Classica_et_Mediaev_62_0_9788763540919.pdf

© Museum Tusculanum Press :: University of Copenhagen :: www.mtp.dk :: [email protected] SOCIETAS DANICA INDAGATIONIS ANTIQVITATIS ET MEDII AEVI

C L A S S I C A

E T M E D I A EVA L I A

Danish Journal of Philology and History

EDITED BY

Tønnes Bekker-Nielsen · Marianne Pade EDITORIAL BOARD

David Bloch · Jesper Carlsen · Karsten Friis-Jensen

Vincent Gabrielsen · George Hinge · Birger Munk Olsen

volume 62 M U S E U M T U S C U L A N U M P R E S S

U N I V E R S I T Y O F C O P E N H A G E N

2 01 1

CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319

© Museum Tusculanum Press :: University of Copenhagen :: www.mtp.dk :: [email protected] EDITORS

Tønnes Bekker-Nielsen (editor), University of Southern Denmark

Marianne Pade (associate editor), University of Aarhus

David Bloch, University of Copenhagen

Jesper Carlsen, University of Southern Denmark

Karsten Friis-Jensen, University of Copenhagen

Vincent Gabrielsen, University of Copenhagen

George Hinge, University of Aarhus

Birger Munk Olsen, formerly University of Copenhagen

ADVISORY EDITORS

Eva Cantarella, University of Milan

Kostas Buraselis, University of Athens

Thomas Corsten, University of Vienna

Stephen Harrison, University of Oxford

Thomas Haye, University of Göttingen

Outi Merisalo, University of Jyväskylä

Gregory Nagy, Harvard University

Marjorie Woods, University of Texas at Austin

Greg Woolf, University of St. Andrews

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© Museum Tusculanum Press :: University of Copenhagen :: www.mtp.dk :: [email protected] SOCIETAS DANICA INDAGATIONIS ANTIQVITATIS ET MEDII AEVI

CLASSICA

E T M E D I A EVA L I A

Danish Journal of Philology and History

EDITED BY

Tønnes Bekker-Nielsen · Marianne Pade EDITORIAL BOARD

David Bloch · Jesper Carlsen · Karsten Friis-Jensen

Vincent Gabrielsen · George Hinge · Birger Munk Olsen

volume 62 MUSEUM TUSCULANUM PRESS

UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN

2 011


© Museum Tusculanum Press :: University of Copenhagen :: www.mtp.dk :: [email protected]

C L A S S I C A E T M E D I A E V A L I A · V O L . 62 Copyright © Museum Tusculanum Press 2013 e-Journal ISBN 978 87 635 4091 9 ISSN 1604-9411

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

lærke andersen Fawns and Kingfishers

5

eleni papadogiannaki ‘Oxytnçn gçn’: Goos and its Performance in Classical Athens

15

ivar gjørup Plato’s Parmenides 127e

33

eleni pachoumi Eros and Psyche in Erotic Magic

39

anna foka Beauty and the Beast: Femininity, Animals and Humour in Middle Comedy

51

andreas fountoulakis Playing with the Dramatic Conventions: Demeas’ Invocations in Menander, Samia 325-26

81

katerina philippides Tyndarus’ Past: The Name Paegnium in Plautus’ Captivi

99

giampiero scafoglio Adstante ope barbarica: A Note on Ennius, Andr. 89 Jocelyn

113

jesper johansen meisner Cicero’s Italy: Identity, Oratory and Politics in the Late Republic

117

c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


athanassios vergados

Wein, Weib und Gesang: On Catullus 27

153

guillaume flamerie de lachapelle Clementia et raison d’état:

l’idéal monarchique dans les Troyennes de Sénèque

169

gianluca ventrella Mélancomas et Titus au gymnase de la vertu:

Dion Chrysostome (Or. 28) et la Paideia du prince

185

aslak rostad The Magician in the Temple:

Historicity and Parody in Lucian’s Alexander

207

howard jacobson

A Pun in Vespa’s Iudicium Coci et Pistoris

231

konstantinos melidis Des chantres castrés dans les églises de l’empire byzantin?

A propos du terme ΦΑΘϟΚΝΑΓΖȱ

233

thomas haye Ein lateinisches Klagelied über den Tod

des dänischen Kanzleischreibers Anders Renteskriver

255

list of authors

269

CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


FAWNS AND KINGFISHERS

By Lærke Andersen

Summary: There are several similarities between Sappho’s fragment 58 V and Alcman’s frag ment 26 PMG but there is one fundamental difference as well: The approach to old age differs in the two poems. This study attempts to explain this by the difference in the narra tors’ genders.

Over the years, scholars have stressed the similarities between certain poems by Sappho and Alcman. Due to these similarities as well as the two poets being practically contemporaries, there have been speculations as to whether Sappho and Alcman knew each other, were influenced by each other’s poetry or had identical functions as choir leaders in their respective societies. How ever, it would be interesting to take a closer look at some of the differences that can also be found between the two poets. In this article I would like to draw attention to one of the important differences between the two, more precisely the difference between the genders of their narrators in two specific poems. Sappho’s Tithonus poem fr. 58 V which was discovered in a mummy car tonnage in Cologne in 2004 deals with old age and the loss of the agility and beauty of youth. The poem has a number of similarities with Alcman’s fr. 26 PMG which shares the same theme as well as some of the same literary de vices.1 I shall look closely into all these in the following paragraphs. There is, however, a major difference between the two poems. Sappho’s poem does not express the same wish to halt the process of aging that Alcman’s poem does.2 This particular difference is interesting as there is a significant differ ence in the two narrators’ approach to old age: Alcman’s narrator displays 1 West and Bernsdorff, among others, call attention to the similarities between the two poems. West 2005: 6 and Bernsdorff 2004: 33. 2 Briefly mentioned by Hardie 2005: 28. Lærke Andersen ‘Fawns and Kingfishers’ C&M 62 (2011) 5-14. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



lærke andersen

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the escapist approach whereas Sappho’s narrator adopts a more accepting approach. Furthermore, it is likely that there is a difference in the gender of the two narrators, which – if this is the case – offers a possible explanation of the two different approaches to old age. In the following, I shall elaborate this theory after having gone over the similarities as well as the differences between the two poems. First, however, I should like to explain why I assume that the narrator of Sappho’s fragment 58 V is a woman.

THE GENDER OF THE NARRATOR

IN SAPPHO’S FRAGMENT 58 V

10 (2)

12 (4)

14 (6)

16 (8)

18 (10)

20 (12)

ǽȱ ϢǾΓΎǽϱǾΏΔΝΑȱΎΣΏ΅ȱΈЗΕ΅ǰȱΔ΅ϧΈ⎣ΉΖ⎦ǰȱ

ǽȱ ǾȱΚ΍ΏΣΓ΍ΈΓΑȱΏ΍·ϾΕ΅Αȱ⎣ΛΉΏϾΑΑ΅Α⎦ǯȱ ȱ ȱ

ȱ

ǽȱ ǾȱΔΓΘȂǽσǾΓΑΘ΅ȱ⎣ΛΕϱ⎦΅ȱ·ϛΕ΅⎣Ζ⎦ȱόΈ΋ȱ

ǽȱ π·ǾνΑΓΑΘΓȱΘΕϟΛΉΖȱπ·ȱΐΉΏ΅ϟΑ⎣΅Α⎦ǰȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ΆΣΕΙΖȱΈνȱΐȂϴȱǽΌǾІΐΓΖȱΔΉΔϱ΋Θ΅΍ǰȱ·⎣ϱΑ΅⎦ȱΈȂΓЁȱ⎣ΚνΕΓ΍Η΍⎦ǰȱ ΘΤȱΈφȱΔΓΘ΅ȱΏ΅ϟΜ΋ΕȂȱσΓΑȱϷΕΛ΋ΗΌȂȱϥΗ΅ȱΑΉΆΕϟΓ΍Η΍Αǰȱ ȱ ȱ

ȱ

ȕΘ΅ȕȱΗΘΉΑ΅ΛϟΊΝȱΌ΅ΐνΝΖǯȱΦΏΏΤȱΘϟȱΎΉΐȱΔΓΉϟ΋Αǲȱ

Φ·φΕ΅ΓΑȱΩΑΌΕΝΔΓΑȱσΓΑΘȂȱΓЁȱΈϾΑ΅ΘΓΑȱ·νΑ⎣ΉΗΌ΅΍⎦ǯȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ·ΣΕȱΔǽΓǾΘ΅ȱ̖ϟΌΝΑΓΑȱσΚ΅ΑΘΓȱΆΕΓΈϱΔ΅ΛΙΑȱ⎣̄ЄΝΑ⎦ȱ σΕΝ΍ȱΈνΔ΅ΖȱΉϢΗΣΑΆ΅ΐΉΑȂȱΉϢΖȱσΗΛ΅Θ΅ȱ·κΖȱΚ⎣νΕΓ΍Η΅ǽΑȱȱ ȱ ȱ σΓΑΘ΅ȱǽΎǾΣΏΓΑȱΎ΅ϠȱΑνΓΑǰȱΦΏΏȂȱ΅ЄΘΓΑȱЄΐΝΖȱσΐ⎣΅ΕΜΉǽȱ ΛΕϱΑΝ΍ȱΔϱΏ΍Γ·ȱ·ϛΕ΅ΖȱσΛǽΓǾΑΘȂȱΦΌ΅ΑΣΘ΅Αȱ⎣ΩΎΓ΍Θ΍Α⎦3

... [Seek?] the beautiful gifts of the violet-bosomed [muses?], children, ... [Play? Listen to?] the song-loving, clear-sounding lyre, 3 Gronewald & Daniel 2004: 2. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


fawns and kingfishers

7

... old age [has] now [affected?] the skin, that once was [soft?], ... the hair has turned from black [to white/grey?] And my mind has been made heavy, and my knees cannot carry me, Those knees, that once were nimble in dance like fawns. This I often lament. But what can I do? It is not possible to be ageless for human beings. They used to say that the rosy-armed Eos once Embarked on the cup out of love, bringing Tithonus to the end of the world, When he was young and beautiful, but nevertheless did grey old age Catch him over time even though he had an immortal wife. As is often the case in lyric poetry, the narrator is present – often as a first person narrator. That this is also the case in fr. 58 V is evident from verse 5 where a ΐ’ can be seen – ‘me’. But the gender of the narrator is not revealed directly by any word in the poem. There are no participles or adjectives de noting the narrator as female or male. Despite this fact, most scholars choose to regard the narrator as female. West calls the narrator ‘Sappho’ and writes that this poem is one of many poems dealing with her old age.4 Thus, to a certain extent, he regards the poem as autobiographical. Likewise, Har die calls the narrator ‘Sappho’ and refers to her/him with feminine pro nouns.5 Since there is no actual evidence in the text itself of the gender of the narrator, this particular choice must have been based on other Sappho poems as well as the traditional approach to those poems. However, I should like to draw attention to a proof within the poem that the gender of the nar rator could be female. In verse 3, the narrator mentions her skin which old age has changed. The state of the skin was essential for women’s looks.6 This can be seen in the poetry of many male poets, e.g., Anacreon and Ar chilochus. The latter uses wrinkles as a weapon in his blame poetry against certain women, for instance in fr. 188 W. In this fragment, a woman is de scribed through the state of her skin, which no longer flourishes ([ΓЁΎνǾΌȂȱ ϳΐЗΖȱ ΌΣΏΏΉ΍Ζȱ ΥΔ΅ΏϲΑȱ ΛΕϱ΅, v. 1). Furthermore the skin has withered away (ΎΣΕΚΉΘ΅΍ȱv. 1) and is furrowed (Ϸ·ΐΓ΍Ζȱv. 2). That the narrator men 4 West 2005: 5. 5 Hardie 2005: 27. 6 Falkner 1995: 86. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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lærke andersen

tions her skin could thus indicate that it is the voice of a woman speaking in the poem. It is not only in Greek literature that we find women with wrinkles. Descriptions of the appearance of the aging woman are also found in Roman poetry. Among certain male poets one finds harsh descriptions of old women that focus on the physical changes that aging causes and that women therefore fear; grey hair and wrinkles, for instance.7 Horace’s Carmen 4.13 describes the narrator’s old flame, Lyce, with the words … quia luridi dentes te, quia rugae turpant et capitis nives (v. 10-12). Thus the yellow teeth, the wrinkles and the snow of the head (that is the white hair) make Lyce ugly. Furthermore, I agree with Falkner who thinks that Sappho’s poems are predominantly feminine in the manner in which they treat the topics eros and age. He points out that Sappho’s poems are different from the lyrical poems of the male poets in the sense that her poems focus on the unity of the love relationship rather than the erotic moment and the relationship of owner and owned between man and woman.8 Retrospect and longing are recurrent motifs in Sappho’s poetry. Thus I choose to assume that the narrator is a woman, not so much be cause of convention but rather based on the intratextual evidence as well as the pronounced feminine focus that is found in the poem.

ALCMAN’S KINGFISHER POEM Alcman composed choir lyrics in Sparta but where he comes from is a mat ter of discussion, just as his dating is. In antiquity views were divided be tween two options; either he was born in Lydia and moved to Sparta later, or he was born and raised in Sparta or a nearby village, Messoa. 9 Podlecki thinks that the proofs of Alkman’s Lydian origin are too weak while his name and patronymicon suggest that he was Greek.10 He has written differ ent kinds of poems, e.g., wedding hymns, but is primarily known for a 7 8 9 10

Bertman 1989: 165.

Falkner 1995: 92-93.

Respectively Campbell 1988: 338-39, test. 2 and 3, 340-41, test. 4, 336-37, test. 1.

Podlecki 1984: 110.




9

number of poems collected by Alexandrian scholars under the name Parthe neia11 which are meant to be sung by a female choir consisting of young girls.12 He is believed to have worked as a sort of choir leader who educated groups of young people in Sparta.13 The dating of Alcman is uncertain but is thought to be somewhere in the seventh century BC. The Suda dates him to around 670 BC while Eusebius’ work Chronica places him between 657 and 612 BC. Podlecki thinks, based on newly discovered fragments, that the latter dating is the most likely.14 No matter who is right, Alcman is active shortly before Sappho or con temporary with her, while his poetry has probably not had the same influ ence on her poetry as, e.g., Homer’s had. One cannot entirely rule out recip rocal influence between the two poets; after all, they were contemporaries in an oral tradition. The geographical distance might very well seem a bigger obstacle but there are indications that mobility in antiquity was well devel oped15 and it cannot be ruled out that the two poets have travelled far. If we assume that the testimony of the Marmor Parium about Sappho’s exile is correct, she has been to Sicily, which is a long way from Lesbos. Alcman’s geographical origin is yet another uncertainty in this question. If Alcman was born and raised in Lydia it is not difficult to imagine a connection be tween the two poets. In other words, we do not know whether Sappho knew Alcman’s poetry or not, and thus we cannot know whether the similarities between fr. 58 V and Alcman’s fr. 26 PMG are coincidental or whether there actually is a connection between the works of the two poets. West suggests that the limitations of old age on, e.g., dancing was a common theme16 which does not seem unlikely since the effects of old age on the physique are universal, whether one is a poet in Sparta or on Lesbos. Since dancing is a natural continuation of song and poetry and physically demanding it is natural for the aging poet to use dancing as a point of departure for a lament on old age.

11 12 13 14 15 16

Williamson 1995: 77. Calame 1997: 3. Williamson 1995: 77. Podlecki 1984: 109. Cancik, DNP, 8.311. West 2005: 6.



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Fr. 26 PMG has been handed down to us through Antigonus of Carystus from the 3rd century BC who quotes Alcman in connection with a descrip tion of the behaviour of old male kingfishers. ΓЄȱΐȂσΘ΍ǰȱΔ΅ΕΗΉΑ΍Ύ΅ϠȱΐΉΏ΍·ΣΕΙΉΖȱϡ΅ΕϱΚΝΑΓ΍ǰȱ

·Ιϧ΅ȱΚνΕ΋ΑȱΈϾΑ΅Θ΅΍ɆȱΆΣΏΉȱΈχȱΆΣΏΉȱΎ΋ΕϾΏΓΖȱΉϥ΋Αǰȱ

ϵΖȱΘȂπΔϠȱΎϾΐ΅ΘΓΖȱΩΑΌΓΖȱΧΐȂȱΦΏΎΙϱΑΉΗΗ΍ȱΔΓΘφΘ΅΍ȱ

Α΋ΏΉξΖȱώΘΓΕȱσΛΝΑǰȱΥΏ΍ΔϱΕΚΙΕΓΖȱϡ΅ΕϲΖȱϷΕΑ΍Ζ.

Alcman fr. 26 PMG17 No longer, honey-toned, strong-voiced girls, can my limbs carry me. If only, if only I were a cerylus, who flies along with the halcyons over the flower of the wave with resolute heart, strong, sea-blue bird.18 The fragment, like Sappho’s fr. 58 V, opens with a description of some sing ing young people, in this case, girls or virgins defined by Δ΅ΕΗΉΑ΍Ύ΅ϟ, which is the Doric form of the adjective Δ΅ΕΌΉΑ΍ΎϱΖ, ‘virgin’.19 This is fol lowed by a description of how the limbs, ·Ιϧ΅,20 of the narrator are no longer able to carry him, similar to fr. 58 V’s description in verse 5. Then Alcman’s narrator describes how he wishes he was a Ύ΋ΕϾΏΓΖ, a sea-bird, which in some sources is described as the male of the ΦΏΎΙЏΑ family, hence a male kingfisher.21 The narrator’s wish to be a male bird suggests that the narrator is male himself. If a female narrator wished to become an animal of the opposite sex it is highly likely that there would be a reason for the sex change. In this poem, this is not the case. Thus I conclude that Alcman’s narrator must be regarded as being male rather than female. Regardless of the species of the bird or the gender of the narrator in this poem, we are dealing with the wish to escape the trials and tribulations of old age. This wish is not found in Sappho’s fr. 58 V. In Sappho’s poem, the narrator accepts that old age is an inevitable evil for the human being. This 17 Campbell 1988: 416.

18 Campbell 1988: 417.

19 LSJ 1339.

20 LSJ 362.

21 LSJ 67.




11

acceptance is illustrated through the mythological example: the four last verses which in a short and precise manner deal with the Tithonus myth. This particular myth is the perfect example of the unsuccessful attempt to avoid the inevitable old age. Eos falls in love with the youth Tithonus and asks Zeus to grant him eternal life. She forgets, however, to ask for eternal youth which results in Tithonus aging forever. By using this particular myth as an example, the narrator underlines the importance of accepting the tran sience of human life rather than longing for eternal life. If we return to Alcman’s poem and the similarities between this poem and Sappho’s Tithonus poem, the Kingfisher poem continues after the wish of the narrator with a relative clause, where the correlate is Ύ΋ΕϾΏΓΖ in the previous verse. In this sentence it is described how the bird flies hither and thither (ΔΓΘφΘ΅΍)22 over the flower of the waves together with the female birds that symbolize the young girls whom the narrator addressed in the first verse – ΔΓΘφΘ΅΍ is the frequentative of ΔνΘΓΐ΅΍ which makes the move ment repetitive. The flight of the birds over the water could be seen as an image of the dance from which the narrator has been excluded because of his age. Furthermore, their flight back and forth is an image of youth and thus we find yet another similarity with Sappho’s fr. 58 V: the fawns in verse 6. Once again we see a description of youth through a comparison with animals. The birds and the fawns are natural examples of youth because of their vitality and playfulness. If one looks at Sappho’s and Alcman’s poetry one finds many general similarities, among other the homoerotic tendencies between the young girls described in some of the poems. These similarities have become the basis of theories about a sort of intertextuality between the two and whether the purpose of Sappho’s poetry was the same as Alcman’s. Many scholars regard Alcman’s Partheneia as having a social purpose in connection with rites of passage for young girls after they have reached puberty but before they are married.23 Thus there are scholars who believe that Sappho has had a similar function for a group of young girls who were educated by her.24 But the theory encounters difficulties in the sense that there are significant differ ences between the two poets, their surroundings and their motivation for 22 LSJ 1453.

23 Cyrino 2004: 26-27.

24 Williamson 1995: 80.



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writing the poems.25 It is uncertain whether the cultural setting of Sparta can easily be transferred to the culture on Lesbos. The similarities between the two poets are not necessarily proof of the same tradition, but rather re flect general human ways of dealing with different situations such as the transition from girl to woman or the transition from adulthood to old age. Despite many similarities, I believe that there is a significant difference between the two poems, in the shape they have been handed down to us, in the sense that Sappho’s poem accepts old age as an inevitable part of life. The narrator stresses that she often mourns the state of things but she re signs and accepts old age. Alcman’s poem shows a different escapist approach to the topic which is expressed in the wish ΆΣΏΉȱ Έχȱ ΆΣΏΉȱ Ύ΋ΕϾΏΓΖȱ Ήϥ΋Α. However, it should be mentioned that there is a possibility that the poem has not survived in its original form and thus there could have been a subse quent acceptance of the state of things. As mentioned in the introduction, the difference between the two poets’ approach to old age could well be due to the fact that they are of opposite gender. Although the male and female stages in life seem to be the same at first glance, there are significant differences to be found between the two. The man went from being a child (Δ΅ϧΖ) to being an adolescent (ΑνΓΖ or ΎΓІΕΓΖ). After this he became a grown-up and reached his peak (ΦΎΐφ) and in the end he became an old man (·νΕΝΑ). The life stages of the man are thus categorized by his intellectual and military as well as social skills.26 In reality this means that there was no fixed age of retirement as we have in modern-day society: rather, one worked until unable to work anymore. Cer tain people in the ancient intellectual world kept writing until their death. As an example of such a person, Finley mentions Sophocles who wrote his last tragedy at the age of 90.27 The life of the woman was also divided into four stages. At first, she was a child, just like the man. Then she became Δ΅ΕΌνΑΓΖ, a virgin or a young unmarried girl.28 The next stage was as a married wife (·ΙΑφ), which she became after the birth of her first child.29 Finally, she became a ·Ε΅ІΖ or 25 Parker 1993: 325. 26 Falkner 1995: 72. 27 Finley 1989: 6. 28 Falkner 1995: 72. 29 Garland 1990: 243. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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30

·Ε΅ϧ΅, an old woman.

The old age of the woman starts after the meno 31 pause, after which she is unable to produce any more offspring. In this manner, the woman’s ages are characterized by her reproductive and biologi cal abilities rather than her intellectual or political skills. Furthermore, the woman gained a number of liberties after the menopause since she was no longer sexually active. Among other things she could move about freely in public, work as a midwife32or hold certain religious offices that were strictly reserved for older women. Thus, with age one sees a bettering of some of the women’s conditions whereas the old age of the man robs him of his strength to win honour in battle etc. Here it must be pointed out that all this is primarily based on conditions in classical Athens (because it is the period and place from which have the largest amount of sources). What the woman’s old age was like in Lesbos or in Sparta is more difficult to say any thing certain about. But if we assume that life has been divided in the same manner in Lesbos or in Sparta as it was in Athens, this change of status may be at the basis of the Sapphic narrator’s resigned acceptance of the inevitable nature of old age, unlike Alcman’s narrator’s wish for escapism. The woman accepts her improved position in life and the man longs for his former glory.

30 Falkner 1995: 72.

31 Garland 1990: 243.

32 Falkner 1995: 73 and Garland 1990: 258.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bernsdorff, H. 2004. ‘Schwermut des Alters im neuen Kölner SapphoPapyrus’ ZPE 150, 27-35. Bertman, S. 1989. ‘The Ashes and the Flame: Passion and Aging in Classical Poetry’ in Falkner & de Luce 1989, 157-71. Calame, C. 1997. Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece. Lanham, MD. Campbell, D.A. 1988. Greek Lyric II. Cambridge & London. Cyrino, M.S. 2004. ‘The Identity of the Goddess in Alcman’s Louvre “Partheneion” (PMG 1)’ CJ 100, 25-38. Falkner, T.M. & J. de Luce (eds.) 1989. Old Age in Greek and Latin Litera ture. Binghamton, NY. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


14 Falkner, T.M. 1995. The Poetics of Old Age in Greek Epic, Lyric, and Tragedy. Norman, OK & London. Finley, M.I. 1989. ‘Introduction: The Elderly in Classical Antiquity’ in Falk ner & de Luce 1989, 1-20. Garland, Robert 1990. The Greek Way of Life: From Conception to Old Age. Ithaca, NY. Gronewald, M. & R.W. Daniel 2004. ‘Nachtrag zum neuen SapphoPapyrus’ ZPE 149, 1-4. Hardie, A. 2005. ‘Sappho, the Muses, and Life After Death’ ZPE 154, 13-32. Parker, H.N. 1993. ‘Sappho Schoolmistress’ TAPA 123, 309-51. Podlecki, A.J. 1984. The Early Greek Poets and Their Times. Vancouver. West, M.L. 2005. ‘The New Sappho’ ZPE 151, 1-9. Williamson, M. 1995. Sappho’s Immortal Daughters. Cambridge, MA & Lon don.



‘XYTN_N G_N’:

GOOS AND ITS PERFORMANCE

IN CLASSICAL ATHENS

By Eleni Papadogiannaki

Summary: This paper examines the conditions under which goos was performed in classical Athens. In the archaic period, goos is accompanied by the aulos and performed during the prothesis and the ekphora. In the classical period, however, according to textual and pictorial evidence (literature, inscriptions, lekythoi), due to Solon’s restrictions it is assumed that goos is performed inside the house during the prothesis accompanied by the aulos. The lyre as a stringed instrument connotating joy does not accompany goos. The aulos is better suited to goos, as its shrill tone is associated with grief.* ∗

Goos, the improvised lament performed by kinspeople and close friends of the deceased, is usually associated with women. Threnos is another form of lament performed by professional male or female mourners during the death ritual. Both forms are found in epic poetry and later in tragedy.1 In the ar chaic period Solon, according to Plutarch,2 is said to have restricted the par ticipation of women in the death ritual by law and to have made mourning milder.3 In the classical period many gooi and threnoi are found in tragedies

I would like to thank Yannis Tzifopoulos for his comments on the first draft of this paper. I am grateful to the Onassis Foundation for its grant during my postgraduate studies. 1 For the development of lament cf. Cannatà-Fera 1990: 7-46, Alexiou 2002: 176-86. For tragic lament, cf. Foley 2001: 19-55. The distinction goos-threnos in epic poetry has been studied by Tsagalis 2004. In lyric poetry, threnos became a distinctive genre that thence forth was incorporated into tragedy, where the epic distinction goos-threnos is maintained. 2 Plutarch, Solon 21.6-7.

3 For the death ritual through the archaic period cf. Garland 1988: 32, Sourvinou-Inwood

∗

Eleni Papadogiannaki ‘“Oxytonon goon ” : Goos and its Performance in Classical Athens’ C&M 62 (2011) 15-32. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



16

eleni papadogiannaki

performed either by an individual or by more people in the kommoi, the longer antiphonal threnodic compositions. Due to Solon’s restrictions, the only public place where gooi could be performed was the theatre. This is the reason why lament tends to be considered by modern research as a lyric genre or sub-genre incorporated into dramatic texts. Female speech (goos, threnos) and female acts (death-ritual), which are private, are publicly per formed in the city theater, and, most importantly, by male actors. In this paper the performance of gooi and threnoi as part of the death ritual is examined in literature (epic, lyric, and tragic poetry), associated with pictorial narratives, particularly those on lekythoi and in inscriptions. This paper seeks to examine topics such as: gooi sung and not narrated; their musical accompaniment and instruments; what grief meant with and with out music; individuals performing and participating in the lamentation. The distinction between goos and threnos in tragedy is of cardinal impor tance in the modern research.4 Text evidence of the extant dramatic works as well as historic evidence indicate that, after Solon’s prohibition of the public utterance of the female wailing discourse, drama is the only place where this discourse can be performed. Threnos seems to be the ‘formal’ lament sung by professional mourners and it follows particular rules, while goos is the ‘in formal’, improvised female lament sung by close relatives and often accom panied by exaggerated reactions in the facial expressions as well as in body movements (gestures, crying, high voice tone). The problem arising is whether these two different forms of lament, apart from the differences observed in the persons taking part and in the context of the songs, differ also in the musical accompaniment and the musical in 1983, Cavanaugh-Mee 1995, Dillon 2002: 268-92. For Solon’s restrictions cf. Seaford 2003: 133-50, Garland 1988: 22-24. 4 A confusion regarding terminology in the various approaches is observed. Alexiou 2002: 177-78, Derderian 2001: 136-37, Dué 2006: 77 note 57, Sultan 1993: 94 claim that goos and threnos are interchangeably used in tragedy. On the other hand, Cannatà-Fera 1990: 44-45 argues persuasively that in tragedy the epic distinction between goos and threnos is main tained. In the same way Loraux 2002: 58 and Foley 2001: 31, note 37 tend to discuss this topic, though the case of terminology is superficially touched. Tsagalis 2004: 2-8 provides an extensive discussion of the distinction between these terms in epic poetry and makes their significance clear. The references of the surviving dramatic texts in connection with the historic evidence and the legislation of the epitaphios logos in fifth-century Athens are in favour of the second aspect, of which I strongly approve; it is of chief importance for the points argued in this paper. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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struments. First of all, it must be examined whether goos is sung or narrated poetry and then, which kind of music accompanies it. It is widely known that tragedy is performed to the accompaniment of the aulos and that mourning songs are accompanied by the flute-player. Moreover, there are depictions of funeral procession on vases of the archaic period where an au los-player is accompanying the procession.5 The sound of the aulos suits the nature of the mourning song, as it is strong and sorrowful. Moreover, lament, as well as the aulos, is said to be of barbaric derivation, which means that this instrument is the most suitable one for a mourning song.6 Tragedy, however, given its relation to Dionysus, is also said to be of barbaric origin, so the only instrument that is appropriate to it is the aulos.7 The fact must also be taken into account that the vast majority of aulos-players, according to pictorial evidence, are foreigners, females or slaves. In Athenian festivals, foreign aulos-players were preferred, bringing in another culture which could complement that of the Athenians. Aulos, therefore, is not associated with the Athenian citizen, but with ‘the other’, persons of another social status, different from that of the citizen.8 In the surviving tragedies, words related to lament are often followed by the epithet ΩΏΙΕΓΖ. Some of the passages are the following: ΘϲΑȱΈȂȱΩΑΉΙȱΏϾΕ΅ΖȱϵΐΝΖȱ

ЀΐΑУΈΉϧȱ

ΌΕϛΑΓΑȱ̳Ε΍ΑϾΓΖȱ΅ЁΘΓΈϟΈ΅ΎΘΓΖȱσΗΝΌΉΑȱ

ΌΙΐϲΖǰȱΓЁȱΘϲȱΔκΑȱσΛΝΑȱ

πΏΔϟΈΓΖȱΚϟΏΓΑȱΌΕΣΗΓΖǯȱ

Aeschylus, Agamemnon 990-94ȱ

5 For related depictions see Kurtz-Boardman 1994: pictures 34-38. For depictions of women mourning on vases and their significance see Havelock 1981. 6 For the aulos and its history see Wilson 1999. For its use specifically at the performances of tragedy and drama in general see Wilson 1999: 75-76 and 80-81. 7 Special emphasis on the relation between tragedy, lament and aulos and their barbaric origin is given by Loraux 2002: 56-62, who points out that in this sense tragedy is defined as a genre. 8 Cf. Wilson 1999: 72-75. Clay 1992: 519 notes that aulos is not part of aristocratic paideia and so Pindar in the twelfth Pythian ode does not refer to the victor’s family, as he proba bly was of low social status. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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eleni papadogiannaki yet still within me my soul, self-taught,

sings out the Fury’s lyreless lament

it is compeletely devoid

of its natural confident hope.9

ϢАȱΈΐΝ΅ϟǰȱ

ΈΙΗΌΕ΋ΑφΘΓ΍ΖȱБΖȱΌΕφΑΓ΍Ζȱ

σ·ΎΉ΍ΐ΅΍ǰȱΘκΖȱΓЁΎȱΉЁΐΓϾΗΓΙȱȱ

ΐΓΏΔκΖȱΦΏϾΕΓ΍ΖȱπΏν·Γ΍Ζǰȱ΅Ϣ΅ϧǰȱ

πΑȱΎ΋ΈΉϟΓ΍ΖȱΓϥΎΘΓ΍Η΍Αǯȱ

Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris 143-47 O servants,

in what painful lamentations

am I enmeshed, in elegies that no lyre accompanies

and the muses do not love, alas,

amid the keening of grief.

σΑΌΉΑȱΓϢΎΘΕϲΑȱΦΑΉΆϱ΅ΗΉΑǰȱ

ϵΐ΅ΈΓΑȱσΎΏΙΓΑǰȱΩΏΙΕΓΑȱσΏΉ·ΓΑǰȱ

ϵΘ΍ȱΔΓΘȂȱσΏ΅ΎΉΑȱ΅ϢΣ·ΐ΅Ȭȱ

Η΍ȱΗΘνΑΓΙΗ΅ȱ

Euripides, Helen 184-87 There I heard a noise to stir my pity,

a lament not fit for the lyre, uttered

in complaint by some wife.

ΔΓΏΏΤȱΗΉȱΐΓΙΗΓΔϱΏΓ΍ȱ

ΐνΏΜΓΙΗ΍ȱΎ΅ΌȂȱοΔΘΣΘΓΑϱΑȱΘȂȱϴΕΉϟ΅Αȱ

ΛνΏΙΑȱσΑȱΘȂȱΦΏϾΕΓ΍ΖȱΎΏνΓΑΘΉΖȱЂΐΑΓ΍Ζǰȱ

9 The translations of the passages cited are based on the following: Arrowsmith, W. 1974. Euripides Alcestis, New York & London; Burian, P. & A. Shapiro 2010. The Complete Eu ripides, 4. Oxford; Race, W.H. 1997. Pindar, 1-2. London; Slavitt, D.R. & P. Bovie 1997. Euripides, 1-2. Philadelphia; Slavitt, D.R. & P. Bovie 1998. Sophocles, 1-2. Philadelphia; Sommerstein, A. 2008. Aeschylus, 1-3. London. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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̕ΔΣΕΘ΅΍ȱΎΙΎΏΤΖȱΥΑϟΎ΅ȱ̍΅ΕΑΉϟȬȱ ΓΙȱΔΉΕ΍ΑϟΗΉΘ΅΍ȱГΕ΅ȱ ΐ΋ΑϲΖǰȱΦΉ΍ΕΓΐνΑ΅Ζȱ Δ΅ΑΑϾΛΓΙȱΗΉΏΣΑ΅Ζȱ

Euripides, Alcestis 445-51 each year, unaccompanied, your song shall rise, a shining on the lips of men; or sometimes chanted to the rude and simple lyre, at Sparta when the year has come full circle, and the moon, a splendor, rides the livelong night; ΐ΋ΈνȱΘ΍ΖȱΦΑΈΕΓΎΐχΖȱ ΏΓ΍·ϲΖȱπΔΉΏΌνΘΝȱ ΘΣΑΈΉȱΔϱΏ΍ΑȱΈ΅ϬΊΝΑǰȱ ΩΛΓΕΓΑǰȱΦΎϟΌ΅Ε΍Αȱ Έ΅ΎΕΙ·ϱΑΓΑȱ̡Ε΋ȱ ΆΓΣΑȱΘȂȱσΑΈ΋ΐΓΑȱπΒΓΔΏϟΊΝΑǯȱ

Aeschylus, Suppliants 678-83 And may no man-slaying destruction

come upon this city and ravage it,

arming Ares the breeder of tears, with whom is no dance and no lyre,

and intestine violence in the community.

ϳȱΈȂȱπΔϟΎΓΙΕΓΖȱϢΗΓΘνΏΉΗΘΓΖǰȱ ̡ϞΈΓΖȱϵΘΉȱΐΓϧΕȂȱΦΑΙΐνΑ΅΍ΓΖȱ ΩΏΙΕΓΖȱΩΛΓΕΓΖȱΦΑ΅ΔνΚ΋ΑΉǰȱ ΌΣΑ΅ΘΓΖȱπΖȱΘΉΏΉΙΘΣΑǯȱ

Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus 1220-23 as life itself shrivels and fades

to black night at the end,

without end, without songs and dances,

with only darkness and silence there.



20

eleni papadogiannaki ЂΐΑΓΖȱπΒȱ̳Ε΍ΑϾΝΑǰȱ

ΈνΗΐ΍ΓΖȱΚΕΉΑЗΑǰȱΦΚϱΕȬȱ

ΐ΍ΎΘΓΖǰȱ΅ЀΓΑΤȱΆΕΓΘΓϧΖǯȱ

Aeschylus, Eumenides 329-33 chant of the Furies

that binds the mind, sung

to no lyre, a song to shrivel men up!

ϳȱΎ΅ΏΏ΍Άϱ΅ΖȱΘΣΛȂȱЀΐϧΑȱ

΅ЁΏϲΖȱΓЁΎȱΦΑ΅ΕΗϟ΅Αȱ

ΦΛЗΑȱΎ΅Α΅ΛΤΑȱπΔΣΑΉ΍Η΍Αǰȱ

ΦΏΏΤȱΌΉϟ΅ΖȱΦΑΘϟΏΙΕΓΑȱΐΓϾΗ΅Ζǯȱ

Sophocles, Trachiniae 640-43 soon you’ll hear flute-music

floating sweetly among you,

not rage’s dissonance

but lyre-music fit for the ears of gods.

̇΍ΕΎ΅ϟΝΑȱΧȱΔΓΘȂȱπΎȱ

ΘϱΔΝΑȱΑνΓΙΖȱΔΉΈ΅ϟΕΓΙΗȂȱȱ

ΩΏΙΕΓΑȱΦΐΚϠȱΐΓІΗ΅Αȱ

ϴΏΓΐνΑ΅ΑȱΘȂȱ̳Ε΍ΑϿΑȱ

σΚΉΕΉΖȱσΚΉΕΉΖȱΩΛΉ΅ȱΔ΅ΘΕϟΈ΍ȱ

ΚϱΑ΍΅аȱȱ

Euripides, Phoenissae 1026-31 You who grabbed boys

from Dirke’s banks and

with your riddling dirge

brought a murderous Fury

and bloody anguish

against this land.

Unlike ΌΕϛΑΓΖǰȱ σΏΉ·ΓΖ and ЂΐΑΓΖ are accompanied by the epithet ΩΏΙΕΓΖ. The word σΏΉ·ΓΖ is often used interchangeably with ΌΕϛΑΓΖ, as it CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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denotes lament sung in elegiac rhythm.10 The phrase ΦΏϾΕΓ΍Ζ ЂΐΑΓ΍Ζ is probably the most awkward and in Euripides it may mean either ‘sung and spoken poetry’ or ‘songs sung to strings and stringless instruments’.11 The phrase ΦΚϱΕΐ΍ΎΘΓΖȱ ЂΐΑΓΖ could be compared with the quotation ΘϲΑȱ ΩΑΉΙȱΏϾΕ΅ΖȱЀΐΑΝΈΉϧȱΌΕϛΑΓΑ both attributed to the lament of the Erinyes. The phrase ΩΏΙΕΓΑȱ ΐΓІΗ΅Α is used meaning ‘song without lyre’ and ΩΏΙΕΓΖȱΌΣΑ΅ΘΓΖ denotes the absence of music in death. From the above texts it can be supposed that neither threnos, nor goos was performed accompanied by the lyre. Commentators add that the absence of the lyre, i.e., of a stringed instrument, means more generally the absence of joy, feast, dance, so ΩΏΙΕΓΖ is non-festive, joyless, not suitable for music.12 The semiological connection between the lyre and joy is already traceable in Pindar: in the first Pythian ode, in the prelude, he refers to the Golden Lyre, the divine model of the poet’s lyre, which is the symbol of joy and the repu tation and fame of the athlete of honour through performance and song.13 The lyre is associated with Apollo, in contrast with the aulos, which, as has already been mentioned, is related to Dionysus. Therefore, lament, which is performed by the accompaniment of the aulos, contrasts with the Apollon ian spirit of light and joy.14 In another Pythian ode, however, the aulos is closely connected to lament. In the twelfth Pythian ode, Pindar refers to the invention of the aulos by Athena, who invented the aulos imitating the lament of the two surviving Gorgons, when they mourn for the dead Medusa (7-8):15 ̓΅ΏΏΤΖȱπΚΉІΕΉȱΌΕ΅ΗΉ΍κΑȱǀȱ̆ΓΕ·ϱΑΝΑǁȱ ΓЄΏ΍ΓΑȱΌΕϛΑΓΑȱΈ΍΅ΔΏνΒ΅ΗȂȱ̝ΌΣΑ΅ǯ16ȱ 10 For the meaning of σΏΉ·ΓΖ cf. Denniston-Page 1957 and Cropp 2000 ad loc. In Eurip ides’ Helen, line 185 in the critical index we find two forms: in one codex σΏΉ·ΓΑ and in another ΌΕϛΑΓΑ. 11 Dale 1978 ad loc. 12 Denniston-Page 1957 ad loc., Allan 2008 ad loc., Dale 1978 ad loc. 13 Segal 1989: 351. 14 For the conflict of the Dionysiac and the Apollonian in tragedy regarding mourning songs, see Loraux 2002: 59-62. 15 Cf. also Plutarch De E apud Delphos 394b-c, where the connection of aulos with lament is also expressed. 16 For further analysis, see Iakob 1994: 347-56. Cf. also Clay 1992; Segal 1995; Held 1998. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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eleni papadogiannaki which Pallas Athena once invented by weaving into music the fierce Gorgon’s deathly dirge.

Apart from the epithet ΩΏΙΕΓΖ two other epithets, both hapax legomena, are noteworthy: ΦΎϟΌ΅Ε΍Ζ and ΦΚϱΕΐ΍ΎΘΓΖ.17 The absence of joy is intensi fied by the absence of stringed instruments in general. The case of Sopho cles’ Trachiniae 640-43 is an indicative example of the semantics of the lyre and the aulos in tragedy. The Chorus notes that when Heracles comes back, the aulos will sound joyful, like the lyre, not gloomy and mournful.18 Ac cording to this passage, the equation aulos = grief and lyre = joy is obvious. Here the Chorus describes something very strange: they will be so happy on account of Heracles’ return that even the aulos, which is the most important sorrowful instrument, will bring forth a joyful sound. Textual evidence thus indicates that the mourning song is not accompanied by the lyre or a stringed instrument, due to its context and the grief it connotes. The aulos, on the other hand, seems to be the most suitable instrument for performing a mourning song. Another aspect should be taken into account: it is noteworthy that all the above texts are verses of choral odes, that is to say odes accompanied by mu sic. It can be assumed that the epithet ΩΏΙΕΓΖ refers to the conditions of performance of this specific ode and so it is self-referential. The above odes are not joyful in context, so they are probably accompanied by the aulos in stead of the lyre and the Chorus states so indirectly in its song. It may be considered as a comment regarding the staging of the ode.19 The restriction of exaggerations in the manifestation of grief by Solon was followed by similar regulations in other cities, according to epigraphical evi dence.20 In Delphi and in Keos (about one century after Solon) there are similar indications for a silent funeral procession without public gooi, which

17 For the above epithets see Johansen ad loc. and Sommerstein 1993 ad loc.

18 For comments on this citation, see Easterling 1996 ad loc.

19 The choral odes are normally accompanied by the aulos, not by the lyre. See Pickard-

Cambridge 1953: 164. 20 For the above inscriptions see Sokolowski 1969 no. 77.14-25, 97.10-11. Alexiou 2002: 48 66 refers in detail to the legislative regulations related to burial in Athens, as well as in other cities. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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should be confined to the house.21 The words used indicate that these refer ences regard gooi and not threnoi.22 In Athens, all the laws concerning burial that were enacted after Solon and until Demetrius of Phaleron are related to the size of the grave, in contrast with Solon, whose laws are concerned with burial customs. Solon’s aim is not the abolition of these customs, but the control of the emotion that is heightened by the participation of women, for whom emotion is more important than reason by nature.23 It is remarkable that after the restrictions on burial the grave monuments become more magnificent.24 According to the surviving evidence, Athens does not seem to introduce a law related to burial in the fifth century BC In the archaic pe riod, therefore, the funeral is the object of legislation, aiming chiefly at re stricting the display of the aristocrats, while the making of the graves is the object of the lawgivers after the fifth century BC. Solon does not prohibit female lament altogether but he restricts it.25 This regulation springs from its exaggeration, which threatened the existence and the maintenance of the city-state.26 Just as goos undermines the kleos and epic ideals in Homer,27 female lament seems to undermine the coher ence of the city-state in fifth-century Athens. If personal grief prevails over duty and the defense of the city, then there is a danger of disaster,28 because the city-state relies on its citizens for its existence. For all these reasons, the female goos should be private. Another important aspect of the subject at issue is the following: after So lon’s restrictions, a marked increase in depictions on lekythoi concerning pri

21 The words used in the above inscriptions are noteworthy: 77.14 ΑΉΎΕϲΑȱΎΉΎ΅ΏΙΐΐνΑΓΑȱ ΚΉΕνΘΝȱ Η΍·κ΍ȱ …, 97.10-11ȱ ΘϲΑȱ Ό΅ΑϱǽΑǾΘ΅ȱ ǽΚνΕΉΑǾȱ ǽΎǾ΅Θ΅ΎΉΎ΅ΏΙΐΐνΑΓΑȱ Η΍ΝΔϛ΍ȱ ΐΉǽΛǾΕ΍ȱǽπΔϠȱΘϲǾȱǽΗǾϛΐ΅. 22 This topic is discussed by Alexiou 2002: 36, who bases her comments on the verbs of inscriptions ‘ϴΘΓΘϾΊΉ΍Α’ and ‘ΚΌν··ΉΗΌ΅΍’. They refer to shouts and cries, not to dirges. 23 For Solon’s restrictions, see Sourvinou-Inwood 2004: 164-68. 24 For this comment, see Humphreys 1980. For the grave monuments of the fifth century BC see Stears 2000: 25-54 and Morris 1994. 25 The aim of his law in general was to control and not to forbid. See Garland 1989: 14. 26 According to Stears 2008: 143, Solon’s laws aim at the restriction of aristocratic ostenta tion in burial and not solely at women. 27 Murnaghan 1999: 210-17 and Derderian 2001: 43. 28 Antigone 1246-49 and Bacchae, where the female festivities in honour of Dionysus bring disaster to the city. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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vate visits of women to graves is observed.29 As female lament is restricted, depictions of women preparing to visit or visiting their relatives’ graves in crease in inverse proportion.30 The majority of the lekythoi (many hundreds) come from Athens of the classical period and were intended as grave offer ings.31 What is odd is that many depictions on lekythoi picture a lyre either as a grave gift, or as a musical instrument in the hands of a divine or human figure. As has been pointed out, the lyre and stringed instruments in general are not related to death and burial, but to joy, life, dance and feast. The ob vious question raises itself: why do the artists of this period depict the lyre on the lekythoi so often? Part of the answer to the above question may lie in Pindar and his la ments. Some scant fragments of Pindar dated to the end of the sixth century BC and the beginning of the fifth century BC have reached us as laments.32 Their limited length cannot provide a clear idea of their context, so we are not allowed to draw conclusions. Most of Pindar’s fragments refer to the afterlife and are characterized by an optimistic tone and a philosophical spirit. In one of the lengthier fragments he notes, among others:33 Ύ΅ϠȱΘΓϠȱΐξΑȱϣΔΔΓ΍ΗϟȱǀΘΉǁȱ·ΙΐΑ΅Ηϟ΅΍ΖȱǀΘΉǁǰȱΘΓϠȱΈξȱΔΉΗΗΓϧΖǰȱ

ΘΓϠȱΈξȱΚΓΕΐϟ··ΉΗΗ΍ȱΘνΕΔΓΑΘ΅΍ǰȱΔ΅ΕΤȱΈνȱΗΚ΍Η΍ΑȱΉЁ΅ΑȬȱ

ΌχΖȱΧΔ΅ΖȱΘνΌ΅ΏΉΑȱϷΏΆΓΖǯȱ

114.4-6 = 129,6-8 Snell

29 On the depictions of lekythoi see Shapiro 1991. For lekythoi in general and their produc tion during the classical period Oakley 2004: 215-31. For the depictions of vases in the ar chaic and classical period see Kurtz 1984: 314-28 and Havelock 1981: 103-18. For the depic tions of musical instruments on the lekythoi, Beschi 1991. For the depictions of women with musical instruments on fifth-century vases see Kaufmann-Samara 1997. 30 This view is supported by a comparison of the images on the lekythoi with the ones on archaic vases, which usually depict the prothesis. The rarity of prothesis on lekythoi and the prevalence of grave visits is probably related to Solon’s legislative restrictions. Cf. Kurtz 1984: 321. 31 Recent excavations in the Kerameikos show that lekythoi are meant as offerings not only in connection with private burials, but public as well, in contrast to what has previously been asserted. For these new facts see Oakley 2004: 215-16, who discusses Shapiro’s view based on the older facts. 32 For a detailed commentary on Pindar’s laments, see Cannatà-Fera 1990. 33 For this lament, see Cannatà-Fera 1990: 163-83. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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and some take delight in horses and exercises, others in draughts, and others in phorminxes; and among them complete happiness blooms and flourishes. Pindar describes the life of the dead, who reside in a very bright place where they enjoy all pleasures and are very happy, like gods, entertained by phorminxes.34 In such an idyllic and beautiful place the most suitable sound is that of the phorminx because the joy and the satisfaction of the dead pre vail. Every moment is a feast and so it is accompanied by the phorminx’s soft sound. It is possible, therefore, that the phorminx or the lyre is offered to the dead, because they will need it in the hereafter. The relatives tend to of fer the dead what they regard as necessary in the afterlife.35 On the other hand it is equally possible that the lyres pictured have to do with the deceased’s occupations during their life. The dead might have been musicians or fond of music or have played the lyre often and so the relatives offer their favourite object at their tomb. Moreover, it is likely to be related to the music theory developed in Athens during the fifth century BC and to the leading role of music in young people’s education. Damon and his the ory, which are discussed in the Platonic dialogues, were widely known in fifth-century Athens. This concerns the character formation of the young, as music contributes to the harmony of the soul and leads to virtue and pru dence.36 It is noteworthy that in depictions on vases of the archaic period the aulos is pictured, while in the classical period stringed instruments are shown instead.37 As a result, the theory and the discussion on music in fifth century Athens seem to be reflected in art of the vases. On the basis of the 34 A short reference to the fragment at issue is found in Oakley 2004: 165. 35 In Aristophanes’ Frogs, where we are transferred to an after-life context, the aulos is referred to (154; 313) as the instrument that entertains the dead. This reference might be viewed in the sense of parody, as Aristophanes parodies tragedians and their tragedies, whose performance was accompanied by the aulos. 36 The reforms in the area of music and the dominance of the stringed instruments over the aulos in Athens are discussed by Wallace. Song accompanied by the lyre demands greater training than participation in a chorus accompanied by the aulos. Cf. Loraux 2002: 109, note 56. 37 Beschi 1991: 55-56 points out that the changes in music theory are related to the depic tions of stringed instruments on lekythoi, which are estimated at about 40. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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above, we can firmly assume that depictions of the lyre and the aulos on lekythoi are not related to the performance of threnos and goos, but to other features of the period. In the surviving dramatic plays, however, the epithet ϴΒϾΖ is used to characterize the gooi or the mourning songs. The related texts are: ЂΔ΅ΘΓΖȱΈȂȱ΅ϢАΑȱόȱΘ΍Ζȱ̝ΔϱΏΏΝΑȱ

ύȱ̓ΤΑȱύȱ̉ΉϿΖȱΓϢΝΑΓΌΕϱΓΑȱ

·ϱΓΑȱϴΒΙΆϱ΅ΑȱΘЗΑΈΉȱΐΉΘΓϟΎΝΑȱ

ЀΗΘΉΕϱΔΓ΍ΑΓΑȱ

ΔνΐΔΉ΍ȱΔ΅Ε΅ΆκΗ΍Αȱ̳Ε΍ΑϾΑǯȱ

Aeschylus, Agamemnon 55-59 and some Apollo on high, or Pan,

or Zeus, hearing the loud shrill wailing cries

of the birds exacts belated revenge

on behalf of these denizens of this realm

by sending a Fury against the transgressors.

΅ϥΏ΍ΑΓΑȱ΅ϥΏ΍ΑΓΑȱ

ΓЁΈȂȱΓϢΎΘΕκΖȱ·ϱΓΑȱϷΕΑ΍ΌΓΖȱΦ΋ΈΓІΖȱ

ϊΗΉ΍ȱΈϾΗΐΓΕΓΖǰȱΦΏΏȂȱȱ

ϴΒΙΘϱΑΓΙΖȱΐξΑȱУΈΤΖȱ

ΌΕ΋ΑφΗΉ΍ǰȱΛΉΕϱΔΏ΅ΎΘΓ΍ȱȱ

ΈȂȱπΑȱΗΘνΕΑΓ΍Η΍ȱΔΉΗΓІΑΘ΅΍ȱ

ΈΓІΔΓ΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΓΏ΍κΖȱΩΐΙ·ΐ΅ȱΛ΅ϟΘ΅Ζǯȱ

Sophocles, Aias 627-33 She’ll weep for him, weep for him,

no nightingale, soft tears,

but shrieks, sharp cries,

trembling hands beat breast,

tear thin gray hair.

ΉϥȱΘЗ΍ȱΔΕϱΗΎΉ΍ΐ΅΍ȱΛΕ΋ΗΘЗ΍ǰȱ

ΒΙΑΑ΅ϟΓ΍ΐȂȱΉЄΎ΋ΏΓΖǰȱ·ΓΑνΝΑȱ



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πΎΘϟΐΓΙΖȱϥΗΛΓΙΗ΅ȱΔΘνΕΙ·΅Ζȱ ϴΒΙΘϱΑΝΑȱ·ϱΝΑǯȱ

Sophocles, Electra 240-43 If any good comes to me, I pray to find it hateful if I withhold the cries of grief, the tears, the honor my father deserves. During the performance of goos in the theatre, the sound is shrill. The tone is sharp and piercing. The epithet ϴΒϾΖ is usually used for arms, battles, ill nesses and pain.38 The epithet Ώ΍·ϾΖ, on the contrary, characterizes the lyre, which is melodic.39 The words ΩΏΙΕΓΖǰȱΦΚϱΕΐ΍ΎΘΓΖ, therefore, do not necessarily mean that goos is non-music because is not accompanied by music. It is probable that their meaning is that the sound is so shrill that it lacks musicality.40 In trag edy, the sound of the aulos contributes to what is heard by the audience: a sound like a mourning voice, a long mourning tone. In tragedy, weeping and crying become song, sung poetry. The most important tragic heroine to function as a model is Sophocles’ Electra. Her goos is in metrum and it dem onstrates the conjunction of the natural sound of the female voice with me tre and music.41 She herself characterizes her gooi as ϴΒϾΘΓΑΓ΍ (Sophocles, Electra 243). The aulos intensifies the mourning tone of the voice, strength ens the sentimentalism and the emotions that overwhelm the performance. This gains importance when it is taken into consideration that the actors in the tragedy were men acting for a male audience. The education of the emo tions was very important. Based on the above, another interpretation of the connection of mourn ing women with birds and especially with the nightingale is possible. The voice of the nightingale conveys this aspect of goos very accurately, the musi

38 Chantraine s.v. 39 Cf. the Homeric formula Ώ΍·Ήϟ΅ΑȱΚϱΕΐ΍··΅ǯ 40 A similar comment is made by Sultan 1993: 103, where she notes that the laments in gen eral are songs, but lack musicality and harmony. 41 In Sophocles’ Electra all the interjectional phrases uttered by Electra in her gooi are placed in metrum. Cf. Carson 1996: 6. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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cality and the mournful conjunction of cry and song, the insolence of grief with the metre of poetry and the harmony of music.42 It is remarkable, though, that the absence of music means mourning, as it can be traced in Adrastus’ words in Euripides’ Alcestis (420-30):43 πΔϟΗΘ΅ΐ΅ϟȱ·ΉǰȱΎΓЁΎȱΩΚΑΝȱΎ΅ΎϲΑȱΘϱΈΉȱ

ΔΕΓΗνΔΘ΅ΘȂǯȱΉϢΈАΖȱΈȂȱ΅ЄΘȂȱπΘΉ΍Εϱΐ΋ΑȱΔΣΏ΅΍ǯȱ

ΦΏΏȂǰȱπΎΚΓΕΤΑȱ·ΤΕȱΘΓІΈΉȱΌφΗΓΐ΅΍ȱΑΉΎΕΓІǰȱ

ΔΣΕΉΗΘΉȱΎ΅ϠȱΐνΑΓΑΘΉΖȱΦΑΘ΋ΛφΗ΅ΘΉȱ

Δ΅΍κΑ΅ȱΘЗ΍ȱΎΣΘΝΌΉΑȱΩΗΔΓΑΈΓΑȱΌΉЗ΍ǯȱ

ΔκΗ΍ΑȱΈξȱ̋ΉΗΗ΅ΏΓϧΗ΍ΑȱЙΑȱπ·АȱΎΕ΅ΘЗȱ

ΔνΑΌΓΙΖȱ·ΙΑ΅΍ΎϲΖȱΘϛΗΈΉȱΎΓ΍ΑΓІΗΌ΅΍ȱΏν·Νȱ

ΎΓΙΕκ΍ȱΒΙΕφΎΉ΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΐΉΏ΅ΐΔνΏΝ΍ȱΗΘΓΏϛ΍ǯȱ

ΘνΌΕ΍ΔΔΣȱΌȂȱΓϤȱΊΉϾ·ΑΙΗΌΉȱΎ΅ϠȱΐΓΑΣΐΔΙΎ΅Ζȱ

ΔЏΏΓΙΖǰȱΗ΍ΈφΕΝ΍ȱΘνΐΑΉΘȂȱ΅ЁΛνΑΝΑȱΚϱΆ΋Αǯȱ

΅ЁΏЗΑȱΈξȱΐχȱΎ΅ΘȂȱΩΗΘΙǰȱΐχȱΏϾΕ΅ΖȱΎΘϾΔΓΖȱ

σΗΘΝȱΗΉΏφΑ΅ΖȱΈЏΈΉΎȂȱπΎΔΏ΋ΕΓΙΐνΑ΅Ζǯȱ

I know … Day after day

I saw it coming on, those great wings like a black shadow

swooping down. And waiting, just waiting –

oh, if you knew the agony of it.

