruction of informal sector jobs and an increase in inner city rents. '-'.hIJ ...... "' ..
a DOlllc,r-a~'~US.Iea Thus the end of the was created that was characterized uneven distribution of population derlsltlles, infrastructure and areas of underutilized space and and a marked and deterioration in environmental and social conditions that threatened the of the model.
The of this and the model it were also by the effects of macro-economie trends and on urban areas in the Eighties. Recession, macroeconomic and structural aOrustlmellt measures have affected the supply of urban and services by the rea1 costs of finance and construction. flation and currency devaluation have increased the attractiveness of land speculation and hoarding. The rea1 costs of building materials and fuel have been affected by import compression, currency devaluation and Public on and services in many countries have been cut back as finance has been by revenues associated with unemployment and wages; by reduced external commercial bank loans, and government attempts to reserve credit for the tradeabie goods and sectors. Macroeconomic have also had a serious effect on the demand for urban goods and services reduced Tea1 wages, increased unemployment, increased taxes and user charges and the withdrawal or reduction of a wide range of subsidies. This has affected both low and middle and services has income groups who have found that access to become more difficuit. .LU,",'.L"""'''''U'';;;'
TU'I"'.r11l1'_
There is little doubt that these conditions have changed the relations of the social classes in Third World cities. The exposure of the poor in pel1ptler:a1 settlements and to land and and taxes has led to their '-'''''IIJ'''',''.I.'''''' prices and increased user settlements and a shift back to rental accomodation either in the inner slums or in the rapidly peripheral rental markets. On the other hand the supply of for middle income groups with has forced them increasin;giy reduced incomes and access to to enter informal markets where with low income groups for access to scarce resources. In many cases this takes the form of middle of class encroachment into recently upgraded or the
46
"upmarket" middle class housing markets by informal within low income settlements. It has been suggested that this may have led to a narrowing of formal and informalland differentials in some cities. It is now increasingly
that the long term shift in ten ure pattenls from in inner city slums to owner occupation in peripheral settlements slowed down in the and in some countries may have been rev'ersect. to encourage Reasons include: declining rea! incomes; costs; cuts in subsidies; the dls:apPlearance of non-commercial access to land and an increase in government controls over of ",,',,~r_n,"",-n n01LlSlll1g. There has been a of rental and sub-rental markets (often kin-related); spatial differentiation of rental and other housing markets; the densification (rooming) of inner areas, and of the difficulties now the and new for the of residential by earlier gerlenltlCms. UJ..Lj:;;'LU1U.3
The blO'Cj{~u!;e
with acute
,...",..•• "11.... to is a pbenomlenon economie, cultural and political significanee.
It is widely
a dramatic increase in with up to 70 % of households now renting in some North African and Asian cities. There is evidence from several cities that rents have to rise in relation to and incomes.
In this context the basic What is the these Nineties?
Qu~~st110ns
which
themselves are:
str'atE~2Y
of current neo-liberal urban policies? and Do the new realities of Third W orld cities in the
In one sen se it can be admitted that these policies and the analysis that underthem emit a . The that are in a shift in focus from material structures investment in human and physical to policy reforms which are not so much structures as government actions designed to influence resource allocation. This shift is rell~ar(ject as fundamental for success, and in its assertion the lmprf~SS].on is left that to be a concern and that the have not been considered: 'the best
A second view argues that the new urban framework has not so much but reasserted the of the at a time when its relevance has been superseded. It is certainly the case that the main emph:iLSIS of current policies remains focussed on peripheral development - both in terms of the extension of trunk the of low income settlements, the stimulation of informal land and and in terms of policies to encourage being the "'HLU..l"'U5~"""
47
main location of the urban poor it seems that inner city slum rehabilitation is to remain a secondary concern. the asked:
uPJ~radmlg
and has to be
In the context of processes what ....""" ........ 'h"'C' should be attached to the rehabilitation of slums or the up,gradiIlL2 of pel~ipller:al S(lmlttE~r settlements? Moreover of inner
the serious conflicts of interest involved in the con trol and use land, space, buildings and services the can be asked:
Does the emph:tlsis on urban eUicllmc:y led de'vell[)pIneJ~t increase the inddence of inner ry dislpla~c:enlenrt
nrlluhu'.tivi1:v
and market-
It is also
increase in that current policies pay prC)m()Uftg rental and other forms of tenure. An towards is characteric of neoThe attention of neo-liberal has focussed on the liberal deleterious effects of rent controls which are seen to subsidize businesses and affluent tenants, maintenance and improvements by landlords, and decrease the of low income rental accomodation. Others have that rent control and is to stabilize and the inner poor, and that comparative research has that the effects attributed to rent controls in contexts without them. Rent dec ontrol has been urged by aid countries but its P01IUC:a! it has as particular priority. The therefore have to be To what extent do current .... "'lliil'i,,,'" facilitate the transition of low income groups from and To what extent do of rental h01lSiIlg'! current pOJlicit~ Some observers argue that current in the context of changing spatial will do little to counteract may even ,nt..,.nc"Tu the problems associated with and inner city argue that this model is inefficient, unjust and unsustainable. and standards for urban should consist of their for land uses, and economie and resource use. These and standards must aim at the character and develO"(:lmt~nt of the urban fo:rm in line with its environmental ~11V1lnn1rt" CllP~lCI1;y cost-minimization criteria and sodal
It is
that can only be achieved through the of the and a general spatial strategy of densification of the built area.
48
This would """" .....~" a return to re~~Iat{)ry and in tbe that differentiate zones wUb different level context of urban structure of consolidation. Differentiated land use, and service standards would be establisbed for zones in order to rationalize settiement and urbanization costs, and to bannonize urban in a more and effident fasbion. It would also
the soeial embodied in encouraging the mixed use of space in inner city areas; the sale of to prevent urban and to generate funds for low income urban the creation of differentiated equitable and efficient tax and tariff structures; for inner eity tenants, and the use of cash and and access to rental direct subsidies to poor I end users I rather than owners.