But no more. I must give orders for the funeral.

Good friends, I need your presence and support. Help me

by remaining here. Raise a song in honour of Alcestis,

and by the beauty and the power of your singing,

cry defiance to this hard and bitter god

whom nothing will appease but death.

To my subjects I now proclaim a period of solemn public mourning

for your queen. Shear your hair in sign of sorrow,

put on mourning black. Let my cavalry and guard

crop their horses’ manes. Throughout this city

let the lyre be still; let no one touch a flute

42 On the connection between nightingale and goos, cf. Sultan 1993: 106-9; Segal 1989: 339. 43 For more comments on these verses of Alcestis, see Segal 1992.



GOOS

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until twelve moons have waxed and waned and brought the year full circle. Adrastus refers to funeral rites and to the city’s mourning for Alcestis’ death. At the end he notes that for a whole year, the sound of the aulos and of the lyre will be forbidden in the city. So, even the mourning sound of the aulos as a sign of deep grief for his wife’s death is forbidden. It follows that in deep grief there is no accompaniment of the aulos in the rites that take place in public (Ύ΅ΘȂȱΩΗΘΙ). To sum up, one tends to believe that goos and threnos in the performance of tragedy is accompanied by the aulos. In the archaic period, according to depictions on vases of this era, the aulos accompanied goos and threnos dur ing prothesis and ekphora. After Solon’s restrictions, goos was not performed during ekphora, but we can assume that it was performed in the prothesis in side the house, perhaps to the accompaniment of the aulos. Depictions of lyres on lekythoi do not refer to goos but are probably connected with other topics, such as Damon’s music theory or beliefs about the afterlife. More over, the usual characterization of goos as ΩΏΙΕΓΖ denotes the absence of joy, dance and any stringed instrument, that symbolizes joy. The aulos with its shrill tone is the chief musical accompaniment of the goos, due to its barbaric origins and to its connection with grief.

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32 and After’ in R. Hägg (ed.) The Greek Renaissance of the Eighth Century B.C.: Tradition and Innovation. Proceedings of the Second International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 1-5 June 1981. Stockholm, 33 48. Sourvinou-Inwood, C. 2004. ‘Gendering the Athenian Funeral: Ritual Real ity and Tragic Manipulations’ in D. Yatromanolakis & P. Roilos (eds.) Greek Ritual Poetics. Cambridge, 161-88. Stears, K. 2008. ‘Death Becomes Her: Gender and Athenian Death Ritual’ in A. Suter (ed.) Lament. Studies in the Ancient Mediterranean and Beyond Oxford, 139-55 (= S. Blundell & M. Williamson (eds.) The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece. London & New York 1998, 113-27). Stears, K. 2000. ‘The Times Are A-Changing: Developments in Fifth-Cen tury Funerary Sculpture’ in G.H. Oliver (ed.) The Epigraphy of Death: Studies in the History and Society of Greece and Rome. Liverpool, 25-58. Sultan, N. 1993. ‘Private Speech, Public Pain: The Power of Women’s La ments in Ancient Greek Poetry and Tragedy’ in K. Marshall (ed.) Redis covering the Muses: Women’s Musical Traditions. Boston, 92-110. Tsagalis, Ch. 2004. Epic Grief: Personal Laments in Homer’s ‘Iliad’. Berlin. Wallace, R. 2003. ‘An Early Fifth-Century Athenian Revolution in Aulos Music’ HSCPh 101, 73-92. Wilson, P. 1999. ‘The aulos in Athens’ in S. Goldhill & R. Osborne (eds.) Performance, Culture and Athenian Democracy. Cambridge, 58-95.



PLATO’S PARMENIDES 127 E By Ivar Gjørup

Summary: This paper deals with a passage in Plato’s Parmenides, 127e, particularly the words ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱΘΤȱΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ǯ The context is better served if instead of translating ‘everything that is commonly said’ this is taken to signify ‘everything that is said (in your [Zeno’s own] Ώϱ·Γ΍)’.

A very young Socrates explains the meaning of Zeno’s work to Zeno himself. The old and admired master Parmenides listens, in the dialogue by Plato that carries his name. Both, we are told, are favourably impressed with the young man’s efforts. The purpose of this article is to propose another interpretation, and ac cordingly a better translation, of one passage in this explanation, 127e8-10: ΫΕ΅ȱ ΘΓІΘϱȱ πΗΘ΍Αȱ ϶ȱ ΆΓϾΏΓΑΘ΅ϟȱ ΗΓΙȱ Γϡȱ Ώϱ·Γ΍ǰȱ ΓЁΎȱ ΩΏΏΓȱ Θ΍ȱ ύȱ Έ΍΅Ȭ ΐΣΛΉΗΌ΅΍ȱΔ΅ΕΤȱΔΣΑΘ΅ȱΘΤȱΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ȱБΖȱΓЁȱΔΓΏΏΣȱπΗΘ΍ǲȱ

This is translated by Cornford (1939) as follows: ‘Is this the precise purpose of your arguments – to maintain against everything that is commonly said, that things are not a plurality?’1 This understanding of the passage is to be found in all editions before and after the great Cornford.2 In their recent translation, Mary Louise Gill and 1 Cornford, F.M. 1939, 1969. Plato and Parmenides. London. 2 Apelt, O. 1919. Platons Dialog Parmenides. Leipzig: ‘Nicht wahr, darauf laufen deine Dar legungen hinaus? Sie wollen allen landläufigen Meinungen zuwider erhärten, daß es keine Vielheit gibt?’ and Diès, A. 1923. Platon: Oeuvres Complètes, Parménide. Paris: ‘Ce à quoi prétendent tes arguments, est-ce à autre chose qu’à établir de haute lutte, contre toutes les formes de parler reçues, l’inexistence du multiple?’ The Loeb translation by Harold N. Fowler (1926) cuts it short: ‘Is that the purpose of your treatises, to maintain against all arguments that existences are not many?’ To my knowledge, no commentator, ancient or Ivar Gjørup ‘Plato’s Parmenides 127e’ C&M 62 (2011) 33-37. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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Paul Ryan (1996) give us almost the same wording: ‘Is this the point of your arguments – simply to maintain, in opposition to everything that is com monly said, that things are not many?’3 Samuel Scolnicov has this (2003): ‘Is not this what your arguments aim at, nothing else than [ouk állo ti è] to maintain, despite all that is said, that the many are not?’4 A few lines later, 128c2, Zeno will compliment young Socrates for his un derstanding of ΘΤȱΏΉΛΌνΑΘ΅. No one doubts that here, the intended mean ing is: ‘that which is said in my work’. And no one seems ever to have con sidered whether this is also the meaning of the passage quoted above.5 There is a difference in aspect: ΘΤȱΏΉΛΌνΑΘ΅ would indicate ‘that which has been said’ and ΘΤȱΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ ‘that which is being said’. In neither case are we informed as to where, or by whom, these matters are ‘said’. The context must decide. Why should we take Δ΅ΕΤȱ ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱ ΘΤ ΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ to mean ‘against that which is being said [in the Ώϱ·Γ΍ we dis cuss here]’? And not ‘against that which is being [commonly] said’?6 The context is this: Young Socrates is eager to point out that Zeno’s writings – his logoi – have a different meaning from the one that the readers, or Zeno’s listeners, assume. This point is worked out rather laboriously, and repeated once or twice in ways that make us appreciate the difficulty of his efforts. There is nothing obvious about this. Each Ώϱ·ΓΖ is proof, he says, of exactly this – that plurality does not exist – and there are as many proofs as there are Ώϱ·Γ΍Ǳȱ ǳȱ ψ·Ϝȱ ΘΓΗ΅ІΘ΅ȱ ΘΉΎΐφΕ΍΅ȱ Δ΅ΕνΛΉΗΌ΅΍ȱ ϵΗΓΙΗΔΉΕȱ Ώϱ·ΓΙΖȱ·ν·Ε΅Κ΅ΖǰȱБΖȱΓЁΎȱσΗΘ΍ȱΔΓΏΏΣǯ

3 4 5

6

modern, has dealt with this passage and the exact meaning of panta ta legomena, except to speculate about possible opponents to the views of Parmenides. Gill M.L. & P. Ryan 1996. Plato: Parmenides. Indianapolis & Cambridge. Scolnicov, S. 2003. Plato’s Parmenides. Berkeley & Los Angeles. It seems that the great Platonic scholar from Florence, Marsilio Ficino, mistook the words Δ΅ΕΤȱΔΣΑΘ΅ȱΘΤȱΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ to mean ‘per omnia’; his translation of 1484 says ‘neque aliud quicquam intendunt, quàm per omnia asserere non esse multa’. Serranus in the Stepha nus edition of 1578 simply omits these four words from his translation. It may be of interest to note that a similar problem has been raised concerning Pl. Phd 67c5-6: whether ϵΔΉΕȱΔΣΏ΅΍ȱπΑȱΘХȱΏϱ·УȱΏν·ΉΘ΅΍ – viewed by commentators as a refer ence to some Orphic hieros logos – should instead be taken to mean ’what was said earlier in this treatment’: Luce, J.V. 1951. ‘Plato, Phaedo 67c5’, CR n.s. 1, 66-67.



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We know what these logoi say: They are deductions – as we might term them – from the premise ǽΉϢǾȱ ΔΓΏΏΣȱ πΗΘ΍Αǯ They assume the existence of plurality in order to prove that ‘things are not a plurality’. The attentive reader may detect some traits of naïvety in the words of ‘young Socrates’. He is rather too eager – as we have all been in our student days – to get through to his superiors, and his views of language, logics and reason are certainly not as well developed as we shall find them in his later years; that is, in other works by Plato. The author has a smile, as do Zeno and Parmenides, moved by Socrates’ undergraduate ambitions, the repeti tiousness of his arguments, the shine in his eyes, or so we may may imagine. These are the early days of rational thought, and the profound earnest of the long-winded analysis provide an image of a time long gone, when Greek was not yet adapted to the subtleties of argument. ‘What is being said’ is ΉϢȱ ΔΓΏΏΣȱ πΗΘ΍Αǯ The conditional ei is a marker, identifying the statement as a premise or assumption to be considered in the following. So the logoi of Zeno, each and every one, say this: ΔΓΏΏΣȱπΗΘ΍Α, and proceed to demonstrate, by numerous arguments beginning in the same way, that this cannot be: Each time we say ΔΓΏΏΣȱπΗΘ΍Α, we go on to prove БΖȱΓЁȱΔΓΏΏΣȱπΗΘ΍Αǯȱ

This is what his logoi intend: to go against their own assumption and proffer as many proofs as there are logoi, that ‘many is not’.7 Now, why should Socrates refer to ‘popular opinion’ in this passage? This is not reiterated: Popular opinion – if you prefer this interpretation – is brought up here, only once, and never referred to as interesting or relevant later. Certainly these masters of thought and their young disciple need not refer to, nor respect ‘what is commonly said’ – later, Parmenides actually

7 In my MA thesis (University of Aarhus, 1976), I proposed this approach in a brief note. The year after, I argued my case in a contribution celebrating the fiftieth birthday of Holger Friis Johansen. Both were written in Danish and never published outside the uni versity. Now, a complete Danish translation of Plato’s works is in progress (2009-2014). The translation of Parmenides was entrusted to Karsten Friis Johansen and myself. It is time that I should make this other reading known to a wider public, in English. (Sadly, we lost Karsten Friis Johansen in the summer of 2010. His brother Holger died in 1996. I was privileged to know them both and to hear their comments on this reading of Prm. 127e.) c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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warns against doing so, when he tells Socrates to follow his train of rational thought and nothing else.8 The isolated reference to popular opinion strikes one as odd, when one comes to think about it, whereas a self-referential ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱΘΤȱΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ ele gantly fits young Socrates’ endeavours to clarify the meaning. The word ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱ itself supports this interpretation, pointing a forward to the phrase that follows immediately after, ΘΓΗ΅ІΘ΅ ΘΉΎΐφΕ΍΅ȱǳȱϵΗΓΙΗΔΉΕȱΏϱ·ΓΙΖȱǯǯǯ This process of logical scrutiny is given as a set of rules in Samuel Scolnicov’s recent book: A hypothesis is an assumption – for the moment taken to be true – concerning some postulate. The ensuing argument, its Ώϱ·ΓΖ, will lead to an investigation of other claims that may seem to contradict this as sumed ‘truth’. If these can be dealt with, the hypothesis should be consid ered ‘possible’ – not proven: ‘The relation of agreement is nothing more than the negation of disagreement’, Scolnicov says, going through the steps of ‘elenchus’. If we cannot, however, explain the apparent contradictions, then the hy pothesis must be discarded. This is why ΓЁΈξΑȱΎΝΏϾΉ΍ȱ is an important an swer in this ‘chain of logoi’.9 Each Ώϱ·ΓΖ of Zeno ends up disagreeing with itself, young Socrates sug gests, contradicting its own basic assumption – ΘϲȱΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑΓΑǱ that plurality exists. ‘You grasp the general point of my book splendidly’ is Zeno’s answer (128a2-3, transl. Gill-Ryan 1996): Ύ΅ΏЗΖȱ ΗΙΑϛΎ΅Ζȱ ϵΏΓΑȱ Θϲȱ ·ΕΣΐΐ΅ȱ ϶ȱ ΆΓϾΏΉΘ΅΍ǯ ̓ΣΑΘ΅ȱ ΘΤȱ ΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ǰȱ ϵΏΓΑȱ Θϲȱ ·ΕΣΐΐ΅Ǳȱ For the wider reading of Par

menides, it seems noteworthy how Plato directs his readers’ attention not only to writings and thoughts published without the consent of their author, but also to works or logoi that will refute what they apparently claim to as sert. Such wider perspectives I shall be happy to leave to the great interpret ers of this enigmatic dialogue. We might, however, consider this question: Did Plato think that his works had proliferated beyond his reach, his thoughts and intentions misused – and only a dialogue like this one, again 8 In 130e, Parmenides warns young Socrates not to ‘care about what people think’ (GillRyan 1996). The context is quite different from what Zeno asserts in 128a. 9 Scolnicov 2003: 10. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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and again bringing its own logic and arguments to the point of breakdown, risking the very faculty of speech (135c2), would serve as a possible answer to these plagiarizers? If so, a deeper meaning opens to us as we read: ΫΕ΅ȱ ΘΓІΘϱȱ πΗΘ΍Αȱ ϶ȱ ΆΓϾΏΓΑΘ΅ϟȱ ΗΓΙȱ Γϡȱ Ώϱ·Γ΍ǰȱ ΓЁΎȱ ΩΏΏΓȱ Θ΍ȱ ύȱ Έ΍΅ΐΣΛΉΗΌ΅΍ȱ Δ΅ΕΤȱ ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱ ΘΤȱ ΏΉ·ϱΐΉΑ΅ȱБΖȱΓЁȱΔΓΏΏΣȱπΗΘ΍ǲ

‘Is this what your words want to do – to do battle in each instance against their own wording and show that many are not?’





EROS AND PSYCHE IN

EROTIC MAGIC

By Eleni Pachoumi

Summary: This study examines the role of Eros and Psyche in the Greek Magical Papyri, focussing on the representation of Eros and Psyche in the erotic spell ‘The sword of Darda nos’ in a magical handbook from Graeco-Roman Egypt (PGM IV.1716-1870, 4th cent. AD). How is erotic and sexual union described in the spell? How should we interpret the represen tation of Eros and Psyche? In conclusion, the philosophical and mystical influences on the notion of the erotic union as a ‘union of souls’ is examined.

EROS AND PSYCHE IN THE EROTIC SPELL ‘ THE SWORD OF DARDANOS’ ( IV.1716-1870) 1 In ‘The Sword of Dardanos’2 (IV.1716-1870), the magician invokes Eros to become his assistant, sending him to the house of the woman the male user of the spell is in love with, and ‘after assuming the form of a god or daimon that she (the woman) worships’ (ϳΐΓ΍ΝΌΉϠΖȱСȱΗνΆΉΘ΅΍ȱΌΉХȱύȱΈ΅ϟΐΓΑ΍) to stand beside her and say everything he wishes (IV.1850-51, 1855-59).3 Here it is 1 The editions used in this paper are K. Preisendanz and A. Henrichs Papyri Graecae Magi cae vol. I-II (Stuttgart 1973-1974; henceforth PGM) and H. Betz The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation (Chicago 1986). 2 On the title, see Nock 1925: 154 n. 1. 3 Note also the description of Selene the Egyptian as ΗΛ΋ΐ΅Θ΍ΊΓΐνΑ΋Αȱ Δ΅ΑΘϱΐΓΕΚΓΑ (assuming all forms), VII.871-72 and of ‘the creator of all/Aion of Aion’ as ϳȱΐΉΘ΅ΐΓΕΚΓϾȬ ΐΉΑΓΖȱΉϢΖȱΔΣΑΘ΅Ζ (who is transformed into all (gods)), XIII.70-71; also of Eros as Δ΅ΕΓȬ ΐΓ΍ΓϾΐΉΑΓΖȱ ΌΉХ (ύ [Ό]Ήλ) (assuming the likeness of a god (or a goddess)) and Δ΅ΕΓȬ ΐΓ΍ΝΌΉϟΖ, СȱΗ[ν]ΆΉΘ΅΍ȱΌΉХ (ύȱΌΉλ) (XII.41-42 and 83). See also Pachoumi 2011: 160-61. Eleni Pachoumi ‘Eros and Psyche in Erotic Magic’ C&M 62 (2011) 39-49. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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worth commenting on the following points. First, the user does not invoke a spirit of the dead (e.g., aoros or biaiothanatos), or an underworld daimon, commonly invoked in the erotic spells, but the god Eros himself. The spell includes a ‘ritual for acquiring (Eros as) an assistant’ (IV.1840-70). This is one of the two cases where Eros is invoked as an assistant.4 Secondly, we may compare this characteristic of Eros to assume various forms of either gods or daimons with the ability of Helios, Apollo-Helios and Hermes to assume various animal forms.5 The difference is not a great one, partly because of the Egyptian tendency to picture gods in animal form. Depicting gods in animal forms, or in human forms with animal heads, was a characteristic of the Egyptian religious concept of the personifi cation of the divine, according to which humans, animals and plants are as sociated with the divine power.6 ‘The Sword of Dardanos’ includes a hymn-invocation to Eros and a ritual which precedes it. According to the ritual, the magician should engrave on one side of a magnetic stone ‘Aphrodite sitting astride Psyche’ (IV.1722-25) with Eros holding a blazing torch and burning Psyche7 and, on the other side of the stone, ‘Psyche and Eros embracing one another’ (IV.1737-39).8 The rite for acquiring Eros as an assistant (IV.1840-70) also includes the preparation of a wooden figure of Eros. The representation of Eros and Psyche must be an allusion to the story of Cupid and Psyche in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses (4.27-6.24), which (on most views) functions as a Platonist allegory about the soul.9 In the beginning of the story Aphrodite, angry with Psyche’s beauty, sends her son Eros to take revenge, striking Psyche with his arrows and seizing her heart with a burning passion for ‘the worst of the human kind’ (hominis extremi, Ap. Met. 4.31). This description is reflected in the representation of Aphrodite sitting astride Psyche and of Eros burning Psyche with his blazing torch on the one side of 4 The other is the spell XII.14-95.

5 See, e.g., III.494-611 (III.501-36); II.107-8; VIII.10-12, 14.

6 See Morenz 1992: 19-21; on the Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the

Many, see Hornung 1982. 7 See Binder and Merkelbach 1968: 433-34; Delatte & Derchain 1964: 233-38. 8 On the bronze reliefs of Eros and Psyche, Ferguson 1958: 93; also Nock 1925: 154 n. 3. On Eros and Psyche in the erotic amulets, Bonner 1950: 115-22 (pl. VIII, fig. 157-59, 161). 9 See further Kenney 1990: 17-22; also Betz 1986: 69 n. 220 and 221; also Edwards 1992; James 1987: 119-40; and Rist 1964: 16-55. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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the stone. The depiction on the other side of Psyche and Eros embracing one another alludes to the happy ending of their story in the Metamorphoses and anticipates the erotic union of the two lovers whom the spell is intended to bring together. The allusion here to an author of African origins is inter esting, indicating the literary claims of some of the spells in the PGM, as for example the present one, Apuleius’ own literary renown and presumably also his renown as a magician. The representation of Eros and Psyche on the magnetic stone also sug gests that the erotic union should be a ‘union of souls’ as well. At the end of the hymn to Eros, the male user asks Eros, πΔϟΗΘΕΉΜΓΑȱ ΘχΑȱΜΙΛχΑȱΘϛΖȱΈΉϧΑ΅ȱΉϢΖȱπΐξȱΘϲΑȱΈΉϧΑ΅ǰȱϣΑ΅ȱΐΉȱΚ΍ΏϜǰȱϣΑ΅ȱΐΓΙȱπΕλǰȱϣΑ΅ȱ ΐΓ΍ȱ ΈΓϧȱ ΘΤȱ πΑȱ Θ΅ϧΖȱ ΛΉΕΗϠΑȱ ο΅ΙΘϛΖ (IV.1806-10). O’Neil translates πΔϟΗΘΕΉΜΓΑ as ‘turn’, but this interpretation is not precise enough.10 Here, as I shall argue, πΔϟΗΘΕΉΜΓΑ11 has the meaning of ‘return/revert’, and so the

whole sentence should be translated ‘cause the soul of her NN to return to me NN, so that she may love me, so that she may feel erotic passion for me, so that she may give me what is in her hands’. How can we understand the notion of ‘return’ of the female beloved (or male, if we generalize it)12 to the male lover in relation to the representation of Eros and Psyche on the magnetic stone? What is the significance of the erotic and sexual union described in the erotic spell? Are there any philoso phical and mystic influences in the notion of the erotic union as ‘union of souls’? In the spell, we have the depiction of Psyche and Eros embracing one an other. Generally, the goal of the erotic spells is the erotic and sexual union, which is usually depicted in rather explicit terms. For example, in the ‘Won drous love-binding spell’ (IV.296-466), the male user expresses the desire that ‘she may join fast together (her) head to (my) head and join together lip to lip and fasten belly to belly and draw thigh close to thigh and fit the black together with the black’ (ΎΉΚ΅ΏχΑȱΎΉΚ΅ΏϜȱΎΓΏΏφΗϙȱΎ΅ϠȱΛΉϟΏΉ΅ȱΛΉϟΏΉΗ΍ȱ

10 Betz 1986: 70. So does Preisendanz, ‘wende die Seele der NN her zu mir’; Preisendanz vol. I 1973: 129. 11 This is actually the only time that πΔϟΗΘΕΉΜΓΑ is used in the erotic spells in the PGM; see also Preisendanz vol. III, 97. 12 The ‘ΈΉϧΑ΅’ form in the erotic spells functions as a grammatical formula that can be used both by male and female users. See Dickie 2000: 563-83. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ΗΙΑΣΜϙȱΎ΅Ϡȱ·΅ΗΘνΕ΅ȱ·΅ΗΘΕϠȱΎΓΏΏφΗϙȱΎ΅Ϡȱΐ΋ΕϲΑȱΐ΋ΕХȱΔΉΏΣΗϙȱΎ΅ϠȱΘϲȱ ΐνΏ΅ΑȱΘХȱΐνΏ΅Α΍ȱΗΙΑ΅ΕΐϱΗϙ, IV.400-4).13

Another erotic spell (SM 38),14 however, combines this explicit terminol ogy with other elements. Ammonion binds Theodotis so that she ‘may draw thigh close to thigh and genitals to genitals for being together always, for all the time of her life’ (ΐ΋ΕϲΑȱ ΐ΋ΕХȱ ΔΉΏΣΗϙȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΚϾΗΉǽ΍ǾΑȱ ΚϾΗΉ΍ȱ ΔΕϲΖȱ ΗΙΑΓΙΗϟ΅Αȱ ΦΉϠȱ ΉϢΖȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΦΉϠȱ ΛΕϱΑΓΑȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΊΝϛΖȱ ΅ЁΘϛΖ, SM 38.12-13). The phrase ΗΙΑΓΙΗϟ΅Α ΦΉϟ seems to combine several aspects. First is the notion of ΓЁΗϟ΅, the physical essence of somebody. Second is the notion of ‘inter course’. Third is the notion of the unity of two essences or substances.15 Fourth is the notion of ‘always’. But although ‘being together always’ in cludes the notion of sexual intercourse, it seems that Ammonion is hardly praying only for perpetual sexual intercourse. Rather, sexual intercourse is subsumed within a wider and everlasting unity, ‘consubstantiation’. Hence, the phrase seems to show the influence of the theory of love set out in Plato’s Symposium, in which there is much emphasis on the search for the ΦΉϟ,16 as interpreted by the Neo-Platonists. In Apuleius’ Metamorphoses the union of Eros and Psyche after Psyche’s wanderings and adventures is likewise described by Zeus as perpetuae nup tiae, ‘perpetual marriage’, with Psyche becoming immortal at the end and Eros never abandoning the tie that binds him to Psyche, according to Zeus’ decision and orders (Ap. Met. 6.23). Now in Greek philosophy generally, sexual intercourse may be a meta phor for the ‘union’ of separate entities, or for the aspiration of the soul to the divine, or to immortality. In Plato’s Symposium, for example, erotic un 13 LSJ, s.v. ‘ΘϲȱΐνΏ΅Α’, II.2 gives ΅ϢΈΓϧΓΑ, as it is usually translated, but the reference must surely be to the pubic hair. The same sexual depiction of the lovers is expressed in: a) the untitled erotic spell XVIIa.1-25, e.g.: ‘joining fast together thigh to thigh and belly to belly and her black to my black the most pleasant’ (Ύ΅Ϡȱ Θϲȱ ΐνΏ΅Αȱ ΅ЁΘϛΖȱ ΘХȱ πΐХȱ ΐνΏ΅Α΍ȱ ȱ ψΈΙΘΣΘУ, 22-23); b) the ‘Erotic spell that leads by means of fire’ (XXXVI.69-101), e.g.: ‘she may join fast together her female genitals to my male one’ (Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘχΑȱ Ό΋ΏΙΎχΑȱ ΅ЁΘϛΖȱ ȱ ΚϾΗ΍Αȱ ΘϜȱ ΦΕΗΉΑ΍ΎϜȱ ΐΓΙȱ ΎΓΏΏφΗϙ, XXXVI.83); c) the erotic spell by means of fire XXXVI.102-33 (113-14); also the erotic spell P.Oxy. 4673, ‘until they join together lips to lips and white to black (Ύ΅ϠȱΘϲȱΏΉΙΎϲΑȱΘХȱΐνΏ΅Α΍)’ (27-29); Gonis, Obbink and Parsons 2003 (eds.) The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. 68, 114-17. 14 Supplementum Magicum, Daniel & Maltomini vol. I,ȱ1990. 15 On ΗΙΑΓΙΗϟ΅ in Proclus On Hieratic Art, see n. 19 below. 16 On the erotic union forever, ‘ΦΉϟ’, in the Symposium see, e.g., Pl. Symp. 207a, d; 208a, c. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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ion between the two persons is a metaphor for the soul’s aspiration to a mys tical union, ‘one-ness’, and immortality. Hence philosophical texts can use the same erotic vocabulary as erotic texts, such as the erotic spells under con sideration here. And both types of text are necessarily concerned with the ‘union’ of two persons or things.17 Among the Neo-Platonist philosophers, Iamblichus in De Mysteriis devel ops the Platonic doctrine as follows (De Mysteriis 4.12): ‘the All which draws things together and the reason of their mixing attracts (also) naturally the parts towards mingling with each other’ (̖ϲȱ Έξȱ ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ϲΑȱ ϵΏΓΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Θϲȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΗΙ·ΎΕΣΗΉΝΖȱ ΅ϥΘ΍ΓΑȱ ρΏΎΉ΍ȱ ΐξΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΅ЁΘΓΚΙЗΖȱ ΘΤȱ ΐνΕ΋ȱ ΔΕϲΖȱ ΘχΑȱ ΦΏΏφΏΝΑȱ ΗϾΐΐ΍Β΍Α). This force, the so-called Θϲȱ ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ϲΑȱ ϵΏΓΑ, also

defined by Iamblichus as a factor ‘which co-ordinates community and union (sexual) and symmetry’ (ΎΓ΍ΑΝΑϟ΅Ζȱ ΘΉȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΗΙΑϱΈΓΙȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΗΙΐΐΉΘΕϟ΅Ζȱ ΗΙΑ΅ΕΐΓΗΘ΍ΎϱΑ), imbues the union with the indissoluble principle of eros (σΕΝΘϱΖȱ ΘΉȱ ΦΈ΍ΣΏΙΘΓΑȱ ΦΕΛχΑȱ πΑΘϟΌ΋Η΍ȱ ΘϜȱ οΑЏΗΉ΍).18 This ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ϲΑȱ ϵΏΓΑ can also be aroused by an art (ΦΔϲȱ ΘνΛΑ΋Ζ) and according to Iam blichus is both ‘good and a reason of fulfilment’. Moreover, Plotinus explicitly invokes the erotic art of the magicians as a parallel to the Platonic doctrine of the Symposium. In Ennead 4 (4.4.40.10) he refers to the birth of the power of erotic art by magic (ΦΏΎχȱ πΕΝΘ΍ΎϛΖȱ Έ΍Τȱ·Γ΋ΘΉϟ΅ΖȱΘνΛΑ΋Ζ), based on the notion that ‘(because) men love by na ture and the things that cause loving attract each other’ (ϵΘ΍ȱ πΕκΑȱ ΔΉΚϾΎ΅Η΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΘΤȱπΕκΑȱΔΓ΍ΓІΑΘ΅ȱρΏΎΉ΍ȱΔΕϲΖȱΩΏΏ΋Ώ΅). So this art of love is used by the magicians ‘who apply by contact to different people different substances which bring them together and which have eros inside them’ (ΔΕΓΗΘ΍ΌνΑΘΝΑȱ πΔ΅Κ΅ϧΖȱ ΚϾΗΉ΍Ζȱ ΩΏΏ΅Ζȱ ΩΏΏΓ΍Ζȱ ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ΓϾΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ π·ΎΉϟΐΉΑΓΑȱπΛΓϾΗ΅ΖȱσΕΝΘ΅).19 And this ‘bringing together’ is not merely sexual. According to this notion of attraction, the magicians ‘join one soul to another’ (ΗΙΑΣΔΘΓΙΗ΍ȱΈξȱΩΏΏ΋ΑȱΜΙΛχΑȱΩΏΏϙ, 4.4.40.13).20 Here, Plot inus’ ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ΓϾΖ, as presumably also Iamblichus’ ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ϲΑȱ ϵΏΓΑ 17 See, e.g., Aristophanes’ speech in Plato’ Symposium, 191d; 192e.

18 LSJ, s.v. ‘ΗϾΑΓΈΓΖ, ψ’, 5 also gives ΗΙΑΓΙΗϟ΅.

19 Note also Proclus On Hieratic Art, ̝ΔϲȱΈχȱΘΓϾΘΝΑȱΎ΅ϠȱΘЗΑȱΘΓ΍ΓϾΘΝΑȱϳΕΐ΋ΌνΑΘΉΖǰȱΘΤΖȱ

Έ΅΍ΐΓΑϟΓΙΖȱ ΈΙΑΣΐΉ΍Ζȱ σ·ΑΝΗ΅Αǰȱ БΖ ΔΕΓΗΉΛΉϧΖȱ ΉϢΗ΍Αȱ ΓЁΗϟ΅΍ȱ ΘϛΖȱ πΑȱ ΘϜȱ ΚϾΗΉ΍ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΗЏΐ΅Η΍Αȱ πΑΉΕ·Ήϟ΅Ζǰȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ πΔ΋·Σ·ΓΑΘΓȱ Έ΍Ȃȱ ΅ЁΘЗΑȱ ΘΓϾΘΝΑȱ ΉϢΖȱ ΗΙΑΓΙΗϟ΅Α (Procl. Hier.

Ar. p. 151.16-19); Bidez 1928: 151. 20 See n. 13 above. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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(Iambl. De Myst. 4.12), echoes Plato’s description of Eros in the Symposium as σΐΚΙΘΓΖ in human beings and ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ΉϾΖ with their original nature.21 Plotinus On the Good, or the One refers to eros as ΗϾΐΚΙΘΓΖ with psyche (Ύ΅Ϡ ϳ σΕΝΖȱϳȱΘϛΖȱΜΙΛϛΖȱϳȱΗϾΐΚΙΘΓΖ, Plot. Enn. 6.9.9.24-5).22 In the hymn-invocation, Eros is presented as a cosmic power when he is described as ‘first-born’ (ΔΕΝΘϱ·ΓΑΉ),23 ‘the founder of every creation’ (ΘϲΑ ΦΕΛ΋·νΘ΋Αȱ ΔΣΗ΋Ζȱ ·ΉΑνΗΉΝΖ), ‘creator of all’ (Δ΅ΑΘϲΖ ΎΘϟΗΘ΅), and ‘the one who stretches out his own wings into the whole cosmos’ (ΉϢΖȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΗϾΐΔ΅ΑΘ΅ȱ ΎϱΗΐΓΑ, IV.1756, 1748-49, 1756-57, 1749-51). Here, the cos mic/universal features of Eros allude to the universal features of ‘the god creator (ΎΘϟΗΘ΅) of everything (Δ΅ΑΘϱΖ)’.24 This Eros is associated with the souls and characterised as the one ‘who breathes into all the souls life producing reasoning (ΉϢΖȱ ΘΤΖȱ ΜΙΛΤΖȱ ΔΣΗ΅Ζȱ ΊΝΓ·ϱΑΓΑȱ πΐΔΑνΓΑΘ΅ȱ ΏΓ·΍ΗΐϱΑ), who fitted everything together by his own power’ (ΘϲΑȱ ΗΙΑ΅ΕΐΓΗΣΐΉΑΓΑȱΘΤȱΔΣΑΘ΅ȱΘϜȱο΅ΙΘΓІȱΈΙΑΣΐΉ΍ , IV.1752-56). This description of Eros again recalls Plato’s reference to the creator-god who created the cosmos as ‘a living creature endowed with soul and reason’ (ΊЗΓΑȱσΐΜΙΛΓΑȱσΑΑΓΙΑ), or ‘as similar as possible to the perfect and intelli gible living creature’ (БΖȱ ϳΐΓ΍ϱΘ΅ΘΓΑȱ ϖȱ ΘХȱ ΘΉΏνУȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΑΓ΋ΘХȱ ΊЏУ, Tim. 30b; 39e). Interestingly, this late work of Plato, which addresses the origins and organization of the universe, was very influential on Neoplatonism. Similarly, in his On the Three Primary Hypostases, Plotinus associates the souls with the father-god as their source of being and refers to the two ways 21 Pl. Smp. 191d1-3, σΗΘ΍ȱΈχȱΓЇΑȱπΎȱΘϱΗΓΙȱϳȱσΕΝΖȱσΐΚΙΘΓΖȱΦΏΏφΏΝΑȱΘΓϧΖȱΦΑΌΕЏΔΓ΍ΖȱΎ΅Ϡȱ ΘϛΖȱΦΕΛ΅ϟ΅ΖȱΚϾΗΉΝΖȱΗΙΑ΅·Ν·ΉϾΖ. 22 On eros and psyche, see also Plot. Enn. 3.5.4. 23 The description of Eros as the ‘first-born’ alludes to some form of the Orphic cosmo gony; see also Hes. Th. 120; Orph. Fr. 28; West 1997: 195-96. 24 Eros’ description as ‘unseen’ (ΦϞΈϛ) and ‘body-less’ (ΦΗЏΐ΅ΘΉ, IV.1777) (note also the similar description of the god as without form (ΓЁΎȱΉϨΛΉΑȱΉϨΈΓΖ) in Es. 53.3-5) seems to fit Plato’s description in the Timaeus of the craftsman (Έ΋ΐ΍ΓΙΕ·ϱΖ) who created the world (Tim. 28a, 29a, 41a, 68e, 69c), even though in a much disputed statement, Plato goes on to say ‘now to discover the maker (ΔΓ΍΋ΘφΑ) and father (Ύ΅Ϡȱ Δ΅ΘνΕ΅) of this universe (ΘΓІΈΉȱΘΓІȱȱΔ΅ΑΘϱΖ) is a task indeed and even having discovered him, to declare him unto all men is impossible’ (Tim. 28c). This creator-of-all is not only unseen and bodi less, but also ‘unapproachable and unmeasurable’ (ΩΔΏ΅ΘΓΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΐνΘΕ΋ΘΓΑ) (IV.1751 52), even though in the ritual for acquiring Eros as an assistant, there are visual represen tations of ‘winged Eros wearing a cloak with his right foot raised for a stride’ (IV.1843-45). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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that someone may make men return to the primary source (‘the highest and one and the first’).25 In the Chaldaean Oracles, a comparable description is presented of Eros as the binder of all things and the continuator of the movement of the cosmic bodies.26 In another fragment, Eros is also mentioned as the one ‘who first leapt forth out of (σΎΌΓΕΉ) the intellect’.27 In addition to the philosophical influences in the notion of erotic union already examined, I shall deal with the mystical influences of Egyptian ori gins in Eros’ description. In the hymn, Eros is addressed as ‘infant, when you are born within the heart’ (ΑφΔ΍ΉǰȱϵΘ΅Αȱ·ΉΑΑ΋ΌϜΖȱπΑΎΣΕΈ΍ΓΖ, IV.1783 85).28 The adjective ΑφΔ΍ΓΖ is also applied to Eros in XII.79, in an invocation spell where Eros is identified with the Egyptian god Harpocrates (XII.87-88). But here Eros is also addressed as ΔΕΉΗΆϾΘ΅ΘΉǰȱϵΘ΅ΑȱπΔ΍ΘΉΙΛΌϜΖ (IV.1785 86). What does this mean? O’Neil translates: ‘wisest when you have suc ceeded’, evidently taking πΔ΍ΘΉΙΛΌϜΖ as deriving from πΔ΍ΘΙ·ΛΣΑΝ (in itself a suitable verb for an archer-god).29 But this meaning seems strange in itself and ignores the temporal contrast with ‘infant, when you are born within the heart’. Rather, the phrase should be translated as ‘the most senior when you have been accomplished’ (taking πΔ΍ΘΉΙΛΌϜΖ as deriving from πΔ΍ΘΉϾΛΝ),30 and understood as alluding to the rebirth of the god, as identi fied with Harpocrates. The daily rebirth of the sun and the lotus symbolized the rebirth of Harpocrates and the Sun god.31 25 Plot. Enn. 5.1.1.23-25, ΉϥΔΉΕȱ Θ΍Ζȱ πΔ΍ΗΘΕνΜΉ΍ȱ ΅ЁΘΓϿΖȱ ΉϢΖȱ ΘΤȱ πΑ΅ΑΘϟ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΤȱ ΔΕЗΘ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΑΣ·Γ΍ȱΐνΛΕ΍ȱΘΓІȱΦΎΕΓΘΣΘΓΙȱΎ΅ϠȱοΑϲΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΕЏΘΓΙ; on πΔ΍ΗΘΕΓΚφ and ΘΉΏΉϟΝΗ΍Ζ see Plot. Enn. 5.1.3.13-14; Atkinson 1983: 64-65. Cf. also Procl. Inst. 144.9-10, Ύ΅Ϡȱ πΔ΍Ȭ ΗΘΕνΚΓΑΘΉΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΘ΅ІΘ΅ȱΔΕϲΖȱΘϲȱΦ·΅ΌϱΑǰȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΕϲȱΘЗΑȱΐνΗΝΑȱБΗ΅ϾΘΝΖǰȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΕϲȱΘЗΑȱ ΔΕЏΘΝΑ; also Procl. Inst. 39 and 158.

26 Chald.Or. Fr. 39; Procl. Tim. 2.54.8; see also Pl. Tim. 32c.2; Lewy 1978: 126-29.

27 Chald.Or. Fr. 42; Procl. Parm. 769.8-12.

28 On the association of Hermes with the heart and the simile of the fetus in the womb see

VIII.1-63. 29 Betz 1986: 70. 30 There is an overlap of forms between the verbs πΔ΍ΘΙ·ΛΣΑΝ and πΔ΍ΘΉϾΛΝ, but it is still important to differentiate them according to the requirements of the context. 31 Note also the description of Eros as ‘torch-carrier’, the one ‘by whom and to whom the light travels’, ‘first-shining’, and ‘begetter of night’ (IV.1778-79, 1782-83, 1794-96); these epithets allude to Harpocrates’ characteristics and contribute in that way to Eros’ assimi lation to Harpocrates. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Eros is also described as ‘begetter of silence’ (IV.1782). This description, too, is compatible with Harpocrates, as the young Sun god who is often de picted as a child with one of his fingers on his lips, apparently keeping si lence.32 A parallel may be found in the untitled spell to the great god HeliosMithras, the so-called ‘Mithras Liturgy’ (IV.474-829), where the initiated magician instructs his fellow initiate, at the moment when his soul is in the air and the divine order of the heavens is revealed, in the following words, ‘and do you put immediately your right finger on your mouth and say: “si lence, silence, silence, symbol of living, incorruptible god; silence, guard me”’ (IV.558-61).33 Here the initiate himself is imitating the god with his right finger on his mouth as an expression of silence, since as it is explained by the father in the Nag Hammadi Library, codex 6 in the Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth, ‘it is right before god that we keep silent about what is hidden’.34 Thus in our spell, the feature of silence, which as shown reveals Egyptian influences because of Eros’ identification with Harpocrates, attrib utes mystical characteristics to the erotic union.

CONCLUSIONS Reviewing the philosophical and mystic influences in the description of Eros and the notion of erotic union, I shall return to the questions I addressed at the beginning of the paper. Attention was drawn to the meaning of the re turn of the soul of the beloved to the lover expressed in the sentence πΔϟΗΘΕΉΜΓΑȱ ΘχΑȱ ΜΙΛχΑȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΈΉϧΑ΅ȱ ΉϢΖȱ πΐξȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΈΉϧΑ΅ (IV.1806-8) in rela tion to the representation of Eros and Psyche on the magnetic stone. In the above sentence Eros, associated with the souls as the source of life giving reasoning, is invoked to make the soul of the beloved (female) return to the lover (male), as if to the source of its origins. The relationship be 32 Cf. Ov. Met. 9.692; Plu. De Is. et Osir. 377F; note also the story that Isis nursed Horus by giving her finger instead of her breast: Plu. De Is. et Osir. 375C. 33 On silence as the symbol of the god see Betz 2003: 147-48; on secrecy also in the PGM see Betz 1995: 153-75. 34 Nag.Ham. 6.59.15. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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tween the lover – user of the spell – and Eros as the (divine) assistant rein forces and defines the relationship (union) between the two lovers. The spell shows influence from the theory of love set out in Plato’s Sym posium and interpreted by the Neo-Platonists, with a particular emphasis on the joining together, ΗΙΑ΅·Ν·φ, of two lovers. This joining together ex pressed as sexual intercourse in the spell is in fact everlasting ‘consubstanti ation’ (ΗΙΑΓΙΗϟ΅). It also reflects the Neo-Platonic notion of attraction, ac cording to which the magicians join (ΗΙΑΣΔΘΓΙΗ΍) one soul to another and the sexual union, while literal, is also a vehicle for the union of separated 35 souls. 35 A shorter earlier version of the paper in Greek was presented in ̄ΕΛ΅΍ΓΏΓ·ϟ΅ȱΎ΅΍ȱ̖νΛΑΉΖ 118, 58-62 (2010).

BIBLIOGRAPHY Amirav, H. 2003. ‘4673. Erotic Magical Spell’ in N. Gonis, D. Obbink & P.J. Parsons (eds.) The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. 68. London, 114-17. Atkinson, M. 1983. Plotinus: Ennead V.1. On the Three Principal Hypostases. Oxford. Betz, H.D. 1995. ‘Secrecy in the Greek Magical Papyri’ in H.G. Kippenberg and G.G. Stroumsa (eds.) Studies in the History of Religions: Secrecy and Concealment. Leiden, New York & Cologne, 153-75. Betz, H.D. (ed.) 1986. The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation. Chicago. Betz, H.D. 2003. The ‘Mithras Liturgy’: Text, Translation and Commentary. Tübingen. Bidez, J. 1928. ‘Proclus sur l’art hiératique’ in J. Bidez, F. Cumont, A. Delatte, O. Lagercrantz & J. Ruska (eds.) Catalogue des Manuscrits Alchi miques Grecs, 6. Bruxelles, 137-51. Binder, S. & R. Merkelbach 1968. Amor und Psyche. Darmstadt.

Bonner, C. 1950. Studies in Magical Amulets, Chiefly Greco-Egyptian. Ann

Arbor. Budge, E.A.W. 1978. Amulets and Talismans. New York. Budge, E.A.W. 2001. Amulets and Magic: The original texts with translations and descriptions of the long series of Egyptian, Sumerian, Assyrian, Hebrew, c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Christian, Gnostic and Muslim amulets and talismans and magical figures. London. Clarke, E.C. 2001. Iamblichus’ De Mysteriis: A Manifesto of the Miraculous. Aldershot. Clarke, E.C., J.M. Dillon & J.P. Hershbell 2003. Iamblichus’ De Mysteriis. Atlanta, GA. Claus, D.B. 1981. Toward the Soul: An Inquiry into the Meaning of Psyche be fore Plato. New Haven. Daniel, R.W. & F. Maltomini 1990-1992. Supplementum Magicum, I-II. (Papyrologica Coloniensia 16.1.2.). Opladen. Delatte, A. & P. Derchain 1964. Les intailles magiques gréco-égyptiennes. Paris. Dickie, M.W. 2000. ‘Who Practised Love-Magic in Classical Antiquity and in the Late Roman World?’ CQ 50, 563-83. Dover, K. 1980. Plato: Symposium. Cambridge. Dunand, F. & C. Zivie-Coche 2002. Gods and Men in Egypt (3000 BCE to 395 CE). Ithaca, NY. Edwards, M.J. 1991. ‘Gnostic Eros and Orphic Themes’ ZPE 88, 25-40. Edwards, M.J. 1992. ‘The Tale of Cupid and Psyche’ ZPE 94, 77-94. Faraone, A.F. 1999. Ancient Greek Love Magic. Cambridge, MA. Ferguson, J. 1958. Moral Values in the Ancient World. London. Griffiths, J.G. 1970. De Iside et Osiride. Cambridge. Hornung, E. 1982. Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and the Many. Ithaca, NY. James, P. 1987. Unity and Diversity: A Study of Apuleius’ Metamorphoses. New York. Kenney, E.J. 1990. Apuleius: Cupid and Psyche. Cambridge. Kenney, E.J. 2006. Cupid and Psyche. Harmondsworth. Kern, O. 1972. Orphicorum Fragmenta. Zürich. Kotansky, R. (ed.) 1994. Greek Magical Amulets: The Inscribed Gold, Silver, Copper and Bronze Lamellae, part I: Published Texts of Known Provenance (Papyrologica Coloniensia 22.1). Opladen. Leick, G. 2003. Sex and Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature. London. Lewy, H. 1978. Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy: Mysticism, magic and Platon ism in the Later Roman Empire. Paris. Morenz, S. 1992. Egyptian religion. New York. Naveh, J. & S. Shaked 1998. Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity. Jerusalem. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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Nock, A.D. 1925. ‘Magical Notes’ JEA 11, 154-58. Pachoumi, E. 2011. ‘Divine Epiphanies of Paredroi in the Greek Magical Pa pyri’ GRBS 51, 155-65. Parsons, P. 2007. The City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish: Greek Lives in Roman Egypt. London. Preisendanz, K. Papyri Graecae Magicae: Die Griechischen Zauberpapyri, III (= unpublished indices). Preisendanz, K. & A. Henrichs (ed.) 1973-1974. Papyri Graecae Magicae: Die Griechischen Zauberpapyri, I-II. Stuttgart. Rist, J.M. 1964. Eros and Psyche: Studies in Plato, Plotinus and Origen. To ronto. Robinson, J.M. 1974. The Nag Hammadi Codices: A general introduction to the nature and significance of the Coptic Gnostic Codices from Nag Ham madi. Claremont, CA. Robinson, J.M. (ed.) 1990. The Nag Hammadi Library in English. New York. Rohde, E. 1925. Psyche: The Cult of Souls and Belief in Immortality among the Greeks. Hertford. Rowe, C.J. 1998. Plato: Symposium. Oxford. Rowlandson, J. 1998 (ed.) Women and society in Greek and Roman Egypt: a sourcebook. Cambridge. Smith, G.A. 2004. ‘The Myth of the Vaginal Soul’ GRBS 44, 199-225. Taylor, A.E. 1962. A Commentary on Plato’s Timaeus. Oxford. Vernant, J.P. 1990. ‘One … Two … Three: Eros’ in D.M. Halperin, J.J. Winkler & F.I. Zeitlin (eds.) Before Sexuality: The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World. Princeton, NJ, 465-78. West, M.L. 1997. Hesiod: Theogony. Oxford. Whittaker, J. 1968. ‘The eternity of the Platonic forms’ Phronesis 13, 131-44. Winkler, J.J. 1990. The Constraints of Desire: The Anthropology of Sex and Gender in Ancient Greece. New York.





BEAUTY AND THE BEAST:

FEMININITY, ANIMALS AND

HUMOUR IN MIDDLE COMEDY

By Anna Foka

Summary: Approximating humans to animals is a technique employed in Greek literature, drawing on epic stylistics. The topsy-turvy nature of Old Comedy encouraged the use of animal choruses and characters. In Middle Comedy, their dramatic use appears limited: a number of similes are built around references to animals for both male and female charac ters, producing social comments in humorous form. This paper explores how animal seman tics in selected fragments (Alexis and Epicrates) impart occasional ‘otherness’ to female enti ties (·ΙΑ΅ϧΎΉΖ and οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍), reinforcing the sense of difference from the ‘norm’, whereas on other occasions they subtly underline the importance of females in the civic environment.*∗

1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. (Old) Comedy and Humour: Deconstructing Society Comedy engineers the audience reaction by means of humour.1 It is difficult ∗

This article was initially a thesis chapter and it would remain so, if I did not receive the valuable comments and support of several individuals as well as the financial aid of insti tutions across the UK and beyond. I will always be grateful to Professors David Konstan and Pura Nieto Hernandez at Brown University and to my supervisors, Fiona Hobden and Alexey Zadorozhnyy at the University of Liverpool as well as my examiners, profes sors John Wilkins and Tom Harrison, for their benevolence, guidance, support and never-ending patience.

Anna Foka ‘Beauty and the Beast: Femininity, Animals and Humour in Middle Comedy’ C&M 62 (2011) 51-80. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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to construct a universal or timeless theory for the genre.1Across theoretical approaches, however, humour is very often identified with the inversion of normal social rules and contemporary conditions.2 A theory of humour as a social phenomenon, connected with the mediaeval carnival and a timeless cultural inversion, was primarily proposed by Mikhail Bakhtin in his study of Rabelais. The carnivalesque element, as he terms it, has as its main char acteristic laughter which is freed from the rules imposed by consciousness. Other scholars, also specialized in the comic, appear to define humour as directly opposed to the seriousness of any contemporary social order.3 Re cently, Michael Billig (2005), building upon Bergson (1911) and Freud (1927), argues that humour (especially its institutionalized forms) is central to social life, not simply because it brings people together, but rather because ‘the possibility of ridicule ensures that members of society routinely comply with the customs and habits of their social milieu’.4 Good-natured theories about humour are only one side of the coin, as humour and ridicule seem to have both a rebellious and a disciplinary effect; they are at the interface of every society. Billig’s theory is viable for humour in Greek Comedy as well: Old Comedy is often considered by definition as rebellious and anarchic. Old Comedy, like every comedy, is designed to test the faultlines of soci ety. It is the interface of polis ideology where anything can happen. Old 1 For theories of humour in general, see Billig 2005. He is against a sentimentalized theory of the importance of laughter and approaches the matter from the point of view of the comic critic. For Ar. and humour in particular, Silk 2000; for an overall study of ancient and modern comedy, see Segal 2001. For humour and laughter from Homer to early Christianity, Halliwell 2008. 2 There are three neatly identifiable humour theory groups: incongruity, superiority, and relief theories. Incongruity theorists are Immanuel Kant, Søren Kierkegaard, and the theory perhaps has its origins in Arist. Rh. where humour is approached as educated inso lence. Ambiguity, logical impossibility, irrelevance, and inappropriateness are keywords to the theory, which is deeply connected to the contemporary social milieu and what every culture considers as normal. Superiority theory is also connected to society: Thomas Hobbes, a leading superiority theorist, recognized humour as a human glory of the su premacy over others. Plato and Aristotle are generally considered superiority theorists, since they emphasize the aggressive feelings that fuel humour. Finally, relief theory is a way to release or save energy generated by repression, again in relation to the rules im posed by society (Sigmund Freud and Herbert Spencer). See Billig 2005: 199-235 for a survey of theories of rebellious and disciplinary humour. 3 Anton Zijderveld 1982 and Michael Mulkay 1988. Similarly the sociologist Berger 1997. 4 Billing 2005: 2-3. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Comedy can embrace lowness, degradation, scatology or even a non-existent utopian universe where anything is possible. Most classical scholars refer to its carnivalesque element, as defined by Mikhail Bakhtin, when engaging in discussions about the reversal of the ‘normal’ social order in the plays of Aristophanes (Angus Bowie, Michael Silk, Erich Segal and more recently Stephen Halliwell).5 Most scholars comment on the humorous utopian uni verse of Aristophanes and how the absurdity of his humour decomposes the ordinary social order only to confirm it. Very often, in authors of Old Com edy, natural world and social structure are blurred and exploited to the full in order to generate laughter.6 1.2. From Old to Middle: The Other and Expressions of Civic Identity The focus here will be on the interaction between civic identity and hu mour, via an investigation and analysis of literary techniques related to the semantic groups of animals and women in Old and Middle Comedy. Re vealing the enigmatic nature of Middle Comedy as well as concentrating on particular issues such as its literary style is both challenging and obscure, as all evidence is fragmented and reconstructed later.7 Put briefly, one could 5 The carnival is ambivalent; it embraces lowness, degradation, debasement, scatological humour, extremes. The reason for the carnivalesque element in Old Comedy is that it ac tually stimulates and enhances the ‘gazing experience’ and the connection between peo ple, showing the audience the power of continuum between the negative and the positive poles of reference. Bakhtin has been used by a number of scholars dealing with Greek Comedy. Lada-Richards 1999 especially 119, 156, 217-18; Segal 2001; Edmonds 2004 espe cially 3, 120-21, 156, 223, 229. Some references to Rabelais are also made by Silk 2000: 11, 76, 406. An important new book that addresses the ‘carnivalesque’ element in Greek comedy is Halliwell 2008; on Bakhtin and the history of laughter see: 1 n. 1, 7 n. 17, 8 n. 21, 12 n. 31, 33 n. 83, 333 n. 3; on the theory of the Carvinalesque: vii, 204-16, 234, 250, 518 n. 111. For further reading on Bakhtin’s theory see Schmitz 2007: 63-76 (includes many bibliographical data); Platter 1993: 201-16; Von Möllendorff (1995). 6 Strong paradigms of this approach can be seen in Ar. Av. where birds become more im portant than gods or Lys. where women are in charge of polis-related issues, instead of men. Also, Ec. and Th. where women hold an Athenian-style assembly. Similarly, there has been a long discussion by Sifakis 1971, Wilkins 2000, Rothwell 2007 and Wilson 2009 on the function of animals in animal choruses, e.g., Archipp. Fishes etc. (see Roth well 2007, 104 table 4.1). 7 For the nature of Middle Comedy see Nesselrath 1990, Arnott in Dobrov (ed.) Brill’s c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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argue that Middle Comedy is less grotesque than Old Comedy. The humour is more refined and often intertextual (parodies of the epics and Greek litera ture in general), albeit less overly meta-theatrical. There is a decrease in tan gible political satire, yet the jokes incorporate subtle contemporary social comments which eventually led to the emergence of topical characters (the courtesan, the cook, the slave, the soldier). The aim of this paper is to shed light on a specific category of characters in Greek Middle Comedy: courtesans. Comic courtesans hold interest be cause they subtly delineate alterity within the polis. In the modern, non static map of the Classical world, the city-state is no longer represented as a universe of binary oppositions, male–female, freeborn–slave, citizen– foreigner. Athens appears at best to be a centripetal structure with the Athe nian citizen at its core, whereas around it there seem to be wandering micro cosms, the ‘other’ segments of society: women, slaves, foreigners, metics. A leading figure of New Historicism, Stephen J. Greenblatt, states that even people and literary characters who seek a position outside of the dominant ideology are bound to be deeply marked by this particular ideology. For Greenblatt, subversion is only imaginable as a negation of the social norms; Companion to the Study of Greek Comedy (2010), and Shaw 2010. There is no definition of Middle Comedy stricto sensu. Still, there are a few general characteristics that outline the genre’s key parameters. Middle Comedy is generally characterized by a more elegant and rather less racy style and humour than its predecessor. Unlike Old Comedy, the preserved fragments of Middle Comedy lack scatological humour and extreme caricaturing. On the one hand, some scholars have argued that Middle Comedy should be considered a mythi cal/epic parody. To counterpoint the view of Middle Comedy as an apolitical genre, Ol son 2007: 23 points out the clear political comments in Henioch. incertae fabulae fr. 5 (a comment on democracy and aristocracy) and personal invective in Eub. Sphinx-Carion fr. 106.1-9. Another challenger of the traditional views is Sidwell (2000) who lists evidence of legislation that banned caricaturing and lampooning of real individuals, and therefore suggests that there was a type of censorship; the term Middle Comedy was a later inven tion by Ar. Byz. who came up with the threefold periodization of comedy in the form we have received it: Sidwell 2000: 247-58; the emergence of new characters (the parasite, the outspoken slave, the garrulous cook, the courtesan). Food and drink, mythological bur lesque and stereotyped characters as typical Middle Comedy characteristics: Segal 2001: 108-9. Last but not least, there is the disappearance of the parabasis and the gradual loss of the chorus’ involvement in the action: See Hunter 1979: 23-78; and Rothwell 1995: 99-118. From the metrical perspective, Nesselrath (1990) has noted the routine use of anapaestic dimetre and a penchant for high-style dithyrambic language (Nesselrath 1990: 241-80). For examples of Middle Comedy see fragments by Eub. Procris fr. 89; Anaxil. Circe fr. 12 and fr. 13; Antiph. Cyclops fr. 131. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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hence, even the outsider will carry the marks of these norms that she rejects in herself; the attempts to challenge this system are ‘exposed as unwitting tri butes to that social construction of identity against which they struggle’. As a result, ‘the alien is constructed as a distorted image of authority’.8 Such forms of alterity such as those examined in the present article do not only reinforce the dominant ideology. Manville writes (1990) that ‘“shades of grey” of membership existed throughout society (e.g., women, children, metoikoi with certain privileges that others did not have) so there is no point in defining such groups as “black” or “white”’. Others like, for example, Patterson argue that there was a need in 451/50 for a standard qualification for Athenian citizenship.9 Athe nians, as the rulers of an empire, had to be identifiable, distinct from the ‘related’ but still ‘foreign’ allies, as they were a polis and not a territorial state. In classical Athens there was some ambiguity about identity but also a desire to create a strict line demarcating Athenians and others. Authority produces such subversive and competing forces itself because it actually defines itself in opposition to such aliens depicted as embodiments of the absence of the natural order of things, notes Schmitz.10 It is more or less ascertainable under what circumstances women could be regarded as opposed to the male Athenian citizen. However, women remain, in the same breath, an integral part of the ancient polis, its economy and culture. Recent scholarship has shown, sometimes falsely, that there was a significant con trast between the classical male Athenian citizen and his female counterpart. Indeed, an Athenian wife would pass most of her life in the oikos and thus largely removed from public life.11 The fact that women were not allowed to 8 9 10 11

Schmitz 2007: 167; Greenblatt 1980: 209, 9. Patterson 1981: 104. Greenblatt 1988: 37. Jenifer Neils (2000: 206) notes, ‘women were very much the Other in a society that val ued citizenship, athleticism and military prowess’. There is an extensive bibliography of the female Otherness and seclusion in Greek antiquity. Some key studies include Foley 1981; Pomeroy 1995; Gould 2003: 112-57. Cohen (1996) cogently argues that in reality Greek women were not totally secluded – female seclusion was a sort of ideological ideal perpetuated by the male-dominated discourse. Josine Blok (2001: 95-116; 2004: 1-26; 2005: 7-40) has recently argued extensively (and probably correctly) against the old struc turalist idea of women as prototypical non-citizens, pointing to things like Pericles’ citi zenship law and the defining role of women in polis religion. Here too the situation is probably much more complex than the simple structuralist opposition (e.g., man :



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take part in most of the civic processes was an important feature of the Athenian normative discourse: the lack of female political participation and the ensuing ignorance about public matters is often a subject of ridicule in Old Comedy.12 However, Athenian women were an integral part of Attic humour, often controlling the discourse in Old Comedy.13 In Arostophanes, women appear more outspoken and straightforward than their portrayal in New Comedy, where they are often silent/passive objects of desire (such as in Men. Sam.). Moreover, female characters engage in things which their society fully approves of: running the oikos, childbearing and organizing fes tivals (but of course not getting involved in any battles). In fact, they have an extremely positive profile in Ar. Lys. and Ec. and their ‘naughty’ obses sions (sex and drinking) are found in male characters too, by means of comic exaggeration. They are also conservative (Ec.), something which Old comedy affects to admire.