It is c1ear that an interventionist, mteg]~attx1 is far removed from current enablement end state and which the creation of conditions rather than the imposition of restrictions. It is clear therefore that a central question for debate must be:
Sbould there be a concerted to COIlSOJIU1~lte. renew and exi!~tinlg built area ratber than tbe contmued of the tbe per'iptler~(:
rI"'~""".·'rr
the of
It also can be asked whether a fundamental problem exist with current shelter pOliCIes. As we have seen their principal thrust is for upgrading and mcrea.slll.g the supply of informal and security and land under tenure, access to finance, infrastructure and services. This is of conventional conditions where there has been a smallor declining nOllSUJlg and controls over settlements and access costs to low income groups for solutions on the perlPherv However the essence of the urban housing in Countries is the between the rate of creation of new housing stock and the rate of new household formation. The World Bank has estimated that each year 1215 million new households are added to Third World eities natural increase and mljgratlOJn. The question must therefore be asked:
Do current shelter nnii." .. ,,,,,,
address tbemselves to the need to interulify nous1lllg stock?
Jpgra
49
broadened to middle income sectors, and is a major sodal different sodal sectors with different shelter phenomenon of the 90s needs. In many cases extreme is not solved through a solution. The only way existing could be used to significantly increase the housing stock would be by them with a land policy that rapidly new households with land and services. It is doubtful if land measures could the of land required at a sufficiently low cost. Two other are PO::;Sl[He. First the state could relax most controls over squatting and subdivision move in to provide tenure and services. It is doubtful if this could over a prolonged period given its effect on demands and the rate of UUj:;.,J. ........ VJl'-
~e<:~ondlv
access to land could be achieved land baTIlKll1lg with the state quantities of land in advance and relleasmg them at cost to new householders. Again there would be great difficulties in this because of budgetary restrictions and a for the to increase spe~cuJlat1lon. serious to of infrastructure and services to create new stock will require a coherent land of infrastructure for residential 11"",,,,"...n_ the fact that the ment has been made a of neo-liberal policy there is no clear outside of market of how this land will be and '-'-'huUJ.'............ The has to be asked therefore: What land policy should be infrastructure and services?
n ....""..
".rl in order to facilitate the eXllaIJlSion of
attached to A number of other questions also emerge about the reforms in current polides. The regulatory , institutional and "'''''',hlo"" of for has been located in terms of the shift from projects to programmes, and the need for urban and institutional reform. But is the fallure to achieve re):lllcliibillty ment .......,,.hl.<>'"'
an institutional or manage-
Rather institutional reforms would be seem to be necessary but not suffident to costs and increased austeriachieve replicability under conditions of ty. concern has been that the shift from projects to programmes could diminish the coverage of the poor because the link with """'.T""1"1tU groups is less defined in less site-specific are in a sen se material structures, and institutional reforms are more concerto guide resource allocation. ned with rules, regulations and Although this may offer some insulation from the commonly heard criticism that lSO little has been achieved on the ground it is also the case that the I
50
reform of institutions, and instruments is an and that action is required to deal with costly and lengthy many urban Df()Olern.s. The question that emerges:
What is the time-frame within which the results on the ...........u .....,... of these pOjliCi4~S are to be realised? If urban
has been 'deterritoriamed 'and neoliberal theory it is a180 the case that in a sense has also been I demateriamed'. The of as an artefact has been subordinated to a of as an economie <> ....~nT1ifi·'" ~Ovl~rJ:leo vu·.'\rI.·....... "vit"T values. In effect has became a bundie of
for these services. consists of indirect measures to enable the and informal sectors to fulfil the 'materiamation' process. Some and are concerned that poIicymakers in this way have became 'shelter-blind' and that this could mark the demise of studies. Whatever the case it is clearly important the 'distanced' of policy-making to the 'real l circuit of and services that effective means be found for measuring and the results of these policies. Research on the urban form is particular important the evidence of the relationship between the deterioration of standards and physical as a problem in almost all downgrading. Personal scores and Third World The relations between man and nature, cOlnnmrnty and neighborhood cannot be understood in terms n-::n,TTTI,pnt capacity, but rather in terms of their wider dialectical interactions. Consequently the built environment - and it architectural discipline can become a powerful instrument to accelerate and facilitate the of human and communal or it can become a source of social pal:nOlO~~Y that obstruct the possibilities for further collective It seems that th ere is an educational and capacity function for and through the dwel-
51
2' A
MARKETENABLEMENT
POLITICAL ENABLEMENT
COMMUNITY ENABLEMENT Participation
Solidarity Funds
1"'""_...:r.._.....;:&L.._ _ _ _ _Tub-contract
MARKEr ENABLEMENT Contracting Out Privatization Material+Financial Inputs Deregulation
MARKET ENABLEMENT Training
Advice Research Monitoring Quality
Contract (+central govt.contract)
Contract Participatory Planning
CBOS
Material+Finacial Inputs DereguJation
NBOS COOPS
sses microenterprises
Users' Assocs. Citi:zens' Groups
POLITICAL ENABLEMENT Screening Design Research
Advice
COMMUNITY ENABLEMENT
Advice Research Marketing Credit
Marketing Building Research Institute Planning DeI)art(~me'nt Standards Loca1 Branch Min. of Employment/Housing Public Service Agency
Theme
m
PARTICIPATION AND TBE ROLE OF TUE PROFESIONAL fu~
~
goals and outcomes of neo-liberal planning in the areas of alleviation and macroeconomic, environmental stn3.te:gIes. In this section we shall be concerned with the polItICa! and administrative aspects of these and the way in which change the interactions between the state, the and the professional. The three and underpinning the transformaof tions introduced these in the Nineties are specific of Enablement: M1JbOOtiillg]~[!l§lJ1...~Ulli~~1!!2!!~~ nity Enablement. The revolution of the Seventies which ch:mg:e<1 sional practice of urban workers is now transformations. A new role for professionals and a new pra.ctl(;e for urban workers appears to be from these overall chém~:es. The discussion of these themes will be undertaken with reference to the Model (see Model 2, page The Model shows that the central state has established enablement for three areas -the the local state and the The local state also carries out enablement in relation to local markets and local communities. In some context a Focal Institution (eg. Standards and Research Institute, Local and Urban em.Do'welred to out enabling measures for the between the local state, the market and community are often the actions of NGOs. These transformations have and administrative consequences and involve fundamental changes in the concept and activity of professional PfC:Lctl.ce. "'''VJLUW,'JU''
Two points have to be made before the model is based on a composite - differences exist between countries and policy makers over the relative that should be attached to enablement of the .......-<.u......,~, the local state or the community. In some formulations is on is attached to enablement market enablement and liWe po]jti(~al/'adlmirlist:rative decentralization is stressed with prurtlCap,ttwln and so on. Second, the neoliberal assertion that enablement serves the interests of all pru11cIPants - consumers, central and local governments involves can be Rather it will be argued that urban conflicts of interest between different activities and political groups and is manifested in such as ..."l.~"'''.I.'>J.Vl cation, landlord/tenant unequal provision of services and infrastructure etc. conflicts of interest also exist between and within the central state, the local state, the market and the and enablement policies can or diminish these conflicts as weU as generate new ones. ..I..