2. ANIMAL IMAGERY

AND REPRESENTATIONS OF THE HUMAN SELF

Very often, animals or their special attributes are used to describe women in Greek literature. However, animals as a semantic group are integrated into the human, not just the female. For the Athenian audience, the references to animals across literature are on a par with the contemporary philosophical and zoological milieu and thought to draw on epic stylistics as well as the citizens’ everyday interaction with animals. Various scholars have examined the presence of animals in several different genres (epic and lyric poetry, tragedy, philosophy).14 Animal representations/references in drama are a woman, citizen : non-citizen) allows for and distinctions should be made between citizen women, metic women, hetairai, married and unmarried women, etc. 12 See Ar. Lys., Th., Ec. for example. In all these cases the ‘norm’ is reversed; in both Th. and Ec., women are summoned upon to fulfill primarily male roles. For Ar. and women see esp. Taafe 1995: 193-94. McClure 1999: 204-59 concentrates on gender speech and social status in Ar. Th. and Ec. For a study of women and their role and representation in Men.’s plays, see Trail 2008. 13 E.g., Ar. Lys., Th., Ec. where women appear strong, they engage in male activities and criticize the world that surrounds them. 14 For animals in myths and antique folklore see Lonsdale 1979; Cingano et al. 2005. Ani CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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common technique, especially in the earlier stages of comedy. Unlike trag edy, where animals (especially imagery and similes) can generate all sorts of emotions, the primary purpose of the animal-human connection in comedy is laughter. There are numerous occasions in which humans disguised as animals can be brought out on stage. Michail Sifakis (1971), John Wilkins (2000a; 2000b), and Kenneth Rothwell (2007) have studied animal choruses in Greek Old Comedy in depth: according to them, the carnivalesque character of Old Comedy seems to have encouraged the use of animal choruses that often function as parallel societies to that of Athens. Middle Comedy is characterized by less grotesque humour. Animals are, however, not com pletely excluded from the repertoire: there are a number of references to mals, religion, sacrifice: Burkert 1983 and Bremmer 1996, respectively. For an investiga tion of animals and logos, see Furlanetto 2005; Lelli 2006: 16-17, 41-48, 75-85, 120 on ani mal proverbs in Greek poetry, especially comedy; Heath 2005 on animals’ lack of speech. Gilhus 2006 deals with attitudes towards animals from Homer until early Christianity; Osborne 2007 argues the importance of myths and poetic art in forming ideas and shap ing beliefs in ancient myths and motif. The human-animal is considered by some to ex press our continuities with, and our differences from, other animals. Animal life of early humans is a basic feature in the contemporary and ancient historians/theorists of human evolution, drawing their attention to animalized humans reported in remote places (Arist. EN 7.5, 1149a9-11; Forbes Irving: 1990, 94 n. 121; Campbell 2006: 114-16 on Ctes. ‘Dog heads’, inhabitants of India ‘who have the head of a dog ... they speak no language, but bark like dogs, and in this way understand each other’ (FGrH 688F45.37 = Phot. Bibl. 72, 47a19-22); Campbell 2006: 129-32 also refers to the ‘Island of the Sun’ and Iambulus de scribes its inhabitants (Diod. Sic. 2.55-60) as a mixture of human and animal characteris tics). Against evolutionary readings of ancient theories, see Campbell 2006: 26-27, espe cially on Anaximand. Gottschall 2001 views duels in the Iliad in terms of ‘intra-species sub-lethal animal fighting’, focusing on the tragedy of being a human animal in Hom. (see also Gottschall and Wilson 2005: vii-xv for a theoretical discussion). Thumiger 2007 notes ‘the outcome liable to be a reductionist representation of animals and humans, pos sibly unfair to both. A search for interactions between human and animal on the ground of projections, symbols and metaphors appears to be more fruitful’. With regard to ani mal imagery in several different genres: Epic, Schnapp-Gourbeillon 1981; Lonsdale 1990; Clarke 1995; Rose 1979. In tragedy see Knox 1952 and Heath 1999; Thumiger 2006: 191 210 and 2008. In comedy: Sifakis 1971 and Rothwell 2007 on animal choruses in Doric and Attic Comedy as well as the archaeological evidence (pottery featuring animal cho ruses etc.). Wilson 2009 looks at the individuality of members of the chorus. Olson 2008 dedicates a decent amount of space to animal imagery in relation to women and Gilhuly 2009 looks specifically at Ar. Lys. and the representation of women as animals; 2009: 169 76. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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animals, often styled in quasi-epic form as animal similes. Animals offer easy opportunities to caricature an individual. Unlike men, their behaviour ac cording to their species is more or less perceived as homogenous and they, therefore, serve as ready caricatures for human behaviour and human flaws. It will be shown that assimilation of particular individuals or a segment of society to an animal characteristic is a deep-running comic strategy in Mid dle Comedy. Animals are still being mobilized by Middle Comedy to deline ate alterity.15 In this case, the female-animal nexus is of particular interest. The assimilation of women to animals is not a novelty in Greek literature and it seems to appear in several different sources. Semonides (fr. 7 West)16 and Phocylides (fr. 3 West) use the metaphors of bee, sow, dog and horse to describe different types of women.17 Apart from Lyric poetry, which offers two humorous ‘pedigrees’ of women, Hesiod describes the first woman in history (Pandora) as having the mind of a bitch (ΎϾΑΉϱΑȱ ΘΉȱ ΑϱΓΑ) that Hermes created as well as her thievish nature (W.D. 67-68).18 In Old Comedy, similes of women and beasts are found generally in Aris 15 The concept of alterity goes back to Structuralism. The Structuralists focused on the uni versal human ability to recognize binary polarities in order to define themselves via what is oppositional to them. A (broadly) Marxist influence plays a role too, since the Other arises as part of the self-rationalization by the ruling (or better, hegemonic) class which constructs the Other as the repository for qualities that are the inverse of those ideal(s) it ascribes to itself. The ‘norm’ is thus the fruit of social convention and ordering, see Pomeroy et al. 1999. Zygmunt Bauman aptly sums up the problematics at the heart of the debate: ‘The “Other”... is a by-product of social spacing; a left-over of spacing, which guarantees the usability and trustworthiness of the cut-out, properly spaced-up habitable enclave; [...] The otherness of the Other and the security of the social space (also, therefore, of the security of its own identity) are intimately related and support each other. The truth is, however, that neither of the two has an objective, real, or rational “foundation” ...’ (Bauman 1993: 237). Alterity, one should bear in mind, is not a ‘fixed’, ‘solid’ state; in order to comprehend the fluidity of Otherness one must pursue New Historicist analysis that challenges the as sumption that a dominant ideology is a monolithic and stable system. Instead, New His toricism ‘emphasizes the multitude of competing and conflicting elements it harbors’, Schmitz 2007: 167. For nature (including animals and animal choruses and with an em phasis on alterity) in Greek Comedy, see Rothwell 2007. 16 For a full analysis of Semonides’s poem see Lloyd-Jones 1975. 17 It is important at this point to state that Semonides’s fragment is iambic poetry, which is by nature abusive, just like Old Comedy. 18 See also Helen in Hom. Il. 3. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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tophanes (Th. 531, Lys. 1014; Ach. 719-834). More could be said about men and animals: a vast subject in comedy that will not be discussed extensively in this article.19 As mentioned above, animals are integrated into the human, not just the female, in Greek thought. However, femininity and animality are interlocked themes that occur not only in literature but also in Greek religion. Myths of metamorphosis as well as actual rites of passage: for ex ample the Brauron bear-girls whose rituals denote passage from maidenhood to married life, as well as the bloody piglet sacrifice during the festival of the Thesmophoria. An analysis of the fragments will reveal that concepts of ani mality combined with femininity are of major importance for the audience of Middle Comedy.

3. OLD COMEDY PITTED AGAINST THE FRAGMENTS 3.1. Wives, Courtesans and Civic Identity Several examples prove that Old Comedy and Aristophanes set up the framework for literary techniques observed in a later phase of the same genre. Here, I identify the echoes of older phases of the genre. The first au thor discussed is Alexis: Fr. 291 K-A (from an unidentified play). The frag ment generalizes on the nature of women: 20 ̒ЁΎȱσΗΘȂȱΦΑ΅΍ΗΛΙΑΘϱΘΉΕΓΑȱΓЁΈΉΑȱΌ΋ΕϟΓΑȱ ΉϢΗΓΔκΑȱ·ΙΑ΅΍ΎϱΖаȱΦΔȂȱπΐ΅ΙΘϛΖȱπ·АȱΘΉΎΐ΅ϟΕΓΐ΅΍ȱ 19 There are of course similes of men and beasts throughout Greek comedy, a tradition that appears also on occasion in Middle Comedy (see for example Anaxil. Circe). Other than that, many male animal choruses (see Archipp. Fishes) animalized humans (see Ar. Vesp) and further mentions, similes and comparisons of men to animals especially in Ar. Eq.; the subject is very big and diverse, so this article concentrates on women in Middle Com edy. 20 Alex. belongs to the peak period of Middle Comedy. It is almost certain, according to the 2 Fasti, that Alex. was victorious at least once at the City Dionysia in 347 BC (IG II 2318. 2 278) and at least twice at the L¾naia with the first victory around the late 350s (IG II 2325. 150). The Suda claims that Alex. was Men.’s paternal uncle, thus giving a clear indi cation as to why he spends so much time with him (Test. 2.4-5). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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anna foka There is no more shameless beast

than the woman; I can speak for myself

This is the only fragment discussed here where women as a category are compared to/called a wild animal, yet it is significant that this is said with reference to their aidçs,21 since this is otherwise an important and recognized quality of good and proper Greek women. This fragment, in a manner reminiscent of Old Comedy (e.g., Ar. Lys. 369), is a paraphrase of Euripides. The core of the joke is of course a comic pastiche on the tragedian himself, yet the present speaker (a woman) is apparently mocking female nature: the speaker is not such a good woman and uses her own case as evidence that the stereotype is true. The fragment conflates female alterity. Ancient women could belong to different socio-sexual categories. The citizen mothers, sisters, wives and daughters and household slaves all differ from the male citizen but are regarded as part of the oikos.22 Outside the boundaries of controlled sexuality of the household are the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍,ȱ the ΔϱΕΑ΅΍ (common whores) and the household slaves.23 Despite dividing women by whether they live inside or outside the oikos, it is difficult to otherwise generalize on their individual status as there are several parameters affecting their portrayal. Even within the same social premises, their self definition and position in society differs according to time period and legis lation. It is difficult to state whether or not Pericles’ Law of 451 BC was posi tive or negative for the actual improvement of the status of Athenian wo men. Biesecker recognizes some implications defining citizenship, addressed against Sealey:24 1) The words astos and polit¾s are used in connection with women, so they officially start having a citizenship status; 2) the law implicitly challenged the authority of the patronym to transmit citizenship status; 3) in effect, the law acknowledged matrilineage in the enforcement of laws governing official membership in the state. As a result of this, female Athenians could be regarded as citizens officially, yet their actual position in society was governed by other parameters: social status, family, age, marital status, and shifting in balance rather than changing dramatically. 21 See Cairns 1993.

22 For the stratification of women see Cantarella (1987: 39-40), Vernant (1990), Pomeroy

(1995: 60-73), 23 For a recent discussion of the courtesans and so on in ancient Greece, see Davidson 1997. 24 Biesecker 1992: 103, Sealey 1990: 12-13. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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However, whereas a married Athenian woman, especially after 451 BC (Pericles’ Law on Athenian citizenship) is in fact the male citizen’s counter part, courtesans are ‘other’ in a completely different way from women of status: they have no status.25 Females of different status feature in comedy in different ways.26 Whereas Alex. fr. 291 above offers a generally negative view on the nature of women, another fragment by Alex. concentrates specifically on prosti tutes. Here, the speaker described the efforts of prostitutes seeking to secure as many customers as possible. This passage is quite long and does not actually refer to live animals, yet in lines 23-26 the prostitutes are assimilated to a slaughtered goat’s head. In order to fully understand the assimilation and all that it implies, the fragment is still worth quoting in full: ̓ΕЗΘ΅ȱΐξΑȱ·ΤΕȱΔΕϲΖȱΘϲȱΎνΕΈΓΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΘϲȱΗΙΏκΑȱΘΓϿΖȱΔνΏ΅Ζȱ

ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱΘΫΏΏȂȱ΅ЁΘ΅ϧΖȱΔΣΕΉΕ·΅ȱ·ϟ·ΑΉΘ΅΍ǰȱϹΣΔΘΓΙΗ΍ȱΈξȱ

ΔκΗ΍ΑȱπΔ΍ΆΓΙΏΣΖǯȱπΔΉ΍ΈΤΑȱΈȂȱΉЁΔΓΕφΗΝΗϟΑȱΔΓΘΉǰȱ

ΦΑνΏ΅ΆΓΑȱΎ΅΍ΑΤΖȱοΘ΅ϟΕ΅ΖǰȱΔΕΝΘΓΔΉϟΕΓΙΖȱΘϛΖȱΘνΛΑ΋Ζаȱ

ΉЁΌϿΖȱΦΑ΅ΔΏΣΘΘΓΙΗ΍ȱΘ΅ϾΘ΅ΖǰȱГΗΘΉȱΐφΘΉȱΘΓϿΖȱΘΕϱΔΓΙΖȱ

ΐφΘΉȱΘΤΖȱϷΜΉ΍ΖȱϳΐΓϟ΅ΖȱΈ΍΅ΘΉΏΉϧΑȱΓЄΗ΅ΖȱσΘ΍ǯȱ

ΘΙ·ΛΣΑΉ΍ȱΐ΍ΎΕΣȱΘ΍ΖȱΓЇΗ΅аȱΚΉΏΏϲΖȱπΑȱΘ΅ϧΖȱΆ΅ΙΎϟΗ΍Αȱ

π·ΎΉΎΣΘΘΙΘ΅΍ǯȱΐ΅ΎΕΣȱΘ΍ΖаȱΈ΍ΣΆ΅ΌΕΓΑȱΏΉΔΘϲΑȱΚΓΕΉϧȱ

ΘφΑȱΘΉȱΎΉΚ΅ΏχΑȱπΔϠȱΘϲΑȱИΐΓΑȱΎ΅Θ΅Ά΅ΏΓІΗȂȱπΒνΕΛΉΘ΅΍аȱ

ΘΓІΘΓȱΘΓІȱΐφΎΓΙΖȱΦΚΉϧΏΉΑǯȱΓЁΎȱσΛΉ΍ȱΘ΍ΖȱϢΗΛϟ΅аȱ

ЀΔΉΑνΈΙΗȂȱπΕΕ΅ΐΐνΑȂȱ΅ЁΘφΑǰȱГΗΘΉȱΘχΑȱΉЁΔΙ·ϟ΅Αȱ

ΦΑ΅ΆΓκΑȱΘΓϿΖȱΉϢΗ΍ΈϱΑΘ΅ΖǯȱΎΓ΍Ώϟ΅ΑȱΥΈΕΤΑȱσΛΉ΍аȱ

ΗΘ΋ΌϟȂȱσΗΘȂȱ΅ЁΘ΅ϧΗ΍ȱΘΓϾΘΝΑȱЙΑȱσΛΓΙΗȂȱΓϡȱΎΝΐ΍ΎΓϟаȱ

25 For example, Arist. argues that the law was designed to control the population of Athens (Ath. Pol. 26.3) as does Gomme 1967: 87. Manville 1990: 217 claims that Athenians wanted to protect their rights as well as keep those rights exclusive. Ostwald (1986: 183) speculates that the law was a democratizing gesture intended by Pericles to ensure that the people as a whole would control questions of citizenship. Hignett (1967: 346) argues that the law was designed to maintain a pure race. For a review of these and other views, see Stadter (1989: 334-35) and Patterson (1981: 97-104). 26 In Men. Pk., Epit. and Sam. although courtesans are involved majorly in the plot they are in effect speaking outsiders who sometimes side with the silent women who get married (esp. Epit.). The silent gyne is not even considered as the ‘other’ but the submissive object of desire who will be integrated into the household if parents and society (otherwise pre sented as fate) allow. See Lape 2004. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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anna foka ϴΕΌΤȱΔΕΓΗΌΉϧΗ΅΍ȱΘΓ΍΅ІΘ΅ȱΘΓЄΑΈΙΘΓΑȱΘϛΖȱΎΓ΍Ώϟ΅Ζȱ БΗΔΉΕΉϠȱΎΓΑΘΓϧΗ΍ȱΘΓϾΘΓ΍ΖȱΉϢΖȱΘϲȱΔΕϱΗΌȂȱΦΔφ·΅·ΓΑǯȱ ΘΤΖȱϴΚΕІΖȱΔΙΕΕΤΖȱσΛΉ΍ȱΘ΍ΖаȱΊΝ·Ε΅ΚΓІΗ΍ȱΦΗΆΓΏЗ΍ǯȱ ΗΙΐΆνΆ΋ΎȂȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱΐνΏ΅΍Α΅ΑаȱΎ΅ΘνΔΏ΅ΗΉΑȱΜ΍ΐΙΌϟΝ΍ǯȱ ΏΉΙΎϱΛΕΝΖȱΏϟ΅ΑȱΘ΍ΖȱπΗΘϟΑаȱΔ΅΍ΈνΕΝΘȂȱπΑΘΕϟΆΉΘ΅΍ǯȱ Ύ΅ΏϲΑȱσΛΉ΍ȱΘΓІȱΗЏΐ΅ΘϱΖȱΘ΍аȱΘΓІΘΓȱ·ΙΐΑϲΑȱΈΉϟΎΑΙΘ΅΍ǯȱ ΉЁΚΙΉϧΖȱϴΈϱΑΘ΅ΖȱσΗΛΉΑаȱπΒȱΦΑΣ·Ύ΋ΖȱΈΉϧȱ·ΉΏκΑǰȱ ϣΑ΅ȱΌΉΝΕЗΗȂȱΓϡȱΔ΅ΕϱΑΘΉΖȱΘϲȱΗΘϱΐȂȱБΖȱΎΓΐΜϲΑȱΚΓΕΉϧǯȱ ΪΑȱΈξȱΐχȱΛ΅ϟΕ΋΍ȱ·ΉΏЗΗ΅ǰȱΈ΍΅ΘΉΏΉϧȱΘχΑȱψΐνΕ΅Αȱ σΑΈΓΑǰȱГΗΔΉΕȱΘΓϧΖȱΐ΅·ΉϟΕΓ΍ΖȱΨȱΔ΅ΕΣΎΉ΍ΌȂȱοΎΣΗΘΓΘΉǰȱ ψΑϟΎȂȱΪΑȱΔΝΏЗΗ΍Αȱ΅Ϣ·ЗΑȱΎΕ΅Αϟ΅ǰȱΒΙΏφΚ΍ΓΑȱ ΐΙΕΕϟΑ΋ȱσΛΓΙΗ΅ȱΏΉΔΘϲΑȱϴΕΌϲΑȱπΑȱΘΓϧΖȱΛΉϟΏΉΗ΍Αаȱ ГΗΘΉȱΘЗ΍ȱΛΕϱΑΝ΍ȱΗνΗ΋ΕΉΑǰȱΩΑȱΘΉȱΆΓϾΏ΋ΘȂȱΩΑȱΘΉȱΐφǯȱ

Everything else, first of all, is secondary to them in comparison with mak ing a profit and plundering the people close to them and they stitch to gether plots against everyone. And whenever they get rich they get new courtesans, novices at their craft, into their houses. They immediately re shape them so they don’t act or look the same any longer. A girl happens to be short; cork’s attached to the soles of her shoes. She’s tall, she wears this thin soled shoe and puts her head down on her shoulder when she goes out; this reduces her height. She’s got no arse; her mistress discretely puts a pad on her so that people who see her comment loudly on what a rear end she has. She’s fat: they have some of the same chest pieces that belong to the comic actors, and by attaching this at a right angle, they use them as poles to separate her clothing from her belly. A girl has blond eyebrows; they draw them in with soot. It happens that her skin is dark; her mistress covers her with white lead. A girl’s skin is too white, she rubs rouge on herself. She has an attractive feature: it’s put on display naked. She has nice teeth: she has to laugh, like it or not, so that everyone who’s there can see what a lovely mouth she has. And if she doesn’t like laugh ing, she’ll remain inside all day with this piece of myrtle wood, like what the butchers always have when they sell goat’s heads, stuck upright be tween her lips. So eventually she grins, like it or not. Alexis Isostasion fr. 103 K-A




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The title Isostasion is probably a female name (meaning equal to her weight – in gold?). The verbs used throughout the passage are mostly active (not middle), indicating that the girls are not enhancing their own attractions; someone else is doing it to them – in other words, they are pornai owned and run by a madam. The laurel that a girl kept between her lips is likened to the little pieces of wood that butchers use to keep a slaughtered animal’s teeth on display, perhaps in order to indicate an animal’s health.27 Accord ing to Geoffrey Arnott, the fragment ‘targets the greed of the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ who engage in all kinds of wily aesthetic transformations in order to improve their appearance’.28 Long speeches of a similar kind might have been con ventional humourous features in comedies where οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ played an impor tant part, such as Anaxil. Neottis fr. 22 where a character assumes that οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ resemble fabulous monsters or Plaut. Poen. 210 where the speaker, a courtesan herself, states that the cost and labour of beauty-maintenance is comparable to maintaining a ship. The greed of the madam (?) in this passage leads to the assimilation of a girl with a slaughtered animal, whose only purpose is to be bought and con sumed. Butchers displaying goats’ heads in market stalls using wooden pegs are attested in Ar. Eq. 418; there, ΐΣ·Ή΍ΕΓ΍ meaning butchers; a similar method was used to display the health of live pigs, according to Ar. Eq. 375. The comic degradation of women in this way goes as far as to put them on a par with meat. The plot of Alexis’ Isostasion is unknown but several scholars believe that the speaker in fr. 103 is either a pedagogue or a father trying to persuade his son not to fall in love with a courtesan.29 The name of the girl is thought to be the ‘Isostasion’ of the title.30 According to Arnott, the metre of this fragment indicates parabasis.31 The theme of a man falling in love 27 Cf. Ar. Eq. 375-81; also see also Olson 2007: 341-42. 28 Arnott 1996: 273-83. 29 Webster 1960; 1970 and Olson 2007. 30 Arnott 1996: 268. Edmonds 1957-61: 2.417 n. b, suggests that perhaps the name Isostasion could have been a slang term for a hetaira as ‘equal’ to the wife; according to Arnott, this idea is ingenious but lacks evidence in its support. 31 Arnott 1996: 268. One could, however, argue that Middle Comedy, so far as we know, did not have a parabasis. In Old Comedy, the parabasis was a part of the chorus-leader, not of an individual character like this fragment discussed. The trochaic tetrametre continues to be used in New Comedy, not for a parabasis but for certain scenes of varying content, performed to musical accompaniment (e.g., most of the last two acts of Men. Sam.). Ar nott strongly justifies how the old parabasis was defunct in New Comedy and certainly in c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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with a courtesan is quite common in New Comedy, yet the metre of this monologue is reminiscent of Aristophanes’ style in the epirrhemata of his parabasis, as it consists of a harangue of twenty-six trochaic tetrametres.32 If this is indeed a parabasis, then there is a contemporary idea projected here, perhaps a common opinion on the social status and guile of female sex workers. In fact, the various motifs that Alexis is introducing in this text are a common ground in Greek antiquity. Arnott lists: a) the calculated greed of the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ (lines 1-3; cf. Menander fr. 185; Machon 333; Lucian Dial.meretr. 7, 15; Alciphron 4.9, 15; Plautus Asin. 512; Truc. 22, 533, 90); b) the old cour tesan training her young successors (lines 3-6; cf. Terence Eun. 116) and c) the use of cosmetics to improve appearance (lines 7-18; cf. Ar. Ec. 878; [Lucian] Am. 39; Philostratus Epist. 22; Plautus Poen. 210; Truc. 272). Moreover, in verse 16 there are some (indirect?) contemporary Athenian prejudices displayed.33 Red hair was considered to be a sign of either servility or barbarian origins (Xenophanes fr. 14.2 DK; Ar. Ran. 730) and also of bad character (Ar. Ran. 730; Adamantius Physiogn. p. 394). According to Arnott, a woman could possibly paint her eyebrows black in order to give the im pression of Greek origins.34 So, if this is correct, the woman described in the fragment is also ethnically the ‘Γther’. This could be an indication of how a barbarian courtesan would be regarded by possible clients. An exotic courte san must be to some extent Hellenized in appearance; she would have to look Greek, but she would still be on display, ready for consumption. It is important that barbarian courtesans are distinguished from people like Chrysis in Men. Sam., who is Greek and subject to Pericles’ citizen law. A barbarian courtesan has a lower status than a Greek one, so in this fragment one can identify the subjectification of the girls sold. Men., yet he argues that there it survived as an equivalent to the parabasis: the mono logue in which views on general issues, fully integrated with the plot (unlike Old Com edy) and accommodated to the speaker’s outlook, were expressed. To this, I must add, the power of song and possible repetition of the music and lyrics on occasions other than the particular performances, make later lyrics in trochaic tetrametre easier to popularize, a lit tle like the Old Comedy parabasis. 32 Arnott 1996: 268 notes that in the parabasis of Old Comedy, matters of topical concern would often be introduced and brought to attention. In New Comedy and certainly in Men. the old parabasis was defunct. 33 Arnott 1996: 279. 34 Arnott 1996: 274. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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Similarly, in Old Comedy, a Megarian man tries to sell his daughters, referred to as piglets, to Dicaeopolis.35 The whole scene (Ach. 719-834 – the Megarian appears on stage in line 729) is full of sexual puns referring to the girls as piglets. Strauss interprets the whole scene as a way to demonstrate the moral decline of the Megarian man in times of war.36 A similar account is made by Compton-Engle (although primarily concerned with Dicaeopo lis’ persona).37 Olson refers to the Aristophanic tradition of using the word ΛΓϧΕΓΖ as slang for female genitalia (V. 573, 1353, 1364; Th. 289, 538; Eccl. 724; cf. Epich. fr. 238).38 Admittedly, the scene is quite grotesque and funny as it collates women and animals humorously. However, despite the rudeness and obscenity of the scene, there are suggestions of the cult of Demeter and Kore, and the girls’ fertility might be an allusion to the fertility of pigs of fered to the goddesses.39 Civic religion, as well as desire, plays a part in this scene. The young girls in the rucksack are to be ‘sacrificed’ to sex like the tragic virgins (for example Iphigenia in the land of the Tauris or, to some extent Antigone) who encounter death rather than marriage. Such sacrifice shows concerns at the heart of the polis, rather than alterity, so there the boundaries are blurred.

35 The city of origin plays a major role on the impact that the man who is appearing on stage has to the audience. The town of origin could prepare the audience for a scene that is crude and tasteless: Segal 2001: 54. Segal also notes that the verbs and sounds used are in fact all sexual puns: see Ach. 799-802 for the sounds the piglets produce and the fact that Dicaeopolis wants to feed them ‘figs and chickpeas’, a reference to male genitals ac cording to Segal. 36 Strauss 1996: 71. 37 Compton-Engle 1999: 359-73. 38 Olson 2002: 261-81. 39 For the connection between blood, sacrifice, fertility and the role of Demeter and Kore cult during the celebration of the Thesmophoria, see Burkert 1985: 242-46; Lowe 1998: 149-73 and Parker 2005: 270-90. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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anna foka 4. HETAIRAI AND THE CITY 4.1. First case study: Epicrates’ Chorus

Alexis is not the only Middle Comedy poet who uses animal imagery to de scribe women and particularly οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍. Two more passages in which women are compared to animals according to their social and sexual behaviour are found in Epicr.40 ̖ΉΏνΝΖȱΐȂȱЀΔϛΏΌΉΑȱψȱΎ΅ΘΣΕ΅ΘΓΖȱΐ΅ΗΘΕΓΔϱΖǰȱ

πΔΓΐΑϾΓΙΗ΅ȱΘΤΑȱ̍ϱΕ΅ΑǰȱΘΤΑȱ̡ΕΘΉΐ΍Αǰȱ

ΘΤΑȱ̘ΉΕΕνΚ΅ΘΘ΅ΑǰȱБΖȱΈΣΐ΅Ώ΍ΖǰȱБΖȱΔ΅ΕΌνΑΓΖǰȱ

БΖȱΔЗΏΓΖȱΦΈΐφΖаȱψȱΈȂȱΩΕȂȱώΑȱΐΙΝΑ΍Τȱ

ǀϵΏ΋ǁȱȱ

The damned pimp took me completely, swearing by the Maid, by Arte mis, by Pherrephatta that the girl was ‘a heifer, a virgin, an unbroken filly’. In fact she was an utter mouse nest. Epicr., Chorus fr. 8 K-A This fragment seems to be a comment by a desperate client. The man had previously contacted a panderer, requesting a ‘virgin’ or an inexperienced female sexual companion. Imagery from the animal world is used in order to describe a young girl. First, she is described by the panderer as an unbroken filly and a heifer. A girl-heifer simile is found in Aeschylus, Supp. 351: the chorus of Danaides are likened to heifers pursued by wolves. The phrase ΔЗΏΓΖȱ ΦΈΐφΖ is reminiscent of the Homeric Nausicaa (Od. 6.109: Δ΅ΕȬ ΌνΑΓΖ ΦΈΐφΖ), perhaps a parody of epic poetry. Both poetic images conjure up the idea of virginity, and seem at first to promote the general characteri zation of Middle Comedy as a comic pastiche of other poetry. However, the use of a tame, young animal assimilated to a ‘good girl’, yet not necessarily an unmarried virgin, is found also in Ar. Lys.41

40 Epicr. is classified as a Middle Comedy poet solely on the testimony of Ath. (Test. 2). 41 Gilhuly 2009 has highlighted the importance of the semantic relationship between women and animals in the play. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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In Greek Comedy considered generally, the portrayal and characterization of women as animals is by no means unpatterned or placed without pur pose: in Ar. Lys. one can observe probably the most lengthy use of humorous animal-female comparisons. Most assimilations of women to animals have sexual connotations.42 These can be divided into two broad paradigms. The first is the heifer: when the ladies swear off sex during their oath sacrifice, the women’s oath of chastity focuses on the fact that they will live without a bull (Ar. Lys. 217-18). ̝Θ΅ϾΕΝΘΓΖ and ΦΘ΅ΙΕЏΘ΋ are words that describe Iphigenia’s chastity during her sacrifice in A. A. 239-47. For Wohl the sexual connotation mingles with images of ritual and the whole passage emphasizes Iphigenia’s lack of speech during her participation at her father’s symposia.43 An image that would surprise the contemporary audience. Could a virgin daughter perhaps have a place in such pastimes? Civic identity and sexuality in both cases are blurred but the lines are effective: the girl will never enjoy the pleasures of life. Ar. took advantage of A.’s poetic image to create a humorous situation that the audience would recognise.44 Other than that, the heifer that lacks a bull is a rather straightforward natural image to denote the lack of male ele ment and sexual activity for Lysistrata and her companions. Similarly, the representation of the girl in Epicr. Chorus affects the audience’s understand ing of the girl. It creates a comic contrast: the man expects a virgin but his companion is the opposite of a sexually inexperienced girl. This was perhaps a common joke among men, as the panderers are always exaggerating, trying to make their commodity seem more attractive. In this fragment, however, the speaker appears to be disappointed, as he describes the girl as a ‘mouse nest’. The meaning of this comment is not en tirely certain, yet understandable as ‘crowded’ due to its numerous births. Olson suggests several possible explanations. The expression could mean that the girl was as sexually active as a female mouse; furthermore, one could observe that mice build nests in burrows that do not belong to a single mouse, but different mice will go in and out. The term could therefore indi cate that the girl has had too many sexual companions, or was not clean.

42 Gilhully 2009: 170-71. 43 Wohl 1998: 72. 44 Gilhully 2009: 172. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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One way or another, the girl appears to be described as a nest full of annoy ing pests, rather than a ‘domestic animal’.45 The first reported description of the girl comes from the mouth of a female mastropos (panderer), yet it was written by a male poet. The second characterisation is delivered by the speaker who is presumably a man, since he is a client. Their portrayal attracts attention. There is a mix of dialects in this fragment, Doric and Attic, perhaps implying that the panderer was a Doric speaker, who was trying to appeal to an Athenian customer. The pan derer uses the Doric form of the articleȱΘΣΑ, instead of ΘφΑ. Kora is a Doric version of Kor¾ who is again often identified with Persephone. She refers to Pherrephatta, the classical Attic form for Persephone (Ar. Th. 287).46 The mix of different dialects perhaps has a comic effect on the Athenian audi ence, if one takes Lys. into consideration and the different women (Spartan, Boeotian, etc). Moreover, the mastropos is swearing to Persephone for a purpose: she is the daughter of Demeter who has been violently taken away from her mother by Hades. Her violent descent into Hades is often regarded as a myth that depicts the change of a daughter into a wife, the turning point from childhood to marriage.47 Artemis is mentioned as well, further en hancing the association of the girl with the animal world: Artemis is the mis tress of beasts in Hom. Il. (21.470) and beyond, often depicted as an adoles cent girl who is pure, unmarried and hunting in the wild; Nausicaa is com pared with her in the Od. (6.102-9). Furthermore, Artemis is referred to for another reason: young girls at the age of marriage dedicated their childhood garments and toys in the sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia, in order to earn her favour and survive childbirth.48 They were called arktoi (she-bears), an other explicit assimilation of young women to animals, associated with the civic concerns and the city. The goddesses to which the panderer refers are definitely not selected at random; they are associated with the passage from childhood to woman hood and there are strong erotic connotations centred on the ideas of virgin 45 Olson 2007: 346-47.There is no doubt that mice were undesirable in antiquity. See Levin son and Levinson 2009: 137-44 on pests and their control in the ancient world. 46 Olson 2007: 346. 47 Burkert 1985: 159-61; Foley 1995: 104-12. 48 Eur. Iph. Taur. 1464-67. For a discussion of the cult of Artemis, see Burkert 1985: 149-52; also Sourvinou-Inwood 1990: 1-14. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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ity and initiation into sexual practices. It seems that rites of initiating girls into womanhood were part of the civic protocol and that the client is fully aware of the meaning of the panderer’s picturesque words; moreover, the motif of animal sexuality is strongly present in this passage. In any case, re gardless of the girl’s past sexual behaviour (whether a virgin or not) she is in both cases assimilated to an animal. The only difference is that she is either portrayed as a tamed, domestic animal, or as a mouse – neither wild nor domestic but vermin; as a courtesan, she is not exactly essential for a man’s oikos and has no civic status. To sum up, here as well the fragment relies on the positive comparison of young women with heifers and fillies just as at the end of Ar. Lys. There, as well as in Epicr., the Doric element in the comic language is evidently asso ciated with the use of the word filly to describe the girl: in Lys. one can ob serve the imagery of the white horses. In the play’s exit hymn the Spartan ambassador sings a song about filly maidens led in a dance by Helen. In a completely Spartan context (1300-8: Mt. Taygetus, Tyndaridae, Amyclae and the Eurotas river, see Alcman fr. 1 and Theoc. 18), the girls are considered to be ‘Leucippides’, daughters of Leucippus, also meaning white horses (Calame 1997: 192, Henderson 1987: 221). The word is perhaps a humorous double entendre on a word literally meaning white horses. Leucippus’ daugh ters, Hilira and Phoebe, were abducted by Polydeuces and Castor. In an ear lier source, Pindar describes the twins as riding white horses (Pind. Pyth. 1.66). Moreover, Spartan maidens used to perform a well-known theriomor phic choral dance, which is reminiscent of the song narrated towards the end of Ar. Lys. (Pi. Fr. 112; Eur. Hel. 1465-68; Calame 1997: 185-206; Hender son 1987: 221). The imagery of the white horse in Lys. combines with a more refined, literary and artistic style of humour to describe Doric culture, just as in Epicrates’ fragment (for the comparison of parthenoi with fillies in Alcman and other early Greek Doric poets, see Calame 1997: 238-39). It makes a difference to which animal a woman (or a man) is compared, and therefore whether the particular animal-like behaviour is considered to be positive or negative. The positive connotations of the first comparison and the negative of the second help to explain why the first was spoken by the female panderer and the second by her male client. Moreover, positive and negative connotations distinguish ‘illusion’ versus ‘reality’.



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4.2. Second case study: Epicrates’ Antilais

Epicrates offers a different ‘pedigree’ of a courtesan in Antilais fr. 3, where Lais, the famous courtesan is, surprisingly, assimilated to an eagle:

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̄ЁΘχȱΈξȱ̎΅ϠΖȱΦΕ·ϱΖȱπΗΘ΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΔϱΘ΍Ζǰȱ ΘϲȱΎ΅ΌȂȱψΐνΕ΅ΑȱϳΕЗΗ΅ȱΔϟΑΉ΍ΑȱΎΦΗΌϟΉ΍Αȱ ΐϱΑΓΑаȱΔΉΔΓΑΌνΑ΅΍ȱΈξȱΘ΅ЁΘΣȱΐΓ΍ȱΈΓΎΉϧȱ ΘΓϧΖȱΦΉΘΓϧΖǯȱΓЈΘΓ΍ȱ·ΤΕȱϵΘ΅ΑȱИΗ΍ΑȱΑνΓ΍ȱ πΎȱΘЗΑȱϴΕЗΑȱΔΕϱΆ΅ΘȂȱπΗΌϟΓΙΗ΍ȱΎ΅Ϡȱ ΐΉΘνΝΕȂȱΦΑ΅ΕΔΣΊΓΑΘΉΖȱЀΔϲȱΘϛΖȱϢΗΛϾΓΖаȱ ϵΘ΅ΑȱΈξȱ·΋ΕΣΗΎΝΗ΍ΑȱόΈ΋ȱǰȱΘϱΘΉȱǽǳǾȱ πΔϠȱΘΓϿΖȱΑΉАΖȱϣΊΓΙΗ΍ȱΔΉ΍ΑЗΑΘΉΖȱΎ΅ΎЗΖаȱ ΎΩΔΉ΍Θ΅ȱΘΓІΘȂȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱΑΓΐϟΊΉΘ΅΍ȱΘνΕ΅Ζǯȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ̎΅ϠΖȱϴΕΌЗΖȱǀΑІΑǁȱΑΓΐϟΊΓ΍ΘȂȱΪΑȱΘνΕ΅Ζȱ ΅ЂΘ΋ȱ·ΤΕȱΓЇΑȱϳΔϱΘȂȱώΑȱΑΉΓΘΘϲΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΑν΅ǰȱ ЀΔϲȱΘЗΑȱΗΘ΅ΘφΕΝΑȱώΑȱΦΔ΋·Ε΍ΝΐνΑ΋ȱ ΉϨΈΉΖȱΈȂȱΪΑȱ΅ЁΘϛΖȱ̘΅ΕΑΣΆ΅ΊΓΑȱΌκΘΘΓΑȱΩΑаȱ πΔΉϠȱΈξȱΈϱΏ΍ΛΓΑȱΘΓϧΖȱσΘΉΗ΍ΑȱόΈ΋ȱΘΕνΛΉ΍ȱ ΘΤΖȱΦΕΐΓΑϟ΅ΖȱΘΉȱΈ΍΅Λ΅Ώκ΍ȱΘΓІȱΗЏΐ΅ΘΓΖǰȱ ϢΈΉϧΑȱΐξΑȱ΅ЁΘχΑȱϹκ΍ϱΑȱπΗΘ΍ΑȱύȱΔΘϾΗ΅΍аȱ πΒνΕΛΉΘ΅ϟȱΘΉȱΔ΅ΑΘ΅ΛϱΗȂȱόΈ΋ȱΔ΍ΓΐνΑ΋ǰȱ ΈνΛΉΘ΅΍ȱΈξȱΎ΅ϠȱΗΘ΅ΘϛΕ΅ȱΎ΅ϠȱΘΕ΍ЏΆΓΏΓΑǰȱ ΔΕΓΗϟΉΘ΅΍ȱΈξȱΎ΅Ϡȱ·νΕΓΑΘ΅ȱΎ΅ϠȱΑνΓΑаȱ ΓЂΘΝȱΈξȱΘ΍Ό΅ΗϲΖȱ·ν·ΓΑΉΑȱГΗΘȂǰȱИȱΚϟΏΘ΅Θ΅΍ǰȱ ΘΦΕ·ϾΕ΍ΓΑȱπΎȱΘϛΖȱΛΉ΍ΕϲΖȱόΈ΋ȱΏ΅ΐΆΣΑΉ΍ǯȱȱ

Lais herself is a lazy drunk who’s intent only on eating and drinking every day. I think the same thing that has happened to her happen to the eagles. When they are young, they eat sheep and goats and hares they catch in the mountains, snatching them up into the air, because they are so strong. But when they eventually grow old, they perch on top of the temples, ter ribly hungry; and then this is regarded as a marvel. Lais as well would be properly considered a marvel now; because when she was a young nes tling, she was driven wild by larger coins, and you would have got an au dience with Pharnabazus sooner than with her. But since she’s now run ning the long distance race in years and she’s losing her figure, seeing her CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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is easier than spitting. She goes out everywhere to drink and accepts any coin of any size; and she has sex with anyone of any age, she has grown so tame (tithasos), my dear friends, that she now takes money from a man’s hand. Epicr. Antilais fr. 3 K-A The title Antilais is perhaps the fictional name of a courtesan, perhaps like Isostasion; the use of the name Lais (and the preposition anti) suggests that the plot centres around the replacement of the famous courtesan, Lais.49 By the vocative ç philtatai one can assume from the style of address (something like ‘dearest girlfriends’ in English) that the speaker here is a woman, per haps another courtesan, referring to the famous Lais in an abusive manner amongst their peers. Lais, the famous courtesan, was born in Sicily perhaps around the late 420s, and was captured when Sicily was invaded by the Athenians (Tim. FGrHist 566 F 24 ap. Ath. 13.588c; Paus. 2.2.5; Plut. Nic. 15.4). It is well known that she was brought to Corinth (Stratt. fr. 27; Anaxandr. fr. 9.1-2).50 She is mentioned in other comedies, too; Ar. refers to her in Plut. 174, where he explains that she stays with Philonides due to the money he offers her. Indeed, the courtesan was considered to be rapacious, and was known to charge the exorbitant fee of one thousand drachmas.51 Moreover, in Phile taer. fr. 9.4, the speaker claims that Lais ‘died while having sex’. Lazy and greedy, the image she had in antiquity fits this passage nicely. In fragment 3 of Antilais, Lais is assimilated straight away to a powerful preda tor, the eagle. Eagles are hunters and carnivores, as well as the bird of Zeus and kingship. Therefore the simile is overtly implying Lais’ previous power and her leading hierarchic position among women of the same profession. Eagle similes are common in epic tradition. There are four such similes in the battle-narrative of the Iliad (15.690, 17.674, 21.252-53, 22.308) and once in the Od. describing Odysseus’ angry battle cry towards the suitors’ relatives (24.537-38).52 In Od. 19.535-69, Penelope dreams of an eagle (symbolizing 49 There was another comedy titled Antilais written by Cephisodorus. Unfortunately, noth ing is known about it apart from the title. 50 On Lais, see Sommerstein on Ar. Pl. 179. 51 Neils 2000: 206. 52 Some examples of eagle similes in the Il. that display the heat of the battle or bravery of the heroes: Menelaus’ stare reminds one of an eagle when he rushes to fight for the body c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Odysseus) who slays the geese in her yard. In tragedy, eagles are juxtaposed to the Atreides in order to display their wrath (A. Ag. 104-39). In Epicrates, young Lais is assimilated to a young, powerful, epic predator. The assimila tion of a woman to a bird of prey in a manner that is reminiscent of the epic is somehow a paradox, and perhaps also the joke in this fragment. The ad jective that refers to the older Lais is tithasos, ‘tamed’, a reference again to animality. When she is older, she is similized as an old eagle who feasts on scraps. On a similar note, yet not quite the same animal, kites (ϥΎΘ΍ΑΓ΍) are said to steal sacrificial meat.53 They no longer hunt for their food but go to someone else’s house, a god’s house in this case. This simile explains in a pic turesque way that Lais is becoming less selective and more accessible as she is growing old. In the same vein, the fragment draws on interesting phraseology to de scribe Lais. The two key words that bring out Lais’ bestiality are ΘνΕ΅Ζ and ΦΔ΅·Ε΍ΝΐνΑ΋. ̖νΕ΅Ζ could mean beast, a monster or marvel: each mean ing of the word denotes alterity. ̝Δ΅·Ε΍ΝΐνΑ΋ is a participle of the verb ΦΔ΅·Ε΍Зΐ΅΍, which literally means to turn into a savage or into a wild animal. These two words are placed in the fragment in order to create a chi astic image. Therefore, both the unnamed girl in fr. 8 and Lais in fr. 3 are framed with antithetical animal similes. The unnamed girl in Epicr. fr. 8 is expected to be innocent, but she is ‘filthy’ in terms of sexual behaviour. Lais is considered a ‘predator’, yet she is growing tame with the years. The differ ence is that in fr. 8, the male lusts after the ‘tamed’ girl, whereas in Lais’ case her untamed, powerful youth is more appreciated and admired (by her fel low-workers), whereas her late years are described as tame and disgraceful for a courtesan of her calibre. Moreover, apart from being assimilated to an eagle, Lais is humorously identified with Pharnabazus. Pharnabazus was a Persian satrap in Asia Minor from the late 410s until approximately 390 BC.54 Again, it seems that here of Patroclus (17.674). Achilles’ leap when he races away from the onslaught of the river is assimilated to the swoop of an eagle (21.252-53). The example from the Od. is quite unique as it is the moment when Odysseus issues a terrifying battle-cry towards the rela tives of the suitors who then turn back to the city. The scene, however, is a stereotypically epic moment, notes Heath 2005: 116. 53 Ar. Pax. 1099-1101; see Olson 1998: 279 and Av. 865, Dunbar 1997: 345. 54 Olson 2007: 350-51. On a side note, Persians were often depicted as effeminate according to some sources: see Tuplin 1996: 168. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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alterity is compounded with further alterity.55 A woman is assimilated to an animal, and then assimilated to a Persian satrap. A Persian (as non-Greek), an animal, and a woman fall into the same catch-all category of ‘Γtherness’. Moreover, the courtesan is herself an ‘Γther’, a counterpoint to the norma tive female ideal. The sub-society of the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ views Lais as an old eagle unable to hunt, while in her youth she was a powerful predator; she is as important and difficult to meet as a Persian satrap. Lais is never identified with a Greek/Athenian official in this passage. She certainly is portrayed via an animal simile, in the same way οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ of the previously discussed pas sages are. The difference in fragment 3 is in how her co-workers value her. From their perspective, her untamed image is certainly more profitable and therefore preferable.

5. CONCLUSION: THE LADY OR THE TIGER? From the above fragments there emerges a clear tendency to characterize women with images that come from the animal world. In most of the frag ments discussed, the joke lies in the comic perception of the courtesan and female figures that surround her (such as the panderer, other οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍); each speaker has a different comment to add, yet they all refer to animals in a variety of ways (tamed, wild, domesticated and vermin in ways similar to the examples by Aristophanes studied above. The animal imagery that women use to ‘similize’ other women draws the distinction between different sub categories (older and younger οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍, panderer, etc) and moreover, it pro jects alterity among persons of the same sex. The οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ are only a small category and they do not represent the entirety of women. The evidence that the entirety or majority of women were portrayed hu morously with animal references in Middle Comedy comes, strictly speak ing, only from misogynistic Alex. fr. 291 and the tradition inherited from elsewhere (especially Old Comedy and iambic poetry). However, as ob served, one cannot speak strictly of the inferior other: the images of animal

55 For example, references to the galeçtai oracles in Archipp. Fishes and the assimilation of the cockerel to a Persian in Ar. Av. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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alterity are mixed in with civic discourse as well as civic responsibilities of the ladies (religion, household, chastity). As for the animal imagery used to discuss the status-free courtesan, one can observe that it refers back to deep-rooted civic ideas and their social and sexual behaviour. Impulsiveness in sex as well as predatory behaviour is likely to be reminiscent of wild beasts. The untamed wildness is linked with the nature of sexuality as dangerous, frontier territory; the virgin goddess Arte mis was thought to be the mistress of animals, guarding and defining the boundaries between nature and culture through her action of hunting.56 In her prime, the courtesan eager for sex and money is metaphorized as crea ture of the wild, hunting on the margins of society. By contrast, when οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ are presented comically as ‘untouched’ virgins, they are assimilated to tamed, domestic animals. In both cases, one can observe the following: a network of imagery and metaphor associates women in their role in sex and marriage with animals, especially the mating, taming, yoking, and breaking in of animals, and with agriculture.57 The choice of animal invoked in each simile relates not only to the cour tesan’s nature, but also with the observer’s attitude. Every woman is por trayed in a different manner according to the speaker and their social status. The client man seeks the calm, innocent ‘young filly’, whereas the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ themselves praise ‘the untamed, vicious eagle’. This is an interesting indica tor of how differently and flexibly one can construct alterity: the way the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍ regard themselves differs diametrically from how their clients think of them. From the above interpretation of animals in Middle Comedy fragments, one could infer that in the representation of women, Middle Comedy lacks the animal choruses, the reversal of gender roles and the grotesque found in Old Comedy. However, it is still interested in portraying the sub-categories of women, with a particular fondness for ridiculing οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍. Inferiority is twofold when it comes to the assimilation of women to animals. From a male point of view, the ideal ·ΙΑφ is a tamed animal, often used in comedy to ‘sell’ the charms of a hetaira. Within the female sub-culture of the οΘ΅ϧΕ΅΍, the opposite perception exists: admirable women are considered to be ‘heroic predators preying on men’. Similarly, the polarities represented in 56 Vernant and Zeitlin 1991: 198. 57 Gould 1980: 53. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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Middle Comedy through epic parody are more or less consistent with those of Old Comedy. Middle Comedy uses multiple metaphors that go as far as to include a female-animal-foreign (Persian in this case) nexus in order to generate laughter. For the audience of Middle Comedy, the lady is the tiger.