53
Sub-theme A. MARKET ENüLEMENT AND TUE ROLE OF TUE URBAN PROFESSIONAL
Market enablement lies at the heart of most neo-liberal frameworks. This is hardl y the constraints model that underpins neoliberal theory. It that the earlier I excesive I state intervention characwelfare state/mixed economy model was in teristic of the This model active measure for inadequate rates of of selected goods and direct state intervention in the allocation and and the use of interest rate, rate and price controls to and and the use of taxes and subsidies c01npJreh ensave coverage and equal access to public services. Interventionist through the use of and controls was deemed necessary to secure term urban and to protect national interests and to consumers from market failures. i
Neoliberal that these policies by interfering with the free market determination of resource allocation , and incentive led to supply-side constraints. It was that state bureaucracies stifled initiative, were inflexible and unresponsive to demand Excessive enterprices from increased costs and held back High social spending, income and wage taxes acted as disincentives to investment and deficits were ,... . 1'1-:>1""'.,'" ..... , TvnTrnt:>nt" dlslcOllra~~ed work. Given the of state intervention in gerlenit1I1lg neoliberal theory proposed a of the between central ownersand local and the market. The state IS roie in .au.ou.",,,,, IIlarJK:etmg and should be "roUed back", and its activities restricted to those of "market enablement". Govemment was to be a cOCiJrd.imLtiulg and facilitating rather than an interventionist force. Enablement meant facilitating and the formal and informal business sectors and en1trelDre:ne'urs to market solutions for the production, distribution and exc:nrulge of urban and services. Where possible the state should withdraw from their direct provision and in all cases expo se them to market GlSI:::1DIInes. By removing market resources, entreand innovation it was that market enablement would of and it would produce sustainable of urban term and gains and it would reduce the goods and services to more affordable levels. A number of instrurnents were available for the market enableMacroeconomic and sector - level policy reforms were seen as -~ l~"_L.:~ - market forces, and for the institutional and financial framework for enablement. measures aimed at the elimination of distortions in factor, and financial markets and inc1uded the liberacontrols over prices, rates, interest rate ceiling lization of and credit and the opening up of the market to foreign 54
n ..."'r1I1I1""<'
and COJmpetltlOn
the removal of
'h"(~tn,rp.
T'\ ......
tariffs and import
quotas. and reforms were seen as essential for cmnpjetition and for the access of small scale enterprises and the informal sector to land, credit, services and materials. The infrastructure and service was privatization of urban sector or through the either direct sale to the cOlrrtr,a.ctmg out of work in central or local government housing, service and infrastructure or projects through competitive bidding. Here the roie of was limited to organizing the pelrtö:rm:an{:e of contractors, technical control and contractor policies could be used to favour smallor large, formal and informal flrms wherever aPlJroprilite. Central and local governments could also use their own resources to advance the goals of market enablement. Measures commonly used included: the provision of trunk land of constnlction: promotion of informal and small scale en1tellPn:ses to assistance and training in skills and business management. In allocating resources and contracts governments could diseminate locally-based building processes and technologies. Market enablement is carried out through a variety of national and local gOl,rernment agencies. NGOs are also used (often under COIltnlct) mediate between the market and local and to .....r""".", te:CllIllC,U, administrative and economic consultation and resources. Focal Institutito enable the market and the local state in areas such as ons can be the dissemination of research and advice on standards and and training and technical
It is clear that enablement
of the relations between the and sectors. cal drive is towards the elimination of the state from the has occurred is a new form of articulation of public and private mixed hed through a framework of asset franchises and concessions. The reallocation of prc>àuctnre functions and and financial resources is in and productivity. The political and levels of of the state and however are social consequences of this new currently not wen understood. One concern that has emerged is that the concept of the state embodied in embomarket enablement has diminished the welfare and sodal died in state interventions and that the market does not of welfare distribution. State withdrawal uu'vUj::,U acceptable privatiZéJlticln and marketization has thrown into question the basic equity 55
objectives embodied in such planning prindples and instrurnents as function of the character of differentiated sive taxation and and social and standards. This has occurred at a time when the social and situation of those groups whose interests should have been measures has deteriorated dra.ma.tlcélll)i
the sodal progresand economic by these
Concern has also been expressed that some aspects of market enablement have been motivated more by the desire to relieve budgetary pressures derived from than a concern to maximize There is a fear view enablement is seen more as a traditional between responsibilities than one to create new ones. Recently the enablement and has been qwestlloned.--partlc:ualrly the detrimental effects of ...",QA-n,r1 .... state finance for the sector, and the limitations of ",...-1"'.... t, . . ... tradeabie markets. towards 1110
A case can also be made that the view of the state held by ob staneo-liberal - as the source of market 'constraints', cles' and -has led to a rather than active role for the state in market enablement: most public resources have been used to stimulate resource mobilization. remove state constraints rather than to I
I
of market enablement are far from It is also the case that the clearly understood. it would certainly be naive if not foolish to assume the political impartiality of these measures, or to ignore their political effects. 1t has been that and enablement measures have "''''...,,,,,,,,,,, dls:ad\i'anl:ag(~ the poor and sections of the middle and have benefitted owners rather than tenants, and the rather than the inner city. The political consequences of these policies are far from clear and the question:
What has been the effect of market enablement on the nature and mies of urban needs further research. Some have suggested that the privatization of public goods and services delivery and the increased use of contractual relations may have contributed to a of the influence of and traditional power structures in their allocation. Others have that these structures either in the new or that they have been used to consolidate new the question: constellations of political power.