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Cairns, D.L. 1993. Aidos: the Psychology and Ethics of Honour and Shame in Ancient Greek Literature. Oxford. Cantarella, E. 1987. Pandora’s Daughters: The Role and Status of Women in Greek and Roman Antiquity. Baltimore. Calame, C. 1997. Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece: Their Mor phology, Religious Role, and Social Functions. Lanham, MD. Castignone, S. & G. Lanata (eds.) 1994. Filosofi e Animali nel Mondo Antico. Genova. Cingano, E., A. Ghersetti and L. Milano (eds.) 2005. Animali tra Zoologia, Mito e Letterature nella Cultura Classica e Orientale. Padova. Clarke, M. 1995. ‘Between lions and man: images of the hero in the Iliad ’ GRBS 36, 137-59. Cohen, B. 2000 (ed.). Not the Classical Ideal: Athens and the Construction of the Other in Greek Art. Leiden. Compton-Engle, G. 1999. ‘From Country to City: The Persona of Dicaeo polis in Aristophanes Acharnians’ CJ 94, 359-73. Davies, M. & J. Kathirithamby 1986. Greek Insects. Oxford. Davidson, J. 1997. Courtesans and Fishcakes: The Consuming Passions of Clas sical Athens. New York. Dinnerstein, D. 1976. The Mermaid and the Minotaur: Sexual arrangements and the human malaise. New York. Dobrov, G. 1995 (ed.). Beyond Aristophanes: Tradition and Diversity in Greek Comedy. Atlanta. Dobrov, G. 2010 (ed.). Brill’s Companion to the Study of Greek Comedy. Lei den. Dowden, K. 1989. Death and the Maiden: Girls’ Initiation Rites in Greek My thology. London. Edmonds, J.M. 1957, 1959, 1961. The Fragments of Attic Comedy. Leiden. Edmonds, R.G. 2004. Myths of the Underworld Journey: Plato, Aristophanes and the ‘Orphic’ Gold Tablets. Cambridge. Foley, H.P. 1981. Reflections of Women in Antiquity. London. Foley, H. 1995. The Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Princeton. Forbes Irving, P.M.C. 1990. Metamorphosis in Greek myths. Oxford. Furlanetto, A. 2005. ‘I linguaggi degli animali in storie di iniziazione profe tica’ in Cingano, Ghersetti & Milano (eds.) 155-63. Gilhuly, K. 2009. The feminine matrix of sex and gender in classical Athens. Cambridge. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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Gilhus, I.S. 2006. Animals, Gods, and Humans: changing attitudes to animals in Greek, Roman, and early Christian ideas. London. Gomme, A.W. 1967. Essays in Greek History and Literature. New York. Gottschall, J. 2001. ‘Homer’s human animal: ritual combat in the Iliad’ Phi losophy and Literature 25, 278-94. Gottschall, J. & D.S. Wilson (ed.) 2005. The Literary Animal: evolution and the nature of narrative. Evanston, IL. Gould, J. 2003. Myth, Ritual, Memory, and Exchange: Essays in Greek Litera ture and Culture. Oxford. Halliwell, S. 2008. Greek Laughter: A Study of Cultural Psychology from Homer to Early Christianity. Cambridge. Halliwell, S. 1986. ‘Where three roads meet: a neglected detail in the Oedi pus Tyrannus’ JHS 106, 187-90. Heath, J. 1999. ‘Disentangling the beast: humans and other animals in Aes chylus’ Oresteia’ JHS 119, 17-48. Heath, J. 2005. The Talking Greeks. Cambridge & New York. Henderson, J. 1997. Aristophanes’ Lysistrata. Oxford. Hignett, C.A. 1967. History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. Oxford. Hunter, R.L. 1979. ‘The Comic Chorus in the Fourth Century’ ZPE 36, 23 38. Hunter, R.L. 1983. Eubulus: The Fragments. Cambridge. Kassel, R. & C. Austin (eds.) 1983-. Poetae Comici Graeci. Berlin. Knox, B.M.W. 1952. ‘The lion in the House (Agamemnon 717-736 (Mur ray))’ CPh 47, 17-25. Lada-Richards, I. 1999. Initiating Dionysus: Ritual and Theatre in Aristo phanes’ Frogs. Oxford. Lanata, G. 1987. Celso: Il Discorso Vero. Milano. Lanata, G. 1994. ‘Antropocentrismo e cosmocentrismo nel mondo antico’, in Castignone & Lanata (eds.), 15-49. Lape, S. 2004. Reproducing Athens: Menander’s comedy: Democratic Athens and the Hellenistic city. Princeton & Oxford. Lelli, E. 2006. Volpe e leone: Il proverbio nella poesia greca (Alceo, Cratino, Callimaco). Rome. Levinson, H. and A. Levinson 1998. ‘Control of stored food pests in the an cient Orient and classical antiquity’ Journal of Applied Entomology 122, 137-44. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Lloyd, G.E.R. 1961. ‘The development of Aristotle’s theory of the classifica tion of animals’ Phronesis 6, 59-80. Reprinted in Methods and Problems in Greek Science: selected papers. Cambridge 1991, 1-26. Lloyd, G.E.R. 1970. Early Greek science: Thales to Aristotle. London. Lloyd, G.E.R. 1985. ‘Animali e piante’ in M. Vegetti (ed.) Il Sapere degli Antichi. Torino, 246-61. Lloyd-Jones, H. 1975. Females of the Species: Semonides on Women. London. Long, T. 1986. Barbarians in Greek Comedy. Carbondale, IL. Lonsdale, S.H. 1979. ‘Attitudes towards animals in ancient Greece’ G&R 26, 146-59. Lonsdale, S.H. 1990. Creatures of Speech: lion, herding and hunting similes in the Iliad. Stuttgart. Lowe, N.J 1998. ‘Thesmophoria and Haloa: myths, physics and mysteries’ in Blundell, S. & M. Williamson The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece. London & New York, 149-73. MacDowell, D. M. 1978. The Law in Classical Athens. New York. Manville, P. B. 1990. The Origins of Citizenship in Ancient Athens. Princeton. Marinatos, N. 2002. ‘The Arkteia and the Gradual Transformation of the Maiden into a Woman’ in Gentile, B. & F. Perusino (eds.) Le orse di Brau ron: Un rituale di iniziazione femminile nel santuario di Artemide. Pisa, 29 42, 207-9. Mulkay, M. 1988. On Humour. Cambridge. von Möllendorff, P. 1995. Grundlagen einer Ästhetik der Alten Komödie: Un tersuchungen zu Aristophanes und Michail Bachtin. München. Neils, J. 2000. ‘Others within the Other: an Intimate look at the hetairai and Maenads’ in B. Cohen (ed.) Not the Classical Ideal: Athens and the Construction of the Other in Greek Art. Leiden, 43-70. Nesselrath, H.G. 1990. Die Attische Mittlere Komödie: Ihre Stellung in der antiken Literaturkritik und Literaturgeschichte. Berlin & New York, 272-88. Nesselrath, H.G. 1997. ‘The Polis of Athens in Middle Comedy’ in Dobrov, G. (ed.) The City as Comedy: Society and Representation in Athenian Drama. Chapel Hill & London, 271-88. Olson, S.D. 2002. Aristophanes’ Acharnians. Oxford. Olson, S.D. 2007. Broken Laughter: Select Fragments of Middle Comedy. Ox ford. Osborne, C. 2007. Dumb Beasts and Dead Philosophers: humanity and the humane in ancient philosophy and literature. Oxford. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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PLAYING WITH THE

DRAMATIC CONVENTIONS:

DEMEAS’ INVOCATIONS

IN MENANDER, SAMIA 325-26

By Andreas Fountoulakis

Summary: In this article it is maintained that Demeas’ quasi-tragic invocations of the city of Athens and the sky in Menander, Samia 325-26 have the form of conventional cries normally used in classical drama so as to call for witnesses and assistance when an unjust act is being committed. Yet these invocations are embodied in a scene which is not developed according to the relevant dramatic conventions. The aim of this article is to explore Menander’s skilful handling of these conventions and demonstrate its significance with respect to the play’s characters and pervasive ideas.

The echoes of earlier drama in Menander’s comedies in many cases suggest a skilful and purposeful manipulation of elements deriving from the dramatic tradition of the fifth and early fourth centuries BC. While these echoes are often noted by modern scholarship, they are seldom examined in terms of the ways in which they are handled by Menander or of the goals they serve. Such an examination is the primary aim of this paper. When in the third act of Menander’s Samia Demeas appears on stage, he has just discovered that the baby presented to him as his own by Chrysis, his Samian concubine, was actually fathered by Moschion, his adoptive son (245-47). Analogies appear between the dramatic situation in which Demeas finds himself thinking that his adoptive son has had a secret affair with his concubine, and the situations in which Theseus and Amyntor had found themselves in plays such as Euripides’ Hippolytus and Phoenix respectively. Andreas Fountoulakis ‘Playing with the Dramatic Conventions: Demeas’ Invocations in Menander, Samia 325-26’ C&M 62 (2011) 81-98. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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These tragic characters mistakenly thought that their sons were having erotic relations with their partners: Theseus’ wife in the former case and Amyntor’s concubine in the latter.1 Various similarities between the three situations have been noted by many scholars,2 while such affinities are further stressed by Demeas’ quasi-tragic reaction at 325-26. 1 The mythological background of Euripides’ Hippolytus is the story of a married woman or a concubine who falls in love with a young man, tries to seduce him without success, and eventually accuses him of rape or attempted rape. This motif emerges also in the sto ries of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, Bellerophon and Stheneboia, and Peleus and Acastus’ wife. See Barrett 1964: 6-7. Euripides’ version of the myth of Phoenix must have adopted the same motif. For the inclusion in the Euripidean plot of the false accusations of Amyntor’s concubine that his son Phoenix had raped her see Σ Α Hom. Il. 9.453 c Erbse (= Eur. Phoenix, Test. ii.c TrGF V.II Kannicht) and Hieronym. Rhod. Π. ̖Ε΅·Ν΍Ȭ Έ΍ΓΔΓ΍ЗΑ, fr. 32 Wehrli (= Eur. Phoenix, Test. iv.a1 TrGF V.II Kannicht). Cf. Aristoph. Ach. 421 (= Eur. Phoenix, Test. iii.a TrGF V.II Kannicht); Apollod. 3.13.8 (= Eur. Phoenix, Test. iii.d TrGF V.II Kannicht); Papamichael 1982: 217-29; Dedoussi 2006: 230. The fact that in Men. Sam. 498-500 Nikeratos compares Demeas to Amyntor, saying that his friend ought to have blinded Moschion, may well point towards a further exploitation of Euripides’ Phoenix in Samia’s plot. In Euripides’ play, Amyntor had blinded Phoenix after the false allegations of his concubine Clytia or Phthia concerning her supposed rape by his son. The relevant myth may survive in Homer (Il. 9.444-84) and Euripides (fr. 803a 18 TrGF V.II Kannicht), but the elements of the innocence and blinding of Phoenix occur only in Euripides, not in the Homeric version. Our appreciation of Menander’s exploit ation not only of Euripides’ extant Hippolytus, but also of the Phoenix would probably be different if more fragments of the latter play survived. We might also have had a different view of Menander’s literary debts if we had at our disposal entire plays dealing with these myths not only by Euripides, but also by other dramatists. One should therefore be cau tious and not overestimate the affinities between the Samia and the small part of the dra matic tradition that happens to survive. Hippolytus’ myth was also dramatized by Sopho cles in his Phaedra (fr. 677-93 TrGF IV Radt) as well as by Euripides in a tragedy earlier than his extant Hippolytus, the Hippolytus Calyptomenus (fr. 428-47 TrGF V.I Kannicht). As for the myth of Phoenix, it formed the subject-matter of tragedies by Sophocles (fr. 718-20 TrGF IV Radt and perhaps in the Dolopes, fr. 174-75 TrGF IV Radt), Ion (19 fr. 36 43 TrGF I Snell), Astydamas (60 fr. 5d TrGF I Snell) and Sosiphanes Syracusanus (92 fr. 6 TrGF I Snell). For this myth in comedy see Euboulos, fr. 113 K.-A. 2 For the affinities between the Samia and the Hippolytus, see Mette 1969: 438; Katsouris 1975: 131-43; Jäkel 1982: 19-22; Hurst 1990: 101; West 1991: 17-18; Zagagi 1995: 56, 125; Lamagna 1998: 64-67; Cusset 2003: 165-68; Fountoulakis 2004: 157, 166-76; Omitowoju 2010: 130-45; Fountoulakis 2011: 171, 176-80. For those between the Samia and the Phoe nix see Papamichael 1982: 221-22; Cusset 2003: 164; Dedoussi 2006: 230-1; Omitowoju 2010: 131; Fountoulakis 2011: 176-80. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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As soon as Demeas realizes that his slave Parmenon has been aware of Moschion’s supposed affair, but revealed nothing, he gets angry, asks for a horsewhip and threatens to have him branded (321-23).3 While Parmenon is leaving the stage, Demeas cries out loudly so that everyone nearby may be aware of the wrong that was done to him and come to his assistance. Yet soon he stops shouting and seems to realize that Moschion – and subse quently Parmenon – is not responsible for his deception. His cries as well as his change of mind form initial elements of a monologue in which he even tually tries to convince himself and the audience of Moschion’s innocence and Chrysis’ guilt. The first lines of this monologue, which betray Demeas’ distress as well as his reversal, run as follows:4 ǻ̇΋ǯǼȱ ȱ ȱ ȱ ΔΓϧȱΗϾǰȱΔΓϧǰȱΐ΅ΗΘ΍·ϟ΅ǲȱ

ΏΣΆȂȱ΅ЁΘϱΑǯȱИȱΔϱΏ΍Ηΐ΅ȱ̍ΉΎΕΓΔϟ΅ΖȱΛΌΓΑϱΖǰ

ИȱΘ΅Α΅ϲΖȱ΅ϢΌφΕǰȱИȱȮȱΘϟǰȱ̇΋ΐν΅ǰȱΆΓκ΍Ζǲȱ

ΘϟȱΆΓκ΍ΖǰȱΦΑϱ΋ΘΉǲȱΎΣΘΉΛΉȱΗ΅ΙΘϱΑǰȱΎ΅ΕΘνΕΉ΍ǯȱ

ΓЁΈξΑȱ·ΤΕȱΦΈ΍ΎΉϧȱ̏ΓΗΛϟΝΑȱΗΉǯȱΔ΅ΕΣΆΓΏΓΖȱ

ϳȱΏϱ·ΓΖȱϥΗΝΖȱπΗΘȂǰȱΩΑΈΕΉΖǰȱΦΏΏȂȱΦΏ΋Ό΍ΑϱΖǯ

DEMEAS: Where are you going, you rogue, where?

Catch him! O Citadel of Kekrops’ land!

O thin-spread aither! O – Why are you shouting, Demeas?

Why are you shouting, you fool? Restrain yourself. Bear up!

Moschion has done you no wrong. This is

a paradoxical thing to say, gentlemen, but it’s true.

Men. Samia 324-29

At 324 Demeas addresses the fleeing Parmenon, while the order ΏΣΆȂ ΅ЁΘϱΑ at the beginning of 325 is apparently given to another slave. At 325-26 De meas uses a kind of elevated tragic speech with a distinctively Euripidean phrasing, and cries out for help calling as witnesses to the supposed commit ted injustice the city of Athens and the sky: Иȱ ΔϱΏ΍Ηΐ΅ȱ ̍ΉΎΕΓΔϟ΅Ζȱ 3 Demeas is determined to resort to measures normally taken for the punishment of run away slaves in social contexts. See Jones 1987: 139-55; Thompson 2003: 218-21, 242. 4 The text is that of Sandbach’s OCT edition (Sandbach 1990). The translation is from Bain 1983. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ΛΌΓΑϱΖǰ / ИȱΘ΅Α΅ϲΖȱ΅ϢΌφΕǰȱИ –.5 According to a relevant note in the right

hand margin of the Bodmer papyrus (P. Bodmer 25) next to line 326,6 these invocations as a whole belong to Euripides’ Oedipus (fr. 554b TrGF V.I Kan nicht). Considering the differences in terms of plot structure between the Samia and a tragedy based on the myth of Oedipus, it becomes improbable that such verbal echoes would reflect a more profound relationship between the two plays. It may only be argued that even if Demeas’ cries allude to Eu ripides’ lost Oedipus, such an allusion could be related to a series of juxtapo sitions prevalent in both plays between ignorance and knowledge as well as between true and false identities. It is also worth bearing in mind that the attribution of Demeas’ phrases to Euripides’ Oedipus has been contested on various grounds by most modern editors of the Samia, who assume that only one invocation may belong to the lost Oedipus.7 If this invocation is that of 325, it must have been altered by Menander. An invocation of the city of Athens like that in 325 would not be very likely to be found in a play such as the Oedipus which was presumably set in Thebes.8 It is therefore more likely that Demeas’ invocations may point not towards the Oedipus, 5 For the tragic, and more specifically the Euripidean, phrasing of the first invocation see, e.g., Eur. Hipp. 34, Suppl. 658, Bacch. 1202, I.A. 1500, I.T. 1014, Ion 1571, Her. 1323, Med. 771. Cf. Gomme & Sandbach 1973: 577; Dedoussi 2006: 181-82 for more references and the observation that the words ̍ΉΎΕϱΔ΍ΓΖȱ and Θ΅Α΅ϱΖȱ do not occur in other tragic po ets. The ΅ϢΌφΕȱ is the place where the gods were often thought to reside. See, e.g., Hom. Il. 2.412, 15.192; Soph. O.C. 1471; Aesch. fr. 65a TrGF III Radt; Virg. Georg. 2.325. The invocation of the ΅ϢΌφΕȱ at 326 may thus be taken as an indirect way of invoking as wit nesses and helpers the gods who are regarded as responsible for the maintenance of di vinely inspired justice in the world. For a similar invocation of the ΅ϢΌφΕ,ȱsee Eur. fr. 443 TrGF V.I Kannicht and n. 29 below. Cf. Blume 1974: 119; Cusset 2003: 141. 6 See Kasser 1969: 48.

7 See Lamagna 1998: 286-87 for the invocation at 325 and Dedoussi 2006: 181-82 for that at

326. They both note that the words ΔϱΏ΍Ηΐ΅ȱand ΛΌЏΑȱare not used by Euripides in one single phrase. Dedoussi also notes that invocations of a city are not combined in tragedy with invocations of the ΅ϢΌφΕ. For these reasons she believes that since the ancient com ment is found next to 326, it must refer only to the invocation of this line. 8 It is for this reason that Bain assumes that if that line belongs to Euripides’ Oedipus, it must be an apostrophe. See Bain 1983: 119. Gomme & Sandbach (1973: 577) assume that the quotation of 325 may belong to a reference pertaining to the hero’s refuge in Athens in the last part of the play after his blinding. For the possibility that Menander might at 325 have turned a hypothetical [̍΅ΈΐΉϟ΅Ζ] of the Euripidean text into the ̍ΉΎΕΓΔϟ΅Ζȱ that would suit his play, see Jouan & van Looy 1998-2003: II.444. Cf. Cusset 2003: 141, n. 40. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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but towards the world of tragedy as a whole, which emerges also through the analogies between the circumstances Demeas is confronted with and those faced by tragic characters such as Theseus or Amyntor. The Euripidean style of Demeas’ cries might well strengthen the affinities in the spectators’ minds between his situation and similar situations in Euripides’ plays.9 What is also highlighted is Demeas’ emotional turmoil as well as the fact that even mo mentarily he conceives the situation he is facing as a disastrous collapse of his oikos, similar to those occurring in tragedy.10 Like a tragic hero, Demeas finds himself in a world of pathos and errs as he is unable to discover or even suspect the truth. Ironically enough, the truth is not as harsh as he thinks. And this is precisely where the comic nuances of the scene as well as its di vergences from the tragic tradition begin to emerge.11 It would nevertheless be misleadingly naïve to consider Demeas’ use of tragic speech and his sud den change of tone as nothing other than elements aiming at the construc tion of a typical comic scene. The formulation of Demeas’ cries and his sub sequent reversal suggest Menander’s skilful handling of relevant dramatic conventions in earlier drama. This handling is specially designed so as to surprise the spectators and draw their attention to significant aspects of the play’s dramatic world, characters and ideas. As has been noted, Demeas uses the invocations of 325-26 to request assis tance in order to catch Parmenon and find witnesses to the injustice that has been perpetrated. Invocations with a similar function were quite well-known in Greek and other Indo-European cultures, and are amply attested in social as well as in literary contexts. In his classic study ‘Beiträge zur Wort- und Sittengeschichte II’, Wilhelm Schulze has shown that in both contexts, the victim of an injustice should cry for help and draw the attention of bystand ers who ought to offer their assistance and serve as witnesses if the case was

9 See Webster 1974: 61-62; Dedoussi 2006: 182; Fountoulakis 2011: 170-71. Considering the affinities between the extant Hippolytus and the surviving parts of the Samia, Omitowoju (2010: 133-34) convincingly argues that the performance of Menander’s play would have evoked Euripides’s tragedy in the spectators’ minds. Yet it is worth bearing in mind that such links might have also been developed between the Samia and other tragedies that dealt with similar topics and are now lost. 10 Cf. Barigazzi 1965: 121; Blume 1974: 119-20; Goldberg 1980: 100-1; Lamagna 1998: 287; Gutzwiller 2000: 109-10. 11 See Gomme & Sandbach 1973: 577-78; Goldberg 1980: 100-1; Hurst 1990: 101. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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eventually brought to court.12 The cry for witnesses and help was often des ignated by the term ΆΓφ; hence the origins of the verbs ΆΓ΋ΌΉϧΑ and ΆΓ΋ΈΕΓΐΉϧΑ, literally meaning ‘to run towards the cry’.13 Evidence from the speeches of the Greek orators suggests that in cases of physical assault or other kinds of injustice cries for help formed part of a social convention through which members of the community could help the victim either immediately or later, as witnesses in the court.14 Cries of this kind are often described by modern scholars as Not- und Hilferufe.15 Demeas’ invocations, which have a similar function and are conceived by him as ΆΓφ,16 may at first sight be classified as such: a fact which has hitherto not been appreci ated by modern scholarship.17 Demeas’ utterances are not the sole example of such cries in the theatre. Not- und Hilferufe as well as the social conventions surrounding them have their counterparts in many works of Greek drama. They appear in both tragedy and comedy as well as in paratheatrical genres associated with the mime.18 Dramatic calls for witnesses and help may reflect relevant social 12 Schulze 1918/1966. 13 For the etymology of ΆΓ΋ΌΉϧΑȱ and ΆΓ΋ΈΕΓΐΉϧΑȱ as (πΔϠ) ΆΓχΑȱ ΌΉϧΑȱ and ΈΕΓΐΉϧΑ,ȱ see Frisk 1960-1972, s.v. ΆΓ΋ΌϱΓΖ. Cf. Schulze 1918/1966: 181-87; Pfeiffer 1938: 11-12. 14 See Lysias 3.7, 3.15-16, 23.9; Dem. 33.14, 53.16-17; Antiphon 1.29; Isaeus 3.19-21; Isocr. 18.6; Aeschines 1.60; Lintott 1982: 18-21; Todd 1990: 119-39; Hunter 1994: 139. 15 Cf., e.g., Schulze 1918/1966: 182-89; Bain 1981; Bain 1982; Davies 1982. 16 Note that at 326-27, Demeas refers soliloquizing to his invocations and says: Θϟǰȱ̇΋ΐν΅ǰ ΆΓκ΍Ζ; / Θϟȱ ΆΓκ΍Ζǰȱ ΦΑϱ΋ΘΉ; The choice of the verb ΆΓκ΍Αȱ here may well suggest that he conceives his utterances not as mere cries, but as Not- und Hilferufe. The use of this verb may also suggest that the dramatist and his audience conceived Demeas’ invocations in the same way. 17 Oliver Taplin (1977: 220), in his discussion of Not- und Hilferufe in tragedy, observes in a passing comment that Demeas’ invocations in Samia 325-26 are ‘a good paratragic exam ple’ of such cries. Dedoussi (2006: 182) only notes the tragic parallels of Demeas’ call for witnesses. 18 See Aesch. Ag. 1315-17, 1343, 1345, Cho. 869-84, Suppl. 905, 908; Soph. Ant. 937-43, O.C. 822-23, 831, 833, 884-86, El. 1404-21; Eur. Hec. 1035, 1037, 1091-106, Hipp. 776-77, 884, El. 1165-67, Her. 750, 754, 886-909, Hrcld. 69-72, I.T. 1304-8, Or. 1296, 1301, 1510, 1529-30, Antiope fr. 223.47-52 TrGF V.I Kannicht; Aristoph. Ach. 926, Birds 1031, Cl. 1297, 1321-26, Peace 79, 1119, Frogs 528-29, Kn. 242, Wasps 1436, Wealth 932; Men. Sam. 576, 580; Herond. 8.61. Cf. Schulze 1918/1966: 180-84; Fraenkel 1950: III.614-15; Bain 1981; Bain 1982; Davies 1982; Lintott 1982: 21; Kaimio et al. 1990: 51; Fountoulakis 1995: 240-59; Fountoulakis 2000; Spatharas 2008. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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practices, but have in fact adopted a rather conventional function and form that has turned them into stock elements of many dramatic plots. Fifth century tragedy, in particular, towards which Demeas’ invocations point, provides us with several examples in which an injured party, either onstage or offstage, calls for help, often invoking the gods and calling a city or its citizens with words denoting nationality or provenance. These – to a large extent conventional – cries result in the notification of a third party about the commitment of a violent or unjust act. The third party often responds in an emotional manner, gets involved in a relevant conversation or intervenes drastically in an aggressive way trying to put an end to what is regarded as wrong or unjust.19 In some cases the Not- und Hilferufe do not result in the intervention of those who are called upon for help. This mostly happens in cases of off-stage cries from tragedy, where those onstage, following the dramatic conventions, hesitate to leave the stage or are sympathetic towards the perpetrator.20 In these cases, the element of the notification of a third party in the role of the witness forms a necessary part of the entire procedure. That party becomes aware of the committed injustice and responds to it either in an emotional manner or by making moral judgments and showing a desire to intervene.21 In earlier comedy, instances of Not- und Hilferufe appear in less complex dramatic patterns where the element of the reaction or the intervention of 19 See, e.g., Aesch. Suppl. 890-912: when the supplication of the Danaids is violated by the Herald who tries to drag them from the altar, they invoke the Earth and Zeus twice at 890-92 and 899-901 as well as the city’s leaders at 905. Their cries provoke the entry of Pe lasgus who comes in order to help them and addresses the Herald at 911-12 in an aggres sive manner; Soph. O.C. 822-87: Creon uses violence against Antigone. The cries of Oedipus at 822-23, 831 and 833, and especially those of the Chorus at 842 and 884-85 result in the entry of Theseus who puts an end to Creon’s aggression and offers refuge to Oedipus and his daughter; Eur. Hrcld. 69-74: Eurystheus’ Herald violates the supplica tion of the old Iolaus and the children of Heracles. Iolaus calls for help at 69-70 from the inhabitants of Athens, who suddenly appear in the form of the Chorus and try to find out what is happening; Taplin 1977: 218-20; Fountoulakis 1995: 112. 20 Cf., e.g., Aesch. Ag. 1343-71, Cho. 870-74; Soph. El. 1404-21; Eur. Hec. 1035-48, El. 1168 76; Hipp. 778-89, Or. 1297-310, Her. 750-62, Antiope, fr. 223.47-52 TrGF V.I. Kannicht; Fountoulakis 1995: 244. When those onstage are members of the Chorus, this kind of in activity occurs because the Chorus does not normally leave the stage in the middle of the play. For the relevant convention, see Taplin 1977: 375-76. 21 See Fraenkel 1950: 614-15; Fountoulakis 1995: 240-55. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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the third party is sometimes missing.22 Yet even in these cases the intention of notifying a third party about the committed injustice is again prevalent. This intention is related to the fact that the characters of classical drama are often depicted as parts of a community on which their security and well being depends. Their Not- und Hilferufe are suggestive of a move from the boundaries of the self towards that community and this betrays a sense of being part of a social group capable of protecting the individual; a sense which was not alien to the identity of the citizen of the powerful and autonomous democracy of fifth-century Athens. Although Demeas’ invocations in Samia 325-26 have the formal and lin guistic features of a tragic Not- und Hilferuf and are regarded by Demeas himself at 326-27 as a ΆΓφ, they are not fully developed according to the conventions of fifth-century tragedy. Gathering from the three successive Иȱ at 325-26, Demeas’ cries were initially meant to have a tripartite form with three different invocations appearing in an asyndeton. Surprisingly enough, only the third И appears in Demeas’ words. The third invocation is never spelled out as Demeas’ anger seems to give way to a more reasonable ap proach to Moschion’s supposed actions.23 In contrast to what would nor mally happen in a conventional procedure following such cries in the the atre, no-one is notified. Instead, Demeas, adopting another convention of speech which is again found quite often in the theatre of Euripides,24 ad dresses himself in a soliloquy in the second person singular, reveals his inten tion of hiding from the community what is supposed to have happened, and starts developing an argument that aims to prove Moschion’s innocence. The fact that Demeas’ invocations at 325-26 resemble quotations bor rowed from tragedy differentiates them from Not- und Hilferufe appearing in both tragedy and comedy as well as in social contexts. As has been noted, his invocations are thus turned into a dramatic device directing the audience’s attention to the tragic nature of the situation faced by Demeas as well as to the similarities of that situation with situations faced by his tragic counter 22 See, e.g., Aristoph. Ach. 926, Cl. 1297, 1321-26, Peace 79, Wasps 1436.

23 Demeas, being a sophisticated and cultured man, manages to restrain his anger and ad dresses the situation using his reason. This is a pattern of behaviour which is not rare in Menander. Cf. Groton 1987: 437-43 (although she does not discuss this particular case) and Macua Martínez 2008: 42. 24 See Eur. Med. 402, Tro. 98, Hec. 737; Leo 1908: 100; Blundell 1980: 65-71; Dedoussi 2006: 183. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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parts. At the same time, Demeas’ quasi-tragic invocations are part of a play with the dramatic conventions of the Not- und Hilferuf, which constitutes in fact a play with the audience’s horizon of expectations.25 The description of Demeas’ speech as ‘paradoxical’ (Δ΅ΕΣΆΓΏΓΖ) at 328,26 soon after his differ entiated stance towards Moschion has become apparent, in combination with his address to the audience (ΩΑΈΕΉΖ) in the following line implies that his words and attitude are not expected by the audience. The interruption of Demeas’ Not- und Hilferuf may subsequently func tion as a device to surprise the audience and point not only towards the similarities, but also towards the differences between the attitudes adopted by Demeas and tragic characters such as Hippolytus’ Theseus. As Rosanna Omitowoju observes, ‘it is almost as if Demeas is seeing himself in contrast to his mythic predecessor’.27 Despite the analogies between the situations with which they are both confronted, their reactions are different and this is first signalled to the audience through the ways in which the two characters use that conventional cry and the different development of the two scenes. Theseus’ invocation ϢАȱΔϱΏ΍Ζ in Eur. Hipp. 884 is followed by the notifica tion of the servants and the Athenian citizens, who have most probably run to the stage,28 as well as of the Chorus of Trozenian women, about the injus tice his son is supposed to have committed: ͒ΔΔϱΏΙΘΓΖ ΉЁΑϛΖ ΘϛΖȱ πΐϛΖȱ σΘΏ΋ȱ Ό΍·ΉϧΑ / Άϟ΅΍ǰȱ Θϲȱ ΗΉΐΑϲΑȱ ̉΋ΑϲΖȱ ϷΐΐȂȱ ΦΘ΍ΐΣΗ΅Ζ (885-86). The as sumption that Hippolytus had raped Phaedra insulting not only his father, but also Zeus, has as a result the invocation of Poseidon and a curse cast against Hippolytus so that the latter may die within the same day (887-90). Theseus also announces his decision to send Hippolytus into exile to make 25 Menander’s awareness of these conventions, not only in social contexts, but also in drama, is indicated by his use of such an invocation in Samia 580. See Bain 1981; Bain 1982. For bystanders as witnesses during the commitment of an unjust act see Men. Sam. 487-90. Cf. Bain 1988. It is probable that even though Menander, Chera, fr. 406 K.-A. (ΆΓЗΑȱΔΓ΍ΉϟΘΝȱΘχΑȱΔϱΏ΍ΑȱΈ΍ΣΗΘ΅ΘΓΑ) survives without its dramatic context, it refers to a Not- und Hilferuf. For Menander’s use of earlier tragedy as a creative handling of a the atrical tradition addressed to an experienced and cultured audience capable of apprecia ting his allusions see Hunter 1985: 114-36. 26 This is how the Δ΅ΕΣΆΓΏΓΖ of this line is rightly translated by Bain 1983: 41.

27 Omitowoju 2010: 133.

28 This is probably the immediate result of Theseus’ cry. See Barrett 1964: 333, 435-36. Given

the parallels between the plots of Euripides’ Hippolytus and Phoenix, a similar invocation of Amyntor occurring in a lost part of the latter play would not be improbable. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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sure that his son will be punished in case Poseidon does not kill him (893 98). Considering the similarities between the circumstances in which The seus and Demeas find themselves, Menander’s audience might well expect Demeas’ invocations of the city and the ΅ϢΌφΕ at 325-2629 to be succeeded by his informing the community about Moschion’s supposed acts and the announcement of his punishment. Yet Menander’s use of the dramatic con ventions of the Not- und Hilferuf stops at the beginning of Demeas’ third invocation at 326 and remains unfinished. This surprising handling of con vention would inevitably draw the audience’s attention to the remainder of Demeas’ monologue and his measured attitude towards his adoptive son. As André Hurst points out, in the comedies of Menander the world of tragedy often emerges as a world of emotional exaggeration with little prac tical value as regards the problems of the world depicted in comedy.30 In the light of such an approach, the resemblance of Demeas’ invocations to tragic quotations reveal Menander’s ironic stance towards tragedy, whose moral codes turn out to be insufficient with respect to the complexity and the de mands of the play’s more ordinary comic action. Demeas’ cancelled Not- und Hilferuf thus becomes suggestive of a significant shift from the world of tragic emotion and morality to that of ordinary human reasoning. In an at tempt to think reasonably and find out what has really happened, Demeas feels obliged to abandon the heightened emotions of the tragic world to which he has momentarily been transferred, as if that world and the values it represents refrained him from seeing clearly and discovering the truth.31 This emerges not only from his intertextual contrast with tragic characters such as

29 In such a plot structure both invocations might well point towards Euripides’ Hippolytus plays. In addition to the invocation of the city in the surviving Hippolytus (884), an invo cation of the ΅ϢΌφΕ is found in Euripides’ Hippolytus Calyptomenus, fr. 443 TrGF V.I Kannicht: Иȱ Ώ΅ΐΔΕϲΖȱ ΅ϢΌχΕȱ ψΐνΕ΅Ζȱ ΌȂȱ Υ·ΑϲΑȱ ΚΣΓΖǰ / БΖȱ ψΈϿȱ ΏΉϾΗΗΉ΍Αȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΘΉȱ ȱ ΔΕΣΗΗΓΙΗ΍ΑȱΎ΅ΏЗΖ / Ύ΅ϠȱΘΓϧΗ΍ȱΈΙΗΘΙΛΓІΗ΍ΑǰȱЙΑȱΔνΚΙΎȂȱπ·Џ . The fact that the imme diate dramatic context of the fragment is unknown to us makes impossible a further ap preciation of Menander’s potential exploitation of corresponding parts of the first Hip polytus. 30 Hurst 1990. 31 See Hurst 1990: 101. For an appreciation of this scene in terms of a transition from an imaginary tragic world to that of Demeas’ comic reality, see Cusset 2003: 141-43. Cf. Fountoulakis 2011: 171. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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Theseus, but also from his intratextual contrast with his friend and neigh bour Nikeratos.32 It should be stressed that Demeas’ abandonment of an extremely emo tional attitude should not be seen merely as typical of an old man of New Comedy. Although Nikeratos is such a comic character, he thinks and acts in a very different way. When in the fourth act of the Samia, Moschion con fesses in front of Demeas and Nikeratos that he is the baby’s father, while the old men still think that the baby’s mother is Chrysis, Nikeratos becomes angry and naïvely adopts a tragic tone.33 He regards the supposed relation ship of Moschion and Chrysis as incestuous and compares their supposed acts to those committed by well-known tragic characters such as Tereus, Oedipus and Thyestes (495-97). Nikeratos adds that Moschion ought to have been blinded by his father like Phoenix in Euripides’ tragedy, where he was mistakenly thought to have erotic relations with his father’s mistress (498-500). Although such references might have had a proverbial character, they may well be taken as indicative of Nikeratos’ transference into a world of tragic emotion and morality.34 It is for this reason that he cannot think reasonably and realize that Moschion’s supposed acts could not be regarded as inces tuous since Chrysis was only Demeas’ concubine, while tragic characters such as Phoenix or Hippolytus were actually innocent. He therefore states that he intends not to give his daughter Plangon as a wife to Moschion (502 5) and suggests that Moschion ought to have been repudiated, while Chrysis ought to have been sold as a slave (506-13): two measures which could hardly have been taken in a social context.35 Nikeratos’ emotional reaction brings to the foreground his simple-minded, unrefined and socially inferior charac ter as opposed to that of Demeas who stands out as a witty, rational, sophis

32 33 34 35

Cf. Bain 1983: 119; Fantuzzi & Hunter 2004: 429-30.

Cf. especially his successive invocations ЖȱǳȱσΕ·ΓΑ and ЖȱǳȱΏνΛ΋ at 495.

Cf. Omitowoju 2010: 136.

Although Chrysis was a hetaira, she was a free woman and could therefore not be sold as

a slave. As for Moschion’s repudiation, there is no ancient evidence suggesting that such a measure was ever actually taken, even though there are various sources suggesting its exis tence (e.g., Plat. Leg. 928d-929d; Dem. 39.39; Dion. Hal. 2.260). Cf. Harrison 1968: 75 76; Gomme & Sandbach 1973: 601; MacDowell 1978: 91; Lamagna 1998: 362; Fountou lakis 2004: 173; Fountoulakis 2008: 470.



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ticated and wealthy man.36 Such a reaction is also related to the fact that Nikeratos thinks and acts beyond the boundaries of Demeas’ oikos. This is another reason why he appears not to care about its well-being and proposes measures leading to a collapse not much different from the collapse of Amyntor’s oikos in Euripides’ tragedy.37 The fuller appropriation of tragic patterns of speech and thought on the part of Nikeratos highlights Demeas’ different values and priorities. The striking interruption of Demeas’ successive invocations at 326 marks a significant point in the play’s action, closely associated with the delineation of his character. Despite his initial emotional response to his supposed de ception as well as the analogies between his situation and those of tragic per sonages such as Theseus or Amyntor, Demeas, far from behaving like a tragic figure driven by an intrinsically tragic sense of honour and shame, emerges as pragmatic, sober and reasonable. This happens because Demeas has good reasons for not drawing the attention of the community in which he lives to Moschion’s supposed misconduct. Such a revelation might result in the extreme measure of his adoptive son’s repudiation or other forms of punishment that would threaten the stability of his own oikos, and this is something Demeas wants to avoid. The unexpected handling of dramatic convention at 325-27 would in the startled spectators’ minds underline the importance of the ensuing part of Demeas’ monologue,38 where it becomes clear that he is willing to abandon tragedy’s emotional and moral codes. He resorts instead to common sense and philosophical reasoning in order to persuade himself of Moschion’s innocence. This is what he wants to believe, no matter whether it is true or false, aiming in fact at the construction of assumptions that could protect the prosperity and continuity of his oikos.39 He therefore puts the blame on his Samian concubine who will be, conveni ently enough, driven out of his house as a dangerous female intruder ca pable of seducing his adoptive son and threatening his household’s stability. 36 For the differences between these two characters, see Fountoulakis 2008: 469-70. Cf. Macua Martínez 2008: 42, 47-48. 37 For the different attitudes of Nikeratos and Demeas, see Fountoulakis 2004: 166-76; Fountoulakis 2011: 171, 176-80. 38 This is also the function of the audience address (ΩΑΈΕΉΖ) of 329. For the manipulation of the spectators’ attention by means of Demeas’ direct confession to them that his state ment concerning the innocence of Moschion is strange, see Zagagi 1995: 125-26. 39 Cf. Zagagi 1995: 125-26; Fountoulakis 2004: 165; Omitowoju 2010: 141-43. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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His love for the woman thus gives way to his love for his son and his con cern for the well-being of his oikos.40 At 328, he states that Moschion has not committed any kind of injustice against him. Like a man in real life who is aware of the innocence of young men in tragic contexts such as that of the Hippolytus or the Phoenix, he does not hesitate to see Moschion’s intention of marrying Plangon as soon as possible as an attempt to save himself from a hypothetically lustful Chrysis who is regarded as the sole person responsible for what is supposed to have happened (333-38). Demeas thinks that since Moschion had always been ΎϱΗΐ΍ΓΖ and ΗЏΚΕΝΑ (344), he must have only momentarily strayed due to his age, the wine he had perhaps drunk, and the bad influence of an evil woman (338-48).41 Demeas thus draws attention to permanent and essential features of Moschion’s character and not to his oc casional mistakes for which he appears ready to forgive him.42 Demeas makes careful use of ideas emerging from social contexts as well as from the context of Aristotelian philosophy. In both, youth was very often associated with thoughtlessness, excess and hybris, as well as a tendency to wards drunkenness and lust. The lack of maturity in young men was attrib uted to their inexperience and the significant role of emotion in the forma tion of their behaviour.43 In Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, reference is made to the evaluation of human character as a whole and not according to iso 40 Cf. Fountoulakis 2004: 157-60; Macua Martínez 2008: 40-41; Lape 2010: 62-65. 41 At 273-74, Moschion is described by Demeas as ΎϱΗΐ΍ΓΖ and ΉЁΗΉΆνΗΘ΅ΘΓΖ. Hippolytus was also presented as ΉЁΗΉΆφΖ in Euripides’ play (Eur. Hipp. 83 and 1454), while Theseus’ question in Hipp. 949 suggested that his son was considered as ΗЏΚΕΝΑ and Ύ΅ΎЗΑ ΦΎφΕ΅ΘΓΖ. Cf. Cusset 2003: 166. Yet, unlike Demeas, Theseus appeared unwilling to condone his son’s supposed misconduct. 42 The idea that one’s actions ought to be judged according to one’s character is also found in Euripides, Phoenix, fr. 812 TrGF V.II Kannicht. In the light of the associations between Menander’s Samia and Euripides’ Phoenix, one might suppose a Euripidean influence. Cf. Cusset 2003: 165. Yet the fact that in Euripides’ play Amyntor eventually proceeded to his son’s punishment shows that in the Phoenix this view was probably expressed as a passing comment and was not a pervasive idea determining the characters’ actions and the devel opment of the play’s plot, as happens in the Samia. 43 See Dem. 19.194, 54.14; Lysias 20.3, 24.17; Isocr. 20.17; Philippides, fr. 27 K.-A.; Ar. Nic. Eth. 1095a 2-8, 1113b30-33, 1136a7-9, 1154b9-11; Ach. Tat. 2.3.3; Dover 1974: 102-3, 174; Dedoussi 2006: 186. It is worth bearing in mind that Aristotle’s remarks relating to moral issues often depend on observation of actual social practice as well as on current moral views. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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lated unintentional acts which might have occurred under pressure or in ignorance.44 Whenever a harmful act is unintentional and does not appear to comply with a picture gained from the whole of one’s behaviour and character, it has to be forgiven.45 By describing Moschion’s supposed mis conduct as ΦΘϾΛ΋ΐ΅ and not as ΦΈϟΎ΋ΐ΅ȱ at 351, Demeas employs a term and a concept found in Aristotelian philosophy in an argument aiming at the exoneration of his son.46 In Aristotle’s Rhetoric and Nicomachean Ethics clear distinctions are drawn between ΦΘϾΛ΋ΐ΅ (‘mistake’), ΥΐΣΕΘ΋ΐ΅ (‘fault’), and ΦΈϟΎ΋ΐ΅ (‘intentional wrong’).47 An act described as ΦΘϾΛ΋ΐ΅ is due to the ignorance and thoughtlessness of the actors, an ΥΐΣΕΘ΋ΐ΅ to careless thought and wrong evaluation, but not to badness, and an ΦΈϟΎ΋ΐ΅ to their bad intentions or evil character. According to Aristotle, people ought to be forgiven for the first two kinds of acts because they are unintentional, whereas they should be punished for the third kind of acts because these are indicative of a serious flaw in their character.48 Yet Demeas’ sophisticated reasoning is still affected by his ignorance of the entire truth and this leads him to further misunderstandings.49 These are also due to his reasoning being based on pure assumptions formed by his 44 Ar. Nic. Eth. 1110a18-21, 1110b25. 45 See Ar. Rhet. 1374b4-16, Nic. Eth. 1135a17-18, 1135b16-1136a 9, 1149b13, 1150b30-31, 1152a18; Webster 1960: 205; Barigazzi 1965: 169-70; Sherman 1989: 18-19; Lamagna 1998: 297; Fountoulakis 2004: 160-62; Dedoussi 2006: 183. 46 Note that at 328 he confesses to himself that Moschion has done no wrong to him (ΓЁΈξΑ ·ΤΕȱΦΈ΍ΎΉϧȱ̏ΓΗΛϟΝΑȱΗΉ) and this is why he appears to stop shouting. 47 See LSJ s.v. ΦΘϾΛ΋ΐ΅, ΥΐΣΕΘ΋ΐ΅ and ΦΈϟΎ΋ΐ΅. 48 See Ar. Rhet. 1374b4-16; Nic. Eth. 1135a17-18, 1135b16-1136a9, 1149b13, 1150b30-31, 1152a18. The fact that Menander must have been aware of Aristotelian morality and terminology – perhaps through his probable acquaintance with famous Peripatetics such as Theophra stus and Demetrius of Phalerum – is attested not only in the careful use of relevant termi nology by Demeas (cf. also Sam. 703-8), but also in the similarly careful use of such ter minology and moral reasoning by Moschion at the beginning of the Samia (3) as well as by many Menandrean characters in various plays such as, e.g., Aspis (110, 205), Dyscolus (711-14), Epitrepontes (914), Samia (646-47) and frr. 334, 389, 688 K.-A. Cf. Diog. Laert. 5.36 (= Men. Test. 8 K.-A.) and 5.79 (= Men. Test. 9 K.-A.); Tierney 1936; Post 1938; Webster 1960: 204-5; Barigazzi 1965: 69-86; Gaiser 1967; Wehrli 1970; Dworacki 1977; Blanchard 2002: 58-74; Fountoulakis 2004: 157-63; Blanchard 2007: 99-107. 49 Irony still invests the presentation of Demeas’ character. This produces a comic effect. See Gomme & Sandbach 1973: 577-78; Goldberg 1980: 101; Fountoulakis 2004: 164; Dedoussi 2006: 190-91. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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eagerness to maintain the prosperity of his oikos rather than to discover the truth. The Aristotelian terminology and the corresponding argumentation, which are so obviously used by Demeas, function as rhetorical devices aim ing at persuasion and not as philosophical tools aiming at the discovery of the truth. Demeas’ reasoning serves the construction of fictitious circum stances which could justify his actions with respect to the demands of the world around him. Demeas is interested in the stability of his oikos as well as in its continuity, which will be achieved through the creation of a new oikos by his adoptive son. It is for this reason that at various points of the Samia Demeas encour ages the marriage of Moschion and Plangon.50 His attitude towards such a prospect is fully manifested in the fifth act of the play where Demeas ap pears as a clever and sophisticated man ready to set emotion aside in favour of reason and achieve a kind of reconciliation with his son on behalf of his oikos.51 The play with the dramatic conventions of the Not- und Hilferuf at 325-29 points towards a man who turns to himself in order to protect his oikos and thus safeguard his well-being, and not a man who turns to the community in order to protect himself. This is not alien to the political and cultural context of late fourth-century Athens which had lost its former power and could hardly offer its citizens the safety and welfare it used to provide in the past. This role now appeared more appropriate to the oikos. Demeas’ blatant abandonment of a tragic attitude, mentality and moral code at 325-29 in fact highlights the abandonment of a tragic world centred upon the destruction of the oikos and the move towards a world interested in pa tiently solving the problems and maintaining the prosperity of the oikos; a concern that pervades not only the Samia, but also most of the surviving plays of New Comedy.52

50 Men. Sam. 113-18, 169-204, 444-50, 588-615. 51 See Weissenberger 1991; Fountoulakis 2004: 183-91; Macua Martínez 2008: 42-44; Omi towoju 2010: 141-45. 52 For the relation of such an ideological aim to the wider social and political context of the early Hellenistic world see Fantuzzi & Hunter 2004: 409-17; Fountoulakis 2011: 180-93. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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andreas fountoulakis BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bain, D. 1981. ‘Menander, Samia 580 and “Not- und Hilferufe” in Ptolemaic Egypt’ ZPE 44, 169-71. Bain, D. 1982. ‘Menander, Samia 580 and “Not- und Hilferufe” in Ptolemaic Egypt: Addendum zu ZPE 44 (1981) 169ff.’ ZPE 45, 270. Bain, D. (ed.) 1983. Menander: Samia. Warminster. Bain, D. 1988. ‘̖ЗΑȱΔ΅ΕϱΑΘΝΑ in Menander, Samia 488’ ZPE 71, 9-10. Barigazzi, A. 1965. La Formazione Spirituale di Menandro. Torino. Barrett, W.S. (ed.) 1964. Euripides: Hippolytos. Oxford. Blanchard, A. 2002. ‘Moschion ϳȱΎϱΗΐ΍ΓΖ et l’interprétation de la Samienne de Ménandre’ REG 115, 58-74. Blanchard, A. 2007. La comédie de Ménandre: Politique, éthique, esthétique. Paris. Blume, H.-D. 1974. Menanders ‘Samia’: Eine Interpretation. Darmstadt. Blundell, J. 1980. Menander and the Monologue (Hypomnemata 59). Göt tingen. Cusset, C. 2003. Ménandre ou la comédie tragique. Paris. Davies, M. 1982. ‘Aristophanes, Clouds 1321ff. as a “Notruf ”’ ZPE 48, 74. Dedoussi, C.B. (ed.) 2006. ̏ΉΑΣΑΈΕΓΙȱ̕΅ΐϟ΅. Athens. Dover, K.J. 1974. Greek Popular Morality in the Time of Plato and Aristotle. Oxford. Dworacki, S. 1977. ‘“Hamartia” in Menander’ Eos 65, 17-24. Fantuzzi, M. & R.L. Hunter 2004. Tradition and Innovation in Hellenistic Poetry. Cambridge. Fountoulakis, A. 1995. Violence and Theatricality: Studies on Violence as a Dramatic Element in Classical and Post-Classical Greek Tragedy. Ph.D. the sis, Univ. of Manchester. Fountoulakis, A. 2000. ‘͸ȱΔ΅ΕΉϱΑǽΘΉΖȱin Herondas 8.61’ ZPE 131, 27-28. Fountoulakis, A. 2004. ̄Α΅Ί΋ΘЏΑΘ΅Ζȱ ΘΓΑȱ ̇΍Έ΅ΎΘ΍Ύϱȱ ̏νΑ΅ΑΈΕΓǱȱ ̏΍΅ȱ ̓ΕΓΗν··΍Η΋ȱ Θ΋Ζȱ ̍ΝΐΝΈϟ΅Ζȱ ΘΓΙȱ ̏ΉΑΣΑΈΕΓΙȱ Ύ΅΍ȱ ΐ΍΅ȱ ̇΍ΉΕΉϾΑ΋Η΋ȱ Θ΋Ζȱ ̕΅ΐϟ΅Ζ. Athens.

Fountoulakis, A. 2008. ‘A Note on Menander, Samia 98-101a’ Mnemosyne 61, 467-76. Fountoulakis, A. 2011. ‘̇Ε΅ΐ΅Θ΍ΎΓϟȱ ̄ΑΘ΍Ύ΅ΘΓΔΘΕ΍ΗΐΓϟǱȱ ̒ȱ ̏νΑ΅ΑΈΕΓΖȱ Ύ΅΍ȱΘΓȱ̍Ώ΅Η΍Ύϱȱ̇ΕΣΐ΅ȱΗΘΓȱ̍΅ΘЏΚΏ΍ȱΘΓΙȱ̈ΏΏ΋Α΍ΗΘ΍ΎΓϾȱ̍ϱΗΐΓΙ’ in




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T.G. Pappas & A.G. Markantonatos (eds.) ̄ΘΘ΍Ύφȱ̍ΝΐΝΈϟ΅Ǳȱ̓ΕϱΗΝΔ΅ȱ Ύ΅΍ȱ̓ΕΓΗΉ··ϟΗΉ΍Ζ. Athens, 103-93. Fraenkel, E. (ed.) 1950. Aeschylus: Agamemnon. Oxford. Frisk, H. 1960-1972. Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg. Gaiser, K. 1967. ‘Menander und der Peripatos’ A&A 13, 8-40. Goldberg, S.M. 1980. The Making of Menander’s Comedy. London. Gomme, A.W. & F.H. Sandbach 1973. Menander: A Commentary. Oxford. Groton, A.H. 1987. ‘Anger in Menander’s Samia’ AJPh 108, 437-43. Gutzwiller, K. 2000. ‘The Tragic Mask of Comedy: Metatheatricality in Menander’ CA 19, 102-37. Harrison, A.R.W. 1968. The Law of Athens, I: The Family and Property. Ox ford. Hunter, R.L. 1985. The New Comedy of Greece and Rome. Cambridge. Hunter, V.J. 1994. Policing Athens: Social Control in the Attic Lawsuits, 420 320 B.C. Princeton. Hurst, A. 1990. ‘Ménandre et la tragédie’ in E. Handley & A. Hurst (eds.) Relire Ménandre. Geneva, 93-122. Jäkel, J. 1982. ‘Euripideische Handlungsstrukturen in der Samia des Menan der’ Arctos 16, 19-31. Jones, C.P. 1987. ‘Tattooing and Branding in Graeco-Roman Antiquity’ JRS 77, 139-55. Jouan, F. & H. van Looy, (eds.) 1998-2003. Euripide: Fragments. Paris. Kaimio, M. et al. 1990. ‘Comic Violence in Aristophanes’ Arctos 24, 47-72. Kasser, R. (ed.) 1969. Papyrus Bodmer XXV. Ménandre: La Samienne, avec la collaboration de C. Austin. Cologne & Geneva. Katsouris, A.G. 1975. Tragic Patterns in Menander. Athens. Lamagna, M. (ed.) 1998. Menandro: La Donna di Samo. Naples. Lape, S. 2010. ‘Gender in Menander’s Comedy’ in A.K. Petrides & S. Papa ioannou (eds.) New Perspectives on Postclassical Comedy. Newcastle, 51-78. Leo, F. 1908. Der Monolog im Drama: Ein Beitrag zur griechisch-römischen Poetik. Berlin. Lintott, A. 1982. Violence, Civil Strife and Revolution in the Classical City 750 330 BC. London & Canberra. MacDowell, D.M. 1978. The Law in Classical Athens. London. Macua Martínez, E. 2008. Técnicas de caracterización en Menandro: Samia, Perikeiromene y Epitrepontes. Vitoria.



98 Mette, H.-J. 1969. ‘Moschion ϳȱΎϱΗΐ΍ΓΖ’ Hermes 97, 432-39. Omitowoju, R. 2010. ‘Performing Traditions: Relations and Relationships in Menander and Tragedy’ in A.K. Petrides & S. Papaioannou (eds.) New Perspectives on Postclassical Comedy. Newcastle, 125-45. Papamichael, E.M. 1982. ‘Phoenix and Clytia (or Phthia)’ Dodone 11, 213-34. Pfeiffer, R. 1938. Die Netzfischer des Aischylos und der Inachos des Sophokles (Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 2). Mu nich. Post, L.A. 1938. ‘Aristotle and Menander’ TAPhA 69, 1-42. Sandbach, F.H. (ed.) 1990. Menandri reliquiae selectae. 2nd edn. Oxford. Schulze, W. 1918/1966. ‘Beiträge zur Wort- und Sittengeschichte II’ Sitzb. d. Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. 1918, 481-511 = Kleine Schriften, 2nd edn. Göttingen, 160-89. Sherman, N. 1989. The Fabric of Character: Aristotle’s Theory of Virtue. Ox ford. Spatharas, D. 2008. ‘Θ΅ІΘȂȱ π·Аȱ ΐ΅ΕΘϾΕΓΐ΅΍: Bystanders as Witnesses in Aristophanes’ Mnemosyne 61, 177-91. Taplin, O. 1977. The Stagecraft of Aeschylus: The Dramatic Use of Exits and Entrances in Greek Tragedy. Oxford. Thompson, F.H. 2003. The Archaeology of Greek and Roman Slavery. Lon don. Tierney, M. 1936. ‘Aristotle and Menander’ PRIA 43, 241-54. Todd, S. 1990. ‘The Purpose of Evidence in Athenian Courts’ in P.A. Cart ledge, P.C. Millett & S. Todd (eds.) Nomos: Essays in Athenian Law, Poli tics and Society. Cambridge, 119-39. Webster, T.B.L. 1960. Studies in Menander. 2nd edn. Manchester. Webster, T.B.L. 1974. An Introduction to Menander. Manchester. Wehrli, F. 1970. ‘Menander und die Philosophie’ in O. Reverdin (ed.) Ménandre (Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique 16). Vandoeuvres & Ge neva, 147-52. Weissenberger, M. 1991. ‘Vater-Sohn-Beziehung und Komödienhandlung in Menanders “Samia”’ Hermes 119, 415-34. West, S. 1991. ‘Notes on the Samia’ ZPE 88, 11-23. Zagagi, N. 1995. The Comedy of Menander: Convention, Variation and Origi nality. Bloomington & Indianapolis.



TYNDARUS’ PAST:

THE NAME PAEGNIUM

IN PLAUTUS’ CAPTIVI

By Katerina Philippides

Summary: This paper deals with the problem concerning the second name, Paegnium, of Tyndarus, one of the main characters in Plautus’ Captivi, who was abducted in his childhood and turned into a slave. The assumption that the name Paegnium can be attributed either to a free person or to a young slave, sexually exploited by his master, is not conclusive enough. It is more likely that Paegnium (‘plaything’) is a nickname given to a boy who was purchased to be a playmate of his master’s child. The examination of the Latin term delicium, equiva lent to the Greek word paignion, also supports this thesis.

In the comedy Captivi by Plautus, the young slave Tyndarus appears as a main character who at the end of the play is revealed to be of free descent. At the age of four years Tyndarus was abducted from the house of his father Hegio in Aetolia by the fugitive slave Stalagmus, and then sold to Theo doromedes in Alis. Towards the end of the play another name of Tyndarus is disclosed: Paegnium. The following discussion will hopefully elucidate a specific verse, verse 984, of Captivi, where the reference to that second name is found. This verse is rather vague as to who gave the name as well as when, where and why it was given. Owing to this vagueness of verse 984 a number of different explanations have been proposed about the name Paegnium and its significance. First, it has been argued that the name Paegnium is the true name of Tyndarus, which was given to him by his own family in Aetolia.1 Within this supposi1 Already from the end of the nineteenth century, Sonnenschein (1879: 124) etymologizes the word ̓΅ϟ·Α΍ΓΑ from the Greek verb Δ΅ϟΊΝ (‘play’) and considers it to be diminutive; Katerina Philippides ‘Tyndarus’ Past: The Name Paegnium in Plautus’ Captivi’ C&M 62 (2011) 99-112. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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tion, it has further been postulated that Tyndarus will re-adopt that name at the end of the play.2 Secondly, it has been maintained that the name Paegnium was given to Tyndarus by Stalagmus,3 since the hearing of it does not elicit any reaction on the part of Hegio while recognizing his abducted son.4 Thirdly, it has been suggested that the name Paegnium has paederastic connotations.5 Related to this view is the assumption that since Stalagmus had been sexually abused by Hegio, he abducts the latter’s son intending the same fate for him.6 In support of the theory that Paegnium bears paederastic connotations, two parallels have lately been drawn: one with the young slave Paegnium (who maintains a homosexual relationship with his master) in the play Persa,7 and the other with the connection that Plutarch makes between

yet, he notes (1879: 6) the following in regard to the reaction of Philocrates at the recog nition of Tyndarus: ‘but when the slave [Stalagmus] mentions that in the family of Theo doromedes the child went by the name of Tyndarus, Philocrates recognizes in his servant and companion the lost Paegnium.’ Possibly Viljoen (1963: 58) perceives the name Paeg nium as being the original one, when, discussing the selling of Tyndarus by Stalagmus, he observes that the buyer ‘gave him to Philocrates himself as a res peculiaris and renamed him Tyndarus’. Marshall (2006: 150) holds that Paegnium was Tyndarus’ freeborn name. De Melo (2010) observes that Paegnium means ‘a toy’ and was given to Tyndarus by his father. 2 Bloomer 2001: 47, 51.

3 Kraus 1977: 160-61.

4 Leigh 2004: 91.

5 Already Brix (1884: 84) assigned an erotic meaning to this name, linking it with names of

women and explaining it as follows: ‘̓΅ϟ·Α΍ΓΑ wie ̳ΕЏΘ΍ΓΑ, ̕ΘΕΓΙΌϟΓΑ (Spätzchen) ̐΅ΑΑΣΕ΍ΓΑ u.a. zur Bezeichnung von Leibknaben (auch wohl Lustknaben), Pagen’. See also Leigh 2004: 91. Cf. Henderson (2009: 137) who, commenting on verse 1032 of Cap tivi ‘Ubi amans adulescens scortum liberet’, in which the actors say that the comedy does not include the usual unethical plots, observes that ‘in fact, Captivi does find room for some mini-adventures in skin-trade but with a toy-boy’. De Melo (2010) objects to this reading of Henderson. 6 Kraus (1977: 160-61) holds that Paegnium was sold by Stalagmus to Theodoromedes to be used ‘als catamitus’. Cf. Leigh 2004: 91. 7 Hughes (1984: 51 and 51-52, n. 8) detects homoerotic vocabulary in verses 192 and 229-31 of this particular comedy. Cf. Williams (2010: 37) who finds homosexual content in verses 284-86. Although Marshall (2006: 150-51) refers to the sexual innuendo in the name Paegnium of the homonymous character in Persa, he does not use it in his argument when discussing Captivi: he concentrates on the ambiguity created by the blurring of the CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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the Greek word Δ΅ϟ·Α΍ΓΑ and the corresponding Latin deliciae in a homo sexual context.8 Finally, it has been proposed that Paegnium is a pet name, and that it in volves a word-play, since it denotes a toy.9 In this case it is thought that the term Paegnium is fitting for a little boy who is the playmate of another child.10 On the basis of this latter observation, the present paper builds an argu ment that takes into consideration the following series of interrelated issues: that Hegio did not name his son Paegnium but most likely the little slave was given the nickname Paegnium only in Alis; that Stalagmus did not give the name Paegnium to the stolen child but that Theodoromedes’ family did so; that the name Paegnium does not have any homosexual connotations. An examination of the Plautine characters’ names in general as well as the dramatic structure of the recognition scenes11 further support my thesis that Paegnium was a nickname of Tyndarus during his stay in Alis. Finally, the results of preceding research about the role of delicium in the Roman family also corroborate my thesis. As verses 981-84 of Captivi12 inform us, Stalagmus reveals to Philocrates that he had sold Tyndarus, who was four years old at that time, to opposition free/slave; on the one hand, the freeborn Paegnium becomes the slave Tyn darus, and on the other, this free boy takes a slave’s name, Paegnium. 8 Leigh 2004: 91. 9 Lindsay (1921: 114) translates the name Paegnium as ‘plaything’, ‘toy’, ‘pet’. Havet also (1932: 8) renders this name as ‘Joujou’, meaning ‘toy’ (joujou: a child’s word for the word jouet, ‘toy’, Petit Robert, s.v.). Havet notes that Theodoromedes gives the little child to Philocrates as property, ‘as a “purse”, like the money that a gentleman can leave to the disposal of one of his slaves’, something which signals the entrapment of Paegnium into the humiliation of slavery. Although Kraus (1977: 160-61) links the name Paegnium with Stalagmus’ homosexual intentions, he finally supports that Tyndarus was raised by his owner Theodoromedes ‘bene pudiceque’ and was used ‘als Gespielen seines Sohnes’. 10 According to Slater (1974: 133, 138 n. 4) Paegnium belongs to the category of pueruli conlusores. In his sensitive translation of Captivi Moore (1995: 246) renders freely verse 981 as follows: ‘… didn’t your father once buy you a boy for a playmate?’ Laes (2003: 303 n. 13) characterizes Paegnium as playmate of the free child Philocrates. 11 Leigh’s argument concerning Hegio’s lack of reaction upon hearing the name Paegnium is my point of departure for examining Plautine recognition scenes. 12 The Latin text as well as all corresponding translations used throughout are W.D.C. de Melo’s (Plautus 1, Loeb Classical Library 60, 2011). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Philocrates’ family in Alis for six minae; that it was Theodoromedes who gave him as a gift to his child Philocrates; and that Tyndarus was also called Paegnium: STAL.:

nam tibi quadrimulum tuos pater peculiarem parvolo puero dedit. PHILOCR.: quid erat ei nomen? si vera dicis, memoradum mihi. STAL.: Paegnium vocitatust, post vos indidistis Tyndaro. STAL.: Your father gave you a little four-year-old as your own when you

were a little boy.

PHILOCR.: What name did he have? If you’re telling the truth, tell me.

STAL.: He was called Paegnium, and later you gave him the name Tyn darus.

Those scholars who consider the name Paegnium to be Tyndarus’ original name most probably rely on the syntactic position of the personal pronoun vos in verse 984, which seems unconnected to the preceding first half of this verse. Thus they are of the view that the verb vocitatust refers to Hegio’s fam ily in Aetolia, and that Theodoromedes’ family in Alis changed the name of the child. However, verse 984 does not state that Hegio gave the name Paeg nium. The passive verb vocitatust is not accompanied by an agent comple ment. The use of the present perfect tense is also strange: if Hegio were the name-giver, it would be easier for the poet to employ the imperfect tense or the past perfect tense, which would make it clear that Tyndarus was named Paegnium when he was still with his family, but that later his name had been changed. However, we must pay special attention to the immediate dramatic context: Philocrates has just asked Stalagmus to remind him of the slave’s name, and then Stalagmus offers him firstly the nickname Paegnium by which Philocrates would recognize his childhood playmate. Stalagmus, whom Philocrates brought along with himself, had remained in Alis and knew a great deal about the child’s story. In what follows, I shall first concentrate on the Greek form of the word Paegnium and examine it in reference to Plautus’ dramaturgy; afterwards I shall correlate it with the Latin term delicium and its meaning in the context of the Roman family. If we accept the view that Hegio named his son Paegnium, we overlook CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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the fact that Plautus most probably plays with this Greek name. It seems that the little slave from Aetolia was called Paegnium in Alis because he was given to his young master for no other evident purpose than to be played with. This nickname eventually became useless and was replaced by the real name Tyndarus when the little slave grew up. The name Paegnium after all would sound rather strange for a young man. Plautus often interprets the Greek names of his characters and exploits their significance. His word-play is easily apparent and has indeed been the subject of scholarly focus from the beginning of the last century onwards.13 I shall give instances of just a few Plautine characters who live up to their Greek names: the courtesan Phronesium deprives Diniarchus of all wisdom (ΚΕϱΑ΋Η΍Ζ) as he himself admits in Truculentus; the old woman Staphyla (ΗΘ΅ΚΙΏφ, ‘grape’) is prone to drink wine in Aulularia;14 the soldiers Pyr gopolynices (ΔϾΕ·ΓΖ, ‘tower’, ΔΓΏΙΑΉϟΎ΋Ζ, ‘one who loves to get involved in many battles’)15 in Miles gloriosus and Stratophanes (ΗΘΕ΅ΘϱΖ, ‘army’, Κ΅ϟΑΝ, ‘to appear, be noticeable’)16 in Truculentus boast of their heroism. Many courtesans are given names related to their profession, for instance Philematium (Κ΍ΏνΝ – ΚϟΏ΋ΐ΅, ‘kiss’), Erotium (σΕΝΖ),17 etc. The cata logue of such significant names in Plautus’ comedies is extensive. The assumption that this name was Tyndarus’ original name seems un convincing for yet another reason: Plautus otherwise never gives a diminu tive name to a free, male character; on the contrary he gives the same name, Paegnium, to a little slave in Persa. Likewise, he names other slaves by di minutive names: he calls two slaves Pinacium (‘small picture’),18 one in Sti chus and another one in Mostellaria. The name Phaniscus, of another slave in Mostellaria is also most probably a diminutive (due to the suffix -΍ΗΎΓΖ which in Greek has this function; cf., for example, Α΅ϱΖ, Α΅ϬΗΎΓΖ, ‘temple, small temple’ s.v. in LSJ ). Furthermore, Plautus gives diminutive names to 13 Mendelsohn 1907. This scholar has dealt with the name Paegnium in Persa; he does not discuss the same name in Captivi because it is referred to once in verse 984 whereas the character is called Tyndarus throughout. 14 Mendelsohn 1907: 67. 15 See Mendelsohn 1907: 53, for the different etymologies of this satirical name. 16 Mendelsohn (1907: 54) translates the name as ‘one who parades an army’. 17 Mendelsohn (1907: 64) translates the name Philematium as ‘precious kiss’. For the name Erotium, see also infra n. 21. 18 Mendelsohn 1907: 23, 60. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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courtesans, in most cases slave girls who belong to a pimp. At this point, it must be stressed that the diminutive names do not always have only erotic connotations. In Mostellaria, not only does Pinacium not have a homosexual role, but he actually mocks another slave, Phaniscus, for his sexual relation ship with his master.19 The name Paegnium then signifies, on the one hand, a little child and, on the other hand, a slave. It is therefore more likely that Theodoromedes gave this name to the little child who came into his possession. It is highly im probable that Hegio might have given a slave-name to his own child. Be sides, Plautus does not mix up the names of free men and slaves in his plays. In addition to their different attire, style of speech and stage movements,20 names also contribute to the differentiation between free men and slaves. But let us examine other references to Tyndarus’ childhood in conjunc tion with that of Philocrates, again when the recognition of the former takes place. A few verses after 981-84, Philocrates confirms the story that Stalag mus has narrated to him and assures Hegio that Philocrates and Tyndarus were raised with dignity, until they became adolescents (v. 991-92): nam is mecum a puero puer

bene pudiceque educatust usque ad adulescentiam.

19 I should mention another case of a name of another character in order to show the possi bility of an adult acquiring a nickname for a particular reason. A difference of opinion ex ists among the scholars regarding a variation of the name of Tranio, the scheming slave in Mostellaria. Specifically, in verse 560, the money lender Misargyrides calls him Tranium (servom eccum Tranium). Brix (1884: 84) considers that it constitutes a diminutive of the word Tranio, with erotic connotations. According to Sonnenschein (1907: 113), Ritschl considers it to be a neuter diminutive. On the other hand, on the preceding page, Son nenschein himself considers it – I think correctly – to be an accusative of the second form of the name, Tranius. However, even if we accept the case that it constitutes a diminutive, it does not seem to have an erotic meaning at the point where Tranio is an adult. This is proved by the fact that he has the role of tutor of the young Philolaches in the play, he is the estate manager of his elderly master and he goes to bed with prostitutes. If it is a di minutive, we must take into account the context and consider that it is said ironically: Misargyrides, to whom Tranio and Philolaches owe bags of money which he has trouble getting back, sees the crafty slave from afar and mockingly calls him ‘little Tranio’. A lit eral rendering of a diminutive to a grown man is improbable. 20 See, for instance, Dupont 1985: 76, 82-84. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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From a young age till adulthood, he [Tyndarus] was brought up with me in a good and decent fashion. This assurance is given because in this way, Tyndarus has the opportunity to pass without hindrance to the status of a free person. Philocrates then re peats Stalagmus’ words when he addresses Tyndarus (v. 1011-13): hic servos, qui te huic hinc quadrimum surpuit,

vendidit patri meo te sex minis, is te mihi

parvolum peculiarem parvolo puero dedit.

This here is the slave who snatched you away from him when you were four years old and who sold you to my father for six minas; when you and I were little boys, he in turn gave you to me there to be my own. But the words of both Stalagmus and Philocrates repeat everything that the Prologue speaker says directly to the audience regarding the plot and the details concerning the abduction of Tyndarus and his buyer (v. 19-20): is postquam hunc emit, dedit eum huic gnato suo

peculiarem, quia quasi una aetas erat.

After this man bought him, he gave him to his son here as his own, be cause their age was roughly the same. Because they have heard it repeatedly, the audience gets a firm grip of the story of the abduction and the purpose of the little slave’s purchase. Based on what the two characters and the Prologue speaker have said, it is a likely conclusion that the abducted boy, being very young at that time, took the nickname Paegnium because he was given to the free child as a playmate. The young age of both children is stressed both by being repeated four times (if we include verses 981-84) and by the alliteration of p in verse 1013. Per haps it is also important that nowhere does the text state that Philocrates has a brother, older or of the same age, as company. (Only Tyndarus has a brother, Philopolemus, of whom he was deprived due to his abduction.



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However, we do not have any information about Philopolemus’ age nor about the degree of his familiarity with Tyndarus). Leigh correctly, in my opinion, points out the fact that the name Paeg nium does not bring about any reaction in Hegio during the recognition scene, evidently because this name does not mean anything to him. I would like to reinforce this argument by adding that when it is revealed to him that Hegio is his father, Tyndarus remembers, though vaguely, Hegio’s name (v. 1022-24). So Hegio’s name plays a role in the recognition scene, and Tyn darus is able to remember that name and reacts upon hearing it. Indeed, in Plautine recognition scenes, the name of the individual who is being recognized has great importance. Other names, the names of the par ents, for instance, or of the individual’s place of origin have great importance as well, and the interested parties both react to these names: the missing per son and the relatives searching for him/her. In this way, Telestis hears her own name from Epidicus in Epidicus and also her parents’ names and the place of her origin. Telestis, however, was abducted and taken captive when she was a girl. When children are abducted at a very young age, it seems that they take on other names, as in the case of the courtesans Planesium in Curculio or of Adelphasium and Anterastilis in Poenulus (who indeed were abducted at the same age as Tyndarus). In particular Anterastilis, and perhaps also Adelpha sium, seems to have been given a name that suits a courtesan and not a free woman expected to marry at some point.21 But in any case the girls’ names are not mentioned at all in the recognition scene, a fact which shows that these names are not those the girls had in the past, and therefore do not have 21 Mendelsohn (1907: 65) compares the name Anterastilis with the Greek word ΦΑΘΉΕ΅ΗΘχΖ which according to him means ‘a rival in love, companion in love’; it seems, however, more plausible that the name means ‘the beautiful girl who makes men rivals for her love’. Mendelsohn considers that the name Adelphasium derives from the word ΦΈΉΏΚφ, and it is probable that it corresponds to the Latin word soror, that can also mean a courte san. The name Planesium does not seem to have some particular meaning that might suit a courtesan. Wright (1993: 47) translates and comments upon the name as follows: ‘“little wanderer”, appropriate to her history’. However, seeing that the name Planesium is a di minutive, this might mean that it is the name of a courtesan, since Plautus often gives diminutive names to his courtesans. The suffix of the diminutive probably expresses affec tion, as in the case of Erotium in Menaechmi. Mendelsohn (1907: 64) observes the follow ing about this name: ‘Erotium ... is well called “little love” (πΕЏΘ΍ΓΑ), the diminutive de noting endearment’. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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any significance for their recognition. Perhaps the lack of reference to the original name of the recognized individuals in these cases (where the chil dren were very young at the time of their abduction) also explains the lack of reference to Tyndarus’ original name. Plautus uses the name Paegnium for a young slave in Persa. To this char acter, who is different from the one in Captivi, I shall come back later. What is of concern here is that in Persa Plautus puts the characterization of Paeg nium as deliciae pueri in the mouth of an ancilla. Although strictly speaking the Latin equivalent of Paegnium is ludus or jocus, it seems that Plautus might also have in mind the Roman delicia/deliciae children as his usual practice is to use Greek elements to represent a background of mostly Ro man realities and institutions. Below, I shall discuss the results of scholars’ research into delicium. Slater22 has distinguished delicia, usually children of slaves in a Roman household, in two categories: those destined to play with the other, free children (as an example, the scholar gives Paegnium in Captivi), and those who provided amusement and company to their master; the second group were encouraged to be impudent and loquacious. As has been pointed out earlier, Paegnium had a decent upbringing in Theodoromedes’ house, the same that Philocrates had. Delicium is a neutral term which in most cases means a child who is an object of affection. Nielsen23 reaches the conclusion: ‘Given the information provided by literature and inscriptions we may therefore summarize our findings as follows: a delicium/delicatus/a was normally a child of slave status, probably more frequently a girl than a boy, brought up in the house of his or her master; the relationship existing between master and delicium was nor mally parent/child-like but quite informal, only based on affection and love’; Nielsen adds that sometimes the relationship was sexual as a means of social advancement. Laes,24 expanding the research into literary and epigraphic evidence, shows the wide spectrum of the meaning of the word delicium and

22 Slater 1974: 133, 138 n. 4. 23 Nielsen 1990: 85. Nielsen’s arguments are accepted by Dixon 2001: 13. Rawson (1986: 187 78, 196) comes to the conclusion that a great number of the home-born slaves (vernae) enjoyed their masters’ affection equal to foster-children; he also notes that some of them were called delicia. 24 Laes 2003: 298-324; see also my note 10. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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the contexts in which it is used, which vary from innocent/affectionate to paederastic. From the above research it also becomes evident that the word delicium is not a name, but rather a noun signifying a specific group of slave children. When attributed to free children, it is used as an adjective meaning ‘be loved’.25 This is further evidence that Paegnium is not a real name, but a noun for a group of slave children. Concerning the topic of the erotic or non-erotic meaning of the Greek name Paegnium in Captivi, I have already argued for the connection of this name with a toy. It should be emphasised that this name is given to a little four-year-old child and not to an adolescent. But even if we take into ac count the possibly synonym Latin delicium, we have seen that most of the times this, too, does not carry erotic connotations.26 Although in Persa the phrase addressed to the character Paegnium deliciae pueri has erotic mean ing, the case of the Paegnium in Captivi is obviously different. In Persa the young slave is surely much older than four years old, as he is a speaking character with a clearly articulated speech and the ability to exercise judg ment and to carry out errands. Additionally, this is not the only instance in Plautus’ comedies of his as signing the same name to different or even contrasting characters. For ex ample, he gives the name Charmides to both a venerable old man in Tri nummus and to a disreputable old man in Rudens who is the friend of a pimp and is described in the Prologue as scelestus, urbis proditor (50). He also uses Lyco as the name of a banker in Curculio as well as of a pimp in Poenu lus. Leigh27 refers to Seneca’s use of the word deliciolum as the nickname of the slave Felicio who grew up with Seneca as a child (Epist. 12.3), in order to reject this case as a parallel to Paegnium in Captivi. It seems, however, that the relation between Seneca and Felicio corresponds exactly to the relation between Philocrates and Tyndarus. Only when a child, Felicio was a delicio

25 Laes 2003: 310, 312. 26 See, for instance, Nielsen (1990: 79), who aptly writes: ‘Modern commentators, interpret ers and lexicographers have allowed themselves to be misguided by the passages where sexual use or abuse is indicated or implied into believing that delicium in itself had sexual connotations’. 27 Leigh 2004: 91. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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lum for his master and had the same duty as Paegnium, i.e., to play with his free, young master.28 Indeed, Felicio is the one who appeals to the memory of his now aged master Seneca to remember their childhood years.29 To return to Plautus, as far as we know from his extant comedies, free men are never represented as having homosexual relations with each other; homosexuality can only occur between a free man and a young slave (Hegio and Stalagmus in Captivi, Timarchides and Paegnium in Persa, and Lysida mus and Olympio in Casina, for example30). It is significant that in Captivi Plautus informs his audience right at the beginning of the play that his char acter Tyndarus, a slave, was freeborn and will be reunited with his father. During the recognition scene Plautus twice provides details regarding Tyn darus’ decent upbringing, because he aims to present Tyndarus as worthy of being free. In any case, the heavily semantically charged word pudice that characterises Tyndarus’ upbringing excludes any type of erotic association with Theodoromedes, the father of Philocrates. The assurance by the Pro logue speaker that Philocrates’ family is excellent summoque genere (31) and the fact that the play does not contain obscene language, nec spurcidici in sunt vorsus (56) are consistent with the lack of abuse of little Tyndarus by his master’s family. Furthermore, most probably Stalagmus abducted the little child not in order to take revenge on his father, Hegio, as Leigh has argued, but in order to make money, which would have been particularly useful for a fugitive slave. In any case, abduction or exposure of infants constitute a common theme in Greek and Roman New Comedy. Of course, all these abductions or exposures lead to later recognitions. If we focus on the Greek word Paegnium, it should be noted that, just 28 I agree with Leigh and Laes (2003, 303 and n. 13) that Felicio was Seneca’s playmate when they were both young, and disagree with Watsons (2009: 213 n. 6, 219) who surmise that Seneca was much older than Felicio and the latter was the pet of the former. Not only are slave children playing with the free ones attested by further literary evidence quoted by Laes and Slater (1974, 138, n. 4), but the whole episode with Felicio gains more sentimen tal and psychological depth when the ageing Seneca does not recognize his former little companion in games due to the latter’s progressed age. 29 The exchange between Felicio and Seneca looks like a recognition scene. 30 Williams (2010: 36-38, 322, n. 130) discusses many passages which describe homosexual relations between masters and slaves in Plautine comedies; he also holds that these rela tions must constitute Plautine expansions upon the Greek originals since the numerous jokes in reference to the sexual subjugation of the slaves are embroidered with Latin puns. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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like many other words, it acquires different meanings depending on the con text. Thus, in Persa the name Paegnium is given to a young sexually active man, while in Captivi it characterises a little child who plays. Notably, in Plutarch’s works themselves, a large number of passages exist where this word simply indicates a little toy (it seems to constitute a diminutive of the word, ψ Δ΅΍·Αϟ΅ or ψ Δ΅΍Έ΍Σ, see s.v. in LSJ ); for example De fortuna (98 E.4): ̖ϟȱ ΐΉϧΊΓΑȱ πΏνΚ΅ΑΘΓΖȱ ύȱ ΚΓΆΉΕЏΘΉΕΓΑȱ ϢΈΉϧΑǲȱ ̝ΏΏΤȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΓІΘΓȱ ǽϳȱ πΏνΚ΅ΖǾȱΔ΅ϟ·Α΍ΓΑȱ·ν·ΓΑΉΑȱΦΑΌΕЏΔΓΙȱΎ΅ϠȱΌν΅ΐ΅ȱΔ΅Α΋·ΙΕ΍ΎϲΑ (‘What is bigger or more fearful in sight than an elephant? But even the elephant has become man’s plaything and a spectacle in public festivals’). In this quo tation, Δ΅ϟ·Α΍ΓΑ is attributed to an animal. In the Leges (803c4-5) Plato de scribes man as a god’s plaything: ΩΑΌΕΝΔΓΑȱΈνȱǳȱΌΉΓІȱΘ΍ȱΔ΅ϟ·Α΍ΓΑȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱ ΐΉΐ΋Λ΅Α΋ΐνΑΓΑ (‘man is made god’s plaything’). Here I indicatively refer to only two examples from the numerous cases where this word signifies a plaything. The above discussion shows the inadequacies of the hypotheses that in Captivi the name Paegnium can be attributed to a free adult person or that it can refer to a young slave intended to offer homosexual favours to his mas ter. It seems more plausible that Paegnium is a nickname given to a child who plays with another and that the four-year-old slave had exactly this duty in Alis. Plautus, who uses Greek significant names in his Palliata, has appar 31 ently selected this specific name for this particular case. 31 I am grateful to S.A. Frangoulidis and the anonymous readers of C&M for their most constructive comments on an earlier version of this paper; and to the editor for his in valuable editing throughout.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bloomer, W.M. 2001. ‘Cross-Speaking in Plautus: The Economics of Slave and Master in the Captiui’ in E. Tylawsky & C. Weiss (eds.) Essays in Honor of Gordon Williams: Twenty-Five Years at Yale. New Haven, 33-57. Brix, J. 1884. Ausgewählte Komödien des T. Maccius Plautus für den Schul gebrauch, 2: Captiui. Leipzig. Dixon, S. 2001. ‘The “other” Romans and their Family Values’ in S. Dixon CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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(ed.) Childhood, Class and Kin in the Roman World. London & New York, 1-17. Dupont, F. 1985. L’Acteur-roi: ou le théatre dans la Rome antique. Paris. Havet, L. 1932. Les Prisonniers, édition et traduction. Paris. Henderson, J. 2009. A Plautus Reader: Selections from Eleven Plays. BC Latin Readers. Mundelein, IL. Hughes, D. 1984. ‘The Character of Paegnium in Plautus’ Persa’ RhM 128, 46-57. Kraus, W. 1977. ‘Die Captivi im neuen Lichte Menanders’ in H. Bannert & J. Divjak (eds.) Latinität und alte Kirche: Festschrift R. Hanslik (Wiener Studien, Beiheft 8). Vienna, 159-70. Laes, C. 2003. ‘Desperately Different? Delicia Children in the Roman Household’ in D. Balch & C. Osiek (eds.) Early Christian Families in Context. Grand Rapids, MI, 298-324. Leigh, M. 2004. Comedy and the Rise of Rome. New York. Lindsay, W.M. 1921. T. Macci Plauti Captiui with Introduction and Notes. Oxford. Marshall, C.W. 2006. The Stagecraft and Performance of Roman Comedy. New York. de Melo, W.D.C. 2010. Review of A Plautus Reader: Selections from Eleven Plays. BC Latin Readers by John Henderson, BMCR. bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2010/2010-10-21 Mendelsohn, C.J. 1907. Studies in the Word-Play in Plautus: I. The NamePlay, II. The Use of Single Words in a Double Meaning. Philadelphia. Moore, R. 1995. ‘The Captives’ in D.R. Slavitt & P. Bovie (eds.) Plautus: The Comedies, 1. Baltimore & London, 181-249. Rawson, B. 1986. ‘Children in the Roman Familia’ in B. Rawson (ed.) The Family in ancient Rome: New Perspectives. London & Sydney, 170-200. Sigismund Nielsen, H. 1990. ‘Delicia in Roman Literature and in the Urban Inscriptions’ ARID 19, 79-88. Slater, W.J. 1974. ‘Pueri, turba minuta’ Institute of Classical Studies Bulletin 21, 133-40. Sonnenschein, E.A. 1879. T. Macci Plauti Captivi with an Introduction, Criti cal Apparatus, and Explanatory Notes. London. Sonnenschein, E.A. 1907. T. Macchi Plauti Mostellaria. Oxford. Viljoen, G. van N. 1963. ‘The Plot of the Captivi of Plautus’ Acta Classica 6, 38-63. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


112 Watson, P. & L. 2009. ‘Seneca and Felicio: Imagery and Purpose’ CQ 59, 212-26. Williams, C.A. 2010. Roman Homosexuality: Ideologies of Masculinity in Clas sical Antiquity. New York & Oxford. Wright, J. 1993. Plautus’ Curculio, Revised Edition with Introduction and Notes. Norman, OK.



ADSTANTE OPE BARBARICA:

A NOTE ON ENNIUS, ANDR. 89

JOCELYN

By Giampiero Scafoglio

Summary: This paper deals with the expression adstante ope barbarica (Ennius, Andr. 89 Jocelyn), focusing in particular on the use of the adjective barbaricus (reflecting a Helleno centric perspective, linked to the Trojan plays of Euripides) and on the interpretation of ops as ‘luxury’ instead of ‘military force’.

It is uncertain whether the action of the Andromacha by Ennius1 took place after the fall of Troy, the central event being the killing of Astyanax (as in the Trojan Women by Euripides),2 or some time later at the court of Neoptole mus in Epirus, where the lives of the king’s son and of his concubine An dromache were threatened by his spouse Hermione (as in the Andromache by Euripides).3 It is also possible that Ennius followed a post-classical or Helle nistic tragedy such as the Andromache of Antiphon, but added4 scenes and speeches from the Trojan Women and from the Hecuba as well. Anyway, as it can be argued from some fragments, in this tragedy Andromache very emotionally remembered Hector’s death4(verses 78-79)5 and spoke of herself 2

1 Cf. Ennianae poesis reliquiae. Iteratis curis recensuit I. Vahlen, Leipzig 1928 , 130-35; The Tragedies of Ennius: The Fragments, edited with an Introduction and Commentary by H.D. Jocelyn. Cambridge 1969: 81-93, 234-61. 2 Cf. Ribbeck, O. 1875. Die Römische Tragödie im Zeitalter der Republik. Leipzig: 135-42; Remains of Old Latin, newly edited and translated by E.H. Warmington, II. London & Cambridge, MA 1936: 245; Jocelyn 1969 (n. 1): 234-38; Poeti latini arcaici, vol. I: Livio An dronico, Nevio, Ennio, a cura di A. Traglia. Torino 1986: 287. 3 Cf. Welcker, F.G. 1841. Die griechischen Tragödien mit Rücksicht auf den epischen Cyclus, III. Bonn: 1190-1204; Terzaghi, N. 1925. ‘Noterelle enniane’ BFC 32, 15-17. Giampiero Scafoglio ‘Adstante ope barbarica: A Note on Ennius, Andr. 89 Jocelyn’ C&M 62 (2011) 113-16. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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as a stateless and homeless person in terms of Roman law and social practice (81-86).6 Furthermore, in an intense fragment from the same monody, she addresses a touching apostrophe to her dead father (sc. king Priam) and, at the same time, to the lost city of Troy and the destroyed royal palace (the one and the other being personified, in her mind overcome by fear and grief ): o pater, o patria, o Priami domus,

saeptum altisono cardine templum.

uidi ego te adstante ope barbarica,

tectis caelatis laqueatis,

auro ebore instructam regifice.

O my father, my fatherland, o palace of Priam, temple with massive,

high-sounding doors. I have seen you in all your greatness and luxury,

with coffered ceilings and rich adornment of gold and ivory.

Andr. 87-91

Andromache describes the royal palace in its religious austerity (saeptum alti sono cardine templum)7 and in all its magnificence, with carefully inlaid, cof fered ceilings (tectis caelatis laqueatis)8 and ornaments of gold and ivory 4 Cf. Mette, H.J. 1964. ‘Die Römische Tragödie und die Neufunde zur Griechischen Tra gödie (insbesondere für die Jahre 1945-1964)’ Lustrum 9, 76-78; Scafoglio, G. 2006. L’Astyanax di Accio: Saggio sul background mitografico, testo critico e commento dei fram menti (Coll. Latomus). Bruxelles: 49-57. 5 Vidi, uidere quod me passa aegerrume, / Hectorem curru quadriiugo raptarier. But cf. also v. 80, ex opibus summis opis egens Hector tuae. Cf. Jocelyn 1969 (n. 1): 236; 243-47. 6 It is worth reading the fragment: quid petam praesidi aut exequar? quove nunc / auxilio exili aut fugae freta sim? / arce et urbe orba sum. quo accedam? quo applicem? / cui nec arae patriae domi stant, fractae et disiectae iacent, / fana flamma deflagrata, tosti † alii † stant pa rietes, / deformati atque abiete crispa. 7 I cannot agree with Jocelyn 1969 (n. 1): ‘a bizarre phrase’. The royal palace is compared metaphorically to a temple for its religious austerity, which is emphasized by the impos ing gates. 8 The notorious wealth of Troy is usually symbolised by gold: cf. Euripides, Andr. 168-69, Hek. 492, Tro. 18 and 994-95. The architectural detail of coffered ceilings indicates great luxury (e.g., Cicero, Tusc. 5.62; Horace, Carm. 2.18.1); so does ivory in domestic furniture (Homer, Od. 4.72-73; 23.199-200). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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(auro ebore instructam regifice).9 She remembers the royal palace as it was before its destruction, when she was a lucky and pleased princess by Hector’s side: the evocation of past and irreversibly lost fortune is a Leitmotiv, a re current and significant theme in Euripides’ tragedy, that Ennius takes as a model (especially in his Trojan plays).10 I intend to focus on the expression adstante ope barbarica (an ablative ab solute, surely to be preferred over the alternative reading adstantem, accusa tive agreeing with the pronoun te).11 Andromache, a non-Greek woman, uses the adjective barbaricus without any pejorative connotation: Jocelyn ad loc. quotes exclusively Aeschylus, Pers. 254-55 (a Persian messenger speaking to his queen)12 and a formulaic phrase by Plautus in Latin.13 Anyway, that peculiar use of the adjective barbaricus is to be referred to an Hellenic or, better, an Hellenocentric perspective, that is frequently employed (always by non-Greek persons and without pejorative connotations) in Euripidean 14 tragedy. As regards ope barbarica, Jocelyn ad loc. points out that ‘Ennius is refer ring to the military support given to Troy by her Asian allies’. In corrobora

9 Cf. Andr. 1-6, 64-65, 100-102; Hek. 60-61, 619-28; Tro. 474-510 and esp. Hek. 492-96 (the speaker is Taltybius, pointing out Hecuba’s prostration): ΓЁΛȱ ϊΈȂȱ ΩΑ΅ΗΗ΅ȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΔΓΏΙΛΕϾΗΝΑȱ ̘ΕΙ·ЗΑǰȱ Ȧȱ ΓЁΛȱ ϊΈΉȱ ̓Ε΍ΣΐΓΙȱ ΘΓІȱ ΐν·Ȃȱ ϴΏΆϟΓΙȱ ΈΣΐ΅Εǲ ȱ Ȧȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΑІΑȱ ΔϱΏ΍Ζȱ ΐξΑȱ ΔκΗȂȱ ΦΑνΗΘ΋ΎΉΑȱ ΈΓΕϟǰȱ Ȧȱ ΅ЁΘχȱ Έξȱ ΈΓϾΏ΋ȱ ·Ε΅ІΖȱ ΩΔ΅΍Ζȱ πΔϠȱ ΛΌΓΑϠȱ Ȧȱ ΎΉϧΘ΅΍ǰȱ ΎϱΑΉ΍ȱ ΚϾΕΓΙΗ΅ȱΈϾΗΘ΋ΑΓΑȱΎΣΕ΅ǯ

10 Cf. Della Casa, A. 1962. ‘Ennio di fronte all’Ecuba di Euripide’ Dioniso 36, 63-76; Jocelyn 1969 (n. 1): 23-28; Traina, A. 1974. Vortit barbare: Le traduzioni poetiche da Livio Andronico a Cicerone. 2nd ed. Rome: 113-65; Scafoglio 2006 (n. 4): 49-62; 2007. ‘Alcune osservazioni sull’Hecuba di Ennio’ Maia 59, 278-82. 11 The fragment is quoted by Cicero, Tusc. 3.44: the ablative adstante is in all manuscripts, but the reading adstantem is legible in rasura in the codex Vaticanus 3246. Cf. Jocelyn 1969 (n. 1): 248. 12 ͣΐΝΖȱ ΈȂȱ ΦΑΣ·Ύ΋ȱ ΔκΑȱ ΦΑ΅ΔΘϾΒ΅΍ȱ ΔΣΌΓΖǰȱ ⁄ȱ ̓νΕΗ΅΍Ɇȱ ΗΘΕ΅ΘϲΖȱ ·ΤΕȱ ΔκΖȱ ϷΏΝΏΉȱ Ά΅ΕΆΣΕΝΑǯ Cf. Diller, A. 1962. ‘Die Hellenen-Barbaren-Antithese im Zeitalter der Per serkriege’ in Grecs et Barbares. Six exposés et discussions par H. Schwabl, H. Diller, O. Reverdin, W. Peremans, H.C. Baldry, A. Dihle (Entretiens sur l’antiquité classique, Fondation Hardt). Genève-Vandoeuvres: 39-82; Lévy, E. 1984. ‘Naissance du concept de barbare’ Ktéma 9, 5-14. 13 Maccus uortit barbare (Asin. 11); Plautus uortit barbare (Trin. 19). Cf. Dumont, J. Chr. 1984. ‘Plaute, barbare et hereux de l’être’ Ktéma 9, 69-77; Rochette, Br. 1998. ‘Poeta barba rus (Plaute, Miles gloriosus 211)’ Latomus 57, 415-17. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


116 tion of this interpretation, he quotes Virgil, Aen. 8.685, where the phrase is re-used to describe Antony’s army (sc. on Aeneas’ shield):1 hinc ope barbarica uariisque Antonius armis. Nevertheless, the military meaning sounds out of place in this passage of the monody, which deals with past fortune conceived as magnificent luxury (cf. coffered ceilings, gold and ivory). Therefore I propose translating ops as ‘lux ury’ instead of ‘military force’. As a matter of fact, ‘wealth’ is the etymologi cal (and also the most frequently attested) meaning of the word ops, espe cially in the singular.152 My opinion appears to be confirmed by Virgil, Aen. 2.504-5, where the adjective barbaricus is linked with the substantive aurum as exotic connotation of luxury: barbarico postes auro spoliisque superbi

procubuere; tenent Danai qua deficit ignis.

Aeneas is speaking of the royal palace of Priam, just like Andromache in En nius’ play. It is significant that Virgil makes the hero complain about the lost fortune of Troy by taking as model that passage from Ennius’ Andromacha, as scholars have acknowledged for a long time.163

14 In particular Tro. 477, 771, 973, 991, 1021, 1277; El. 1210, 1258; Phoen. 679, 680, 819, 1302; Or. 1370, 1374, 1385, 1396, 1430, 1507; Iph. Aul. 1170, 1174, 1337, 1422; Bacch. 407, 1034; [Res.] 404, 833. Cf. Saïd, S. 1984. ‘Grecs et barbares dans les tragédies d’Euripide: la fin des différences?’ Ktéma 9, 27-54; Dubuisson, M. 2001. ‘Barbares et barbarie dans le monde gréco-romain: du concept au slogan’ AC 70, 1-16. 15 E.g., Plautus, Stich. 695; Cicero, Epist. 14.14.6; Horace, Carm. 3.16.28 (but the word is never attested in the nominative). Cf. ThLL and Oxford Latin Dictionary, s.v. ops; A. Ernout & A. Meillet 1985. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine, 4e éd. augmentée d’additions et de corrections par J. André. Paris, 463-64. 16 Cf. Stabryla, S. 1970. Latin Tragedy in Virgil’s Poetry. Wroclaw, 80-82; Wigodsky, M. 1972. Vergil and Early Latin Poetry. Wiesbaden, 78; Horsfall, N. 2008. Virgil, Aeneid 2: A Commentary. Leiden, 387. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


CICERO’S ITALY:

IDENTITY, ORATORY AND

POLITICS IN THE LATE REPUBLIC

By Jesper Johansen Meisner

Summary: Cicero’s invocation of various collective identities for different tactical political purposes is throughout his work adapted to his respective audiences, and implies a very wide spectrum for the articulation of Roman and Italian identities. The surprisingly early identifi cation of the res publica with the geographical entity of Italy in In Verrem 2 and the severe invective against Capuans in De Lege Agraria 2 are the two extremes of this spectrum within which Cicero sought to exploit the complicated social and political realities of first-century Italy for his political purposes. Tota Italia was Cicero’s catchphrase for an alliance of the pos sessing classes throughout the peninsula, but the ever-increasing power struggles between the magnates, fuelled by widespread social unrest, led to recurrent civil wars that shattered Cice ro’s hopes of mobilising a comprehensive pan-Italian conservative political (elite) group.1

1. INTRODUCTION ‘I truly think that both for him [Cato] and for all other municipes there are two homelands, one of birth, one of citizenship’.2 Cicero’s description of his love for, and allegiance to, his birthplace Ar1 This article is a reworked version of my MPhil thesis ‘An Analysis of Cicero’s Conception of Italy, and his Use of the Concept of Italy’ submitted to the Faculty of Classics, Cam bridge University in June 2010. I owe thanks to prof. Andrew Wallace-Hadrill for his inspiring and insightful supervision, to Dr John Patterson for his kind and helpful attention throughout my stay in Cambridge, and to ass. prof. Peter Bang for suggesting several im provements to an earlier draft of this article. Jesper Johansen Meisner ‘Cicero’s Italy: Identity, Oratory and Politics in the Late Republic’ C&M 62 (2011) 117-51. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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pinum, as a feeling existing alongside the patriotism and duty he felt to wards Rome, has generally been taken as the starting-point when scholars have examined Cicero’s idea of the attachment of the municeps to the res publica.3 However well known this passage is, and in spite of the claims in the same chapter that the conception of the relationship between Rome and municipium described was common to all municipes, the reader should be immediately alerted that this harmonious relationship between Roman citi zenship and local identities was anything but self-evident. Rather, the scholar has every reason to remain sceptical of the idea that the standard Italian municeps would necessarily feel that he owed any great loyalty to the Roman political system, and that the attitude described by Cicero was either particularly firmly rooted or necessarily very widespread.4 The Italy of Cicero’s birth in 106 BC was still a mosaic of people of differ ent status, speaking different languages, living interspersed among each other, some in cities of varying sizes, and others in rural communities.5 In political terms, Italy was far from being a united entity, as the only common factor was the varying degree of attachment to Rome, either as municipia, as colonies of Roman citizens or Latins, or as allied communities bound to supply troops for Roman warfare.6 As a teenager, Cicero had the first of his uncommonly few experiences of army service as a junior officer in the army of Pompeius Strabo, fighting the conglomeration of Italian nations who combined to make war on Rome (Cic. Phil. 12.27). Whether this conflict is to be accepted as a symptom of the allies’ frustration at being denied Roman citizenship,7 or rather was an attempt to definitively topple the Roman hegemony within Italy, and conse quently the Mediterranean,8 it is evident that such a hard-fought conflict, which according to Velleius cost more than 300,000 lives (Vell. 2.15.3), must have left deep mutual feelings of distrust and enmity among large parts of both the urban Roman and local Italian populations. In the following years, 2

2 Ego mehercule et illi et omnibus municipibus duas esse censeo patrias, unam naturae, alteram civitatis, Cicero, Leg. 2.5. 3 Salmon 1972: 75; Wood 1988, 139-40; Fuhrmann 1992: 2-3; Lomas 2004: 97. 4 Salmon 1972: 76-77. 5 Bispham 2007: 113-60. 6 Sherwin-White 1973: 38-134. 7 Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 81. 8 Mouritsen 1998: 87-99. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Cicero was a firsthand witness to the enfranchisement of the defeated Italic peoples,9 the continuing debate over their tribal affiliations and the registra tion of the new citizens in the census of 86,10 as well as to the civil war of the late eighties and the ensuing massive colonisation scheme initiated by Sulla which led to widespread demographic changes in Italy. 11 Subsequently Lepidus’ and Catilina’s uprisings mobilised discontented parts of the rural population,12 several far-reaching agrarian reforms were discussed,13 and eventually Italy underwent a second civil war and entered upon a third, which would lead to further colonisation and upheaval in the Italian coun tryside as the level of mobilisation surged.14 While not ignoring the multitude of opposing forces, such as centuries of joint warfare and an elite network of trade interests and familial relations,15 all these developments surely make it reasonable to expect a wider range of conceptions of Italian and Roman identity in Cicero’s works than the previ ously quoted excerpt from De Legibus seems to reflect. While Manfred Fuhr mann has argued that this attitude would have emerged almost deterministi cally as a product of the political realities in Italy,16 it must be self-evident that a period initiated by a hard-fought civil war, and plagued by constant internal unrest, could hardly foster such a universal harmony between Ro man and local identities as Cicero seems to claim. In recent years, Ann Vasaly17 and Kathryn Lomas18 have contributed sig nificantly to our understanding of Cicero’s ability to exploit alternative, sometimes even self-contradictory, strategies in his representation of local municipal identities in relation to Rome, while Emma Dench has demon strated how Cicero portrayed himself alternately as a new man, with all the concomitant virtues of rusticity and moral uprightness, and as a well established Roman nobleman looking out on the municipal Italians from his 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Bispham 2007: 161-73.

Bispham 2007: 189-99.

Salmon 1969: 129-31.

Brunt 1971b: 113-32.

Brunt 1988: 240-41, 265-67.

Keppie 1983: 49-82; Hopkins 1978: 31-37.

Jehne 2006, 243, 247-49; Wiseman 1971: 33-8, 53-64.

Fuhrmann 1992: 3.

Vasaly 1993: 187-88.

Lomas 2004: 114-16.



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place in the urban centre of the res publica.19 These ambivalent characteris tics of Cicero’s self-representation reflect the overall tension within the Ro man/Italian elite in this period, where local Italian nobles made their way into the Senate and the magistracies of the Republic in increasing num bers,20 but the consulate was monopolised to a larger extent than ever by the established Roman aristocracy,21 and where Cicero himself was several times derided as a foreigner because of his municipal provenance (Att. 1.16.10; Sul. 22; Sall. BC. 31.7). However, much scholarship on Cicero still passes over the question of the relationship between Roman and local identities, and in the instances where attention is given to the issue, the introduction to the sec ond book of De Legibus quoted above is taken to represent a static and rather self-evident attitude.22 Even the most superficial glance at modern scholarship related to national identification and collective identities in gen eral ought, however, to caution against any such view. A detailed review of this subject is beyond both the scope of this paper and the capacity of the present author, but for the immediate purpose four basic assumptions, which summarise some generally accepted features relat ing to national identities, will be borrowed from the article on The Discur sive Construction of National Identities by De Cillia et al.23 A few words must, however, be said about the features of collective identities in antiquity. Obvious problems arise when attempting to extrapolate the modern con struct of nationality back onto a pre-modern agrarian society without any of the prerequisites needed to create a universal national identity, like universal education or mass media.24 However, the discursive methods identified in constructing national identities are equally applicable to other sorts of col lective identities, and are thus quite as suited for an analysis of Roman or Italian identities in the first century BC, as they are, e.g., for Danish or Brit ish identities today. The first and most basic assumption to be made when analysing national identities is that all such identities are, in Benedict Anderson’s phrase, imag 19 Dench 2005: 179-82.

20 Wiseman 1971: 6-9.

21 Hopkins 1983: 58.

22 E.g., Wood 1988: 198-99

23 De Cillia et al. (their fifth assumption about nationality as a Bourdieuan habitus is not

relevant to the present problem and will therefore not be treated here) 1999: 153-54. 24 Gellner 1983: 29-37. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ined communities. Nationality is related to a feeling of shared historical ex periences – a ‘collective memory’ – and to an experienced national culture that both form and are formed by the mindsets and actions of the people in a given nation,25 but according to Anderson such national identifications are not founded on any a priori material reality, but exist in the minds of a cer tain group, constructed through historical narrative, a common political or social organisation, shared use of the same media, the identification of a cer tain territory as inherently connected with their particular collective identity and other such factors.26 Second, national identities are ‘discursively ... produced, reproduced, transformed and destructed’,27 that is, they come to exist and are continu ously changed through articulation in the public domain, and are dissemi nated through the various national institutions, such as the educational sys tem, or mass media. While Roman society lacked the mass media and the massive centralised educational systems of later times, this did not impair the ability of political leaders to discursively construct collective identities, but rather, as we shall see, widened their possibilities for adapting their ar ticulation of identity to the given situation, since at least certain groups of recipients (e.g., the participants at a public meeting) had no way of checking whether an orator invoking a certain collective identity when giving a speech in public consistently invoked a similar collective identity in other fora.28 Third, the construction of collective identities always encompasses a con struction of difference and uniqueness. Thus, collective identities are de pendent on an ‘other’ against which the identity can be defined, and this results in a discursive homogenisation stressing the joint features of identity within the group, and the diverging traits of any group of outsiders. Here it becomes especially important what factors are presented as constituting a certain identity, since these create the dividing lines against the ‘other’. To use a modern example, the word ‘Dane’ in everyday language can both mean ‘a citizen of Denmark’ as opposed to citizens of any other country, or it can mean ‘ethnic Danish person’ as opposed to a person of immigrant back ground, regardless of his or her citizenship. 25 De Cillia et al. 1999:154-56. 26 Anderson 2006: 9-36. 27 De Cillia et al. 1999: 153. 28 Morstein-Marx 2004: 243-58. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Fourth, national or collective identities are not exclusive. Depending on the immediate context, different identities are discursively constructed which might not be coherent with other collective identities experienced by the same group or large parts thereof, but which are nevertheless felt as no less ‘real’ by the individuals included. The introduction to the second book of De Legibus provides an example of two potentially conflicting collective identities being reconciled by Cicero.

2. HOMELAND AND REPUBLIC The dialogue is set in Arpinum, where Cicero explains the deep affection he feels for his germana patria – the place where his family has lived for genera tions and which it has filled with buildings and monuments (Leg. 2.3). In spite of all the necessary reservations concerning the extent to which Cicero’s opinions would be shared by all municipes, a similar feeling of affection and commitment towards one’s municipium might have been shared by a large part of the Roman upper classes. While the connection to the urbs was obvi ously close, both in the case of the politically engaged senators and in the case of equestrians engaged in tax farming or bidding for public contracts of various sorts, the necessity for the individual of keeping close contact to his municipium of origin, through public or private patronage and benefactions, is attested even far into the imperial period, when the advancement of the individual was no longer dependent on the number of electors he could mo bilise to come to Rome as backing for his candidacy.29 Cicero himself took great interest in his son’s election as aedile in Arpinum (Cic. Fam. 12.11.3) and even as candidate for the consulship, Milo found the time to travel to his native Lanuvium to discharge his office as dictator (Cic. Mil. 27). While the connection to the first patria is described as a sentimental affec tion felt towards a geographical place, the second patria, for which Cicero says it is right to die and to sacrifice oneself completely, is described in dif ferent terms. It is represented as the more abstract concept of the res publica – the social and political system centered on Rome which now encompassed all of Italy – but Cicero does not relate it to any particular place, neither the 29 Bispham 2007: 430-36; Patterson 2006: 206-7. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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city nor Italy. In this way, Cicero defuses the potential conflict between his identity as a municeps of Arpinum and his identity as a Roman citizen which the city aristocrat Atticus has brought attention to by asking whether it is at all possible to have multiple patriae (Leg. 2.5). While Arpinum is described as a familial lieu de mémoire rather than as the political entity it also was, the strict focus on civic duty and political community when the talk turns to Rome underlines the difference between Cicero’s respective relations to the two patriae and enables him to assert his absolute loyalty to the Roman res publica, which he claims ought to stand first in the citizens’ affection. When the word patria appears in Cicero’s works it is almost exclusively employed in the latter sense, that is, as a synonym for Rome as a civic insti tution, and is often used when Cicero wishes to emphasise the allegiance owed to Rome and the immense betrayal which takes place when disloyal citizens work contrary to the interests and wishes of the patria (e.g., Cic. Prov. 13; Vat. 33). In the second speech against Verres, however, the definition of this second patria differs from the description given in De Legibus. In his description of the unlawful execution of the Roman citizen Gavius, Cicero famously champions the Roman citizen rights which Verres had violated as provincial governor in Sicily, in spite of his victim’s assertion of his right to a fair trial as a Roman citizen (Cic. Ver. 2.5.158-72). After having escaped im prisonment, Gavius was about to flee Sicily, and when he reached Messana the mere sight of ‘Italy and the walls of Regium’30 was enough to relieve him of his fear. This view of Italy, where he would be safe from Verres’ arbitrary execution of power, was, however, turned into a punishment after his cap ture when Verres ordered the cross to be fixed so Gavius ‘from the cross was able to discern Italy and see his home before him’,31 and demanded that he should die viewing his patria (Cic. Ver. 2.5.169-70). No complete agreement has been reached on the location of Consa, Gavius’ municipium, but none of the suggested sites could possibly have been glimpsed from a cross situated in or around Messana.32 The patria and home which Gavius was viewing in an actual form in his final hours must therefore be Italia, which Cicero even imagines as a personification looking across the strait on the sufferings of her alumnus. 30 Italiam et moenia Reginorum, (Cic. Ver. 2.5.160).

31 Ex cruce Italiam cernere ac domum suam prospicere posset, Cic. Ver. 2.5.169-70.

32 Levens 1946: 155; Long 1862: 610-11.



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The geographical boundary between Italy and Sicily is thus represented as the boundary between home and away for citizens, and the geographic entity Italy, which Gavius glimpsed from his cross, is equated with the res publica, providing law and justice for its citizens. Italy, in its geographical sense, is thus identified with the second patria of De Legibus, remarkably only 20 years after the end of the Social War. The emotional descriptions of Gavius recognising his domus when he glimpsed the Italian coastline, and Italy watching him as an alumnus seem, however, to imply a much more emo tional connection to this second patria than that described in De Legibus. In this particular context, Cicero thus found it opportune to present a citizen’s relationship with the res publica as a relationship to a politically unified Italy, and to project this relationship as carrying so much identity for the individ ual citizen that he would, at least when trapped in Sicily, recognise any part of Italy as his home.

3. PLACES AND PEOPLE Throughout the first century BC, the Italian cities and countryside remained plagued by disruptions and unrest. The Sullan colonisation scheme had left thousands of Italians expelled from their native land, probably without any immediate livelihood, and in their place new, large groups of veterans made their entrance in the local political lives of the municipia, which led to po tential conflicts with established municipes and former owners of the distrib uted farmland.33 Far-reaching agrarian reforms, for the benefit of dislodged veterans and the urban populace, were major points of conflict in the fol lowing period.34 Early in his consulate, Cicero engaged himself in the debate against the proposals of the tribune Rullus, who wished to settle colonists throughout Italy. In his speech for the people, Cicero famously cast himself as a true popularis consul who undertook to save the Roman people, in danger of be ing driven from the city by the wicked tribune, from the horrible fate of

33 Brunt 1971a: 300-12; 1971b: 107-8. 34 Hopkins 1978: 5-6, 58-66. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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farming life in the Italian countryside (Cic. Agr. 2.70).35 In one famous paragraph Cicero implores the citizens to stay in the city and retain ‘posses sion of favors, liberty, voting rights, honour, city, Forum, games, festivals, and all other conveniences’, if they do not wish to end up ‘in the droughts of Sipontum, or the plague-filled outskirts of Salpia’,36 and he takes care to stress that Italia is a vast and diverse space, and that the populace can have no idea about what terrible places they might end up in if the proposal were adopted (Cic. Agr. 2.66). However unpleasant this may sound, there is no reason to believe that the urban populace could be enticed to reject the opportunity of free farmland, as is shown in a letter from Cicero to Atticus three years later. Here Cicero rejoices that another proposal for agrarian reform encompasses only the Campanian land, which will limit the number of potential recipients to an extent that will destroy support for it among the populace (Cic. Att. 2.16.1). In the Rullan speech, Cicero therefore turned to cast the Sullan colonists rather than the urban populace as the main beneficiaries of the law. Speaking both in front of the Senate and the people, Cicero claimed that the law was effectively offering an easy and profitable way out of the unpopularity incurred by the colonists having received land from Sulla37 (Cic. Agr. 1.14; 2.68). In his private correspondence, the motives Cicero gave Atticus for opposing agrarian reform, albeit at a later date, were rather less focused on preventing landholders from gaining an easy profit, and rather more on enabling holders of public land in the country to keep their riches (Cic. Att. 1.19.4). The Sullan colonists featured more than once in the speeches given by Cicero during his eventful year as consul. In his second speech against Ca tiline held before the people, Cicero attempts to dissuade his listeners from aligning themselves with Catiline through a review of the dishonourable and dangerous elements that make up his group of followers, claimed by Cicero to consist of all the worst criminals in tota Italia (Cic. Catil. 2.7). Among the indebted nobles (2.18-9) and depraved, feminine rascals (2.22-3) Cicero 35 Steel 2001: 173-81. 36 Possessionem gratiae, libertatis, suffragiorum, dignitatis, urbis, fori, ludorum, festorum die rum, ceterorum omnium commodorum … in Sipontina siccitate aut in Salpinorum pestilentiae finibus, Cic. Agr. 2.71. 37 Morstein-Marx 2004: 192-93, 199-201. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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comes across the Sullan veterans of the colonies, which he claims ‘on the whole are comprised of the best citizens and the stoutest men’,38 but there are those among them ‘who due to their swift and unexpected wealth have been thrown into extravagance and arrogance’.39 Only a few weeks later, in the speech for Murena at his trial for bribery during the consular elections, the followers of Catiline are suddenly pre sented as coming from two named colonies, and they are now joined by ‘men ruined by the misfortune of the Sullan times’.40 Earlier in the speech, Cicero deplores the lot of the praetor responsible for the court of embezzle ment because of his limited opportunities for discharging his office to the citizens’ satisfaction: ‘If the Sullan obligations are rebuked, many strong men and indeed a part of the state is offended’.41 Where the beneficiaries of Sulla’s colonisation before the people were described as eager to rid them selves of their land, as in De Lege Agraria, or as ready to support a new im perator, willing to introduce proscriptions, as in In Catilinam 2, Cicero, when facing the jury composed of his social peers, rather presents the pro scribed victims of the Sullan confiscations as the harmful elements, whereas the possessors of the land are trying to preserve the status quo. Returning to the speeches against the Rullan agrarian reform, Cicero had yet another point to make, which displayed Italy as anything but a harmo nious unity, and to which he dedicated the last third of his speech before the people. Ann Vasaly demonstrates through an extensive analysis of the work ings of this speech how Cicero conjures up an image of a Rome that will be surrounded by armed enemies under the command of Rullus and his decem viri if they are allowed to introduce colonists into the towns of Italy.42 What is noticeable, however, is that the object described as being surrounded is not only the city but the entire res publica, which is thus equated with the physical site of the city (Cic. Agr. 2.99). Even though it was probably the Italian municipia who stood to lose the most land if Rullus’ plans were realised, Cicero thus projects strong mu 38 Universas civium esse optimorum et fortissimorum virorum, Cic. Catil. 2.20.