Do market enablement measures structures or create new ones?
,rIbc''i" ........."
or eonsolidate traditional power
needs further research. It is the case that enablement polides have pOJllt1<~au.v stf(~ngthened certain groups and classes and formal rea! estate etc) and sector entrepreneur's, ITLerc:haJlts, unions, the urban poor, dvil weakened others and 56
servants) and this has generated new political alignments and conflicts. It is also difficult to see how market enablement pOJ.1CH;S can transcend the weIl
and consumers documented conflicts of interest between and and regulators over the allocation of urban public resources, and this question also needs further research. Questions have also been raised about the of NGOs to maintain their as are enmeshed in a web of contractual and on national and local g01vennment and international agencies.
It is also clear that the methods of enablement and the of market of urban and services has had a and state relations in the prc)tOlmc1 effect on the and roie of the It is true to. say that the stress on economic efficiency has led to a more positive recognition of the economic significance of good structural design and pianmmg many still have in the held technical and social to more ,..,,,lu subordination of defined market It is also clear that many of enabiement demand a new concept of professional practice based on a 'service-orientation' of new and broad but the consolidation and which the is far from The disorientation of urban codification of this has been further the dramatic in the employment structures brought on by market enablement and adjustment measures. The shift from the to the sector has seen wHjespn:~c1 retrenchment of fuIl-time at the central state and the of short and time contractual and work for and private and focal institutions. In contractor firms, NGOs, some countries shortages of skilled personnel have been reported in local the low levels of remuneration offered. It is also the case that the increased on and technical and need for skilled personnel in the redrafting of regulations and standards has created for some in a new role. However little research has been carried out into the qm!süon: 1"I
What has been the effect of market enablement on the emlP!«)YIJne11t structure and oPlrlOrtulliti4~ of urban prc)fe~ssi(malls'!
57
Sub-theme B. POLITICAL
JL:dI.'1i.t1UlJ'.Jl..l.OIjJ.V.II.JI!
REORGANIZATION OF THE STATE
The second of the three modes of enablement outlined in the Model is political enablement defined as a transformation in the structure and function of central and local government, the relations between and their relations with the market and the Political enablement is achieved political/ administrative democratization, managerial and institutional based and reform the widespread use of NGOs and through towards the market and in the and services. allocation of material and financial public The justification for these policies is based on a coherent central/local government relations that uses economie to processes. Given that the allocation of services can only be achieved the excessive gO'vernment centralization and bureaucratization were amongst the main reasons why development had failed. Central government bU1:eallcnlCle:s, those associated with the welfare state model were inefficient and to benefit the middle because in the absence of market disciplines and electoral accountability bureaucrats have a personal interest in budget-maximization and oversupplying goods and services through deficit financing. Centralized is prone to and 'rentseekm,g' activities by interest groups to the mi:sappr
58
urcmosed involving a range of different financial, and institutional alternatives. In some countries decentralization measures amounted to little more than a strenghtening of central loc al representatives and the deleg::ltlcm of powers to national decentralized More commonly the central state retained con trol over fiscal transfers to local authorities and regulated the and execution of projects; whilst local authorities were prioritize, plan and implement greatly increased power to and to raise revenues from local taxes and international it was argued would give accountaloans. Decentralization of this bility; a more fiscal local coordination of state projects; improved cost improved contract management; better and cheaper and a more distribution of it was also that these could not to strengthen the institutional and be realized without planning capacity of local authorities. This was to be achieved through institutitraining and technical an increased plann:mg through incentives rather than the abandonment of the and the shift to or sectoral - level and rather than Dn)ie(~ts. program mes such as land In an
number of countries local decentralization and have been associated with the extension and consolidation of and a of the relationship between the state and civil society. Here decentralization takes the form of representation of loc al communities a council or with powers over the local element in enableexecutive. Democratization is identified as a ment for several reasons: local elites accountable to the local electorate would better would decrease the incidence of and expo se local needs and priorities; political freedom is the democratization of urban and the lJUllm;;i1l lf~gltlm;:ttion of local were to obtain the reconciliation between technical efficiency and social essential for efficient service ti"'I.",::....... ,· and political was a necessary for increasing local taxes and rates of cost recovery and for ;rn1nr....,uirICt Political decentralization and democratization provide the context in which an empowered local can advance enabling strategies with the local market and Here local activities become a set of social and which popular demands and technical administrative responses can be and maintained. Local govemments are expected to act as a force for enablement in a development based on community and Local authorities increase their role in coordinating and citizens' groups, self-help groups, NGOs and the various market to provide goods and services. Measures most commonly used include: the provision of trunk infrastructure and access to secure land tenure, appropriate and standards and skills traInIng, 59
local technologies, materials and designs. NGOs, Focal Institutions and closely supervised contracts are widely used in regulating these relationships between the Iocal state and the cornmunity
Political enablement transformations in the role of the state and its relationship the community and the market. A number of issues are currently under debate. Neo-liberal discourse claims that enablement does not a reduction in but rather a reallocation of governas the centre of empowerment with Iocal that in practi(~e ment. concern has been lities have been transferred, the resources required to exercise them have not. This has raised the suspicion that the enthusiasm for decentralization derives deficits and more from to relieve national manage the debt crisis than it does from broader delTIOCraLUc the World Bank has that a element of enablement strategies is 'to leverage public resources to the greatest extent possible'. Experienee from of res:ponsl.blsome countries has also shown that the lities for the effects of national onto local gmrerrlmemts has a when the to a political division. It is also the case that the stimulation of Iocal government revenues is a complex and lengthy process that despite current will not revenue streams for some central transfers in the int,pn,rpnina current trends for urban deterioration can be eXJ>eCted to continue for some time. The question therefore has to be asked:
of decentralization related more to re(luireInelnts than to internal socio-economie and DOJlitliCal re(luire1nent5;'{ Debate also focussed on the sigmI1LCaJrlCe of polItiCa! enablement for the roie of the central state. Some observers between decentralipolicies conditionality zation and structural with international agencies, see a two-fold weakening of the central state in Less Developed Countries as power flows upwards to these ag€:mcaes and downwards to sub-national units. I
The wisdom of and local the centre of political and administrative has also been challenged on a number of grounds. In most developing countries local is weak, lm~ttlcle:nt, un:replre~;entative and lacks institutional and technical An 'ln,.,yon..""h based on immediate without effective enablement could have serious consequences in those numerous countries which lack a local government tradition. Some have speculated that the transfer of powers of regulatory competence to 10ca1 authorities with weak enforcement within a c1imate of stn~n~~tnceneX1 a lack of Local in
60
their actual and pOItenttal revenue bases. In the absence of fiscal eqllalj.zation measures and environmental could open up between them. The effects of 'municipally-centred' two-speed development could be particularly deleterious in urban areas. In many Countries urban has over several municipal areas. The fragmentation ' has led to different rates and types of urban and irrationalities in the land market and location and delivery of technical infrastructure and services. Given these characteristics many see the effect of tra.gnlen.tatlon as a and view with some the encouragement of 'Tiebout forces' on integrated and planning. In this context two need to be asked:
Will poJIiUcal decentralization further interu;ily the "'...... h."......... '" associated with the of urban areas? and Should decentralization measures be introduced before, after or as of a broader of reforms that harmomze divisions with and environmental realities? Political enablement also fundamental changes in the nature of urban planning policies and offers new opportunities for pra,ctlce. In there has been a shift from centralized reg;ulaltory planmng that use master standards to urban towards a desired end-state. In its the more modest goal of orientating and modifying urban development through su~~ge~sted based on consensus on an outlined urban and environmental '"'v ............'.. , relaxed and prescriptive regulations and performance standards. Some professionals doubt whether these powers are sufficient to an active planning posture the urban demands and that will be liberalized markets and enabled communities. Concern has also been expressed that the dominant model of politica! decentrafunctionalist rationale with the different lization is based on an levels state, local state, characterized the different functions realize in the planning cycle. Some have argued, however, with that the various planning levels must be organized to and environmental realities whose at each scale ""'1""111'''''''''' intc~rg:ratt!d territorial argue that there will be the se]:mriate and uncoordinated and services to waste Professional practice here involves the integration of cognoinformation
It has also been and catc:!go:nes
that in its ..... r"" ..."""., alJpllLcatlOn of economic techmqw~s all of human neo-liberal 61
theory has misunderstood or the of the different social and cultural contexts in which markets operate and the of their on these contexts. This occurs the fact that emlblt!m~!nt, democratization and decentralization mean the intensified politicization of the urban development process. lndeed some critics have doubted the democratic credentials of the neoliberal theory of the state. In some lJevelOD(~ Countries the ethos of a small, efficient state involved in a su~)pli.er-cus:torner rel:atH)fiShlp with the users of its services has clashed with the of demotraditional embodied in the cratic rights. Despite the emphasis placed on accountability, and -out have distanced the local population from access to local officials and elected repreS(~nt:ltlvles
It can be that the hazards associated with enablement have been underestimated, down played or ignored neo-liberal .........."....,,"', but numerous can be of these hazards. Local govemecan lead to an exacerbation of ethnic , and trajgmentaticm of nurtured national conscithat decentralization ousness. It is widely recognized to the local level often effectively empowers the political oppositior out of on and it is resisted on this count alone. The assets and services to can gellerate heat. At the neighborhood level the and empm,verment and CBOs is often resisted because it can undermine tra~:llUOnéll structures and aUé'gIance:s. The issues involved in to democratize urban are also not clearly understood. The resistance of technical administrators on the basis of technical criteria to political attempts to assert control over service rtP/'IH""·'" has been noted. Others have that patron/clientage and traditional power structures can be democratization and decentralization. Regional and local political bosses can exercise control over state resources and use them to consolidate electoral support, or new client sectors can be favoured these Some observers have noted that in some countries where National Funds have been channelled through local go'vernm.en1:s, their allocation has been more than on the political of the welfare criteria. Attention has also to programmes. It is clear that an advantage perceived in the shift from mode of urban and services in the past was the opportunities it offered for a ph~enc,mf;non which resulted in the atomization of urban political However, it could well be the case that city-wide and programme leveloperations might offer scope for the effective horizontal organization of urban sodal movements. Political enablement also demands fundamental in the role of the A professional reorientation is required as traditional practices, and to01s are discarded and new assumed
62
institution and building, contract management, programmining, regulation, training and technical The democratization of urban planning and involves over and service """,,,,,,'. . ,, and the institutional, administrative and technical practices to generate and administer them. Technical staff will be prone to resist these measures on the that at the expense of ettl.cle~ncy Conflicts can be over urban and derlsltLes, built area and environmental indicators, access of the po or and policy to the and the priorities. The transfer of authority from poJlltI<;12:,Ltlon of what were as 'rea1ms of technical demand fundamental in attitudes and pel~slsten.ce, communication and I nous I . The ability of professional staff to make adjustments will depend greatly on trallmrlg and in which job a c1ear structure of career and the enhancement of status low wage rates in the local will be decisive. It is by no means c1ear sector, the large scale retrenchment of civil servants in the central state, and the trend towards contract and work whether these Httle is known about the in the conditions are met. In "'rn'nll·"'..YI"'.... ~ structure and the opportunities for urban that have accompanied decentralization. Major questions that need c1arification inc1ude: Are more for created in local than are lost at the centrallevel? and Has the in the job market in NGOs and n ...,,,r~lr,,, consultancies of skilled in the local public sector?