39 Qui se in insperatis ac repentinis pecuniis sumptuosius insolentiusque iactarunt, Cic. Catil.

2.20. 40 Homines perculsi Sullani temporis calamitate, Cic. Mur. 49. 41 Sullana gratificatio reprehensa, multi viri fortes et prope pars civitatis offensa est, Cic. Mur. 42. 42 Vasaly 1988: 416-19 CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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nicipia fortified with colonists as a threat to the city when addressing its in habitants. He further recapitulates the numerous wars fought in Italy against Italian enemies (Cic. Agr. 2.90), and reminds his listeners how the maiores were sure to found colonies in places so ‘they ought to be seen, not as Italian towns, but as fortresses of sovereignty’.43 Instead of the municipia featuring, like they did in De Legibus, as natural parts of the Roman community, Cicero here projects an image of a hostile and unreliable Italy, which must inevitably have recalled images of the Social War for the majority of the au dience who still had that conflict within living memory. Cicero has a hard case to make here, as large numbers of colonists were likely to be recruited from the city population or from the legions, and would therefore not be expected to harbour any hostility towards Rome. To back his articulation of the colonists as hostile foreigners he therefore intro duces Capua, established in Roman consciousness as the former rival for hegemony in Italy,44 as the primary threat against Rome and the place to which Rullus, according to Cicero, wishes to transfer the republic from the physical site of Rome and establish an altera Roma (Cic. Agr. 2.86-7). The threat against Rome, he claims, was not that of any particular dissatisfied groups of proscribed victims or colonists, but was due to the very nature of the Campanian land and the site of Capua. Landholders in that area could hardly avoid ending up as enemies of Rome because the area’s fertility and beauty would lead them to depravity and sumptuousness (Cic. Agr. 2.95). Cicero thus constructs a foreign and hostile identity inherent in the very ecosystem of Capua (situated less than 200 kilometres from Rome), and in stead of a unitary Italian political community, the res publica features as an all urban-Roman community in fear of uprisings by its Italian subject cities. Cicero’s eyewitness description of the attempt to establish a colony at Capua 20 years earlier, feature the inhabitants of Capua acting exactly opposite to the well-balanced division of loyalties owed to home town and res publica described in De Legibus, as they adopted the title of praetor and the use of fasces for their magistrates. The Romans present, of whom Cicero was one, ‘were now named not as guests, but as foreigners and aliens’.45 Capua features in several of Cicero’s speeches after a colony had finally 43 Ut esse non oppida Italiae, sed propugnacula imperi viderentur, Cic. Agr. 2.73.

44 Laurence 1999: 13-15, 25-26.

45 Iam non hospites, sed peregrini atque advenae nominabamur, Cic. Agr. 2.92-94.



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been established there in connection with the agrarian reforms instituted by Caesar in 59 BC. In the speech before the Senate after his return from exile, Cicero made the first of many public attacks on his enemy Lucius Piso, who had been duovir in the new colony, and asked if his shameful conduct was due to his failure to understand that he was consul in Rome rather than Capua ‘in that city which was once the dwelling place of arrogance’?46 The use of the past tense is, however, notable and finds its explanation in two speeches from the following years. In the defence of Sestius, Piso is again derided for his connection to Capua and perfume-vending in the Seplasia (Cic. Sest. 19), but an honour able body of colonists from the same city, ‘the best and stoutest of men’,47 for whom Cicero acted as patron, are introduced as witnesses to the charac ter of the accused (Cic. Sest. 9). This theme is further developed in the speech In Pisonem, where Cicero explicitly contrasts the depraved and im moral Capua of the past with the modern colony, ‘for truly this city, as it is now, abounds with a multitude of the most distinguished people, the stout est men, the best citizens, and friends of mine’.48 In these speeches before the jury and the Senate, where Cicero attempts to gain credibility by adver tising the citizen status of his supporters, the perverting influence of the countryside from the Rullan speeches is completely forgotten, and the colo nists are now model Romans. The circle is completed in the twelfth Philippic, when Cicero, before the Senate, praises Capua, after it closed its gates to the Antonian colonists, as being an altera Roma – the very thing that he warned so emphatically against twenty years before (Cic. Phil. 12.7). In the description of Gavius’ execution, Cicero emphasises that this hor rible punishment is measured out to someone of ‘our own blood ... For all Roman citizens are to be regarded as united through the blood’.49 A more detailed exposition of the subject of collective Roman identity is to be found in De Officiis, where Cicero describes three levels of communities beyond the bare fact of being human, beginning with being ‘of the same gens, peo 46 In qua urbe domicilium quondam superbiae fuit, Cic. Red. Sen. 17.

47 Fortissimi atque optimi viri, Cic. Sest. 9.

48 Nam haec quidem quae nunc est splendidissimorum hominum, fortissimorum virorum,

optimorum civium mihique amicissimorum multitudine redundat, Cic. Pis. 25. 49 Nostro sanguine ... Nam civium Romanorum omnium sanguis coniunctus existimandus est, Cic. Ver. 2.5.172. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ple, and language, which most of all tie humans together’.50 A closer tie is found in sharing civitas because fellow citizens share ‘forum, temples, colon nades, roads, laws, courts, voting rights, besides customs and acquaintances, and numerous affairs and matters conducted with many people’.51 These two definitions can seem self-contradictory, as Italy was hardly of a single language, let alone gens, as exemplified by the various mythological genealogies of the different Italic peoples.52 However, even though Greek and numerous Italian languages were still widely used throughout Italy, Latin undoubtedly functioned as the language of government, also in many local contexts, and as lingua franca for the social and political elite53 – the only group relevant for a person of Cicero’s status when discussing collective identity. In reality, therefore, we are looking at a very inclusive definition of Ro man identity, concerning the purely legal issue of citizenship in the res pub lica – which at least in principle was held by all Italians – as the admission ticket to the shared community. Cicero’s final assertion that kinship is the closest type of community upon which is based ‘the foundation of the city and almost the seed of the republic’, could imply a more narrow definition of Romanitas, but he immediately reasserts the role of Italy in the res publica by likening extended families living in several households to the close rela tionship between Rome and her colonies.54 From these works alone, the Roman community thus seems open and easily permeable for municipal Italians, but Cicero’s own struggles to exert his status as a true Roman shows a more exclusive side of Roman identity. The issue of Cicero’s municipal background does not feature prominently before the year of his consulate, during which Sallust claims that Catiline sneered at him as ‘a foreign citizen in the city of Rome’.55 Cicero himself first addresses the issue in his speech Pro Sulla when he responds to the ac cuser Torquatus’ claim that Cicero was ‘the third foreign king of Rome’56 50 Eiusdem gentis, nationis, linguae, qua maxime homines coniunguntur, Cic. Off. 1.53. 51 Forum, fana, porticus, viae, leges, iura, iudicia, suffragia, consuetudines praeterea et familiari tates multisque cum multis res rationesque contractae, Off. 1.53. 52 Gruen 1992: 6-51. 53 Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 82-96. 54 Principium urbis et quasi seminarium rei publicae, Cic. Off. 1.54. 55 Inquilinus civis urbis Romae, Sall. BC. 31.7. 56 Tertium peregrinum regem, Cic. Sul. 22. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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because of his municipal background. Cicero’s response is to draw forward the examples of great Romans in history who came from municipia, a strat egy that may also have been used by Marius and could represent a more widely used homo novus strategy,57 and he rejoices in the fact that the accuser has not found anything to blame upon him which does not pertain to the majority of citizens. Cicero thus combines the focus on citizenship as the defining characteristic of being Roman, which is the necessary basis for his claim that non-metropolitan origin was normal for a Roman citizen, with a claim that the exhibition of certain particular (and apparently inherently Roman) virtues by the various homines novi (including Cicero himself, we are bound to assume) further reinforced their claim to Roman status. It fol lows that citizens not displaying such virtues might be regarded as a little less Roman after all, in spite of their legal status. Thus, in his defence of Rabirius on a charge of treason, pleading before the people and not a jury, Cicero – then consul – takes pains to emphasise the Picene origin of the prosecutor Labienus (Cic. Rab.Perd. 22), and even goes so far as to claim that Labienus is so ignorant of Roman laws and practices that he seems rather to be a ‘guest in this city ... as a stranger in a foreign state, not a magistrate in your own’.58 When attacking Labienus, Cicero thus takes the exact same line against him which Catiline and Torquatus had taken against Cicero himself. In other words, Cicero articulates himself as a member of the central Roman elite exposing an outsider who has gained access to the ranks of Roman of ficeholders. The same strategy is found in Cicero’s numerous attacks against Lucius Piso on account of his maternal grandfather’s background as an In subrian settling in the municipium of Placentia in Gallia Cisalpina. Cicero describes how Piso’s grandfather almost sneaked his way from being a Gaul, into receiving Roman citizenship through his connection with Placentia (Asc. 4C), and derides Piso as Caesoninus Semiplacentinus Calventius (Cic. Pis. 14). The claim that Piso is a disgrace ‘not to the Calpurnian family, I would say, but to the Calventian, not for this city, but for the municipium of Placentia, not for his father’s kin, but for his Gallic relatives’,59 clearly 57 Wiseman 1971: 107-16.

58 Hospes huiusce urbis... ut peregrinari in aliena civitate, non in tua magistratum, Cic. Rab.

Perd. 28. 59 Familiae non dicam Calpurniae sed Calventiae, neque huius urbis sed Placentini municipi, CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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implies a certain moral distinction between Cisalpine citizens and native Romans, and a lower evaluation of the former, even though Piso falls below the standards of both. The important discovery here is, however, that Cicero was not only will ing to act as the all-Roman nobleman attacking an outsider when the oppo nent was a Picene tribune who might well be considered less established in the Roman community than a consul from Arpinum. Even a consular from one of oldest and most famous families of the Republican nobility could be rhetorically stigmatised as a barbarous Gaul when Cicero assumed the role of urban elite. Ethnic derision is also present in Cicero’s settling of affairs with the Clo dian circle after his return from exile. In the speech on his house a follower of Clodius is branded as ‘newly arrived Ligurian’,60 and in De Haruspicum Responsis, Cicero once again mentions ‘that fool, whose provenance we would not know about, if he did not refer to himself as “the Ligurian”’.61 In Pro Cluentio, Cicero also states that the villain Staienus changed his cogno men from Ligur to Paetus to avoid being taken as a Ligurian (Cic. Clu. 72). Though of Gallic descent, Ligurians had had a presence in peninsular Italy for more than a hundred years, since they were forcefully transferred into the Ager Taurasinorum,62 but to Cicero a Ligurian background was evidently still useful as a negative stigmatisation of his enemies. Other ethnic identities could be used in public to convey both moral vir tue and uprightness.63 In the speech against Vatinius, the ‘very grave’ Sa bines, the stout and virtuous rural people par excellence,64 and the ‘most stout’ Marsians and Paelignians are applauded for voting against their fellow tribesman Vatinius as candidate for office, which serves to prove his moral corruption (Vat. 36). The city’s relation to the Italic countryside is also touched upon in Cicero’s oratorical works, including De Oratore, where he lets the orator Crassus claim that ‘some people prefer a rustic and rural voice, because the neque paterni generis sed bracatae cognationis dedecus, Cic. Pis. 53. 60 Novicius ligus, Cic. Dom. 49. 61 Stipitem illum qui quorum hominum esset nesciremus, nisi se Ligurem ipse esse diceret, Cic. Har. 5. 62 Patterson 1988: 125-26. 63 Farney 2007: 22, 97-101. 64 Dench 2005: 21-23. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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speech, if it sounds that way, will be thought to retain a more ancient qual ity’.65 This is refuted, however, in the same chapter by the claim that the most correct form of Latin is the one spoken in the city, and a little later that there is ‘a certain speech fitting for the Roman race and the city’,66 and the adoption of the rural style is an imitation of country-labourers rather than of the ancient orators (de Orat. 3.46). This theme, which is also discussed by Emma Dench67 and Andrew Wal lace-Hadrill,68 is expanded in Brutus, where the eponymous interlocutor asks what the characteristics of speakers of Latin and allied backgrounds are, ‘those almost foreign orators’,69 and Cicero responds that this cannot be defined exactly, but it is certain that ‘in the speech of our orators something retains and sounds urban’.70 Brutus’ question arises in the discussion of ora tors of the late second century, where Cicero dedicates a chapter to treating the allies and Latins separately from the Roman orators, but this distinction naturally disappears as the discussion progresses to the orators of more re cent times. Even so, municipal accents are still noted in decisively negative contexts like the case of the Caepasius brothers, whose way of speech was said to have been uncouth and small-town-like (Brut. 242). The purest form of Latin is represented as the one spoken by the great aristocrats with Caesar as the ac knowledged champion, and though it is acknowledged that he has trained his oratory rigorously (Brut. 252), the command of the language is presented almost as a physical inheritance due to his aristocratic blood (Brut. 258). In the same chapter, rural immigration is even portrayed as detrimental to the proper use of the language: ‘For many impurely speaking people from differ ent places have gathered in this city’.71 The citizens from municipia, whom Cicero had claimed to be a majority in Pro Sulla, were thus not only carry ing an indelible mark of their non-metropolitan background, their rustic

65 Rustica vox et agrestis quosdam delectat, quo magis antiquitatem, si ita sonet, eorum sermo retinere videatur, Cic. de Orat. 3.42. 66 Quaedam certa vox Romani generis urbisque propria, Cic. de Orat. 3.44. 67 Dench 2005: 298-302. 68 Wallace-Hadrill 2008: 254-58. 69 Istis externis quasi oratoribus. 70 In vocibus nostrorum oratorum retinnit quiddam et resonat urbanius, Cic. Brut. 170-71. 71 Confluxerunt enim ... in hanc urbem multi inquinate loquentes ex diversis locis, Brut. 256. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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pronunciation even branded them as perverting and destroying the good Latin language. In this sense, the common language served to divide citizens who through their upbringing in the urban elite mastered its cultural codes, from less schooled country dwellers whose inferior background would be exposed the moment they opened their mouths. Unfortunately, how the Arpinate Cicero’s pronunciation sounded is never fully revealed to us.

4. SPOKESMAN FOR ITALY The examples of Italian influence on elections or other political processes in Rome are legion in Cicero’s work. In the first speech against Verres, Cicero takes great pains to emphasize that the crowds gathered from the Italian countryside for the elections and games would support a conviction, where fore the defence attempted to prolong the case until the spectators went home (Cic. Ver. 1.54). While defending Plancius against the charge of elec toral corruption, Cicero underlines the importance for Plancius’ electoral victory of the enthusiasm shown by his municipium Atina (Cic. Planc. 19 23), and in Pro Murena, he describes how a thorough understanding of the partition of Italy into voting tribes was an immense advantage in canvassing (Cic. Mur. 42) and attributes the prosecutor Laterensis’ failure in the elec tion to his earlier attempt which had enraged the local elites, at depriving the first property class of their right to cast the first votes in the centuriate assembly (Cic. Mur. 47). Cicero himself had good connections with several municipia, especially in the area around Southern Latium from which he himself descended,72 and he earned their support by defending their interests in court (Cic. Scaur. 27), or through his personal network (Cic. Fam. 13.4; 13.7). Even so, he sought to expand his group of followers outside the city during his campaign for the consulate, by canvassing in Gallia Cisalpina, where he hoped to gain a large electoral backing (Cic. Att. 1.1.2). The disdain for Piso’s and other enemies’ Gallic backgrounds shown in speeches given in Rome evidently did not blind him to the Gauls’ potential electoral importance. 72 Lomas 2004: 111-14. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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The year before Cicero wrote to Atticus about canvassing in Cisalpina, he had held his first speech in contione on the Rostra when he supported the Manilian law granting Pompeius the command against Mithridates. As is standard in contional speeches, Cicero envisages his audience as the incar nate populus Romanus, rather than as any sort of representative group, even though the actual numbers present cannot have exceeded a few thousand.73 The status of the municipal citizens in relation to the urban populace is ambivalent in this speech, as the civil functions which will be threatened by the potential loss of the Asian province are undoubtedly envisaged as taking place in the city itself (Cic. Man. 19), and Italia is mentioned alongside four provinces, without any distinction in the wording, as passive witnesses of Pompeius’ military excellence (Cic. Man. 30). However, in the description of the devastating consequences of the civil and Social War, it is made clear that the generals marched their armies ‘into Italy, through the fields and towns of the Roman people’.74 Italy thus holds a double identity: being, on the one hand, subjected territory, but, on the other hand, in some ways part of the Roman res publica. Even in the speeches against the Rullan reforms, where Cicero, as shown above, is at pains to describe a strong Italy as a threat to Rome, he at the same time labels wars and conflicts in Italy as domestici (Cic. Agr. 2.90). Only months after he had used the frightening prospect of a militarily fortified Italy to refute the Rullan reforms, the idea of Italy as a common political unit appears for the first time in Cicero’s argumentation. In his first speech against Catiline, Cicero imagines ‘if my own patria, which is a lot dearer to me than my life, if the united Italy, if the entire republic’75 should address him directly to ask why Catiline is still alive. As in the second speech against Verres, discussed above, Italy is explicitly presented as synonymous with the second patria of De Legibus – the res publica – but here the concept is expanded and endowed with a political will of its own. This notwithstand ing that probably several thousand dispossessed Italian peasants and other marginalised groups were at this point on the brink of open rebellion against the political and social status quo which Cicero claims the united Italy sup 73 Mouritsen 2001: 24-26; Purcell 1994: 644-46

74 In Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum, Cic. Man. 38.

75 Si mecum patria, quae mihi vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta Italia, si omnis res publica,

Cic. Catil. 1.27. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ported.76 In the second speech against Catiline, given before the people, cuncta Italia appears again, as part of a recital of the resources of Catiline’s opponents, but as the Senate, the knights and the urbs feature on the same list, Italia cannot be directly equated with the res publica in this context (Cic. Catil. 2.25). Little more than a year later, a united Italy playing a political role appears again when Cicero describes a speech held in the Senate, in which he had spoken among other things about ‘the importance of the Senate, the con cord of the knights, the agreement of Italy’.77 A clearer description of those whom Cicero envisages as exponents of the united Italia is probably to be found in the narrative of his successful attempt to amend a later suggestion for agrarian reforms to protect current land owners from confiscations, in which he remarks to Atticus: ‘for that is my army, as you know, of rich peo ple’.78 It is this army of the landed municipal and rural elites, the domi nobiles, undoubtedly including some of the more influential and wealthy of the Sul lan veterans,79 who were already in the process of replacing the old aristo cratic families as the dominant class in Rome, and who would go on to be come the main beneficiaries of the Roman Revolution as termed by Ronald Syme.80 In other words, Cicero articulates a pan-Italian elite class consisting of the property holders (conveniently also monopolising the local political offices, as there was probably a certain property qualification which a candi date had to meet in order to be eligible for local office81), who would sup port the social and political status quo, and for whom Cicero hoped to act as political leader and representative. It was that class whose properties were protected by the swift suppression of the Catilinarian revolt, and by the firm opposition to agrarian reforms offered by Cicero, and which Cicero imagines as being ready to rally to his defence when he confidently boasts to his brother that if Clodius takes him

76 Stewart 1995: 62-64, 68-75.

77 De gravitate ordinis, de equestri concordia, de consensione Italiae, Cic. Att. 1.14.4.

78 Is enim est noster exercitus, hominum, ut tute scis, locupletium, Cic. Att. 1.19.4.

79 Wiseman 1971: 74-76.

80 Syme 1939: 359-65.

81 Bispham 2007: 217.



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to court, ‘the whole of Italy will gather, and I shall come out of it with in creased glory’.82 Even though Cicero was not initially saved from exile, he is still adamant that tota Italia would have rallied to his defence if only he had asked (Cic. Att. 3.15.7), and it is very likely that his recall by the centuriate assembly rather than the tribal assembly bears witness to the support for his return among the wealthy municipes.83 His speeches in the first couple of years after his recall constantly return to the uniqueness of his position in being the only person in history recalled by the united Italy, and to his triumphant tour through the municipia on his way to Rome, as does his correspondence (e.g., Cic. Red. Sen. 38-39; Att. 4.1.4-5). Shortly before his definitive loss of political independence after the re newal of the alliance between Pompeius, Crassus and Caesar at the confer ence in Lucca,84 Cicero stated his definition of the good people who were the supporters of the state in front of a jury: ‘They are the leaders of the Senate, and those who follow their lead, they are people of the large orders for whom the Senate is open, they are from the Roman municipia and coun tryside, they are people engaged in business, even some freedmen are opti mates’.85 In this speech, in which Cicero moreover equates the cause of Italy with the cause of the Senate and the republic (Sest. 83), he thus fairly openly presents all parts of the possessing classes as comprising that tota Italia, whose auctoritas was defied when he was forced into exile86 (Sest. 35). A fur ther recitation of the instances in which Cicero advertises his special rela tionship to tota Italia – the municipia and the colonies – would be unneces sarily long-winded, but they are nevertheless numerous, recurring in very similar form throughout the fifties BC. When the civil war between Pompeius and Caesar broke out, Cicero evi dently hoped to keep the support of the local leaders in the municipia on the side of Pompeius and the Senate, thus keeping the Italian propertied class united, and even though he does not approve Pompeius’ tactics of withdraw 82 Tota Italia concurret, ut multiplicata gloria discedamus, Cic. Q.Fr. 1.2.16.

83 Millar 1998: 150-51.

84 Fuhrmann 1992: 97-121.

85 Sunt principes consili publici, sunt qui eorum sectam sequuntur, sunt maximorum ordinum

homines, quibus patet curia, sunt municipales rusticique Romani, sunt negoti gerentes, sunt etiam libertini optimates, Cic. Sest. 97. 86 Wood 1988: 62-63, 194-99. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ing from Rome, he happily writes to Atticus in January 49 that judged ‘from the distress of the municipia, and the talk of the people who visit me’,87 it seems that the plan is working, as the thought of the city left without magis trates and Senate has made people less willing to make concessions to Caesar (Cic. Att. 7.11.4). However, no more than a month later, Cicero found his hopes frustrated by the restraint and clemency of Caesar and the tactics of Pompeius, with which Cicero disagreed, and he complains about the lack of loyalty shown by the class he had believed himself to represent: ‘Many peo ple from the municipia and the countryside talk to me. Nothing do they care about, except their fields, their small villas and petty fortunes’.88 This indignation – paradoxal for someone who for fifteen years had staged him self as the defender of the fortunes of the propertied classes – turns rapidly against Pompeius, when Cicero less than two weeks later claims that ‘his primary plan is to suffocate the city and starve Italy, then he will lay the country waste and burn it down, and he will not keep his hands off the for tunes of the well-to-do’.89 Cicero’s firm decision to stay on Pompeius’ side thus forces him into op posing the municipal elites who he had claimed to be the backbone of the united Italia, and he despairs of the prospect of having to lead foreign troops against his co-citizens and bring destruction on Italy (Att. 9.10.3). Towards the end of March 49, Cicero resignedly recognises that the people of both municipia and countryside fear Pompeius and love Caesar (Att. 9.13.4), and as he contemplates joining Pompeius in his escape from Italy he falters at the contrast between his former departure into exile, where he still believed he had the backing of the Italian elites, and his current prospects, where the people from towns and country firmly back Caesar and fear Cicero’s allies (Att. 9.15.3). At best, Italy was no longer united because of the split between Senate and municipes. At worst, Cicero was now actually about to go to war against that cuncta Italia which he had himself articulated.

87 Ex dolore municipali sermonibusque eorum quos convenio, Cic. Att. 7.11.4. 88 Multum mecum municipales homines loquuntur, multum rusticani; nihil prorsus aliud curant nisi agros, nisi villulas, nisi nummulos suos, Cic. Att. 8.13.2. 89 Primum consilium est suffocare urbem et Italiam fame, deinde agros vastare, urere, pecuniis locupletum non abstinere, Cic. Att. 9.7.4. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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jesper johansen meisner 5. ENDGAME: UNITED ITALY FIGHTING ITSELF

For a long period after Cicero’s departure from Italy, the concept of a united Italy does not appear as a political force in his writings, but Caesar’s death and the ensuing conflict, which eventually led to Cicero’s execution, af forded him a final opportunity to reawaken tota Italia and recast himself as its spokesman. In the months immediately following Caesar’s death, Cicero, staying outside Rome, claimed in his correspondence with Atticus that the people of the municipia rejoiced at the situation and gathered around him to hear his advice on the political situation (Att. 14.6.2). In his attempt to win Dolabella for the republican cause, Cicero likewise attempts to cast himself in the role as counsellor and leader of the local elites, by describing how his friends from the municipia gather at his villa and express their gratitude to wards him while guaranteeing their loyalty to Dolabella as consul (Cic. Fam. 9.14.1). His remark to Atticus that a military leader was ‘that one thing which municipia and the good people wished for’,90 does not directly in voke a united Italy but strikes the same tones about the unity of the urban and local social elites that were found in his pre-civil war speeches and corre spondence. Catherine Steel has demonstrated how Cicero’s correspondence with lead ing men in Roman politics, and in the municipia, is an attempt to create a strong network of opposition to Marcus Antonius, and how the Philippic speeches play a role in this strategy as political documents circulated among Cicero’s correspondents,91 while his treatises from the same period also con tain allusions to the political situation.92 In Philippic 2, from the autumn of 44, Cicero sets out his fundamental criticism of Antonius, including the claim that he had humiliated the municipia in every conceivable way (Phil. 2.58.106-7). According to Cicero, Italy had been left to be trampled down (Phil. 2.57) and Antonius had attempted to distribute Campanian and Leon tine land to mimes, and to his companions in banquets and games (Phil. 2.101). The details of his confiscation of land from Roman citizens and his grotesque indulgence in his spoils (Phil. 2.103-5) strikes exactly the same theme which Cicero had used when attempting to invoke the support of the 90 Quod unum municipia bonique desiderant, Cic. Att. 14.20.4.

91 Steel 2005: 103-6.

92 Blom 2003: 303-5.



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propertied classes prior to 49, and Cicero further claimed to Atticus that Antonius extorted money from the municipia (Att. 16.8.2). At this point, the only available ally of military significance was of course Octavian, but by the fifth of November, Cicero still claims to have profound doubts about whether to make common cause with Caesar’s heir. His realisation that ‘the municipia exceedingly favour the boy’93 would, however, seem to clinch the argument in favour of an alliance with Octavian, if Cicero did not wish once again to end up fighting against the class he attempted to represent. By the twentieth of December the decision was made, and in the speech given in the Senate that day by Cicero, he clearly sets out his analysis of the situation in Italy. He claims that it is time to act against Antonius because the Senate now has ‘the right time offered, generals prepared, the spirit of the soldiers excited, the Roman people united, and all Italy roused for the recovery of liberty’.94 Italy has thus returned as the acting political entity, which, as always when invoked by him, is on Cicero’s side. The very charac ter of the Roman elite is discussed due to Antonius’ derogatory mention of Octavian’s Arician mother. Cicero turns this example of aristocratic snob bery into a general disregard for the entire senate and asks of whom among the senators it cannot be said that they originated from a municipium (Cic. Phil. 3.15). This refutation of a high-born Roman’s disregard for the municipal birth of fellow senators is perhaps the clearest policy declaration made in support of the process by which the municipal elites permeated the highest echelons of Roman society, replacing the old metropolitan aristocracy as the domi nant class in the Empire.95 In Cicero’s speech we witness the political articu lation of the Roman Senate as a Pan-Italian elite, mobilised in the contest for control of the Roman political life against an internal enemy, charged with the dual offence of, on the one hand, being an old-fashioned snob who placed himself outside the elite community of the senators and tota Italia by deriding the municipal background of an overwhelming majority of sena tors, and, on the other hand, being a dangerous revolutionary who, by viola

93 Puero municipia mire favent, Cic. Att. 16.11.6.

94 Tempore oblato, ducibus paratis, animis militum incitatis, populo Romano conspirante, Italia

tota ad libertatem reciperandam excitata, Cic. Phil. 3.32. 95 Syme 1939: 453. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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tion of the property and lives of the elite, threatens to cause social upheaval (Phil. 3.30-31). Italy itself was apparently also expanded in the speech. Gallia Cisalpina, under the command of Decimus Brutus, had resisted the power of Anto nius, but by stressing that it is by ‘agreement of the municipia and colonies in the Gallic province’,96 Cicero emphasises that the people resisting Anto nius are fellow-citizens who do not accept his legitimacy as their consul, rather than rebellious provincials challenging the Roman hegemony (Phil. 3.13). He even goes so far as to call the province ‘the flower of Italy, that main supporter of the supremacy of the Roman people, that honourable ornament’.97 Thus Cisalpina is made to appear almost as a continuation of tota Italia, and the wicked Insubrians and Ligurians of earlier times seem completely forgotten when Cicero claims that the province is inhabited ‘by the best and stoutest men, and by citizens most devoted to the republic’.98 In the Senate, which at this time must have included several members from Cisalpina appointed by the late dictator (Suet. Jul. 76), the Gallic province was thus clearly articulated as part of the joint Roman-Italian (elite) com munity, which Cicero attempted to mobilise against Antonius. The fourth Philippic, held on the same day and on the same topic, but before an assembly of the city population, supplies an opportunity to exam ine how Cicero would vary his arguments depending on the audience. In both speeches, the summary execution of Roman citizens by Antonius is mentioned as a hideous crime, obviously expected to arouse great indigna tion (Phil. 3.10; 4.4.11). Before the people, the Gallic province also appears on the same side as Cicero and his audience (Phil. 4.8), but in this speech, no particular relation between the province and Italy is mentioned, and the citizen status of the inhabitants, which was stressed in the speech before the Senate, is never brought up before the people. The audience, which is again addressed as the embodiment of the full Roman population, is told not to think that municipia, colonies, and a third type of Italian towns – the prae fecturae – hold different opinions from itself on the illegality of Antonius’ position (Phil. 4.7). Rather, regarding Antonius’ consulate, Cicero claims 96 Consensus municipiorum coloniarumque provinciae Galliae, Cic. Phil. 3.13.

97 Flos Italiae, illud firmamentum imperii populi Romani, illud ornamentum dignitatis, Cic.

Phil. 3.13. 98 Optimorum et fortissimorum [virorum] amicissimorumque rei publicae civium, Phil. 3.38. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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that ‘Decimus Brutus [commander in Gaul] ... denies it, Gaul denies it, the whole of Italy denies it, the Senate denies it, and you deny it’.99 While cuncta Italia is mentioned in this enumeration, it is placed along side two other entities (Gaul and the Senate), which are definitely not iden tical to the vos that Cicero addresses, and it seems that the people is thus distinguished from the concept of the united Italy as an independent politi cal unit. Therefore, cuncta Italia in this context appears more as an expres sion of political agreement between the various political entities in the pen insula, and less as a unity likened to the patria displaying a single will of its own. The clearest indication that the idea of Italy as a unity without a special precedence for urban Romans, which seemed so self-evident in the assertion of the universal municipal descent of the senatorial class in the speech held only hours earlier, would not be as well received by the city population, is seen towards the end of the speech. Here, Cicero claims that virtus is ‘espe cially belonging to the Roman race and stock’,100 a formulation which seems to stress blood relationship rather than citizenship, and which would thus seem to possibly exclude attendees of Italian descent and certainly freedmen or other citizens of similar foreign descent, and he reminds the assembled people that ‘by this bravery your ancestors first subdued all Italy’.101 The primacy of Rome in relation to Italy is thus clearly conveyed in the speech before the people, and the thought of tota Italia as a single res publica seems far off in this context. The same picture emerges from an examination of the speeches delivered on New Year’s Day in 43. Before the Senate, Cicero claims that Cisalpina is ‘a province of the best and bravest citizens’,102 and the implication of the suggestion that a levy should be held ‘in the city and in all Italy except Gaul’103 seems unambiguously to accept the Gallic province as a part of the united Italy. Cuncta Italia also features among the beneficiaries of the cause taken by Octavian (Cic. Phil. 5.43), and Cicero warns against sending an

99 100 101 102 103

Negat hoc D. Brutus … negat Gallia, negat cuncta Italia, negat senatus, negatis vos, Cic. Phil. 4.9. Propria est Romani generis et seminis, Cic. Phil. 4.13. Hac virtute maiores vestri primum universam Italiam devicerunt, Cic. Phil. 4.13. Provinciam firmissimorum et fortissimorum civium, Cic. Phil. 5.24. In urbe et in Italia praeter Galliam tota, Cic. Phil. 5.31.



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embassy to Antonius which will ‘extinguish the eagerness of the Roman people, and wreck the spirit of Italy and the municipia’.104 The dangers of land distribution are said to be on an enormous scale, as Antonius will not only parcel out the city but has given all Italy to be dis tributed by his brother (Phil. 5.6-7), and the familiar topic of redistribution of property thus remains at the forefront in Cicero’s political argumentation. Before the people, the objection against L. Antonius’ land distribution also appears, but here it comes with the fanciful claim that only time restrained him from parcelling out even the Campus Martius – the site of the saepta, where elections took place, and of the relatively new theatre of Pompey (Phil. 6.14). Thus Cicero seeks to project Antonius’ activities as detrimental to the people’s enjoyment of voting rights and the various commoda which were related to the public activities on the Campus Martius. In this way, his strat egy is similar to the Rullan speech, where he threatened his city audience with the loss of their privileges if they backed Rullus’ proposals (Cic. Agr. 2.71). When describing the unity of the anti-Antonian movement, Cicero claims that as the people wishes Antonius suppressed, ‘so all orders wish the same, the municipia, the colonies, the united Italy are devoted to the same goal’.105 The united Italy is again more a product of the general agreement of the towns and orders than it is a single political unit, and before the peo ple, Cisalpina’s strong and brave citizens are conspicuously absent from Cicero’s speech. In the following months, Cicero continuously stated that Italia was united in the struggle against Antonius, and he claims the enthusiasm in the municipia is such ‘that in each and every town you do not lack a Senate and a Roman people’.106 In his correspondence with the tyrannicides, he rejoices in the soldiers volunteering for the legions from all Italy (Cic. Fam. 11.8.2), and explains that the seal of Italia universa is strong even though it is a struggle to win the consulars for his cause (Cic. Fam. 12.4.1). In late January he had told Brutus that there was great veneration felt for him by all citizens 104 105 106

Populi Romani restinguet ardorem, municipiorum atque Italiae franget animos, Cic. Phil. 5.25. Idem volunt omnes ordines, eodem incumbunt municipia, coloniae, cuncta Italia, Cic. Phil. 6.18. Ut in singulis oppidis curiam populi Romani non desideretis, Cic. Phil. 7.23.



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(Cic. Fam. 11.8.1), and in mid-February, he declared before the Senate that Brutus could have mobilised cuncta Italia for his protection, but rather chose to leave Italy lest any occasion for civil war should arise because of him.107 With his claims that Antonius’ backing was limited to three towns in the entire world (Phil. 10.10), and that all Italia was aroused by the crave for freedom (Phil. 10.14.19), we see Cicero desperately attempting to win the rhetorical battle to claim the loyalty and support of the Italian elites, while his allies were engaged in the direct fighting against Antonius and his (also for a large part Italian) followers. His recurrent assertions that the Caesarian veterans enlisted in Octavian’s legions would, in fact, be more than willing to fight alongside the murderer-in-chief of their late imperator shows better than most examples, how precarious and multi-faceted a situation underlies the claims of universal Italian agreement (Phil. 10.15; 11.37-38). The height of this paradox can be seen in the twelfth Philippic, where Cicero at one moment claims that the united Italy has provided the army now used against Antonius (Phil. 12.16) yet the next moment refuses to go on an embassy to Antonius on the grounds that all three possible routes would lead him through territories (in Italy) filled with enemies who would probably kill him on sight (Phil. 12.23-24). In the last two Philippics, held before the Senate in March and April, Cicero repeats his claim that a united Italy is standing firm against Antonius (Phil. 13.39), the enemy of both city and municipia (Phil. 14.10), and he con tinues to seek support through the accusation that Antonius’ aim is to redis tribute property all over Italy (Phil. 13.42-47). However, in the confused po litical situation after the battle of Mutina, when it had become clear that the civil war would continue108 and Cicero had lost faith in Octavian’s loyalty, the united Italia disappeared as a political factor in his works. In July, as Cicero desperately begs Brutus to lead his army to Italy, he confines himself to the claim that Brutus would be joined by all ‘who ought rightfully to be called citizens’,109 or by the more diffuse omnes (Ad Brut. 1.15.12).

107 108 109

Ne qua oreretur belli civilis causa propter se, Phil. 10.8.

Syme 1939: 176-86.

Quem ... civem appellari fas sit, Ad Brut. 1.14.2.



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jesper johansen meisner 6. CONCLUSION

The fourth of the basic assumptions on collective identity presented in the introduction (that national identities are not exclusive) is widely substanti ated by Cicero’s work. The picture of Italy and Italians that emerges from viewing Cicero’s works in their entirety is riddled with ambivalences and self-contradictions, as he regularly varies whom he represents as the Romans, and which groups he uses as constituting the other. It ought not to come as a surprise to anyone that collective identities were contested and negotiable, in antiquity no less than today – indeed the spectrum for invocation of such collective identities was wider in a world where the political power-holders could to a large extent check the dissemination of information, and where a broad ‘general public’ with the possibility to establish a position based on a fully representative selection of political material was not even conceived as an ideal, let alone existed.110 Cicero the homo novus was as prepared to advertise the composite nature of the Roman upper classes as Cicero the Roman senator was prepared to present inhabitants of an Italian town as degenerate enemies of virtue and civilisation, waiting only for a chance to strike against Rome, and Cicero’s choice to publish materials displaying these duplicities would seem to imply that such tactics were not regarded as reproachable (or at least not any more serious than having a Gallic grandfather, or descending from Picenum, which qualities in spite of Cicero’s vehement attacks did not impair the ca reers of his opponents). Overall, the tactics chosen by Cicero for a specific work reveal no distinct chronological development, and seem to depend more on the immediate political or forensic situation than on any fixed strategy towards a particular audience. The Verrine speeches were written less than 20 years after the end of the Social War, but nevertheless displayed a fully developed identification between Italy and res publica. On the other hand, as late as the fifties BC, a person with the unfortunate name Ligus was apparently fair game for ethnic derision, though his family had probably been established in Italy for several generations. Cicero thus discursively constructs several conflicting pictures of the joint Roman community, and such ambivalence can raise questions about his own status in the Roman elite. 110

Eich 2000: 6-19



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No doubt Cicero’s rise from a municipal equestrian family to the consu late was spectacular, but if he could repeatedly deride a Calpurnian consular in strong terms for having Gallic ancestors, the various hostile remarks about Cicero’s own background should not lead to overstating his status as outsider or pariah in the political aristocracy. Rather, as Emma Dench has observed, the urban-elitist identity seems to be one that can be taken up or discarded parallel to the identity of stout municipal nobleman in a decadent, depraved city,111 and we may freely imagine any number of variations and combina tions of these two archetypes. Thus, the rhetorical enrolment of an audience into a joint collective identity with the speaker, and the exclusion of a given opponent from that imagined community, was a political tool alongside many others, and provides us with a definition of the Arpinate Cicero’s place in the Roman elite that is no more ‘true’ than any modern political speech or article provides a ‘true’ definition of Muslim immigrants’ relation to the Western societies in which they have settled. In speeches before the Senate and in the courtroom, Cicero varies the communities he articulates to fit the immediate political context, but speak ing before the people in Rome, Cicero is never seen claiming a broad Ital ian/Roman identity, and instead sticks to articulating an urban-Roman community, though sometimes in alliance with an apparently separate Italy. In the fourth and sixth Philippic, the citizens of Cisalpina are consistently described as provincials, and in De Lege Manilia and De Lege Agraria 2, the res publica is equated with the physical site of the city. This contrasts with the identification of Italia with the patria and thus with the res publica, and with the plea for consanguinitas through citizenship of In Verrem 2. Not wishing at this point to engage too deeply in the intense scholarly debate on popular sovereignty and participation in the political culture of the Roman republic,112 it is nevertheless an interesting observation that Cicero evidently felt the need to adopt a different line in representing the city’s social and political relations to Italy, when he addressed the Senate and the citizens attending the political assemblies in Rome respectively. While this observation does not necessarily imply that the participants in the popu lar assembly were particularly representative of the city population as a 111 112

Dench 2005: 155-56, 179-82.

North 1990; Millar 1998; Yakobson 1999; Mouritsen 2001; Hölkeskamp 2010, among

many others.



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whole, or recruited from the working strata of the population, it would seem clear that this group, in some aspects at least, differed from the Senate in what values and identities it was possible for an orator to credibly articulate. Naturally, extrapolating from observations on Cicero to general conclu sions on Roman politics is notoriously difficult due to the extraordinary place he takes in the source material. However, if Cicero, who despite all his setbacks managed to maintain a central role in Roman politics for more than 30 years, was so careful to differentiate the identities he articulated, then evidently this rhetorical enrolment of the Senate and people in various collective identities must have been politically exploited by other actors on the Roman political stage as well. When turning to the representation of political objectives and links be tween Rome and Italy, Cicero – the infamous turncoat of Roman politics – actually displays a remarkable continuity in his basic political loyalties and objectives, as far as they can be traced. In spite of his claims to be the true popularis consul when opposing Rullus’ agrarian reforms, the interests that Cicero served in this case, and in all his other attempts to block or diminish distributions of property, as well as in his futile efforts to prevent civil war in 49, were the interests of the homines locupletium. When Cicero spoke of the unbreakable agreement of the united Italy, he was referring to the class of landholders who had a political role to play, and the existence of a few thou sand dissatisfied Etrurian peasants, backing Catiline on the battlefield, did not impair this picture of harmony between the people who really mattered. Emma Dench claims to see a marked increase in Cicero’s use of Tota Italia after his recall from exile in 57,113 but in fact the concept appears just as fre quently in the period from its emergence during the Catilinarian crisis to his flight from the city in 58 (Cic. Catil. 1.27-29, 2.24-25, 4.2; Sul. 24; Flac. 5). Thus for a period of 15 years, Cicero seems to have consciously followed a strategy staging himself as the spokesman for domi nobiles, though the fre quent shifts in political power structures prompted concurrent changes in the tactics for this representation, and only reluctantly and resignedly did he relinquish this position, as he felt compelled to support Pompeius against his better political judgement. A central topic of the aforementioned debate on popular participation in Roman politics has been the question of the relative importance of qualita 113

Dench 2005: 184



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tive political points of conflict compared to personal alliances and conflicts within the senatorial elite. Keeping this dispute in mind, it is interesting to find Cicero so consistent in the qualitative objectives for his overall political strategy over so long a period of time, yet consciously willing to depart from this position and join Pompeius, whose strategy he firmly disapproves, be cause of a personal feeling of gratitude. A comical illustration of this com plex web of favours, services, and sense of honour which bound the Roman political elite together is Cicero’s distress at the thought that he has to settle his financial debt to Caesar before he can honourably enter into a civil war against him (Cic. Att. 7.8.5). The appearance of Tota Italia as a political unit during Cicero’s consulate is not necessarily an indication of any shift in his political allegiance com pared to an earlier period. It cannot be decisively dismissed as an explana tion for the absence of a political Tota Italia in Cicero’s pre-consular works that he had avoided mentioning his municipal origin and the Italian upper classes as a power base before his consular year, so as not to antagonise no biles and potential supporters in the city. This would seem inconsistent both in relation to the overall tendency to switch between different identities that has already been identified, and with Cicero’s choices to publish several speeches early on in his career, which portrayed him as a regular defender and friend of wealthy municipes114 – the exact same class which he attempted to represent politically during and after his consular year. The explanation for the appearance of Italy as a political unit may rather lie in the different character of Cicero’s published work before and after his consulate. Prior to his consulship, comparatively few of the surviving speeches relate to major political questions, and cuncta Italia would not, therefore, find a natural place in them, whereas his post-consular production up to the exile aims at conveying as widespread a support as possible for his actions during the Catilinarian crisis.115 The Handbook of Electioneering as cribed to Quintus Cicero seems to show that the idea of Italy as a united community, which could be politically exploited, was fully developed before Cicero’s consulate, (Q. Cic. Comm.Pet. 24, 30-32, 50-51) but the doubts re garding its authenticity prevents us from regarding it as a ‘smoking gun’. In any case, the identification of a fairly well-rooted conception of Italy as 114 115

Lintott 2008: 67 Steel 2005: 49-63



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a political unit and as patria from a comparatively early period in Cicero’s career is remarkable, considering how recent the Social and civil wars were. The people at the height of their political careers in the seventies and sixties were men who, like Cicero, had spent part of their youth fighting rebels touting the name of Italia in the Social War, but still he did not shun from using this name as a synonym for res publica. The conspicuous lack of any particular chronological development in Cicero’s articulation of Italy seems to refute an interpretation of the concept of Italy as being linearly redevel oped in the minds of the political agents in Rome in the period between the end of the Social War and the establishment of the principate due to the profound social and political changes. Rather, the formulation of Italia as a unity during the Social War might have provided a concept to be taken up at any convenient time afterwards, albeit now identified with the Roman res publica. Instead of a steady development in the scope for discursive (re)construc tion of Roman and Italian identities from the enfranchisement of the Italic peoples to the consolidation of the Augustan monarchy, we should imagine an intense and many-faceted continuous reinterpretation taking place inher ently in the political debate in the public domain of the republic, related to, but not necessarily directly reflecting, the constant and ever-changing strug gles for power throughout the period. If, for all the consistency in his politi cal objectives stressed above, Cicero could vary his articulation of Roman and Italian identities to the extent seen in this article, it is evident that a Ca tiline, a Catulus, a Pompeius, and a Caesar would all have different ways of rhetorically enrolling support for their very own version of one or more col lective identities. However negotiable it might be, there is no way of getting around the fact that Cicero’s united Italy was regularly ablaze with civil war throughout his lifetime. In spite of all his attempts to reclaim the role as spokesman for the wealthy municipes after Caesar’s death, Cicero could neither disguise that Italy was divided by a profusion of interests, nor that his alliance with Octa vian was inherently fragile. As the political events unfolded after the battle of Mutina, Cicero was perhaps the greatest loser in the immediate political context, as he was among the first to lose his life in the proscriptions. In a broader political sense, however, the development of the Augustan princi pate paradoxically brought about exactly that unity of the possessing classes of Italy, albeit after a further decade of civil war and extensive redistributions CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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of property, which Cicero had hoped could provide a firm power base for the reinforcement of the republican political system. As Ronald Syme ar gued, the principate was in a sense the victory of the Italian municipal elites, who gradually took over the highest offices of the state, as well as the most important political and military functions from the increasingly diminished 116 group of urban republican nobiles. As the aged princeps set out his political testament, to be read by his subjects, he proudly claimed that tota Italia had voluntarily sworn loyalty to him, and taken him as its leader (Aug. Anc. 25). Whether this Italian unity, allegedly manifesting itself on the brink of yet another civil war, in the immediate situation was any more firmly rooted in reality than the unity stressed by Cicero a decade earlier is more than doubt ful, but for the following century of relative political stability, the works of Cicero could provide a rhetorical model for the representation of a joint Romano-Italian elite community, acting as firm supporters of the social and political status quo. 116

Syme 1939: 490-506.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, B. 2006. Imagined Communities. London. Bispham, E. 2007. From Asculum to Actium: the municipalization of Italy from the Social War to Augustus. Oxford. Blom, H.v.d. 2003. ‘Officium and Res Publica: Cicero’s Political Role after the Ides of March’ C&M 54, 287-319. Brunt, P.A. 1971a. Italian Manpower 225 BC – 14 AD. Oxford. Brunt, P.A. 1971b. Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic. London. Brunt, P.A. 1988. The Fall of the Roman Republic and Related Essays. Oxford. De Cilia, R., M. Reisigl & R. Wodak 1999. ‘The Discursive Construction of National Identities’ Discourse & Society 10, 149-73. Dench, E. 2005. Romulus’ Asylum: Roman Identities from the Age of Alexander to the Age of Hadrian. Oxford. Eich, Armin 2000. Politische Literatur in der Römischen Gesellschaft: Studien zum Verhältnis von politischer und literarischer Öffentlichkeit in der späten Republik und frühen Kaiserzeit. Cologne. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Farney, G.D. 2007. Ethnic Identity and Aristocratic Competition in Republican Rome. Cambridge. Fuhrmann, M. 1992. Cicero and the Roman Republic. Oxford. Gellner, E. 2006. Nations and Nationalism. Malden. Gruen, E. 1992. Culture and National Identity in Republican Rome. Ithaca, NY. Hopkins, K. 1978. Conquerors and Slaves. Cambridge. Hopkins, K. 1983. Death and Renewal. Cambridge. Jehne, M. 2006. ‘Römer, Latiner und Bundesgenossen im Krieg. Zu Formen und Ausmass der Integration in der republikanischen Armee’ in M. Jehne & R. Pfeilschifter (eds.) Herrschaft ohne Integration? Rom und Italien in re publikanischer Zeit. Frankfurt, 243-67. Keppie, L. 1983. Colonisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy 47-14 B.C. Rome. Laurence, R. 1999. The Roads of Roman Italy: Mobility and Cultural Change. London. Levens, R.G.C. 1946. Cicero, Verrine V. London. Lintott, A. 2008. Cicero as Evidence. Oxford. Lomas, K. 2004. ‘A Volscian Mafia? Cicero and his Italian Clients in the Fo rensic Speeches’ in J.J. Paterson & J.G.F. Powell (eds.) Cicero the Advocate. Oxford, 97-116. Long, G. 1862. M. Tullii Ciceroni Orationes with a Commentary, vol. 1: Verri narum libri septem. London. Millar, F. 1998. The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic. Ann Arbor. Morstein-Marx, R. 2004. Mass Oratory and Political Power in the Late Roman Republic. Cambridge. Mouritsen, H. 1998. Italian Unification: A Study in Ancient and Modern His toriography. London. Mouritsen, H. 2001. Plebs and Politics in the Late Republic. Cambridge. North, J. A. 1990. ‘Democratic Politics in Republican Rome’ P&P 126, 3-21. Patterson, J. 1988. Sanniti, Liguri e Romani: Samnites, Ligurians and Romans. Circello. Patterson, J. 2006. Landscapes and Cities: Rural Settlement and Civic Trans formation in Early Imperial Italy. Oxford. Purcell, N. 1994. ‘The City of Rome and the Plebs Urbana in the late Republic’ in Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 9: The Last Age of the Roman Republic 146-43 BC. Cambridge, 644-88. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Salmon, E.T. 1969. Roman Colonization under the Republic. London. Salmon, E.T. 1972. ‘Cicero Romanus an Italicus anceps’ in J.C.R. Martyn (ed.) Cicero and Vergil: Studies in honor of Howard Hunt. Amsterdam, 75 86. Sherwin-White, A.N. 1973. The Roman Citizenship. Oxford. Steel, C. 2001. Cicero, Rhetoric, and Empire. Oxford. Steel, C. 2005. Reading Cicero. London. Stewart, R. 1995. ‘Catiline and the Crisis of 63-60 B.C.: The Italian Perspec tive’ Latomus 54, 62-78. Syme, R. 1939. The Roman Revolution. Oxford. Vasaly, A. 1988. ‘Ars Dispositionis: Cicero’s Second Agrarian Speech’ Hermes 116, 409-27. Vasaly, A. 1993. Representations: Images of the World in Ciceronian Oratory. London. Wallace-Hadrill, A. 2008. Rome’s Cultural Revolution. Cambridge. Wiseman, T.P. 1971. New Men in the Roman Senate 139 BC – AD 14. Oxford. Wood, N. 1988. Cicero’s Social and Political Thought. Oxford Yakobson, A. 1999. Elections and Electioneering in Rome: A Study in the Politi cal System of the Late Republic. Stuttgart.





WEIN, WEIB UND GESANG:

ON CATULLUS 27

By Athanassios Vergados

Summary: In this paper, I look at how a short Catullan skolion (c. 27) imitates Anacreon PMG 356. While he follows the general arrangement and themes of Anacreon, Catullus departs from his original in an important way: instead of a moderate mix of wine and water which will lead to the singing of hymns, Catullus prefers undiluted wine and the singing of iambs, as is conveyed by Thyonianus at 27.7 and by poems 28-30 that exhibit iambic motifs. This technique of imitation has a parallel in poem 116, where the poet again frustrates the expectations created in his audience by the initial adoption of a literary model that is aban doned as the poem progresses.* ∗

Minister vetuli puer Falerni

inger mi calices amariores,

ut lex Postumiae iubet magistrae

ebrioso acino ebriosioris.

at vos quo libet hinc abite, Lymphae,

vini pernicies, et ad severos

migrate: hic merus est Thyonianus.

Boy, dispenser of the good old Falernian wine, pour for me more bitter cups, as the rule of our mistress Postumia commands who is drunker than a drunken grape-berry. But you, water nymphs, depart from here to wherever you want, destroyers of wine, and migrate to the stern fellows: this one here is pure Thyonian.

∗

I would like to thank Dr. Shawn O’Bryhim and Dr. Nikoletta Kanavou for commenting on earlier drafts of this paper.

Athanassios Vergados ‘Wein, Weib und Gesang: On Catullus 27’ C&M 62 (2011) 153-67. © 2011 Museum Tuscula num Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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Commentators on Catullus 27 cite Anacreon PMG 356(a) as one of its liter ary antecedents, but do little to elucidate Catullus’ debt to his model. The purpose of this paper is to flesh out the parallels between the two poems and to discuss Catullus’ imitatio and aemulatio of this short skolion. I will also examine the interpretive problems in c. 27.7, and in particular the term Thyonianus, which I believe here indicates poetic inspiration through wine. It will be seen that whereas Anacreon advocates the performance of tame, hymnal poetry, Catullus prefers iambic, invective poetry as is exemplified in c. 28-30. But let us look at Anacreon’s fragment first: Ω·ΉȱΈχȱΚνΕвȱψΐϠΑȱИȱΔ΅ϧȱ

ΎΉΏνΆ΋ΑǰȱϵΎΝΖȱΩΐΙΗΘ΍Αȱ

ΔΕΓΔϟΝǰȱΘΤȱΐξΑȱΈνΎвȱπ·Λν΅Ζȱ

ЂΈ΅ΘΓΖǰȱΘΤȱΔνΑΘΉȱΈвȱΓϥΑΓΙȱ

ΎΙΣΌΓΙΖȱБΖȱΦΑΙΆΕϟΗΘΝΖȱ

ΦΑΤȱΈ΋ЇΘΉȱΆ΅ΗΗ΅ΕφΗΝ.1

Come on boy, bring me a jar so that I may drink up a long draught, hav ing poured ten ladles of water and five of wine, so that I may again revel moderately. Catullus 27 and Anacreon’s fragment have several elements in common. In both, we are in the world of the Greek symposion.2 The speaker commands the slave boy who administers the distribution of wine (Ω·ΉȱΈχȱΚνΕвȱψΐϠΑȱИȱ Δ΅ϧȱ ȩȱ ΎΉΏνΆ΋Α – minister vetuli puer Falerni | inger mi calices amariores). Both poets discuss how wine should be mixed (ΘΤȱ ΐξΑȱ ΈνΎвȱ π·Λν΅Ζȱ ȩȱ ЂΈ΅ΘΓΖǰȱ ΘΤȱ ΔνΑΘΉȱ Έвȱ ΓϥΑΓΙȱ ȩȱ ΎΙΣΌΓΙΖ3 – ut lex iubet Postumiae magis trae…| hinc abite, Lymphae…) and both conclude their commands with a reference to Bacchic frenzy. Anacreon declares his intention to revel moder 1 Page prints ΎΙΣΌΓΙΖȱ БΖȱ ΪΑȱ ȕЀΆΕ΍ΗΘ΍ЗΖ† in line 5. ̝ΑΙΆΕϟΗΘΝΖ is Pauw’s emendation. Other suggestions may be found in Page’s apparatus criticus. 2 During the Roman convivium, the mixing of wine and water was conducted to the guest’s taste, in contrast to the Greek symposion in which there was one kind of mix for all; see Dunbabin 1993: 128-29. 3 Athenaeus cites this fragment of Anacreon specifically to illustrate the 1:2 mixture of wine (10.427a-b). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ately (БΖȱ ΦΑΙΆΕϟΗΘΝΖ | ΦΑΣǳΆ΅ΗΗ΅ΕφΗΝ),4 while Catullus introduces Thyonianus, a name he coined from a hypothetical gentilicium Thyonius by adding the suffix -anus.5 Thyone was of course an appellation of Semele that derives from ΌϾΉ΍ΑȱȦȱΌΙϟΉ΍Α ‘rage, revel, be possessed or inspired’.6 Line 7 presents some interpretative problems. Scholars have debated whether hic is adverbial (‘here’) or pronominal (‘this wine’ or ‘this man’, i.e. the speaker). Ellis rendered ‘this is the unmixed liquor of the wine-god’.7 Thyonianus thus equals Dionysus; but there is no parallel for a god’s name based on his mother’s name with the suffix -anus. Fordyce considered the last line as referring to wine: in his view, Thyonianus derives from Thyonius, a doublet of Thyoneus (as sometimes Bacchus is referred to),8 and one may compare with Homeric Greek ̏ΉΏ΅ΑΌΉϾΖȱȦȱ̏ΉΏΣΑΌ΍ΓΖ for the doublet.9 To this Thyonius was added the suffix -anus, commonly found in the names of Roman wines. The masculine gender of Thyonianus can be explained, in Fordyce’s view, by the gender of Greek ΓϨΑΓΖ, as Kroll had previously sug gested,10 and has a parallel in Tmolius and Phanaeus at Verg. Georg. 2.98-9. A similar line of interpretation was followed by Quinn who rendered ‘here is the Thyonian (i.e. Bacchus) undiluted’, comparing to the form Hor. C. 1.17.23 and Ov. Met. 4.13 (Thyoneus).11 But as Bolton remarks, understanding 4 ̅΅ΗΗΣΕ΅ is the fox, but ̅΅ΗΗ΅ΕϟΖ = Bacchant; cf. Anacr. PMG 411(b) ̇΍ΓΑϾΗΓΙȱΗ΅ІΏ΅΍ȱ ̅΅ΗΗ΅ΕϟΈΉΖ. 5 Note that the suffix -ius may designate divine descent or association with a god (e.g., Martius, Latonius, Neptunius etc.; Thyonius is not attested). It may also be used in the nomenclature of slaves, to whom the master’s gentilicium is applied; see Leumann Hoffmann-Szantyr 1963-79: vol. 1 §273Ab. 6 See Frisk 1960 and Chantraine 1968: s.v. ΌϾΝ 1. For ̋ΙЏΑ΋ = ̕ΉΐνΏ΋, cf. for instance h.Hom. 1.21 (ΗϿΑȱΐ΋ΘΕϠȱ̕ΉΐνΏϙȱϊΑȱΔΉΕȱΎ΅ΏνΓΙΗ΍ȱ̋ΙЏΑ΋Α), D.S. 3.62.9, 4.25.4, [Apol lod.] 3.38. 7 See Ellis 1889 ad loc. 8 Cf. Hor. C. 1.17.23, Ovid Met. 4.13, Stat. Th. 5.265, Val.Flac. 1.726. Opp. Cyn. 1.27 has ̋ΙΝΑ΅ϟУ ̇΍ΓΑϾΗУ, while Hsch. Ό 985 transmits that Dionysus had the appellation ̋ΙΝΑϟΈ΅Ζ in Rhodes. 9 See Fordyce 1961 ad loc. 10 Kroll 1980: ad loc., suggested that Thyonianus was formed ‘als sei es eine Weinsorte wie Formianum Nomentanum.’ Pace Putnam 1969: 855 nothing compels us to take vetuli … Falerni of Catullus 27.1 as masculine (a personification of the wine). 11 See Quinn 1985 ad loc. Cairns 1975: 24-29 rendered ‘here is Bacchus undiluted’, citing Ausonius, Cento Praef., for Thyonianus = Bacchus. He compared this to a similar injunc tion for undiluted wine in Diphilus, PCG 57 σ·ΛΉΓΑȱΗϿȱΈχȱΔ΍ΉϧΑǯȩȱ̅ǯȱΉЁΊΝΕϱΘΉΕϱΑȱ·Ήȱ c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ΓϨΑΓΖ here is ‘an act of desperation’.12 The masculine gender in Vergil does

not prove anything: the passage evoked by Kroll and Fordyce runs sunt et Aminneae vites, firmissima vina, | Tmolius adsurgit quibus et rex ipse Phanaeus (there are also the Aminnean grapes, strong-bodied wine, for which the Tmolian [king] rises out of respect and even the king Phaneus himself ). Given that Tmolius and Phaneus depend on rex, Vergil does not provide a true parallel. To Bolton’s objection we may add that generally, wine names in Latin are neuter (e.g., Formianum, Albanum, sc. vinum), formed on the basis of place names rather than personal names.13 Bolton glosses ‘This one is Bacchus’ man throughout’, comparing such substantives as Caesarianus or Christianus; in his view, merus Thyonianus shows the speaker’s ‘unmixed (me rus) devotion to the god of wine by drinking his wine unmixed (merum)’. But this, too, is not without problems: Thyonianus would be an odd way to designate a devotee of Bacchus. As Caesarianus and Christianus show, the suffix -ianus is added to the name of the person (or god) whom one follows, rather than his parent’s name. To all this one may answer with Thompson that ‘probably Catullus expanded the adjective [sc. Thyoneus, Thyonius] whimsically (partly for metrical reasons)’.14 But such an answer would de tract from the poem’s meaning, as it would imply that the last word in its punch-line had a limited purpose. At any rate, merus … Thyonianus suggests that the persona loquens is a pure devotee of Thyone, hence a revelling, in spired person,15 and not merely a follower of Dionysus. But why Thyone? ̋ϾΉ΍ΑȱȦȱΌΙϟΉ΍Α is generally used of raging natural forces, but is found in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes (560) in the sense ‘to be inspired’. There,

12 13 14 15

Αχȱ̇΍вǰȱИȱΔ΅ϧǰȱΈϱΖȉȱΘϲȱ·ΤΕȱȩȱЀΈ΅ΕξΖȱΧΔ΅ΑȱΘΓІΘвȱσΗΘ΍ȱΘϜȱΜΙΛϜȱΎ΅ΎϱΑ (A. You, pour us to drink. B. And, boy, (pour) rather pure wine, by Zeus; for this high proportion of water is bad for our spirit) and detected a similarity in that both the comic playwright and Ca tullus offer a parody: Diphilus discusses (and parodies) the medical theory of the hu mours, while Catullus parodies the lex Postumia. But the fact that Ausonius in the 4th c. AD understood Thyonianus as meaning Bacchus does not prove that this is what Catullus had intended. See Bolton 1967: 12; Woytek 1975: 75-77.