63
Sub-theme
c.
COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION AND TUE ROLE OF URBAN PROFFSSIONALS
The third mode of enablement identified in the Model is community enablement which can be defined as a central and local to and organizations to initiate, plan and lmlple:meJ1t their own .......".lI::>l"'tC' a(~CO]rC1Ulg the of self-determination, and sett:"rrlanagf~mfmt.
The Model shows that there are several elements that make up the commuenablement but tbe most is the mcreased attacbed to tbe of COInDllunity pa:l1:icipatiOlIl. Neo-liberal have reassessed the role of "r..."".,.."' ... .; .." partlCl.patlon in line with an that stresses the of cOInrrmnlty responsibilities over and the need for on of the resources of a revitalized civil society to fill the resource gaps between and the market and state capabilities. This contrasts with attitudes and towards community participation. In the Fifties in the modemization period policymakers refused to promote community and or~~an:izaltiorls because their involvement contradicted the of centralized methods and forms of of conventional goods and services. Often the failure to accept participation was attributed to the egoistic and anomic values and attitudes of the poor which were identified as the social PSjTCfllOloglCal traits of a condition of culture of poverty or I
I
In the the crisis in conventional methods and systems of urban goods and services delivery, and the search for political mechanisms for consolidating national identities and containing civil unrest led to the of a of In numerous countries there was a of national community development which neighborhood committees in a vertical hierarchy administered a central state dependency the !\-IIUl1C'T'.... of and technical assistance for local ........"'•• "''"'t" was often made conditional on a matcnmg contribution of communal serf-nem labour and financial contributions. U
was In the Seventies the model of community en(::OUlra~!ed in sites and services and settlements and slum uPlgradltlg Here central and local undertook the planning initiatives, decisions, ......."',,"'l"'tC' and cornm1llm1ty p:arbclp::Ül(]tn was eXr)an~lea include consultation on roie in implementation and maintenance though in general individual subcontracting to informal 64
builders was as to a self-help contribution in housing project initiators construction. NGOs were increasingly used of and bodies in these by the end of the decade, the limitations of this mode of community participation became apparent. In economie terms the reduction in labour costs labour was more than neutralized by administraattributable to than in conventional projects. were tive costs that were often put the economie access of the poor who either sold up or rented within them. Within upgrading projects benefits tended to flow towards the owners with the costs being borne by tenants. at were characterized wasted resources, confliets, r"',"'TI'~n_ of coordination and disputes between agencies and cornrnunities. The project mode of goods and service and the restricted or POllt1Ca! arnbit of participation resulted in the use of criteria in the selection and of slums were often avoided because of difficulties, and cornrnunities and neighborhoods were selected on the basis of political allegiances and na[]ron:a.ge networks. Politieal criteria often determined which leaders in the cOllllnlUlJlity were recognized within the project. Planners with 'technical criteria ended up the communities because of difficulties or because of the 's incompatibility with the master plan. Often overtly subjective criteria were deployed such as of a cornmunity or an about its . Within after the had been commenced and the location whilst pressure by officials cOlnmlOnl) an of an agenda geared to the rationale of the project of criteria in project selection and constraints on resulted in irrational increases in the poor, an increase in comrnunal conflicts and the atornization and non-replicability of project experiences. I
NUletJ.es, these difficulties led to a fundamental reassessment of the C0I1t1m111nity p;aftlClp;at1cm in the context of the theory of enablement. It was communities should be the subjects rather than objects of planning and that the centre of organizational power and should rest with community and neight)orll00Id-t.aséx1 orgami2:ati ons the actions of central and local enablement differed frorn earlier versions of shifted the organizational focus in the planning system to communities, it involved the exercise of vita! powers by these it involved some measure of control of material and financial resources, and it leg:ltlllll12~ed the within a web of legal and institutional relations. It also involved major of the relations between the central and local state and the community. Here the central and Iocal state initiated a range of emlblmg measures and reforrns that coordinated and facilitated Q're:atl'l!-emnOWiered communities to build up their own in administrating and maintaining the delivery of urban 1
65
and services aCCOr(]lmg to decisions and pnonltles established by themselyes.
that should be differ on the in in enabling stnltejgIes. Some propose that self-determined, self-organized and sellr-mlan:agf!a communities can only be achieved by them the pnnclpal orf2:an:izati011s future urban Others believe that powers shouid be maximized only in those activities where there is a c1ear connection between input effort and output benefit, and in other activities they should share in decisions on the allocation of public resources. Other stress that and that the level de1=>en<1s on with the community. In all cases it is that the and its leadership must represent the interests of all the community arid must be accountable to them. In the framework of enablement the rel:aUC)llSltup state and is by defined as community participation in decision-making on goals and p .... whose legitimacy is by local authorities and whkh are used as for These chokes are harmonized with term str2lteglc the final decision on the range of is made by the COInrrmTIllty The mobilizes Iocal hu man and financial resources and these efforts are then enabled through a variety of measures applied in a flexible jJ""''uHJ.U& pra.cu<~e where an advisory role. These measures include: grantulg of of land tenure; the of services at reasonable cost; flexible and the allocation of the extension of a 'freely-disposable' component of the project budget to the community and the relaxation of organization; the provision of OUIJlOUJlg codes and of materials and direct subsidies to the in the form of services or direct cash transfers, and the communicaticoordination of enablement ons and local information offices. In some models of the between the community and the Ioca1 authorities contracts that define rights and duties, the flow of funds and arranl~eTIlents for the eonstruction and maintenance of the facilities. contracts ean be between the local state and the streets, communities for the construction of minor works pa'"enl1ertts, on-site sanitation, collection and treatment of solid waste, contruction of communal etc). Communities are to make a collective labour but are also to subcontract of to Local seale contraets for works infraete) with formal sector firrns (market enablestructure, new ment). Large scale contractors ean in turn subcontract parts of projects to communities but no labour eontribution is In all cases the the and and technical Iocal 'v...... ,.... ""'"
66
con trol. a roie to NGOs as mediators Comnmnlity emlb1t~m~:;nt also Model). In between the Iocal state and the community teCJlmc:;at, legal or economic advice and back-up facilities to the cOInmLUnlty-base<1 or~~anlzatlOrls and adopt an advocacy roie for the community in relation to the Iocal state. NGO of a community is often regarded as a for In some cases NGOs are contracted Iocal authorities to administer projects or of projects under The NGOs in this their financial and technical· way are identified as: their objectivity; their tleJdbillty and commitment; their and their gen.erate local ties. UUJ.uuJu...nJLUuv ..... ,
Some enabiement models also often contractual relations) an 'External or 'Focal Institutte' to coordinate and monitor institutional support and provide back-up services dissemination of research into appropriate standards, technologies, local materials, prc>elucts and components, advice on and tools, and in skills and project management Model). The role of central government in promoting community enablement occures in line with the enhanced roie of the state in policy formulation and the decentralifunctions to the local state. The role of the central zation of state is to provide the general conditions that enablement to occur at the local and communtiy levels through legal, and reforms and the of material and financial resources. Fundamental reforms are that status to these organizations, given the the allocation of more Ioosely-regulated public resources, the transfer of of pro!lects to based organizations, and the desire to establish International on the basis of formal pressure has been on recalcitrant central to introduce human rights guarentees for women, the young, the oid and the disabled into national codes. Some governments also consider it necessary to reformuon the and administrative structures of commulate national and the organizations and NGOs in order to guarantee the representativeness of these bodies, their leaders and committees. Reforms of national to land ownership and transfer, service ........r."'i",inn and urban are often revised to foster enablement strategies. These in are best served and politica! reforms towards democratization are In some countries direct central government enablement of communities occurs when credit and are advanced to selected communities or NGOs through National Solidarity Funds. VV.LlUv.u,.J.
The goals of community enablement vary on the of enablement Economic are widely sought including: efficiency
67
derived from a stronger psychologieal commitment to the project more efficient resource use and and better ae~agrlea Enablement is also seen as essential for or local nrl"\nPTT\l taxes, securing cost recovery on user charges and for efficient and and services. Increased and effective maintenance of rer,re1)entation, it is will also cut down on corruption and pruticllllarislTI in the allocation of and services. Some architects and argue that in the framework of enablement their profession can be used to that local and identities. On the left some "''',rYt .....~"..".;h, enablement and in the context of democratization can open the way for alliances of and neighlbOllrhloo(l-b:ase~ organizations that will the position of the urban poor.
The debate on enabiement has centred around the question of the of cOInrnmnlty nature and roie of the state and the community, the enablement and the role of the In critics have "economistic" and consensual view of the focussed on the state and by and the lack of appreciation of the conflicts of interests between and within the state, the market and the community which are manifested in the process of urban growth and Moreover it is that enablement can exacerbate as much as diminish these conflicts as weIl as new ones. Others argue that some of these conflicts of interest are so deeply rooted as to make the ultimate ideal of self-determined, self-organized and self,...managed communities unworkable. A prompting then is:
Do enablement reflect or transeend the conflicts of interest involved in urban growth and development? cOlmrrmnity enablement are examined in the context of the relatibetween social, economie and interests and the state, the market and the community a number of issues can be identified. ae\TelC~pment have Links between govemment been recoglllz~X1 tmancaer's, materiwelcomed by these als producers etc). In areas interests because it their economie and and has economic rewards. In other areas where mtlerests, confliets with will As ob servers have pointed to the of landowners and industrial construction interests to the emphasis on upgrading activities rather than the creation of new housing low cost, local ~JL .uJ' .... and the lack of serious effort in materials and techn<)10l[;le:s. U,..U.lUI.lU>,,>
V
More research is "",,,,...oi-..,.ii,,,,h, and informal sectors
....
.....
on the winners and losers in the formal enablement policies for urban development,
rp>rnulrop>t1
68
and their
!fJ'UJLU"'''''''''
po,sititons.