See Syndikus 2001: vol. 1, 173 with n. 9.

See Thomson 2003 ad loc.

The only other possibility allowed by the rules of Roman nomenclature would be to con sider Thyonianus an adoptive name. But that would cause more problems than it would solve, as the speaker would in effect appear to leave the clan of Thyone; cf. Leumann Hoffmann-Szantyr 1963-79: vol. 1, §295.2.



on catullus 27

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Apollo speaks of three maiden sisters (possibly sacred bees) who can proph ecy if they are inspired through the consumption of (fermented?) honey.16 Thyonianus here suggests inspiration through wine, an inspiration that is poetic rather than prophetic, though poetry and prophecy were often con nected in antiquity.17 Catullus is thus calling here for pure inspiration through the consumption of unmixed wine. The inspirational qualities of wine are amply documented in GraecoRoman poetry.18 A few instances will suffice. Archil. fr. 120W claims to be able to lead the dithyramb when he is thunderstruck by wine: БΖȱ̇΍ΝΑϾΗΓΙȱ ΩΑ΅ΎΘΓΖȱ Ύ΅ΏϲΑȱ πΒΣΕΒ΅΍ȱ ΐνΏΓΖȱ ȩȱ ΓϨΈ΅ȱ Έ΍ΌϾΕ΅ΐΆΓΑȱ ΓϥΑУȱ ΗΙ·ΎΉȬ Ε΅ΙΑΝΌΉϠΖȱΚΕνΑ΅Ζ (for I know how to lead the beautiful song of lord Dio

nysus, the dithyramb, when my mind is thunderstruck by wine), and Cal lim. fr. 544 spoke of ΘΓІ <˘> ΐΉΌΙΔΏϛ·ΓΖȱ ΚΕΓϟΐ΍ΓΑȱ ̝ΕΛ΍ΏϱΛΓΙ (the hymn of wine-stricken Archilochus). The coexistence of wine and song is found also in Xenophan. fr. 1.21-22W, who speaks of songs performed dur ing a symposion by the krater: ΓЄȱ Θ΍ȱ ΐΣΛ΅Ζȱ Έ΍νΔΉ΍Αȱ ̖΍ΘφΑΝΑȱ ΓЁΈξȱ ̆΍·ΣΑΘΝΑȱ ȩȱ ΓЁΈξȱ <˘>ȱ ̍ΉΑΘ΅ϾΕΝΑǰȱ ΔΏΣΗΐ΅ǀΘ΅ǁȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΔΕΓΘνΕΝΑ (not to be busy with the battles of the Titans nor the Giants nor the Centaurs, fic tions of the men of old) and Anacr. fr. eleg. 2W: ΓЁȱ Κ΍ΏǀνΝǁǰȱ ϶Ζȱ ΎΕ΋ΘϛΕ΍ȱ Δ΅ΕΤȱ ΔΏνУȱ ΓϢΑΓΔΓΘΣΊΝΑȱ ȩȱ ΑΉϟΎΉ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΔϱΏΉΐΓΑȱ Έ΅ΎΕΙϱΉΑΘ΅ȱ Ών·Ή΍ǰȱ ȩȱ ΦΏΏвȱ ϵΗΘ΍Ζȱ ̏ΓΙΗǀνΝǁΑȱ ΘΉȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Φ·Ώ΅Τȱ ΈЗΕвȱ ̝ΚΕΓΈϟΘ΋Ζȱ ȩȱ ΗΙΐΐϟΗ·ΝΑȱ πΕ΅ΘϛΖȱΐΑφΗΎΉΘ΅΍ȱΉЁΚΕΓΗϾΑ΋Ζ (I don’t like him who, drinking by the full

crater, speaks of strife and tearful war, but (I like) whoever mixes the splen did gifts of the Muses and Aphrodite and remembers lovely merriment).19 Cratinus PCG *203 (perhaps from his Pytine) observes that ЂΈΝΕȱΈξȱΔϟΑΝΑȱ

16 For the inspirational qualities of fermented honey (mead, akin to Greek ΐνΌΙ and San skrit madhu), see the discussion in Scheinberg 1979: 17-19. 17 See Scheinberg 1979: 21-26. Murray 1981: 87-100, argues that the concept of inspiration in the sense of a furor poeticus did not arise before the fifth century BC. 18 Cf. Waszink 1974: 9-11 and Crowther 1979: 5 n. 2; further, Kambylis 1965: 113-22 and Knox 1985: esp. 107-12. 19 See Lesher 2001: 53-54. Anacreon declares in the extant fragments his preference for the performance of erotic or meta-sympotic verse, as opposed to songs that have a clear po litical message; see Kantzios 2005, who accounts for this phenomenon by evoking the mixed background (i.e., not entirely aristocratic) of Anacreon’s audience. On p. 228, he discusses the evidence for Anacreon’s drinking wine. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ΓЁΈξΑȱΪΑȱΘνΎΓ΍ΖȱΗΓΚϱΑ (you would not be able to produce anything wise by drinking water).20 Horace, too, stresses the importance of wine for poetic inspiration in Ep. 1.19.1-8:

Prisco si credis, Maecenas docte, Cratino,

nulla placere diu nec vivere carmina possunt,

quae scribuntur aquae potoribus …

laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus:

Ennius ipse pater numquam nisi potus ad arma

prosiluit dicenda

Learned Maecenas, if you trust ancient Cratinus, no poems that are writ ten by water-drinkers can be pleasing or live on for a long time … drunk Homer betrays himself through the praises of wine: father Ennius himself never darted forth to sing of war unless drunk. Martial 11.6.12-3 writes possum nil ego sobrius; bibenti | succurrent mihi quin decim poetae (I can’t do anything sober; but when drunk, fifteen poets come to my aid). The second half of this epigram clearly alludes to Catullus. In lines 9-10 the speaker addresses his slave boy with instructions about the mixing of wine: misce dimidios, puer, trientes, | quales Pythagoras dabat Neroni, | misce, Dindyme, sed frequentiores (Boy, mix two cyathi, such as the ones that Pythagoras used to give Nero, mix them, Dindymus, but more frequently), while 14-16 allude to Cat. 5 and 7 as well as his passer-poems (da nunc basia, sed Catulliana: | quae si tot fuerint, quot ille dixit, | donabo tibi passerem Catulli (give me now kisses, but à la Catullus: and if they become as many as he said, I will present you with Catullus’ passer). Martial seems to have understood the implications of Thyonianus in Catullus 27, and is draw 20 Quoted in AP 13.29.2; on the problem of this epigram’s attribution (Nicaenetus, The aeteus or Asclepiades), see Sens 2011: 325-30, who also provides further references for the connection between wine and poetry. Kock in his edition of the comic fragments consid ered the hexameter ΓϨΑϱΖȱΘΓ΍ȱΛ΅ΕϟΉΑΘ΍ȱΔνΏΉ΍ȱΘ΅ΛϿΖȱϣΔΔΓΖȱΦΓ΍ΈХ (wine, as you know, is a fast horse for the charming singer = AP 13.29.1) as part of Cratinus’ fragment, but this has not been accepted by Kassel-Austin. Biles 2011: 154 with n. 78, suggests that the epi gram’s opening hexameter may be based on a passage from Cratinus’ Pytine. On the ques tion of whether this fragment belonged to the Pityne or not, see Biles 2002: 172-74. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ing a distinction between water-drinkers who cannot write decent poetry (cf. line 12 possum nil ego sobrius) and wine-drinkers who are truly inspired (cf. Cratinus and Horace above). Wiseman has mentioned in passing the ‘image of poets and non-poets who are wine-drinkers and water-drinkers’ in rela tion to Catullus 27.21 But Catullus is aiming at a somewhat different distinc tion, namely between those poets who drink water as opposed to the true poets who drink pure wine.22 This distinction is epigrammatically presented in Antipater of Thessalo nike, a poet of the generation after Catullus (AP 11.2023): ̘ΉϾ·ΉΌвǰȱϵΗΓ΍ȱΏϱΎΎ΅ΖȱύȱΏΓΚΑϟΈ΅ΖȱύȱΎ΅ΐ΅ΗϛΑ΅Ζȱ

αΈΉΘΉǰȱΔΓ΍΋ΘЗΑȱΚІΏΓΑȱΦΎ΅ΑΌΓΏϱ·ΝΑǰȱ

ΓϣȱΘȂȱπΔνΝΑȱΎϱΗΐΓΑȱΏΉΏΙ·΍ΗΐνΑΓΑȱΦΗΎφΗ΅ΑΘΉΖȱ

ΎΕφΑ΋ΖȱπΒȱϡΉΕϛΖȱΔϟΑΉΘΉȱΏ΍ΘϲΑȱЂΈΝΕǯȱ

ΗφΐΉΕΓΑȱ̝ΕΛ΍ΏϱΛΓ΍ΓȱΎ΅ϠȱΩΕΗΉΑΓΖȱώΐ΅Εȱ͟ΐφΕΓΙȱ

ΗΔνΑΈΓΐΉΑɆȱϳȱΎΕ΋ΘχΕȱΓЁȱΈνΛΉΌвȱЀΈΕΓΔϱΘ΅Ζǯ24

Away with those of you who sing of obscure mantles or torches made of vine bark or rare types of fish, race of thorn-gathering poets, who practice a twisted word-order and drink pure water from a sacred spring. Today we pour libations in celebration of Archilochus’ and manly Homer’s birthday; the krater does not admit water-drinkers. The epigrammatist attacks quibbling poets whose works contain obscurities. ΎΕφΑ΋Ζȱ πΒȱ ϡΉΕϛΖȱ ΔϟΑΉΘΉȱ Ώ΍ΘϲΑȱ ЂΈΝΕ of line 4 allows us to identify them with those poets working in the Callimachean tradition (cf. Call. h.Apol. 110-12: ̇΋Γϧȱ Έвȱ ΓЁΎȱ ΦΔϲȱ Δ΅ΑΘϲΖȱ ЂΈΝΕȱ ΚΓΕνΓΙΗ΍ȱ ΐνΏ΍ΗΗ΅΍ǰȱ ȩȱ ΦΏΏвȱ ϊΘ΍Ζȱ Ύ΅Ό΅Εφȱ ΘΉȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΛΕΣ΅ΑΘΓΖȱ ΦΑνΕΔΉ΍ȱ ȩȱ ΔϟΈ΅ΎΓΖȱ πΒȱ ϡΉΕϛΖȱ ϴΏϟ·΋ȱ Ώ΍ΆΤΖȱ ΩΎΕΓΑȱ ΩΝΘΓΑ (the bees do not carry water to Deo from everywhere, but

from whichever tiny drop, the choicest one, that darts up pure and without blemish from a sacred spring). These poets are not suitable for the symposion, 21 Wiseman 1969: 8. 22 Wheeler 1934: 235 notes that ‘by the time of Catullus the thing [sc. the association of proper poetry with wine rather than water] was sheer tradition and it would be absurd to assign it to a definite literary model.’ 23 = Gow-Page 1968: vol. 1, v. 185-90. See also their commentary in vol. 2, p. 37-39. 24 See Argentieri 2003: 94-98 (with earlier bibliography). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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and their petty interest in obscurities parallels the attitude of the severiores in Cat. 5.2 or the curiosi of 7.11-12 who wish to count the exact number of Ca tullus’ and Lesbia’s kisses.25 Significantly, the two poets evoked by Antipater are Homer, the poet par excellence, and Archilochus, who was known for his invective.26 In Antipater we are of course in a sympotic setting as the pres ence of the ΎΕ΋ΘφΕ makes clear, and no water-drinkers are allowed there.27 This is suggested also by the term ЀΈΕΓΔϱΘ΅Ζ, used by the epigrammatist also at AP 11.31.3-4: БΖȱ Ύ΅ΎϲΑȱ ΩΑΈΕ΅ȱ ȩȱ Θ΅ΕΆνΝȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΐϾΌΝΑȱ ΐΑΣΐΓΑ΅Ζȱ ЀΈΕΓΔϱΘ΅Ζ (as I fear an evil man and the water-drinkers who remember our words),28 which points to the symposion through its reminiscence of ΐ΍ΗνΝȱ ΐΑΣΐΓΑ΅ȱ ΗΙΐΔϱΘ΅Α (= fr. adesp. 1002 PMG).29 Finally, the first word of Antipater’s epigram, ΚΉϾ·ΉΌȂ, provides further support for a metapoetic reading of Catullus 27, as it corresponds to Catullus’ at vos … abite (27.5), a phrase that is paralleled in other Catullan poems concerned with poetry.30 These considerations can provide some hints for understanding Catullus’ aim in c. 27. Thyonianus at line 7 suggests that wine-inspired poetry of some kind will follow. Moreover, the fact that the water nymphs are asked to depart means that this poetry will be ‘pure’, uncompromised. But to what genre does this poetry belong? To answer this question we need to look at the following poems. Poem 27 is followed by a poem in hendecasyllabics against provincial governors (28), a poem in iambic senarii that attacks Cae 25 Note that at 27.6-7 the water nymphs are asked to depart to the severos; see Putnam 1969: 854 and Ferguson 1985: 85. Cf. also the injunction in Petron. 52.7 aquam foras, vinum intro (out with the water, in with the wine). 26 Cf. Pi. P. 2.55 ΜΓ·ΉΕϲΑȱ ̝ΕΛϟΏΓΛΓΑȱ Ά΅ΕΙΏϱ·Γ΍Ζȱ σΛΌΉΗ΍Αȱ Δ΍΅΍ΑϱΐΉΑΓΑ (Archilochus, fond of blaming, feeding gluttonously on hateful insults). 27 On the incompetence of these ЀΈΕΓΔϱΘ΅΍ in poetic matters, cf. Epicharm. fr. 131 K.-A.: ΓЁΎȱ σΗΘ΍ȱ Έ΍ΌϾΕ΅ΐΆΓΖȱ ϵΎΛвȱ ЂΈΝΕȱ ΔϟϙΖ (there is no dithyramb when you drink water), Phryn. fr. 74.2 K.-A. ΩΑΌΕΝΔΓΖȱǀЖΑǁȱЀΈ΅ΘΓΔϱΘ΋Ζǰȱΐ΍ΑΙΕϲΖȱЀΔΉΕΗΓΚ΍ΗΘφΖǰȱȩȱ̏ΓΙΗЗΑȱ ΗΎΉΏΉΘϱΖ (being a water-drinking man, a whining arch-sophist, the Muses’ mummy); Panyass. fr. 12.11-12 ΓϨΑΓΖȱ ·ΤΕȱ ΔΙΕϠȱ ϨΗΓΑȱ πΔ΍ΛΌΓΑϟΓ΍Η΍Αȱ ϷΑΉ΍΅Εȱ ȩȱ πΗΌΏϱΑǰȱ ΦΏΉΒϟȬ Ύ΅ΎΓΑǰȱ ΔΣΗ΋Ζȱ ΗΙΑΓΔ΋ΈϲΑȱ ΦΕΉΘϛΖ (for wine is for humans a blessing equal to fire, an averter of evil, the accompaniment of all virtue); Ar. Eq. 88-93. 28 = Gow-Page 1968: v. 276. 29 The banquet was the locus where playful teasing was practiced (cf. h.Herm. 54-56, Adesp.Eleg. 27.3-6 W, Alexis fr. 9.10 (with Arnott 1996 ad loc.), A.R. 1.457-59, Reitzenstein 1893: 26 n. 2, MacDowell 1971: ad v. 1308-13), all of which, however, was not to be carried outside the confines of the symposion. 30 Cf. 14.21-23; 36.18-20 and Putnam 1969: 853. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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sar, Pompey and Caesar’s protégé Mamurra (29) and a poem in asclepiadeans in which the speaker protests against Alfenus, a friend who betrayed him.31 In other words, Catullus is asking for unmixed wine (merum) so that he can be inspired to compose mera carmina, i.e., pure invective such as the three poems that follow.32 The fact that only poem 29 is in iambic metre does not detract from the present argument, since the iambic idea appears in the Ca tullan corpus in poems composed in a variety of metres.33 And instead of treating poem 27 as programmatic in the sense that it introduces an entire cycle of invective poems, i.e. 27-60 (as Wiseman and Skinner wished, cf. n. 31), we observe instead a common pattern of poetic arrangement in the Ca tullan corpus, according to which poems tend to be grouped in units of usu ally two or sometimes three or even four.34 To return to Catullus’ handling of his Greek original, we notice then that in c. 27 the Roman poet structurally and thematically follows PMG 356, but with a twist. For, as we have seen, Anacreon expresses his desire to revel mo derately (БΖȱΦΑΙΆΕϟΗΘΝΖȱȩȱΦΑΤȱΈ΋ЇΘΉȱΆ΅ΗΗ΅ΕφΗΝ). But of what does this

31 This was realized by Wiseman 1969: 8 who, however, argued that poem 27 was program matic for the last portion of the polymetric poems (i.e. 27-60) that contains the invective pieces. But not all poems in the sequence 27-60 are invective, nor is invective confined to poems 27-60. The idea that poem 27 introduces the last third of the polymetric poems has been effectively challenged by Thomson 2003: 9; cf. also Syndikus 2001: 173 n. 12 who does not accept the metapoetic reading of amariores as pointing to ‘bitter’ or ‘sharper’ verse. The programmatic function of 27 is also rejected by Trapper-Lomax 2007: 84; con tra Skinner 1981: 27-28 for whom poem 27 introduces the second half of the polymetric poems, characterized by metrical and structural variation or relaxation. See also Batstone 2007: 237. Holzberg 2002: 48, 77-80 considers poem 27 a ‘Binnenprolog’ and treats po ems 27-33 as a block of invective poems. However, poems 31 and 32 are not direct invec tives. Gutzwiller 1998: 164 supports the programmatic reading of poem 27 and proposes that Posidippus 9 Gow-Page (= AP 12.168) may have been Catullus’ model. 32 For Thomson 2003: ad loc., amariores of Cat. 27.2 equals meraciores, i.e. ‘drier wine’; against this notion, see Trapper-Lomax 2007: 84-85. 33 See Holzberg 2002: 45-46 who points out that for Catullus, ‘iamb’ was any kind of invec tive or abusive poem regardless of its metre. The term iambus occurs in Catullus only in his hendecasyllabics (36.5, 40.2, 54.6, fr. 3.1). For the ‘iambic idea’ in Catullus, see also Heyworth 2001 and Clay 2008. Newman 1990: 179 and 183 detects iambic themes in po ems 29 and 30. 34 E.g., 12 and 13, both sympotic; 23 and 24, both on Furius who pursues Iuventius; 50 and 51, 65 and 66, i.e. poetic translations preceded by a ‘cover letter’; 89-91 on Gellius. Forsyth 1977: 445-50 argues that poems 41-43 form a cycle within the Catullan corpus. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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moderate revelling consist? Anacreon explains this later in the same poem.35 Ω·ΉȱΈ΋ЇΘΉǰȱΐ΋ΎνΌвȱΓЂΘΝȱ

Δ΅ΘΣ·УȱΘΉȱΎΦΏ΅Ώ΋ΘХȱ

̕ΎΙΌ΍ΎχΑȱΔϱΗ΍ΑȱΔ΅ΕвȱΓϥΑУȱ

ΐΉΏΉΘЗΐΉΑǰȱΦΏΏΤȱΎ΅ΏΓϧΗвȱ

ЀΔΓΔϟΑΓΑΘΉΖȱπΑȱЂΐΑΓ΍Ζǯȱ

Come again, let us not practice the Scythian way of drinking in this manner, with noise and shouting, but drinking moderately to the accom paniment of beautiful hymns. Drinking unmixed wine as the Scythians do will lead to noise and shouting. But if the wine is mixed as proposed, the result will be a well-mannered banquet: the guests will drink moderately (ЀΔΓΔϟΑΓΑΘΉΖ) to the accompa niment of beautiful hymns.36 Catullus’ attitude is different: he only follows the initial part of Anacreon’s injunction (= PMG 356a), and departs from the moderation suggested by him (ΦΑΙΆΕϟΗΘΝΖ) by proposing to sing poetry of abuse, invective, i.e. iambic, which could be performed at the symposion.37 Catullus’ treatment of his Anacreontic original that I posit here shows considerable affinity with the poetic technique of c. 116: Saepe tibi studioso animo venante requirens

carmina uti possem mittere Battiadae,

qui te lenirem nobis, neu conarere

tela infesta mittere in usque caput,

hunc video mihi nunc frustra sumptum esse laborem,

Gelli, nec nostras hinc valuisse preces.

contra nos tela ista tua evitabimus acta,

at fixus nostris tu dabis supplicium.

35 Cf. Athenaeus’ words at 10.427a which connect PMG 356a and b: Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΔΕΓΉΏΌАΑȱ ΘχΑȱ ΦΎΕ΅ΘΓΔΓΗϟ΅Αȱ̕ΎΙΌ΍ΎχΑȱΏν·Ή΍ȱΔϱΗ΍Α (and moving on he calls the drinking of unmixed wine ‘Scythian drinking’). On the meaning of ΔΕΓΉΏΌЏΑ (= later in the same poem), see Gerber 1970: 226-27 and the remarks in Fraenkel 1957: 179 n. 2. 36 This is similar to the injunction in Xenophan. fr. 1.19-24, referred to above, on p. 5. 37 For the performance of iambos at the symposion, see Vetta 1983: xix-xxi and Pellizer 1983: 34-36. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Often have I sought, when my eager mind was hunting, how I could send you poems of the Battiad by which I might soften you towards me, and you might not attempt to hurl your hostile weapons all the way to my head; I now see that this task has been undertaken by me in vain, Gellius, and that my prayers had no force in this matter. I will avoid those weap ons of yours that are hurled against me, but you will pay the punishment pierced by mine. The poet declares his Callimacheanism at the beginning of the poem. Lines 116.1-2 (tibi … | carmina uti possem mittere Battiadae) remind Catullus’ audi ence of 65.15-6 (mitto | haec expressa tibi carmina Battiadae).38 Catullus may have wished to appease Gellius by sending him translations of Callimachean poems or poems written in the manner of Callimachus (the absence of a term like expressa in 116 makes this point ambiguous). Be that as it may, the first two lines of poem 116 create the expectation of a thoroughly Calli machean poem, especially since poem 65 (where the reference to sending Callimachean poems is first found) contains Callimachean allusions.39 In addition, as Barchiesi has pointed out, the first two words of poem 116, saepe tibi, allude to the opening of Callimachus’ Aetia, ΔΓΏΏΣΎ΍ȱ ΐΓ΍.40 He fur ther reminds us that tu dabi(s) supplicium of line 8 is an allusion to Ennius fr. 95 Skutsch, nam mi calido dabi(s) sanguine poenas (for you will pay me the penalty with your warm blood).41 Poem 116 could be read as ‘a progressive abjuration of Callimachus until the scandalous Ennianism dabi’ expresses the choice of old-fashioned violence over new-wave refinement’.42 In fact, 38 Lines 65.15-16 refer to poem 66, a translation of Callimachus’ Coma Berenices. 39 This is true particularly in the final six lines which are reminiscent of the story of Acon tius and Cydippe. See Hunter 1993. 40 See Barchiesi 2005: 333-36, who points out that line 1 is loaded with Callimachean vo cabulary (studioso, animo, venante, requirens; cf. laborem at l. 5). See also Knox 2007: 163 64. 41 See Zetzel 1983: 256-57. 42 See Barchiesi 2005: 336. The rest of poem 116 does not contain any Callimachean allu sions, not even a reference to the Ibis as one might have expected in this context of invec tive. Instead of Callimachean polish, we meet metrical inconcinnities (line 3 is holospon daic, something we do not encounter since the poetry of Ennius, while the final -s of dabis in line 8 is elided, a feature that Cicero terms subrusticum, ‘somewhat provincial’; cf. Cic. Orator 161), whereby Catullus perhaps reproduces mockingly the style of his oppo nent. On poem 116, see the illuminating analysis of MacLeod 1973. Note that Catullus c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Catullus’ use of military imagery (cf. 5 tela infesta mittere in usque caput, 7 contra nos tela ista tua evitabimus acta, and 8 at fixus nostris, which may also have sexual undertones43) points to a different type of iambus, not the tamer ones of Callimachus (cf. fr. 191.1-4 Pfeiffer), but the archaic and fiercer ones, worthy of an Archilochus or Hipponax.44 Just as poem 116, Catullus c. 27 can be read as an exercise in playing with audience expectations. It begins as a close imitation of Anacreon 356a: lines 1-2 are concerned with Wein; lines 3-6 address the proper admixture of the wine (in Catullus’ case the consumption of undiluted wine, as the modim peratrix Postumia dictates = Weib).45 The initial allusion to Anacreon sets up the expectation that Catullus will follow his model in preferring tamer po etry for recitation at the banquet (= Anacreon PMG 356b), and at this point we may still think that amariores of l. 2 refers to ‘drier’ wine.46 Just as in poem 116, however, the poet frustrates these expectations with his order to the water-nymphs to depart and with line 7 that announces the pure wine inspired revelling poetry, i.e. the invective that follows in poems 28-30 (Gesang). In this way, Catullus indeed invests his Greek original with new meaning.47

deftly uses metrical features in poem 27 as well: in line 4 the two elisions in ebrioso acino ebriosioris imitate the slurring speech of the drunk Postumia. If Aulus Gellius’ ebria acina ebriosioris (6.20.6) is correct, then in addition to the slurring (= elision) we would also hear Postumia’s hiccups (= hiatus). Cf. also Newman 1990: 178 who calls attention to the ‘slurred’ inger of line 1. 43 Cf. Adams 1990: 19-20 and 138 for references on telum and fingere respectively. 44 For Catullus’ Archilochean traits, see Wray 2001: 167-86. Wray treats poems 27-29 as a unit, 27 announcing the ‘Archilochean’ invective of 28-29 in which male characters are subjected to acts of emasculation. While this analysis is certainly valid, it ignores poem 30 that also partakes of the Ϣ΅ΐΆ΍ΎχȱϢΈν΅. See also Hendrickson 1925: 155-57 (on poem 40). 45 For the identity of this Postumia and its implications here, see Cairns 1975: 27-29 and Putnam 1969: 852-53. 46 Cf. Fordyce 1961: ad loc., ‘of a drier vintage’; Quinn 1985: ad loc., perhaps ‘drier’ but ‘with less water added fits the context better’; Thomson 2003: ad loc. has a long note on the re lation between the wine’s age and its amaritudo. The point here is that whereas at the be ginning of c. 27 we may entertain the idea that amariores refers to older, drier wine, we realize that this assumption is wrong by the time we reach the poem’s end. 47 See Syndikus 2001: vol. 1, 172 who observes that Catullus ‘versteht es aber, dem vielmals Gesagten neues Leben einzuhauchen’. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, J.N. 1990. The Latin Sexual Vocabulary. Baltimore. Argentieri, L. 2003. Gli epigrammi degli Antipatri. Bari. Arnott, W. 1996. Alexis, The Fragments. Cambridge. Barchiesi, A. 2005. ‘The Search for the Perfect Book: A PS to the New Posi dippus’ in K.J. Gutzwiller (ed.) The New Posidippus: A Hellenistic Poetry Book. Oxford, 320-42. Batstone, W.W. 2007. ‘Catullus and the Programmatic Poem: The Origins, Scope, and Utility of a Concept’ in M.B. Skinner (ed.) A Companion to Catullus. Malden, 388-420. Biles, Z.P. 2002. ‘Intertextual Biography in the Rivalry of Cratinus and Aris tophanes’ AJPh 123, 169-204. Biles, Z.P. 2011. Aristophanes and the Poetics of Competition. Cambridge. Bolton, J.D.P. 1967. ‘Merus Thyonianus’ CR 17, 12. Cairns, F. 1975. ‘Catullus 27’ Mnemosyne 28, 24-29. Chantraine, P. 1968. Dictionnaire Étymologique de la langue grecque. Paris. Clay, J.S. 2008. ‘Archilochos, the Lover’ in D. Katsonopoulou, I. Petropou los & S. Katsaron (eds.) Paros II: Archilochos and his Age. Athens, 115-20. Crowther, N.B. 1979. ‘Water and Wine as Symbols of Inspiration’ Mnemo syne 32, 1-11. Dunbabin, K.M.D. 1993. ‘Wine and Water in the Roman convivium’ JRA 6, 116-41. Ellis, R. 1889. A Commentary on Catullus. Oxford. Ferguson, J. 1985. Catullus. Lawrence, KS. Fordyce, S.J. 1961. Catullus. Oxford. Forsyth, P.Y. 1977. ‘The Ameana Cycle of Catullus’ CW 70, 445-50. Fraenkel, E. 1957. Horace. Oxford. Frisk, H. 1963. Griechisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg. Gerber, D.E. 1970. Euterpe: An Anthology of Early Greek Lyric, Elegiac, and Iambic Poetry. Amsterdam. Gow, A.S.F. and D.L. Page 1968. The Greek Anthology: The Garland of Philip and Some Contemporary Poems. Cambridge. Gutzwiller, K.J. 1998. Poetic Garlands: Hellenistic Epigrams in Context. Berke ley. Hendrickson, G.L. 1925. ‘Archilochus and Catullus’ CPh 20, 155-57. Heyworth, S.J. 2001. ‘Catullian Iambi’ in A. Cavarzere, A. Aloni & A. Bar c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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chiesi (eds.) Iambic Ideas: Essays on a Poetic Tradition from Archaic Greece to the Late Roman Empire. Lanham, 117-40. Holzberg, N. 2002. Catull: Der Dichter und sein erotisches Werk. München. Hunter, R. 1993. ‘Callimachean Echoes in Catullus 65’ ZPE 96, 179-82. Kambylis, A. 1965. Die Dichterweihe und ihre Symbolik: Untersuchungen zu Hesiodos, Kallimachos, Properz und Ennius. Heidelberg. Kantzios, I. 2005. ‘Tyranny and the Symposion of Anacreon’ CJ 100, 227-45. Knox, P.E. 1985. ‘Wine, Water, and Callimachean Polemics’ HSCPh 89, 107 19. Knox. P.E. 2007. ‘Catullus and Callimachus’ in M.B. Skinner (ed.) A Com panion to Catullus. Malden, 151-72. Kroll, W. 1980. Valerius Catullus. Stuttgart. Lesher, J.H. 2001. Xenophanes of Colophon, Fragments. Toronto. Leumann, M., B. Hoffmann & A. Szantyr 1963-79 Lateinische Grammatik, auf der Grundlage des Werkes von Friedrich Stolz und Hermann Schmalz. Munich. MacDowell, D.M. 1971. Aristophanes Wasps. Edited with Introduction and Commentary. Oxford. MacLeod, C.W. 1973. ‘Catullus 116’ CQ 23, 304-9. Murray, P. 1981. ‘Poetic Inspiration in Early Greece’ JHS 101, 87-100. Newman, J.K. 1990. The Roman Catullus and the Modification of Alexan drian Sensibility. Hildesheim. Pellizer, E. 1983. ‘Della zuffa simpotica’ in Vetta, 31-41. Putnam, M.C.J. 1969. ‘On Catullus 27’ Latomus 28, 850-7. Quinn, K. 1985. Catullus: The Poems. London. Reitzenstein, R. 1893. Epigramm und Skolion. Giessen. Scheinberg, S. 1979. ‘The Bee Maidens of the Homeric Hymn to Hermes’ HSCPh 83, 1-28. Sens, A. 2011. Asclepiades of Samos: Epigrams and Fragments. Oxford. Skinner, M.B. 1981. Catullus’ Passer: The Arrangement of the Book of Polymet ric Poems. New York. Syndikus, H.P. 2001. Catull: Eine Interpretation. Darmstadt. Thomson, D.F.S. 2003. Catullus. Edited with a Textual and Interpretative Commentary. Toronto. Trapper-Lomax, J.M. 2007. Catullus: A Textual Reappraisal. Swansea. Vetta, M. 1983. Poesia e simposio nella Grecia antica: Guida storica e critica. Roma. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Waszink, J.H. 1974. Biene und Honig als Symbol des Dichters und der Dich tung in der griechisch-römischen Antike. Opladen. Wheeler, A.L. 1934. Catullus and the Traditions of Ancient Poetry. Berkeley. Wiseman, T.P. 1969. Catullan Questions. Leicester. Woytek, E. 1975. ‘Nochmals merus Thyonianus (Catull, 27,7)’ WS 9, 75-77. Wray, D. 2001. Catullus and the Poetics of Roman Manhood. Cambridge. Zetzel, J.E.G. 1983. ‘Catullus, Ennius, and the Poetics of Allusion’ ICS 8, 251-66.





CLEMENTIA ET RAISON D’ÉTAT:

L’IDÉAL MONARCHIQUE DANS LES

TROYENNES DE SÉNÈQUE

Par Guillaume Flamerie de Lachapelle

Summary: In Seneca’s Troades the good king, according to the definition given by the De Ira and above all the De Clementia, is personified by two characters: on the one hand, Aga memnon, who promotes clementia against the harshness of Pyrrhus; on the other hand, Ulysses, who promotes severitas against the miseratio of Andromache. Mildness and raison d’état are the two main criteria which the good leader must apply when he takes an impor tant decision.* ∗

Lié à la monarchie par le registre même des personnages qu’il met en scène, le genre tragique eut souvent, à Rome, des implications politiques.1 Tibère prit ainsi ombrage d’un Atrée, en croyant se reconnaître dans le personnage du tyran qui donne son nom à la pièce.2 Au demeurant, cette fonction politique du théâtre ne se réduit certes pas à la vitupération: la parénèse est aussi envisageable. On a ainsi suggéré que Sénèque aurait mis à profit

Nous suivons les textes de la Collection des Universités de France, sauf dans le cas des Let tres à Lucilius, où l’édition de la Bibliotheca Scriptorum Classicorum Oxoniensis est de loin préférable (ed. L.D. Reynolds, 1965). Sauf indication contraire, les traductions sont les nôtres. 1 D’une façon générale, sur l’imbrication entre théâtre et politique sous Néron, cf. Grimal 1979; Lefèvre 1985; Malaspina 2004. 2 D.C. 58.24.3-5. L’empereur aurait été contrarié par un vers, qui invitait les sujets du prince à subir passivement la folie de ce dernier, puisque d’un prince il faut supporter même les sottises (cf. Eur. Phœn. 393); Mamercus Aemilius Scaurus, l’auteur de cette œuvre, est mis à mort. Autre exemple (sous Claude): D.C. 60.28.5.

∗

Guillaume Flamerie de Lachapelle ‘Clementia et raison d’état: l’idéal monarchique dans les Troyennes de Sénèque’ C&M 62 (2011) 169-84. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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l’amour que Néron vouait à la scène pour l’instruire par l’intermédiaire de ses tragédies.3 Le fait est que peu avant sa mort, ses ennemis font grief au Cordouan d’avoir écrit des vers (des tragédies ?) pour le prince qui y avait pris goût.4 En outre, dans le De Clementia, Sénèque regrettait lui-même que le génie des tragiques grecs et latins n’eût produit que des maximes favorables à la cruauté comme mode de gouvernement (Oderint dum metuant! ),5 et que les exhortations à la clémence n’eussent jamais intéressé les poètes.6 Il est certes impossible d’établir que Sénèque visait directement à édifier son élève par son théâtre, mais que ces tragédies aient eu ou non une visée politique immédiate,7 elles possèdent à l’évidence une dimension morale générale, 3 Sipple 1938 estime ainsi que toutes les tragédies ont pour but d’éduquer l’empereur (ou plutôt le futur empereur: les Troyennes dateraient, selon lui, de 53). Même idée chez Pociña Pérez 1976: 299-300; Musso 1995: 164-65. 4 Tac. Ann. 14.52.3: Obiciebant […] carmina crebrius factitare, postquam Neroni amor eorum venisset (‘On lui reprochait [...] de composer des poèmes encore plus fréquemment, depuis que Néron en était venu à les apprécier’); sur l’idée que carmina désigne les tragédies, cf. e.g. Pociña Pérez 1976: 299; contra Nisbet 1995: 296; de fait, beaucoup de commentateurs placent les pièces de théâtre plus tôt dans la carrière de Sénèque. – À nos yeux, l’opinion la plus raisonnable est celle exprimée voilà plus d’un demi-siècle par Coffey 1957: 150: ‘In general the tragedies may have belonged to any stage of Seneca’s literay career’ (aussi Fantham 1982: 9-14). 5 Selon D.C. 60.16.7, Claude avait aussi toujours à la bouche un vers d’Homère (Il. 24.369; Od. 16.72; [21.133]) préconisant de se venger de celui qui aurait infligé le premier quelque dommage, ce qui, une fois encore, détourne de la mansuétude …: ΩΑΈΕ΅ȱΦΔ΅ΐϾΑ΅ΗΌ΅΍ȱ ϵΘΉȱΘ΍ΖȱΔΕϱΘΉΕΓΖȱΛ΅ΏΉΔφΑ΋. 6 Sen. Cl. 2.2.3: Ac nescio quo modo ingenia in inmani et invisa materia secundiore ore expresserunt sensus vehementes et concitatos; nullam adhuc vocem audii ex bono lenique animosam (‘Et, d’une façon que je ne m’explique pas, les géniaux poètes ont exposé des idées violentes et emportées avec un certain bonheur en empruntant à un fond monstrueux et odieux; jamais jusqu’à aujourd’hui je n’ai entendu aucune parole qui montre une grandeur d’âme produite par le bien et la douceur’). Le texte de ce passage est corrompu, et l’interprétation d’ensemble en est très délicate, mais il semble bien que la valeur morale des œuvres littéraires est ici remise en cause. La même idée est exprimée dans Ir. 1.20.4; Grimal 1992: 414, rapproche d’ailleurs le début du De Clementia d’un dialogue théâtral entre Sénèque et Néron. 7 L’impossibilité de déterminer précisément la date et l’audience de ce théâtre permet toutes les hypothèses: Bishop 1972: 337, imagine par exemple que l’un des messages des Troyennes pouvait être d’enjoindre les Républicains intransigeants à accepter le nouveau régime et à s’y faire leur propre place. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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susceptible de nourrir, à un degré ou à un autre, la réflexion de leurs auditeurs. Nous ne nous intéresserons ici qu’au problème de la clementia du bon roi, moins dans ses rapports avec le Portique en général qu’avec le De Clementia en particulier, dont la portée dépasse la seule perspective stoïcienne. Cela ne signifie nullement, dans notre esprit, que les Troyennes soient une pure illustration scénique du De Clementia;8 nous entendons simplement montrer la continuité de la pensée politico-philosophique sénéquienne en prose et en vers. Dans cette perspective, le thème de la clementia est particulièrement pertinent: en effet, si les mots de la famille de clementia sont eux-mêmes fort peu présents dans ces pièces,9 l’idée occupe souvent une place importante, ainsi que la démonstration en a déjà été faite à propos de l’Hercule furieux.10 Pour notre part, nous nous limiterons à un seul exemple: celui des Troyennes, œuvre qui contient une longue réflexion sur la conduite que doit avoir le vainqueur à l’endroit du vaincu. Est-il possible, derrière sa noirceur apparente,11 d’y découvrir certains éléments révélateurs de la pensée de Sénèque ? Afin de répondre à cette question, nous étudierons deux agones essentiels de la pièce, qui opposent, d’une part, Agamemnon à Pyrrhus (v. 203-348); de l’autre, Ulysse à Andromaque (v. 524-791).12 Nous verrons alors qu’Agamemnon et Ulysse 8 Sur le rôle didactique que peut avoir la poésie, notamment théâtrale, pour les Stoïciens, cf. e.g. De Lacy 1948; pour Sénèque en particulier, cf. Marti 1945; Pratt 1948; Cacciaglia 1974; Walter 1975: 121-24 (à propos du problème particulier de la clementia); Pociña Pérez 1976: 282-301; Rose 1979-80; Tanner 1985; Auvray-Assayas 1987; contra Dingel 1974, qui sépare radicalement poésie et enseignement moral. — À ces deux conceptions antagonistes un peu raides, nous préférons la subtile exégèse de Armisen-Marchetti 1992 et de Hine 2004: la lecture d’un même passage d’une tragédie peut se faire à plusieurs niveaux simultanément (politique, littéraire, philosophique – et même, selon Hine 2004, dans la perspective de plusieurs doctrines philosophiques divergentes...). 9 Seul l’adverbe clementer apparaît dans Sen. Œd. 281, avec un sens concret (une colline en pente douce). 10 Cf. Auvray-Assayas 1987. 11 Noirceur largement mise en avant par Motto & Clark 1984, qui estiment que la pensée particulière de Sénèque n’est guère visible dans cette pièce, car elle s’efface derrière les exigences du genre tragique. 12 Sur le lien étroit qui unit ces deux scènes, cf. en particulier l’analyse de Owen 1970: 130 32, qui remarque notamment que ‘Generosity (Clementia) is the crucial element of the interplay’ (130). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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portent chacun, contrairement à ce que l’on pourrait penser de prime abord, une parcelle du modèle monarchique que Sénèque est susceptible de promouvoir.

1. CLEMENTIA CONTRE SAEVITIA: AGAMEMNON ET PYRRHUS Rappelons brièvement la situation: après la prise d’Ilion, les Troyens se lamentent, alors que les Grecs se divisent sur l’attitude à adopter. Tandis que Pyrrhus entend honorer son père en immolant Polyxène, Agamemnon s’y oppose. Le dialogue entre les deux chefs hellènes constitue le premier passage important dans notre perspective.13 Bien plus qu’Euripide en effet, Sénèque introduit une véritable réflexion sur les devoirs du vainqueur, et s’efforce d’articuler victoria et clementia.14 Voici l’avertissement que lance Agamemnon à Pyrrhus vainqueur, impatient de sévir contre les vaincus: [...] Sed regi frenis nequit

et ira et ardens hostis et uictoria

commissa nocti.

13 Sen. Tro. 203-359. 14 À cet égard, il n’est sans doute pas dépourvu d’intérêt de rappeler que le débat entre Agamemnon et Pyrrhus est une innovation de Sénèque par rapport à Euripide. Dans les Troyennes de ce dernier, la dialectique des droits et des passions du vainqueur est à peu près absente, dans la mesure où les Grecs eux-mêmes sont absents, à l’exception de Talthybios, et d’Ulysse, qui intervient de façon sporadique. La seule autorité morale qui condamne les Grecs est Athéna, et sa réprobation ne tient nullement à un manquement des Hellènes aux lois de l’humanité, mais à la profanation de son sanctuaire par les vainqueurs (v. 85-86). Par la suite, seul le chœur se livre à des considérations d’ordre général comparables à celles de Pyrrhus, mais sans avoir la même profondeur, puisqu’il s’agit davantage d’un pur chant de douleur. Selon Calder 1970: 75, le débat entre Pyrrhus et Agamemnon n’est pas une invention de Sénèque, mais un emprunt à Polyxène, pièce perdue de Sophocle: cependant, il s’agit là d’une hypothèse difficile à étayer (cf. l’analyse nuancée de Fantham 1982: 68-71; aussi Corsaro 1991, 79). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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[...] Mais on ne peut réfréner ni la colère ni l’ardeur d’un ennemi ni une victoire confiée à la nuit.15 Le De Clementia présente une formule volontairement paradoxale, assez proche de celle d’Agamemnon par la formulation et par l’esprit. Le plus beau triomphe que peut remporter un prince consiste à vaincre sa propre victoire: Hoc est etiam ex victoria sua triumphare testarique nihil se, quod dignum esset victore, apud uictos inuenisse. Cela [épargner les personnes de condition royale], c’est triompher de sa victoire, et attester que l’on n’a rien trouvé chez les vaincus qui fût digne du vainqueur.16 La victoria est présentée comme un moment de crise, où l’homme de bien est confronté à des puissances hostiles, des chocs consécutifs à la victoire, qu’il doit maîtriser pour agir droitement et se montrer clément. La tâche d’Agamemnon cherchant à persuader Pyrrhus est donc com parable à celle que doit accomplir le philosophe conseiller du prince – du reste, plusieurs commentateurs ont depuis longtemps identifié Agamemnon à Sénèque, Pyrrhus à Néron.17 La doctrine qu’expose le roi des rois se développe d’abord dans une tirade structurée (v. 250-91), avant de se condenser dans une série de répliques qui répondent aux vives objections de Pyrrhus, jusqu’à ce que l’échange culmine dans une stichomythie où se confrontent les sententiae (v. 292-348).

15 Sen. Tro. 279-81. Il est probable que Ira et ardens hostis est un hendiadyin (cf. Fantham 1982: 251). 16 Sen. Cl. 1.21.3. 17 Dès le 17ème siècle, le philologue allemand Martin Opitz soutient cette thèse dans son commentaire des pièces de Sénèque (cité par Lefèvre 1985: 1248; cf. dans le même sens Rozelaar 1976: 565), suivant en cela D. Heinsius, qui avait émis déjà émis cette hypothèse dans son édition des tragédies de Sénèque (1611). Ces tentatives d’identification ne se limitent d’ailleurs pas aux Troyennes; Rose 1979-1980: 140-42, suggère ainsi que dans Hercule furieux, Hercule pourrait être une incarnation de Néron après la mort de Britannicus. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Derrière des formes différentes, le fond de l’argumentation est souvent commun entre le De Clementia et les répliques du roi mycénien des Troyennes. Dans l’intervention initiale d’Agamemnon, certaines considéra tions d’ensemble, sans concerner la clementia au premier chef, concordent avec des éléments généraux de la pensée stoïcienne, également énoncés dans le De Clementia. Ainsi, la jeunesse est plus encline à se laisser emporter et à commettre des fautes,18 la faiblesse et l’instabilité des choses humaines doivent nous détourner de la tentation d’user sans frein de la victoria, dans la mesure où nous-mêmes pouvons choir fort bas.19 Mais ce sont des thèmes tragiques autant que stoïciens.20 D’autres éléments présentent des convergences plus nettes avec la doctrine exposée dans le De Clementia: plus un homme est puissant, plus il doit s’astreindre à tolérer les offenses subies sans chercher à les punir;21 pardonner à ceux que l’on peut châtier est le plus sûr moyen de s’assurer une domination durable, malgré l’illusion de puissance que confère l’assou vissement de ses instincts de vengeance ;22 la gloire qui s’attache à un prince clément est immortelle.23 18 Sen. Tro. 250-51; Cl. 1.1.3; 1.15.7; 2.7.1. 19 Sen. Tro. 259-66; Cl. 1.8.7. Vielberg 1994: 322, estime que cette peur de déchoir exprimée par Agamemnon amoindrit la valeur de sa clementia, qui n’est plus que la conséquence d’une préoccupation égoïste; mais cette dimension utilitaire de la clementia est aussi présente dans le De Clementia, et ce n’est pas le seul argument qu’emploie Agamemnon pour convaincre Pyrrhus: les premiers, qui portaient sur l’éthique, ayant échoué, il a recours à des menaces voilées pour persuader le jeune homme. De fait, de nombreux commentateurs s’accordent à reconnaître en Agamemnon la figure du bon roi: Herrmann 1924: 507; Sipple 1938: 61; Müller 1953, 461 (en raison de son ‘edle Humanität’); Giancotti 1953: 111; Anliker 1960: 65-67; Schetter 1965: 401-4 (homme bon mais tourmenté par le poids immense de ses responsabilités); Grimal 1979: 215-17, précise également qu’Aga memnon est ici le ‘bon roi’ tel que Sénèque le décrivait dans le De Clementia; Davis 1989: 315 (‘Agamemnon is presented [...] in an unambiguously favourable light’); Corsaro 1991: 70; Keulen 2001: 17-18; Malaspina 2004: 275-76, puis 287-88. En revanche, Steidle 1941: 280, le voit comme un être faible; Fantham 1982: 18, estime également que la figure d’Agamemnon est plus complexe qu’on pourrait le croire, et qu’elle a ses bassesses. 20 Ainsi, sur l’instabilité des choses humaines, cf. Œd. 1-11; les chœurs de Phaed. (1123-48), de Thy. (613-15), de Herc. Œt. (131-32)... 21 Sen. Tro. 254: Quo plura possis, plura patienter feras (‘Plus on est puissant, plus on doit supporter de choses avec patience’); Cl. 1.3.5-7; 1.7.4-8.5. 22 Sen. Tro. 258-59 ; Cl. 1.8.6-7; 1.11.4 et passim. 23 Cette idée est suggérée par Agamemnon dans son monologue, et se trouve aussi présente CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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D’une façon générale, les comportements et les arguments opposés d’Agamemnon et de Pyrrhus font penser aux portraits contrastés du roi et du tyran que brosse Sénèque dans le De Clementia.24 On en connaît la thèse essentielle: ce qui différencie le bon souverain – le roi – du mauvais – le tyran –, c’est la clementia.25 De fait, Pyrrhus a beau traiter Agamemnon de tyran,26 c’est lui qui en a les traits distinctifs: ainsi, il refuse de tenir compte du droit des suppliants vaincus27 et fait preuve de cynisme en prétendant procéder au massacre par compassion.28 Bref, il est cruel.29 Le plus grave est qu’il se réclame de son bon plaisir, sans tenir compte ni du devoir moral (honestum) ni du principe d’utilité (utile): PYR.:

Lex nulla capto parcit aut poenam impedit.

Quod non vetat lex, hoc vetat fieri pudor.

PYR.: Quodcumque libuit facere victori licet.

AG.: Minimum decet libere cui multum licet.