The support of these interest for enablement can also be based on their of its economie the to raise local taxes; to achieve fuIl cost recovery and to foot maintenance bills without participation and representation. However fuH community enablement is often feared by these groups because of the of economic and conflicts of interest. Indeed a has been that the reluctance of gmlenam,ent to enable communities derives from the belief that the of participation leads to the intensification of these conflicts of interest along the of social transformation. Support of these can be from groups and communities insofar as they represent an improvement on earlier arrangements. In this context the significance of pre-existing traditions and a culture of c01nnmfllty or~~anlza,tlOn affects the of enablement VVi.lVi";.", same time sustained the for these must on a flow of benefits at least commensurate with their efforts and obIigations. Effective and efficient participatory planning depends on a social it is a moot whether enablement can sustain and structures when they are being by a state whieh is urged to abandon equity and welfare goals in the pursuit of economie growth; whieh imposes austerity POI1CH~S with an distribution of social costs, and which increases the burden of taxes and user on low income groups. Whatever the outcome it is c1ear that two in need of research: ft
I
Under what cÎreumstanees do the of market and eommunity enableinterests in the ment conflict? and 'What eoalition of economie and in order to advanee enablement POjlietes': state is the contradietions between enablement policies and conflicts of interests are best revealed in the inner Given the continuation of POI1Clt~S to secure urban renewal and the absence of a rental housing, the continued neglect of inner increase property taxes, user charges, abolish rent controls and reduce the coverage of subsidies, it is difficuIt to see why the poor would enablement measures. Indeed have been reluctant to empower grass roots organizations in inner cityareas because they create obstacles to the exercise of and economica11y sensitive planning powers (eg. compulsory to facilitate not the poor but the commercial property interest linked to urban and the conversion of residential to commercial and publie land uses. Some have argued that the state itself has an inherent interest in increasing rents and tax revenues in inner city areas. The COflCel)t of enablement as 'nonr-eonflictual' in inner areas the associated with 'n'.'.....hlnto:lT·u dlSPla.ceis hard to ment, eviction and it is widely accepted that the numbers in the will increase
69
future.
.lu.v· ....... v "-'Jo
the quesuon:
Is there a contradiction between the enablement of local cmnnmlJLÏty
nr(:J!;ITI'l_
zations and the of the state to restrncture inner of a economic has been asked. The opposition of interests within the local and central state to enablement should not be underestimated and is the source of much resistance to new in several countries. These interests are not dealt with in current theories and research is needed into identifying their nature. In its absence the Qw;stlon:
should the 'rent-seekers' in the state transfer power to those who answered. would terminate these transfers? remains to be COml1[lUftity enablement can also unlock conflicts of interest between the Iocal and central state. Most of the here revolve around the am:~sti()ll of the effects of enabiement on Iocal traditional and power structures and their with national power structures. On the left for these has been based on their potential for increasing I-'VJ..LU ... mobilization and raising consciousness. a of utmost concern is: 'C;U
IJU....L ....."" .......
Does enablement create a new of sodal and POJlîtllcal forces within the or does it traditional patronlclientage structures and ...'"LI......,'"'''''.. allegi.ancesi'! An issue that has received Httle attention has been the rel.at1C)llsJtup between enablement and the centralized community development structures created in the past. A number of questions present themselves:
Are enablement to be within existing cmnnmlJtity de,vel41plnellt strnctures or alongside them? Should Cmnnllunity development structures be decentralized and democratized to allow local commumties? and Does the of a federations of the abolition of centralized COIDIIllUlllity de'feJ()plneIlt Given that these systems were often created in the past to assert national ae'{e14:JprneIlt priorities in local urban and rural it is not difficuit to central/local conflicts over these issues. of 'community'embodied in Concern has also been about the current enablement policies. The concept of communities as human groups with it is has led level of social interaction and with common ten.deI1CV to overestimate their and cOImrlUna111:y
70
The of internal heterogeneity and conflicting interests within communities for community enablement has not been
The sourees of this heterogeneity are well-known: ethnicity, culture, political migratory status, tenure status, family ",.,."nlrnrrn",.,t status, levels of income differences etc. Issues of concern include the of certain groups to dominate community organizations and resources and run them in their own difficulties in mobilizing transient into sustainable the of I communities within communities I articulation of traditional structures and allegiances with'modern' political/administrative structures; the equitable allocation of obligations and benefits between tenants and owners; and the of community affairs under the of cOInp4~tirLg ..,'JU~J.'-'U..l lea(lers.hlp,S. It has been argued that the of the has makers blind to the enablement on these differences, It is and the effect of enablement generally accepted that the smaller and less heterogeneous the community the better the for enablement. However programmes small administrative costs and discounts economies of scale, whilst the of is highly controversial and unworkable. The criteria for defining and "'rn,nnuTP,..... 1'1ICt communities therefore nero to be made clear:
What criteria are to be used for the defmition and of community and and What measures are necessary to ensure tbe accountability and nature of these The of politicization associated with enablement also affect the role of NGOs. In recent years the increasing of NGOs on local and central state contracts and international aid has led to doubts at the and some have grass roots level of their political central identified international links with local NGOs as a way of government control over the direction of urban and rura! developement. Where the costs of NGOs have been borne by local doubts have been cast by some on whether the tota! administrative costs involved merit the perceived efficiency gains and whether they are sustainable on a scale. some important clarifications and extensions of into the relam of ae(~lSl.on-maKlng, doubt remains about how much power, and respol:1silJlütles these policies are going to transfer to communities. On the Right the emph,lslS has been on of communities into power structures, partnerships and p01weI'-SÎllanng; whilst on the Left enablement has been seen as a shift towards a decentralized coalition of autonomous and communities. it is that the shift of powers must be efficiency criteria for service delivery, project implementation and maintenance it is far A
71
from certain at what level de<:;lsllon... Il1lakmg powers will reside. Current ideas on enablement are of interest to architects and plann(:!rs, because relate to debates in the Seventies and Eighties on the differences between 'autonomous' and 'heteronomous ' built and managed under dweller control '. The question: I
What is the rel:atümsibip between the allocation of <1eG~isj.on~m:akjlng powers in eDITent enablement and the of dweller eontrol? is professional interest. It is also hardly
that enablement has also up another of the major of discourse in the recent - the roIe of the the planner and architectural It is in the enablement that the most slgmtllcaJlt CJlan:ges context of win occur. It is c1ear that enablement will invoIve an unlDrece
72
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