AG.:

PYR.:

Aucune loi n’épargne un captif, ou n’empêche qu’il soit châtié

AG.: Ce que n’interdit pas la loi, la vergogne l’interdit

PYR.: Un vainqueur a le droit d’agir selon ses désirs

AG.: Celui qui a beaucoup de pouvoir doit avoir très peu de désirs.30

Cet échange résume bien l’enjeu essentiel de la querelle entre Pyrrhus et Agamemnon. Les deux premiers vers montrent que, de l’aveu même implicitement quand il estime que massacrer les survivants, ce serait souiller la gloire d’Achille (293-94), et que le renom de Pyrrhus, déjà médiocre, sera tout à fait nul après un tel acte (310-11); Cl. 1.10.2. 24 Sur l’opposition entre ces deux figures, cf. Favez 1960; Borgo 1985: 287-91. Malaspina 2004: 273-82, applique cette dichotomie aux tragédies. 25 Sen. Cl. 1.12.1-1.13.5. 26 Sen. Tro. 303: regum tyranne. 27 Sen. Tro. 313-14; Cl. 1.12.2. 28 Sen. Tro. 329: Mortem misericors saepe pro uita dabit (‘Un homme compatissant donnera souvent la mort au lieu de la vie’), à comparer avec la désinvolture de Sylla, dans Cl. 1.12.2. 29 Ce qui est bien sûr le cas des autres tyrans du théâtre de Sénèque: Lycus dans Herc. fur. 511-15; Étéocle dans les Phœn. 654-59; Atrée dans Thy. 195-96; 246-48; 1052-1068... 30 Sen. Tro. 333-36. Rozelaar 1976, 565, estime que l’ensemble du De Clementia est contenu dans ces quatre vers. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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d’Agamemnon, le droit n’est pas en question; la clementia est ici tout à fait séparée de la loi. D’un point de vue théorique, conformément au mos, Pyrrhus est fondé à exécuter ses captives, ou à les réduire en esclavage, puisque Troie a été prise de vive force.31 La clementia procède donc d’une obligation morale, ainsi que le montrent le substantif pudor, qui répond à lex,32 et le verbe decet.33 Les deux autres vers mettent en balance pouvoir (licet) et vouloir (libet):34 Pyrrhus, au nom d’une conception despotique du pouvoir, les rend équivalents, et ne considère que son bon plaisir au moment de frapper, comme le tyran du De Clementia, ou comme les autres souverains cruels du théâtre de Sénèque.35 Agamemnon, lui, usant du langage du bon roi,36 se fait le porte-parole de la tradition selon laquelle le 31 Sur cette habitude dans le droit des gens de l’Antiquité, cf. Xen. Cyr. 7.5.73; Liv. 37.32.12; cf. aussi Boyle 1994: 168. 32 Déjà chez Liv. 9.34.22 (discours de P. Sempronius contre Appius Claudius), lex et pudor semblent constituer deux instances de permission ou d’obligation complémentaires: nec lex, nec pudor coercet (‘ni la loi, ni la vergogne ne te retiennent’); dans le vers de Sénèque, le mot lex est placé juste avant la coupe penthémimère, pudor à la fin du vers. 33 Selon le dictionnaire étymologique de A. Ernout & A. Meillet, p. 166, s.v. ‘decet’, decet correspond au grec ΔΕνΔΉ΍; de la même famille que decus, decet exprime une obligation morale plus qu’une obligation absolue (cette nuance étant plutôt rendue par oportet). 34 Encore une fois, le choix des verbes impersonnels est significatif: licet est ‘ce qui est permis’, et correspond à une possibilité d’ordre moral, et non matériel, juridique ou religieux; libet est la volonté désordonnée et arbitraire, contrairement à placet, par exemple. Les deux verbes libet et licet étaient déjà opposés chez Cic. Quinc. 94. Keulen 2001: 253, donne de nombreuses autres références. 35 Cf. Sen. Cl. 1.12.1: Tyrannis saevitia cordi est (‘La cruauté est une chose chère au cœur des tyrans’); Lycus, dans Herc. fur. 489: Quod Iovi, hoc regi licet (‘Ce qui est permis à Jupiter l’est au roi’); Créon dans Med. 195: Aequum atque iniquum regis imperium feras (‘Subis le pouvoir du roi, quand il est équitable aussi bien que quand il est inique’); Atrée, dans Thy. 214-215: Ubicumque tantum honesta dominanti licent / precario regnatur (‘Partout où le souverain ne peut faire que le bien, son règne est précaire’). Sur Atrée comme l’exact opposé du bon roi décrit dans le De Clementia, cf. Mader 1998-99, praes. 34-40); Calder 1976-77: 10-11; 1983, estime en revanche que Sénèque, tout en condamnant Atrée, rappelle à Néron que se comporter de la même façon que lui est la seule façon de survivre dans la Rome impériale. 36 Cf. à ce propos l’image de l’épée, dans Sen. Tro. 350-51; Cl. 1.1.2-3; 1.8.2; 1.11.2-3; cette métaphore est également placée dans la bouche d’Hercule dans Herc. Œt. 1591-1592: le demi-dieu supplie Jupiter de faire en sorte qu’il n’existe plus désormais de tyran qui putet solum decus esse regni / semper intensum tenuisse ferrum (‘qui pense que la seule gloire attachée au pouvoir royal est de détenir une épée sans cesse menaçante’). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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monarque doit être un sage capable de faire bon usage des pouvoirs que lui offre sa fonction en les modérant: ‘Un prince qui peut tout ne doit pas tout vouloir’,37 idée exprimée encore ailleurs dans son théâtre.38 C’est rejoindre une pensée clairement exprimée dans le De Clementia: Et in mancipio cogitandum est, non quantum illud impune possit pati, sed quantum tibi permittat aequi bonique natura, quae parcere etiam captivis et pretio paratis iubet. Même quand il s’agit d’esclaves, il faut songer, non au degré de souffrance qu’on peut leur infliger impunément, mais au degré de licence que permet la nature de l’équitable et du bien, qui ordonne d’épargner même des prisonniers ou des individus qu’on s’est procurés en les achetant.39 Dans le traité comme dans la pièce, le pouvoir absolu assortit la liberté matérielle et juridique d’une obligation morale, qui se fonde sur des principes fondamentaux et naturels, qu’on les appelle pudor (dans les Troyennes) ou natura aequi bonique (dans le De Clementia). Le vainqueur de ce duel verbal est Agamemnon, qui a le dernier mot lors des différentes étapes du débat,40 et qui reste seul en scène alors que Pyrrhus se retire, battant pour ainsi dire en retraite. Agamemnon affirme alors qu’il l’a épargné, alors qu’il aurait pu châtier sa morgue par le fer.41 Il obtient donc pour la clementia une victoire intellectuelle et éthique que rendra 37 Nous empruntons ce vers au dramaturge du 16ème siècle R. Garnier, Les Juifves, acte 3, v. 925. 38 Le chœur de l’Hercule sur l’Œta, par exemple rappelle aux Grands leur obligation de clementia: cf. Sen. Herc. Œt. 1560: Parcite, o dites, inhibete dextras (‘Soyez cléments, ô Grands, retenez votre droite’). Il convient néanmoins de se souvenir que la paternité de cette pièce est discutée. 39 Sen. Cl. 1.18.1. 40 L’échange entre Pyrrhus et Agamemnon est en effet émaillé de micro-querelles: Pyrrhus prétend qu’ ‘il est du devoir d’un grand roi d’épargner un roi’, Agamemnon lui fait remarquer qu’il a tué Priam (328-29); Agamemnon excipe de l’intérêt supérieur de l’État pour justifier le meurtre d’Iphigénie que lui avait reproché Pyrrhus (331-32; une première attaque de Pyrrhus sur ce sujet n’avait reçu pour toute réponse qu’un silence hautain: 248 49), ce qui contraint ce dernier à changer d’angle d’attaque, et à passer à la défensive en prétendant qu’aucune loi ne lui interdit de tuer les captifs. 41 Sen. Tro. 349-51. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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d’autant plus tragique le triomphe matériel de la cruauté: car c’est Pyrrhus qui aura finalement gain de cause en parvenant à faire exécuter Astyanax.42

2. SEVERITAS CONTRE MISERICORDIA: ULYSSE ET ANDROMAQUE Un peu plus tard, Ulysse et Andromaque se livrent à un autre débat lié à la clémence, la problématique n’étant plus cette fois-ci celle du roi et du tyran, mais celle de la Raison d’État.43 À vrai dire, les Troyens renoncent généralement à se placer sur le terrain de la clémence, préférant celui de la pitié:44 le champ lexical de la compassion est omniprésent,45 et Andro maque exécute tous les gestes classiques de la miseratio.46 La demande est donc moins rationnelle que celle d’Agamemnon (la pitié est une passion, dans la pensée antique), ce qui s’explique bien sûr en grande partie par la différence de situation entre le roi des rois et une Troyenne vaincue. Symétriquement, Ulysse se montre plus habile, plus cauteleux que l’impétueux Pyrrhus. Il dit n’être réduit à l’extrémité de devoir tuer Astyanax que par obligation, pour protéger son peuple de la vengeance troyenne, si Astyanax survivait: il se présente en ‘serviteur de l’âpre destin’ (durae minister sortis).47 Au-delà de la légitimité de cet argument de fond, la forme employée est très rusée. Quand Ulysse s’écrie Misereri tui / utinam liceret (‘Si seulement je 42 Il paraît difficile de suivre Mazzoli 1961: 56, selon laquelle Sénèque rend Pyrrhus sympathique au lecteur en bornant sa colère à la personne d’Agamemnon, et en montrant son hésitation finale au moment de frapper Polyxène (1154). 43 Sen. Tro. 705-810. 44 Sur la différence entre clementia et misericordia chez Sénèque, cf. le chap. 2.5 du De Clementia; aussi Ten Veldhuys 1935; Rieks 1967: 121-25; D’Agostino 1973: 115-23; Schöggl 2002: 101-13; Flamerie de Lachapelle 2006. 45 Ainsi, l’adjectif miser apparaît en 689, 697, 706, 711, 807; le verbe misereri en 694, 762, 792 (ce sont les seules paroles prononcées par Astyanax: miserere, mater). 46 Cf. Naiden 2006: 55. 47 Sen. Tro. 524. augur haec Calchas canit, au vers 533, est un autre moyen pour Ulysse de détourner sa responsabilité; de la même façon, avec l’énallage du vers 749: non hoc Ulixes, sed negat Calchas tibi (‘Ton souhait, ce n’est pas Ulysse qui le rejette, mais Calchas’). Cet aspect du personnage d’Ulysse a notamment été souligné par Cacciaglia 1974, 102. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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pouvais avoir pitié de toi’),48 on croirait lire le mot fameux de Néron devant signer la condamnation à mort de deux brigands, Vellem litteras nescirem (‘Je voudrais ne pas savoir écrire’), rapporté dans le De Clementia.49 On pourrait dès lors être incité à juger Ulysse de façon très sévère, en ne voyant en lui qu’un odieux manipulateur, hypocrite et prêt à tout pour parvenir à ses fins;50 selon nous, il convient plutôt d’être sensible aux nuances entre le comportement d’Ulysse et celui de Pyrrhus. Effectivement, jamais Ulysse ne fait preuve d’un comportement tyrannique; ce n’est pas son bon plaisir, sa libido, qu’il met en avant, mais uniquement l’intérêt général de son peuple, la nécessité51 de sévir, malgré lui. Or, d’après le De Clementia, ces raisons sont parmi les seules qui peuvent pousser le bon roi à punir: Quid ergo? non reges quoque occidere solent? – Solent, sed quotiens id fieri publica utilitas persuadet. Éh quoi ? Les rois n’ont-ils pas coutume, eux aussi, de tuer ? – Oui, c’est vrai, mais seulement quand l’intérêt public le leur recommande.52 Par ailleurs, l’attitude d’Ulysse est conforme aux préceptes qu’édictait Aga memnon, incarnation du bon roi, au début de la pièce: le monarque avisé 48 Sen. Tro. 762-63.

49 Sen. Cl. 2.1.2.

50 Ainsi, Herrmann 1924: 407: ‘Cruauté et perfidie, tels sont les deux principaux traits de

son caractère’; Mazzoli 1961: 52: ‘Seneca ha posto l’immagine d’un odioso tiranno, adombrata in Ulisse’; p. 56, elle fustige ‘suo freddo cinismo e la sua crudeltà disumana’, et passim; Motto & Clark 1984: 158, le jugent ‘à peine meilleur’ que Pyrrhus; Föllinger 2005: praes. 108-10. On trouvera des opinions plus nuancées, à l’égard d’Ulysse, de la part de Stanford 1954: 144-45; Corsaro 1991: 68-69; Boyle 1994: 27-28; Keulen 2001: 20. 51 Vielberg 1994: 316, fait bien de la necessitas la clef de la scène entre Ulysse et Andromaque, et, en fin de compte, le point fondamental de l’ensemble de la pièce: ‘Betören und Betrügen, Drohen und Drängen, Foltern, Morden, mit einem Wort: necessitas – das ist der Tenor dieser Szene, des Akts, des ganzen Stücks’. Il considère cependant p. 325 que le dessein de Sénèque était également de démasquer le cynisme du vainqueur: ‘Es findet nicht nur eine intensive Auseinandersetzung mit der Schuld- und Zwangsproblematik statt, sondern sie wird auch dramaturgisch genutzt, um den Zynismus der Sieger zu ent larven’. 52 Sen. Cl. 1.12.1. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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doit privilégier l’intérêt de la patrie au détriment de la vie d’êtres humains particuliers, même s’il s’agit de sa propre fille.53 Car entre le débat Pyrrhus/Agamemnon et la scène pathétique Andro maque/Ulysse, une annonce a bouleversé la donne: la prédiction de Calchas, aux termes de laquelle il est nécessaire de procéder à des sacrifices parmi les Troyens.54 C’est Agamemnon qui avait demandé à Calchas de transmettre les instructions des dieux,55 mais après la révélation du devin, le roi des rois ne prend plus jamais la parole, comme si la clémence qu’il prônait n’avait de sens qu’avant la prophétie.56 Après celle-ci, c’est l’attitude d’un Ulysse qui est la seule légitime pour le bien de l’État. La dimension pathétique de la scène entre Andromaque et lui-même est inévitable en tragédie, sauf à dessécher tout sentiment. Elle traduit la douleur qui s’attache à certaines décisions, certes dures, mais nécessaires.57 La compassion qu’Ulysse aurait pu être tenté de manifester à l’endroit d’Andromaque aurait finalement été néfaste, comme fut par exemple nuisible la faiblesse de Créon rendant les armes devant les preces de Médée, qui feignait le désespoir à l’idée de quitter ses enfants sans les avoir embrassés une dernière fois.58 La misericordia, arme souvent employée par les femmes pour corrompre le jugement d’un individu,59 ne doit pas avoir d’influence au moment de prendre une décision capitale pour la survie de l’État – et le fait est qu’Andromaque use du mensonge et de la tromperie, en prétendant ignorer où se trouve Astyanax (v. 556-67), puis en prétendant qu’il a perdu la vie (v. 599-603). En fin de compte, si l’on se rapporte à la typologie du second livre du De Clementia, on observe qu’Agamemnon et Ulysse n’ont pas des comporte ments opposés, mais bien plutôt complémentaires: le roi de Mycènes incarne la clementia, face à Pyrrhus et à sa cruauté; le roi d’Ithaque est l’incarnation de la severitas, qui doit résister aux arguments ressortissant à la misericordia que lui oppose Andromaque. Or clementia et severitas sont constamment 53 Sen. Tro. 332: Praeferre patriam liberis regem decet (‘Un roi doit préférer la patrie à ses enfants’), à propos d’Iphigénie. 54 Sen. Tro. 360-70. 55 Sen. Tro. 353-59. 56 Nous nous écartons donc ici de l’analyse de Calder 1970: 75-76, qui met cette absence sur le compte de la composition de la pièce, qu’il juge exécrable. 57 Sen. Cl. 1.14.3. 58 Sen. Med. 294-97. 59 Cf. Ter. And. 558-59; Eun. 67-70; Publ. Syr. D8 (Meyer); D.H. 8.39.3-5. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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considérées comme compatibles, et même indissociables, par Sénèque dans ses écrits théoriques,60 alors même que la cruauté, au même titre que la pitié, sont deux écueils dont le bon souverain doit se garder, car ils font courir des risques à son intégrité personnelle et à celle de son État. En distinguant clementia (Agamemnon) et misericordia (Andromaque) d’une part, severitas (Ulysse) et saevitia (Pyrrhus) d’autre part, Sénèque étend d’une certaine façon à l’ensemble de la pièce une habitude bien ancrée dans la pratique philosophique stoïcienne: l’éthologie, qui consiste à bien diffé rencier une vertu d’un vice tendant à lui ressembler.61

3. CONCLUSIONS Dans les Troyennes, tout se passe comme l’idéal monarchique, par rapport à la clementia, était dédoublé: à Agamemnon revient le rôle du prince indulgent et généreux, ne cédant à aucun des arguments du tyran incarné par Pyrrhus; à Ulysse, celui du vainqueur contraint d’ordonner des exé cutions, et obligé de résister à la commisération que peut inspirer Andromaque vaincue et humiliée. Le bon roi, lié par le seul respect de l’honestum et par le salut de ses sujets, n’eût pu agir autrement que le firent Agamemnon et Ulysse, le premier incarnant la clementia contre la saevitia symbolisée par Pyrrhus, le second, la severitas contre la misericordia qu’Andromaque cherche à susciter. Répétons le: il ne s’agit là que d’une lecture possible, parmi bien d’autres tout aussi légitimes, de l’œuvre si riche que sont les Troyennes, mais elle permet peut être de jeter un œil nouveau sur une tragédie dans laquelle on a tôt fait de réduire l’idéal monarchique au seul personnage, somme toute assez épi sodique, d’Agamemnon.

60 Cf., e.g. Sen. Cl. 1.2.2; 2.4.1-3.

61 Sen. Ep. 95.65: ait utilem futuram et descriptionem cuiusque virtutis: hanc [...]

ethologian vocat, quidam characterismon appellant, signa cuiusque virtutis ac vitii et notas reddentem, quibus inter se similia discriminentur (‘Posidonius dit qu’une description de chaque vertu sera également utile; il l’appelle “éthologie”, certains la nomment “caractérisation”; elle fait ressortir les particularités et les marques distinctives de chaque vertu et de chaque vice, pour distinguer deux objets semblables’). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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guillaume flamerie de lachapelle BIBLIOGRAPHIE

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MÉLANCOMAS ET TITUS AU

GYMNASE DE LA VERTU:

DION CHRYSOSTOME (OR. 28) ET LA

PAIDEIA DU PRINCE

Par Gianluca Ventrella

Summary: The reasons for which Dio Chrysostom has chosen to rewrite (Or. 28) the funeral oration in honor of Melancomas (Or. 29), a Greek boxer dear to Titus, are to be found in the context of his activity of rhetorical teaching at the Flavian court as well as in his aspira tion to hold the much more ambitious office of the Prince’s philosophical advisor.* ∗

Dans l’épître Sur l’entraînement oratoire, adressée à un politicien désormais célèbre, mais qui souhaitait encore perfectionner sa formation oratoire, Dion de Pruse conseillait de ne pas négliger un exercice très utile sur le plan rhétorique : réécrire des extraits choisis de prosateurs grecs. Convaincu de l’utilité d’une didactique sur mesure, il déclare vouloir élaborer lui-même des modèles pratiques de référence pour son illustre élève: Ύ΅Ϡȱ·ΕΣΚΉ΍ΑȱΈξȱΓЁȱΘ΅ІΘΣȱΗΉȱΦΒ΍ЗȱΘΤȱΗΛΓΏ΍ΎΤȱΔΏΣΗΐ΅Θ΅ǰȱΦΏΏȂǰȱΉϥΔΉΕȱ ΩΕ΅ǰȱ Θ΍ΑΤȱ ΘЗΑȱ Ώϱ·ΝΑǰȱ ΓϩΖȱ ΪΑȱ ψΗΌϜΖȱ πΑΘΙ·ΛΣΑΝΑǰȱ ΐΣΏ΍ΗΘ΅ȱ ΘЗΑȱ ̑ΉΑΓΚΝΑΘΉϟΝΑǰȱ ύȱ ΦΑΘ΍Ών·ΓΑΘ΅ȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΉϢΕ΋ΐνΑΓ΍Ζȱ ύȱ ΘΤȱ ΅ЁΘΤȱ ρΘΉΕΓΑȱ ΘΕϱΔΓΑȱ ЀΔΓΆΣΏΏΓΑΘ΅ … (21) ГΗΔΉΕȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΊΝ·ΕΣΚΓ΍Ζȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΔΏΣΗΘ΅΍Ζȱ ΓЁΎȱ ΦΔϱΛΕ΋ȱ ΉϢΔΉϧΑȱ ϵΘ΍ȱ ΈΉϧȱ ΘΓ΍ΣΈΉȱ ǀΘΤǁȱ ΛΕЏΐ΅Θ΅ȱ ΉϨΑ΅΍ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΓ΍ΣΗΈΉȱ ∗

J’exprime tous mes remerciements au professeur Eugenio Amato (Université de Nantes) pour l’échange constant de points de vue et d’idées, au professeur Jacques Schamp (Université de Fribourg) pour la patience avec laquelle il a gentiment accepté de revoir mes traductions, à la redaction de Classica et Mediaevalia pour ses remarques et ses suggestions ponctuelles qui m’ont permis d’améliorer et enrichir cet article.

Gianluca Ventrella ‘Mélancomas et Titus au gymnase de la vertu: Dion Chrysostome (Or. 28) et la Paideia du prince’ C&M 62 (2011) 185-206. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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ΘΤΖȱ·Ε΅ΐΐΣΖǰȱΦΏΏΤȱΐΉ·ϟΗΘ΋ȱВΚνΏΉ΍΅ǰȱΉϥȱΘ΍Ζȱ΅ЁΘΓϿΖȱύȱ·ΕΣΚΓΑΘ΅Ζȱύȱ ΔΏΣΘΘΓΑΘ΅Ζȱ ϥΈΓ΍ȉȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ БΖȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ Δ΅΍ΈΓΘΕϟΆ΅΍Ζȱ ΓЁΎȱ ΦΕΎΉϧȱ ΉϢΔΉϧΑȱ ΘΤȱ Δ΅Ώ΅ϟΗΐ΅Θ΅ǰȱΦΏΏΤȱΎ΅ϠȱΈΉϧΒ΅΍ȱΦΑΣ·Ύ΋ȱΘХȱΐ΅Ό΋ΗΓΐνΑУȉȱΓЂΘΝȱΎ΅ϠȱπΑȱ Θ΅ϧΖȱ ΘΓ΍΅ϾΘ΅΍Ζȱ ΗΙΐΆΓΙΏϟ΅΍Ζȱ ΔΏΉϟΝΑȱ ψȱ ВΚνΏΉ΍΅ȱ ·ϟ·ΑΓ΍ΘȂȱ ΩΑǰȱ Ήϥȱ Θ΍Ζȱ ΅ЁΘϲΑȱ ΔΕΣΘΘΓΑΘ΅ȱ ϥΈΓ΍ȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΗΙΐΆΉΆΓΙΏΉΙΎϱΘ΅ǯȱ БΖȱ σ·Ν·Ήǰȱ Ύ΅Ϡǰȱ ΉϢȱ ΦΑ΅·΍·ΑЏΗΎΉ΍Αȱ ΐΉȱ ΈνΓ΍ȱΗΓІȱ ΦΎΕΓΝΐνΑΓΙǰȱΘϛΖȱ ΗϛΖȱ ρΑΉΎ΅ȱ ВΚΉΏΉϟ΅Ζǰȱ ΓЁΎȱΪΑȱϴΎΑφΗ΅΍ΐ΍ǰȱΗΘνΕ·ΝΑȱΘνȱΗΉȱΎ΅ϠȱΘϛΖȱΗϛΖȱΚ΍ΏΓΘ΍ΐϟ΅ΖȱΦ·ΣΐΉΑΓΖ Ύ΅ϠȱΘϛΖȱΔΕϲΖȱπΐξȱΘ΍ΐϛΖȱΛΣΕ΍ΑȱΉϢΈЏΖǯ

Quant aux compositions écrites, je ne pense pas qu’il soit opportun que ce soient des thèmes fictifs d’école, mais, si tu le souhaites vraiment, réécris quelques discours que tu as eu plaisir à lire, de Xénophon notamment, en essayant de riposter aux arguments qui y sont développés ou de les formuler de façon différente … (21) de même que les peintres et les sculpteurs ne se contentent pas d’enseigner en paroles à leurs apprentis comment réaliser telles couleurs ou tels contours de figures, mais au contraire, ces dernières tireront le plus grand bénéfice de voir leurs maîtres en train de dessiner ou de sculpter ; tout comme les entraineurs ne se bornent pas à expliquer les prises à la lutte mais doivent aussi fournir des démonstrations pratiques à leur futur élève ; ainsi, lors de consultations de ce genre, on tirera plus de bénéfice à voir en pleine action l’auteur même du conseil. Ainsi, dans mon cas, même si je ne devais que lire pendant que tu écoutes, alors qu’il s’agit de t’en faire bénéficier, je n’aurais pas d’hésitation, parce que je suis très attaché à toi, que j’admire ta générosité et te suis reconnaissant de l’honneur que tu me fais.1

1. L’EXERCICE RHÉTORIQUE DE LA RÉÉCRITURE ET LES DISCOURS 28 ET 29 DANS LE CORPUS DIONEEN Il est donc intéressant de se demander, sur la base des discours conservés,2 si Dion n’avait pas effectivement mis en œuvre un tel projet pédagogique 1 D.Chr. Or. 18.18 et 21.

2 La production de l’orateur et philosophe de Pruse ne nous est pas parvenue dans sa



mélancomas et titus au gymnase de la vertu

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fondé sur la pratique de la réécriture3 pour son élève trop occupé par la vie publique et n’ayant plus l’âge d’entreprendre un parcours d’études rhéto riques graduel et systématique.4 Le Mélancomas II (Or. 28) nous en fournit, en effet, un exemple évident,5 même s’il n’est pas le seul.6 Le texte de départ est le Mélancomas I, une totalité. La sélection, remontant à l’époque byzantine (6ème-10ème siècle), a condamné à l’oubli surtout les œuvres à caractère sophistique (François 1921: 31; A. Brancacci 1985: 227-28; Klauck, 2000: 18-20). Sur l’organisation et la composition du corpus dionéen, voir en dernier lieu Amato 2009: 54. 3 Les exercices proposés par Dion, consistant à contredire ou à reformuler les mêmes arguments (ΦΑΘ΍Ών·Ή΍ΑȱΘΓϧΖȱΉϢΕ΋ΐνΑΓ΍ΖȱύȱΘΤȱ΅ЁΘΤȱρΘΉΕΓΑȱΘΕϱΔΓΑȱЀΔΓΆΣΏΏΉ΍Α ) déve loppés par un auteur ancien ne sont ni des progymnasmes stricto sensu ni des thèmes fictifs d’école, mais ils sont plutôt à comparer avec la paraphrase, comme l’on a jusqu’ici supposé (Hirzel 1895: 106; Brinkmann 1908: 618) et, ajoutons nous, avec la ‘contradiction’ (ΦΑΘϟΕΕ΋Η΍Ζ) et l’‘élaboration’ (πΒΉΕ·΅Ηϟ΅). Ces exercices (sur lesquels on peut voir Ro 2 berts 1985: 1-60; Lausberg 1998: §§ 1099-1110; Patillon 2002 : c-cxiv; Flammini 2002: 124 29; Miguélez Cavero 2008: 309-12; Pernot 2008: 283-306), en effet, étaient des exercices d’accompagnement à la formation rhétorique. Leur but était de développer chez l’élève son aptitude à l’écriture, de motiver son esprit d’émulation et de compétition avec l’auteur (Quint. Inst. 10.5.5: paraphrasin esse … volo … circa eosdem sensus certamen atque aemulationem). Que Dion puisse avoir conseillé à son disciple, non pas plus jeune, la pratique d’exercices comparables à ceux de la ‘contradiction’ et de l’‘élaboration’ est fort plausible, ces derniers étant des exercices destinés aux élèves qui avaient déjà ‘acquis une certaine aptitude’ rhétorique (Theon Prog. 1 (65.25-26 Spengel = 9 Patillon)). 4 Sur l’identification du destinataire de l’épître dionéenne, voir plus bas, n. 10. 5 ‘… wie man diese Theorie in der Praxis befolgte, lehrt abermals Dion, wenn er in seinen beiden nach Melankomas benannten Schriften (Or. 28 u. 29) den gleichen Gegenstand das eine Mal dialogisch das andere Mal oratorisch behandelt’ (Hirzel 1895: 107). Heinze (1891: 458, n. 1) affirme que le discours 29 a été composé par un élève de Dion. 6 Les discours 37 (Aux Corinthiens) et 64 (Sur la fortune 2) semblent nous en donner d’autres exemples, puisqu’ils développent des thèmes et des arguments déjà contenus, respectivement, dans les discours 31 (Aux Rhodiens) et 65 (Sur la fortune 3). Les discours 37 et 64 sont toutefois des discours apocryphes, dont la paternité est aujourd’hui attribuée définitivement à Favorinos d’Arles (Amato 2005: 53-54 et 66), élève de Dion et respon sable de la première édition du corpus Dioneum selon Amato (1999: 26), qui a aussi démontré de façon convaincante que l’édition de Favorinos répondait aux plusieurs objectifs, l’un d’entre eux étant l’enseignement rhétorique. Rien n’interdit donc de penser que, en recueillant les œuvres du maître, Favorinos pourrait y avoir inséré d’autres discours, les siens (voir le cas des discours 37 et 64) ou d’autres auteur (voir le cas du discours 29), dans le but de fournir aux étudiants de l’école de rhétorique qu’il dirigeait des modèles de l’exercice de la réécriture si vivement recommandé par Dion. Sur les écrits apocryphes du corpus dionéen, voir Amato 2009: 21 n. 24. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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oraison funèbre anonyme conservée dans le corpus de l’orateur (Or. 29), mais en réalité prononcée par un jeune gymnasiarque lors des obsèques du pugiliste homonyme.7 Déjà au dix-neuvienne siècle, Hans von Arnim eut l’intuition que Dion avait intentionnellement réécrit pour Titus, affectivement lié à Mélan comas,8 l’éloge funèbre à la mémoire de l’athlète. Toutefois, le savant supposait, de manière très réductrice, que Dion voulait ainsi montrer au prince sa supériorité par rapport au gymnasiarque en matière de rhétorique.9 Par la suite, des recherches plus récentes et plus précises ont démontré que Titus peut être considéré aussi bien comme le destinataire de l’épître Sur l'entraînement oratoire10 que comme l’auteur de l’éloge funèbre de Mélan 7 Le discours 29 est sans doute pseudépigraphe, à moins qu’on ne suppose un cas de logo graphie épidictique (Schmid 1903: 849-50): celui qui parle, en effet, déclare avoir été ami intime de Mélancomas, tandis que Dion dans l’Or. 28 affirme n’avoir jamais connu per sonnellement le pugiliste mort prématurément à Naples durant les Ludi Augustales locaux à 66 après J.-C. (Ventrella 2009b: 407 n. 14). 8 Titus est défini comme πΕ΅ΗΘφΖ de Mélancomas par Thémistios (Or. 10.139A-B (I, 211, 9 12 Schenkl-Downey)). Sur le témoignage et le sens du mot πΕ΅ΗΘφΖ, voir Schamp 2009: 270-71; Ventrella 2009b: 404 n. 6. 9 ‘Der Gymnasiarch hat sein bestes gethan, durch eine Leichenrede im herkömmlichen Stil den verstorbenen Liebling des kaiserlichen Prinzen zu verherrlichen. Dio, der sich im Ge folge des Titus befindet, benutzt die Gelegenheit, seine Kunst zu zeigen, ΘΤȱ΅ЁΘΤȱρΘΉΕΓΑȱ ΘΕϱΔΓΑȱЀΔΓΆΣΏΏΝΑ’ (Arnim 1898: 146-47). 10 Jusqu’à présent, différentes hypothèses ont été avancées pour identifier le destinataire de l'épître. Il s’agirait, selon von Arnim (1898: 139-42), suivi par Sidebottom (1996: 447-56) et Salmeri (1999: 239), d’un riche commerçant grec. Mais, à juste titre, Valgimigli (1912: 72 n. 1) a observé que ‘quel senso di devota e ossequiosa sommissione che spira da tutta la lettera’ laisse pencher pour un personnage beaucoup plus important. De façon générale, Palm (1959: 20-22) fait référence à un homme politique romain influent, dans lequel on 6 pourrait même reconnaître l’empereur Nerva (voir aussi Christ 1924 : 363). Desideri (1978: 137-41; id. 1991: 3900) a cependant montré que le destinataire de l’épître est décrit comme un homme destiné, depuis longtemps, à atteindre le pouvoir impérial (or on sait que l'accession au trône de Nerva ne pouvait être prévue), un homme dans la fleur de l'âge, ‘digne d’occuper la première place parmi les meilleurs’ (ΦΒϟΓΙȱ ΔΕΝΘΉϾΉ΍Αȱ πΑȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΦΕϟΗΘΓ΍Ζ (§ 1)). Cette périphrase ne peut s’appliquer qu’à Titus, ‘destinato a succedere a Vespasiano già gran tempo prima della morte del padre, e per il quale quadrerebbe fra l'altro in maniera eccellente il dato relativo all’età: nato nel 41, egli si trovava infatti, durante il regno del padre, per l'appunto fra i trenta e i quaranta anni, cioè “nel fiore dell'età”’ (Desideri 1978: 138). Moles (1978: 93 n. 122) a objecté que Dion se présente comme plus jeune que le destinataire de son épître, alors que Titus était presque du même âge que lui. Cette objection n’est pas décisive, parce que Dion pourrait avoir représenté CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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comas.11 Ces résultats nous amènent à corriger la perspective exégétique proposé par von Arnim, voire à considérer le Mélancomas dionéen pas simplement comme une ostentation de bravoure de la part d’un rhéteur infatué auprès du futur empereur, mais plutôt comme l’exemple concret de réécriture que Dion a promis de rédiger pour son élève.12 Les relations entre les deux discours peuvent donc être illustrées par le schéma suivant:

Titus comme son aîné par égard pour le futur empereur (Sidebottom 1996: 450). De même, le conseil de ne pas se fier à ses supérieurs (§ 16), jugé ridicule et offensant si adressé à Titus après ses succès militaires, ne constitue pas un argument valable contre la thèse de Desideri: un tel conseil, en effet, doit être considéré comme une leçon générale, indépendante du cas particulier du futur empereur (Billault 2004: 517). De plus, l’image de Titus comme étant un homme d’état trop occupé pour se consacrer entièrement aux lettres, tel qu’il apparaît dans l’épître dionéenne, se retrouve chez Pline (Préface 33), qui joignait à son Histoire Naturelle un index permettant au prince de repérer rapidement les informations qui l’intéressaient, sans devoir lire l’œuvre entière. 11 L’orateur de l’éloge funèbre déclare, 1) être intime avec Mélancomas, 2) occuper une charge publique dans le contexte des jeux napolitains des Sebasta, 3) être jeune, 4) ne pas avoir encore une formation oratoire mûre (cf. [D.Chr.] 29.1), 5) considérer l’athlétisme comme une pratique beaucoup plus noble que l’art de la guerre (cf. [D.Chr.] 29.15-16). Titus, dont Suétone (Tit. 3) loue la facilité extrême pour l'éloquence aussi bien latine que grecque, d’après Thémistios (voir plus haut, n. 8), était πΕ΅ΗΘφΖ de Mélancomas, tandis que d’une épigraphe napolitaine (IG 14.729 = CIL 10.1481 = IGIt 20), retrouvée le 1538 et datant du 81 après J.-C., il ressort que l’empereur avait occupé les charges d’agonothète trois fois (Φ·ΝΑΓΌΉΘφΗ΅ΖȱΘϱȱ·ȼ) et de gymnasiarque une fois (·ΙΐΑ΅Η΍΅ΕΛφΗ΅Ζ) lors de plusieurs éditions des jeux qui se répétaient tous les quatre ans. L’inscription IGIt 19, découverte en 1965 mais jusqu’ici délaissée par les chercheurs dionéens, date la deuxième agonothèsie de Titus déjà de 74 après J.-C. Il s’ensuit donc que la première doit remonter à l’an 70, tandis que la gymnasiarchie doit dater de 66 après J.-C. À l’époque de sa première charge dans le cadre des jeux napolitains (la gymnasiarchie de 66 après J.-C.), Titus, âgé d’environ 26 à 27 ans, pouvait bien se présenter comme un homme à l’expé rience oratoire, politique et militaire modestes. De plus, sous le principat de Néron, il avait tout avantage à argumenter la supériorité de l’athlétique sur l’art de la guerre. Sans aucun doute, il aurait ainsi rencontré les goûts d’un prince qui, plutôt que conduire guerres, désirait gagner les quatre grands jeux du monde ancien, d’un prince qui était le chef d’une armée dont les soldats ‘portaient, au lieu des armes, lyres, plectres, masques théâtraux et cothurnes’ (D.C. 63.8.4). Pour les détails de la démonstration, voir Ventrella 2009b. 12 Que Dion ait rédigé des modèles de référence pour son élève n’étonne pas. En effet, le maître de rhétorique avait l’habitude de produire lui-même des spécimens cohérents avec sa propre théorie afin d’augmenter l’attention et l’esprit d’observation de ses élèves 2 (Patillon, 2002 : 130 n. 104). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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gianluca ventrella [D.Chr.] Or. 29

D.Chr. Or. 28

Émetteur

Titus, en tant que jeune gymnasiarque à Naples sous Néron

Dion, en tant que conseiller en rhétorique auprès de l’empereur Titus

Référent Destinataire

histoire exemplaire de Mélancomas athlètes et personnel du Titus gymnase

Genre littéraire

oraison funèbre

dialogue philosophique

Contexte situationnel

obsèques de Mélancomas

formation rhétorique de Titus

En réécrivant un discours prononcé par Titus afin de fournir à ce dernier un paradigme de l’exercice stylistique du ΘΤȱ ΅ЁΘΤȱ ρΘΉΕΓΑȱ ΘΕϱΔΓΑȱ ЀΔΓȬ ΆΣΏΏΉ΍Α, le rhéteur peut réaliser un instrument pédagogique ‘sur mesure’ simple et attrayant. De fait, l’exemple proposé au princeps est facile à comprendre: le texte de départ, déjà connu, ne demande à l’élève aucune connaissance préalable, alors que le texte d’arrivée est élaboré sous forme d’un dialogue philosophique, un genre littéraire dont les caractéristiques stylistiques en rendent la lecture agréable.13 Dion savait, en effet, qu’il faut distraire l’auditeur, si on désire l’instruire: ‘Quel conseiller écoute-t-on avec plus de bienveillance, sinon celui dont le discours est réjouissant?’14 déclarait-il en s’adressant à son élève exigeant.

13 Sur la grâce, la liberté et la simplicité d’expression propres au dialogue d’après les théoriciens anciens ([D.H.] Rh. 6.19.11-12 Usener-Radermacher; Cic. Orateur 64), voir Aygon 2002; Chiron 2003: 158. En général sur le modèle de claritas représenté par Platon pour les écrivains de la Seconde Sophistique, voir Schmid 1917: 249; Walsdorff 1927; Rahn 1944. Sur le genre dialogique dans l’œuvre de Dion, voir Menchelli 1999: 52-56, avec le compte rendu de Amato 2002: 1155. 14 Cf. D.Chr. Or. 18.2: ΘϟΑ΅ȱ Έξȱ ΑΓΙΌΉΘΓІΑΘ΅ȱ ΔΕθϱΘΉΕΓΑȱ ΚνΕΓΙΗ΍Αȱ ǀύǁȱ ΓЈȱ Ώϱ·Уȱ ΉЁΚΕ΅ϟΑΓΑΘ΅΍. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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2. LES VERTUS DE MÉLANCOMAS ENTRE IDÉAUX ATHLÉTIQUES ET IDÉAUX PHILOSOPHIQUES Cela dit, il est naturel de supposer que le délicat rôle pédagogique joué par Dion auprès du futur empereur puisse avoir influencé la stratégie de sa réécriture. Renvoyant à une autre occasion l’analyse comparative systé matique des deux discourse,15 je me limite ici à mettre en évidence la différence sans doute la plus significative. Il s’agit de la façon dont Dion dresse le portrait de l'athlète: [D.Chr.] Or. 29.14

D.Chr. Or. 28.12

ΓϨΐ΅΍ȱΈχȱπΑȱΘ΅ЁΘХȱΔΣΑΘ΅ȱ ΉϢΕϛΗΌ΅΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΉΕϠȱΦΑΈΕΉϟ΅ΖȱΎ΅Ϡȱ ΔΉΕϠȱΉЁΜΙΛϟ΅ΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΉΕϠȱ π·ΎΕ΅ΘΉϟ΅ΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΉΕϠȱ ΗΝΚΕΓΗϾΑ΋ΖǯȱΉϢȱΐχȱ·ΤΕȱπ·ΎΕ΅ΘφΖȱ ΘΉȱΎ΅ϠȱΗЏΚΕΝΑȱώΑǰȱΓЁΎȱΪΑȱΓϨΐ΅΍ȱ ΘΓΗΓІΘΓȱΘϜȱϹЏΐϙȱЀΔΉΕνΗΛΉΑȱ ΓЁΈξȱΉϢȱΚϾΗΉ΍ȱϢΗΛΙΕϱΘ΅ΘΓΖȱ ЀΔϛΕΛΉΑǯȱ

Θϱȱ·ΉȱΐχΑȱΌ΅Ιΐ΅ΗΘϱΘ΅ΘΓΑȱπΑȱ ΦΑΌΕЏΔУǰȱΦφΘΘ΋ΘΓΑȱ·ΉΑνΗΌ΅΍ȱΓЁȱ ΐϱΑΓΑȱΘЗΑȱΦΑΘ΅·ΝΑ΍ΗΘЗΑǰȱΦΏΏΤȱ Ύ΅ϠȱΔϱΑΓΙȱΎ΅ϠȱΎ΅Ͼΐ΅ΘΓΖȱΎ΅Ϡȱ ·΅ΗΘΕϲΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΦΚΕΓΈ΍ΗϟΝΑǯȱ

Ainsi, je crois que vraiment tout a été dit sur la valeur, le courage, le contrôle de soi et la tempérance. S’il n’avait pas été capable d’un tel contrôle de soi, d’une telle tempérance, il n’aurait pas, je crois, acquis sur le plan de la force physique une si nette supériorité, même si la nature l’avait doté d’une très grande force.

Mais ce qui est le plus étonnant chez cet homme, c’est sa capacité à ne pas se laisser écraser ni par ses adversaires, ni par la fatigue, la chaleur, la gloutonnerie ou la séduction de l’amour.

A partir de la comparaison des textes ci-dessus, on peut constater que, si dans la laudatio funebris l’exaltation des qualités de Mélancomas (ΦΑΈΕΉϟ΅ǰȱ 15 Sur le rapport entre athlétisme et guerre dans les deux Mélancomas, voir Ventrella 2009b: 407-9. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ΉЁΜΙΛϟ΅ǰȱ π·ΎΕΣΘΉ΍΅ǰȱ ΗΝΚΕΓΗϾΑ΋) constitue un élément stéréotypé et

topique de la littérature encomiastique pour les athlètes,16 chez Dion c’est avant tout la capacité du pugiliste à ne pas se laisser vaincre ni par la fatigue, ni par les plaisirs de la chair et de la gloutonnerie qui est mise en valeur. Cette endurance, physique et morale, que Mélancomas a acquise en s’entraînent durement à résister à n’importe quels efforts et tentations,17 est si proche de la notion stoïco-cynique de ‘philoponie’18 que l’on a même supposé que le pugiliste ne pouvait être qu’une figure irréelle, une icône de la vertu philosophique.19 Or, sans nier l’historicité de Mélancomas, il semble beaucoup plus prudent de supposer que Dion effectue une transposition volontaire des vertus du pugiliste d’un plan purement sportif à un plan philosophique. Et cela dans le respect de la tradition littéraire cynique20 qui 16 Sur les qualités morales des athlètes célébrées par les inscriptions honorifiques, voir Robert 1965: 140, n. 4. 17 Sur le caractère extraordinaire de l’entraînement de Mélancomas, capable de rester les bras levés pendant deux jours, voir plus bas, n. 19. 18 Contrairement à ce que suppose Cohoon (1950: 358), l'adhésion de Dion aux principes de la philosophie cynique n'interdit pas d’attribuer le discours 28 à la période antérieure à son exil. L'hypothèse selon laquelle Dion se serait converti à la philosophie en raison de l'expérience douloureuse de l'exil est, depuis longtemps, soumise à une révision critique profonde (Ventrella 2009a: 34, n. 2). Sur l’interprétation en clef politique du choix, de la part de Dion, d’adopter la ‘persona of a wandering philosopher for himself ’ pendant l’exil, voir l’analyse lucide proposée par Bekker-Nielsen (2008: 121-22). 19 Dans l’Or. 28, la description des vertus de Mélancomas, quoique plus brève et moins sophistiquée que dans l’Or. 29, dépasse les limites de la crédibilité, au point de faire douter de l’existence réelle de Mélancomas (König 2005: 146). La capacité de l’athlète, exaltée aux §§ 7-8, à maintenir les bras levés pendant deux jours entiers ainsi que de renverser l’adversaire sans se laisser blesser une seule fois nous semble en effet invrai semblable. Cela explique pourquoi Lemarchand (1926: 25-32) a supposé que Mélancomas ne soit qu’une allégorie de la vertu philosophique. Lu symboliquement, l'éloge hyperbolique de Mélancomas devient certainement bien plus plausible (Poliakoff 1987: 516-18), mais cela ne suffit pas à contester la réalité historique de Mélancomas. D’ailleurs, le thème controversé de la victoire obtenue sans la moindre blessure est déjà attesté comme motif d'orgueil dans les inscriptions pour les pugilistes Hippomachos et Cléoxénos d’Alexandrie (Moretti 1957: 131-32 (no. 506) et 139 (no. 569)), alors que le ton redondant et hyperbolique de l’éloge se retrouve aussi dans le décret honorifique pour le pugiliste Kallikrates (Merkelbach 1970). Il ne faut pas non plus oublier le processus d’idéalisation de l’éthique agonistique qui opère dans les ‘judgment contests’ de ΉЁΉΒϟ΅ (comportement), ΉЁΘ΅Βϟ΅ (discipline) et Κ΍ΏΓΔΓΑϟ΅ (endurance), sur lesquels on peut voir Forbes 1929: 195; Crowther 1991: 301-4; Nijf 2001: 328. 20 Chez Épictète la comparaison entre athlète et philosophe est fréquente: cf. Arr. Epict. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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utilisait abondamment la métaphore de l'athlète pour évoquer l’image du philosophe s'entraînant à une dure ascèse physique et morale dans un but d’indépendance et de paix intérieure.21 Dion lui-même s’en sert lorsque, en donnant la parole au personnage de Diogène de Sinope, il décrit la vertu du philosophe comme résultat de la lutte quotidienne qu’il conduit contre ses propres limites afin de ne pas céder aux tentations d’un hédonisme qui ne permet pas à l’homme d’avancer sur le chemin de la vertu et de la sagesse: ϳȱΈξȱΦΑχΕȱϳȱ·ΉΑΑ΅ϧΓΖȱψ·ΉϧΘ΅΍ȱΘΓϿΖȱΔϱΑΓΙΖȱΦΑΘ΅·ΝΑ΍ΗΘΤΖȱΐΉ·ϟΗΘΓΙΖǰȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΓϾΘΓ΍Ζȱ ΦΉϠȱ Κ΍ΏΉϧȱ ΐΣΛΉΗΌ΅΍ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘχΑȱ ΑϾΎΘ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘχΑȱ ψΐνΕ΅Αǰȱ ǳȱ ǻ16Ǽ ΐ΋ΈνΑ΅ȱ΅ЁΘЗΑȱΚΓΆΓϾΐΉΑΓΑȱΐ΋ΈξȱΉЁΛϱΐΉΑΓΑȱΩΏΏУȱΏ΅ΛΉϧΑǰȱΦΏΏΤȱ ΔΕΓΎ΅ΏΓϾΐΉΑΓΑȱ πΚΉΒϛΖȱ ΧΔ΅ΑΘ΅Ζǰȱ ǳȱ ΐ΋ΈξΑȱ ΐ΅Ώ΅ΎϲΑȱ πΑΈ΍ΈϱΑΘ΅ȱ ǳȱ ǻ18Ǽȱ Γϡȱ Έξȱ ΔΓΏΏΓϠȱ ΩΑΌΕΝΔΓ΍ȱ πΎΔΉΔΏ΋·ΐνΑΓ΍ȱ ΅ЁΘΓϿΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΉϟȱ ΔΓΘΉȱ ΚΉϾ·ΓΑΘΉΖȱπΎΎΏϟΑΓΙΗ΍ΑǰȱΓЁΈνΔΓΘΉȱπΑ΅ΑΘϟΓΑȱΆΏνΔΓΑΘΉΖǯȱΎ΅Ϡȱ·ΤΕȱΈφǰȱ ГΗΔΉΕȱΓϡȱΔΙΎΘΉϾΉ΍ΑȱΉϢΈϱΘΉΖǰȱπΤΑȱΐξΑȱΔΕΓΏΣΆΝΗ΍ȱΘϲΑȱΦΑΘ΅·ΝΑ΍ΗΘφΑǰȱ ΓЁȱ Δ΅ϟΓΑΘ΅΍ȱ ΘχΑȱ ΦΕΛφΑǰȱ ΔΓΏΏΣΎ΍Ζȱ Έξȱ ΦΔνΆ΋Η΅Αȱ ΅ЁΘΓϠȱ Ύ΅Θ΅Ȭ Ά΅ΏϱΑΘΉΖȉȱπΤΑȱΈξȱЀΔΓΛΝΕЗΗ΍ȱΚΓΆΓϾΐΉΑΓ΍ǰȱΘϱΘȂȱϢΗΛΙΕΓΘΣΘ΅ΖȱΔΏ΋·ΤΖȱ Ώ΅ΐΆΣΑΓΙΗ΍ΑȉȱΓЂΘΝΖȱπΤΑȱΐνΑȱΘ΍ΖȱΘΓϿΖȱΔϱΑΓΙΖȱΈνΛ΋Θ΅΍ȱΎ΅Θ΅ΚΕΓΑЗΑȱ Ύ΅ϠȱΔΏ΋Η΍ΣΊϙȱΔΕΓΌϾΐΝΖǰȱΓЁȱΔΣΑΙȱϢΗΛϾΓΙΗ΍ȱΔΕϲΖȱ΅ЁΘϱΑǯȱ

L’homme noble, au contraire, tient les efforts pour ses plus grands adversaires, et il aime les combattre sans cesse nuit et jour, … il ne redoute aucun d’entre eux et ne souhaite pas que le tirage au sort lui en donne un autre (16), 2.17.29-33 (l’exercice quotidien de l’apprenti philosophe à ne pas se laisser troubler par les circonstances extérieures est rapproché de l’entraînement journalier du sportif ); 3.21.3 (celui qui s'est exercé dans la philosophie peut montrer le changement qui se produit dans son âme, comme les athlètes exhibent le résultat de leur entraînement physique) ; 1.29.33 9 (comme l’athlète, le philosophe doit aspirer à des épreuves de plus en plus dures) ; 3.20.9-11 (le philosophe tire avantage de celui qui l’offense, comme un athlète de son entraîneur, parce que l’offenseur le stimule à s’exercer à la douceur et à l’indulgence); 3.22.58 (Diogène lutte contre la fièvre). Sur l’image de l’athlète chez Marc-Aurèle (3.4.3), voir Rutherford 1989: 230-34. Il faut cependant préciser que, dans la tradition stoïco cynique, la comparaison avec l’athlétisme constitue bien plus qu'une simple métaphore : l’ascèse sur laquelle le philosophe cynique fonde sa morale est bien concrète (Goulet-Cazé 1986: 223-27) et la pratique de l’askesis l’emporte sur la théorie elle-même (Laurenti 1989: 2113-20). 21 Sur l’austérité de l’entraînement pratiqué par Diogène, voir Goulet-Cazé 1986: 53-76; 1990: 2762-64. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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mais il les défie tous, les uns après les autres, … sans montrer aucune indulgence … (18) La plupart des hommes ont une peur mortelle devant eux et, en les fuyant à chaque fois, ils changent de route sans jamais les regarder en face. En effet, il en va d’eux, comme des champions au pugilat: s’ils préviennent les coups de l'adversaire, ils ne sont pas touchés du tout, mais souvent ce sont eux qui réussissent même à mettre l'adversaire à terre; mais s’ils reculent de peur, c’est a-lors qu’ils prennent les coups les plus durs; ainsi, si quelqu'un affronte les efforts avec mépris et les aborde courageusement, ces dernières n’ont aucun pouvoir sur lui.22

3. LA ‘PHILOPONIE’ DU SOUVERAIN IDÉAL DANS LA REFLEXION POLITIQUE DIONÉENNE La capacité de se soumettre délibérément au ponos, n’est pas simplement le signe de noblesse d'âme, trait distinctif de la paideia et du philosophe

22 D.Chr. Or. 8.15-18. L’invincibilité de Mélancomas, décrite par Dion (28.12), peut être donc comparée, sans difficulté aucune, à celle du philosophe telle qu’elle est définie, par exemple, par Épictète (Arr. Epict. 1.18.21-23): ‘Quel est donc l’homme invincible? C’est celui que rien ne peut troubler, rien de ce qui est indépendant de sa personne. Et maintenant, parcourant une è une les différentes circonstances, je les examine, comme pour l’athlète: ‘Cet homme a remporté la première manche. Qu’en sera-t-il de la seconde? Comment se comportera-t-il si la température est brûlante? Et à Olympie, quelle sera son attitude?’ De même dans le cas présent: si tu lui offres un peu d’argent, il lui méprisera. Mais si c’est une jolie fille? … Il peut vaincre tout cela. Mais comment se se comportera-t il si la température est brûlante, je veux dire: s’il est ivre, s’il est d’une humeur noire, si c’est dans le sommeil? Tel est, à mon sens, l’athlète invincible’. ((21)ȱ̖ϟΖȱ ΓЇΑȱ ϳȱ ΦφΘΘ΋ΘΓΖǲȱ ϶Αȱ ΓЁΎȱ πΒϟΗΘ΋Η΍Αȱ ΓЁΈξΑȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΦΔΕΓ΅΍ΕνΘΝΑǯȱ ΉϨΘ΅ȱ ΏΓ΍ΔϲΑȱ οΎΣΗΘ΋Αȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΔΉΕ΍ΗΘΣΗΉΝΑȱ πΔΉΕΛϱΐΉΑΓΖȱ Ύ΅Θ΅ΐ΅ΑΌΣΑΝȱ БΖȱ πΔϠȱ ΘΓІȱ ΦΌΏ΋ΘΓІǯȱ ȁΓЈΘΓΖȱ πΒΉΆϟ΅ΗΉȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΔΕЗΘΓΑȱ ΎΏϛΕΓΑǯȱΘϟȱΓЇΑȱΘϲΑȱΈΉϾΘΉΕΓΑǲȱΘϟȱ (22)ȱΈȂȱΪΑȱΎ΅Іΐ΅ȱϖǲȱΘϟȱΈȂȱπΑȱ͞ΏΙΐΔϟθǲȂȱΎ΅ϠȱπΑΘ΅ІΌ΅ȱ БΗ΅ϾΘΝΖǯȱ ΪΑȱ ΦΕ·ΙΕϟΈ΍ΓΑȱ ΔΕΓΆΣΏϙΖǰȱ Ύ΅Θ΅ΚΕΓΑφΗΉ΍ȱ ǳȱ (23)ȱ ΈϾΑ΅Θ΅΍ȱ Θ΅ІΘ΅ȱ ΔΣΑΘ΅ȱ Α΍ΎϛΗ΅΍ǯȱΘϟȱΓЇΑȱΪΑȱΎ΅Іΐ΅ȱϖǰȱΘΓІΘϱȱπΗΘ΍ȉȱΘϟǰȱΪΑȱΓϢǀΑǁΝΐνΑΓΖȱϖǲȱΘϟȱΪΑȱΐΉΏ΅·ΛΓΏЗΑǲȱΘϟȱ πΑȱ ЂΔΑΓ΍Ζǲȱ ΓЈΘϱΖȱ ΐΓϟȱ πΗΘ΍Αȱ ϳȱ ΦΑϟΎ΋ΘΓΖȱ ΦΌΏ΋ΘφΖ ). (Trad. de J. Souilhé, CUF). Sur le

rapport noblesse d’âme et ‘philoponie’, voir aussi Musonius Rufus (1.53-61 Hense), nous rapportant que Cléanthe, interrogé par un garçon qui lui demandait des éclaircissements au sujet du ΔϱΑΓΖ, répondit ‘΅ϣΐ΅ΘΓΖȱΉϨΖȱΦ·΅ΌΓϧΓǰȱΚϟΏΓΑȱΘνΎΓΖǰȱΓϩȂȱΦ·ΓΕΉϾΉ΍Ζ’. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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cynique,23 elle constitue aussi, dans la réflexion politique de Dion, une des prérogatives de l’optimus princeps. πΔϟΗΘ΅Θ΅΍ȱ ·ΤΕȱ ϵΘ΍ȱ ΅ϡȱ ΐξΑȱ ψΈΓΑ΅Ϡȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ ΦΉϠȱ ΗΙΑϱΑΘ΅Ζȱ ΘΣȱ ΘΉȱ ΩΏΏ΅ȱ ΏΙΐ΅ϟΑΓΑΘ΅΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΘ΅ΛϿȱΔΓ΍ΓІΗ΍ΑȱΦΈΙΑΣΘΓΙΖȱΔΕϲΖȱ΅ЀΘΣΖǰȱΓϡȱΈξȱΔϱΑΓ΍ȱ ΘΣȱ ΘΉȱ ΩΏΏ΅ȱ ВΚΉΏΓІΗ΍ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΉϠȱ ΐκΏΏΓΑȱ Δ΅ΕνΛΓΙΗ΍ȱ ΈΙΑ΅ΐνΑΓΙΖȱ ΔΓΑΉϧΑǯȱ ǳȱ ǻ34Ǽȱ Θϟȱ ΐξΑȱ ΗΉΐΑϱΘΉΕΓΑȱ Όν΅ΐ΅ȱ ·ΉΑΑ΅ϟΓΙȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Κ΍ΏΓΔϱΑΓΙȱ Ά΅Η΍ΏνΝΖǲȱ

Il sait bien (sc. le souverain idéal), en effet, que les plaisirs, en général, ruinent ceux qui les pratiquent sans cesse et qu’ils les rendent aussitôt incapables d'en jouir; par contre, les efforts apportent différents bénéfices, entre autres ils rendent les hommes toujours plus capables d’affronter les situations pénibles. […] (34) Quel spectacle est plus vénérable que celui d'un roi noble et aimant l’effort (Κ΍ΏΓΔϱΑΓΙ)?24 Le souverain idéal, en tant que ‘suffering figure’, pour le dire avec les mots de Ragnar Höistad,25 peut se comparer à Héraclès, le bienfaiteur de l’huma nité qui ΔΣΑΘΝΑȱΐΣΏ΍ΗΘ΅ȱπΔϱΑΉ΍.26 Il peut également marquer sa propre 23 Cf. Muson. 4.78-80 Hense: Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΐχΑȱ ΘϲΑȱ Δ΅΍ΈΉΙϱΐΉΑΓΑȱ ϴΕΌЗΖȱ ǳǰȱ πΌ΍ΗΘνΓΑȱ ΐξΑȱ ΦΑνΛΉΗΌ΅΍ȱΔϱΑΓΙ. 24 D.Chr. Or. 1.21. 34. La ‘philoponie’ est un concept d'origine aristocratique, en rapport, déjà chez Platon (R. 7.535a-d) et Xenophon (Cyr. 1.6.8; Oec. 21.6; Mem. 3.4.9), ‘col tema della distinzione e selezione degli individui destinati ad ΩΕΛΉ΍Α’ (Boldrighini 1996: 83-84). Sur l’idéal politique de la ‘philoponie’ du monarque chez Dion, voir Valdenberg 1927: 153 54; Trisoglio 1972: 29; Mazzarino 1982: 831 et 834. Souvent exalté par Dion Chrysostome (Or. 1.14; 3.55-58; 13.33; 49.9; 62.1 et 4), le renoncement aux plaisirs de part du laudandus est un topos de la littérature encomiastique (Is. Or. 2.29; X. Ages. 10.2; Lib. Or. 16.18 [II, 167, 10-11 Foerster]; 59.121 [IV, 269, 8-9 Foerster]; Them. Or. 2.35b-c [I, 48, 2-10 SchenklDowney]; Syn. Op. 1.10.7 Lamoureux; Proc.Gaz. Op. 11.444-47 Amato-Ventrella; Chor. Gaz. op. 23.56 [270, 26 Foerster-Richtsteig]) qui a son origine déjà dans la spéculation philosophique (cf. Socr. Apophth. I C 186 et 291 Giannantoni; Pl. R. 9.579c 7-9; Diotog. 72.28-29 Thesleff ). 25 Höistad 1948: 195. 26 Cf. D.Chr. Or. 1.63. Sur le modèle du roi incarné par Héraclès (cf., e.g., D.Chr. Or. 1.49 84; 2.78; 4.31; 5, 23) dans le cadre de la paideia du basileus et sur l'opposition, qui semble remonter à Antisthène même (Brancacci 1992), entre les traits distinctifs du roi et du tyran, voir Höistad 1948: 150-222. En particulier, pour une analyse morale et politique du mythe d’Héraclès, surtout dans les quatre discours Sur la royauté et dans le Mythe libyen, c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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différence par rapport au tyran qui, par contre, s’adonne à un hédonisme inconvenant (ΘΕΙΚφ) et demeure ‘incapable d’affronter les efforts’ d’une vie sobre et réglée qui lui permette de commander aux hommes sans être commandé par ses passions.27 En passant du plan mythique au plan historique et politique, c’est l'empereur Trajan qui incarne le modèle du souverain idéal, vis-à-vis duquel, dans son troisième discours Sur la royauté, Dion théorise, mieux qu’ailleurs, l’amour du basileus pour le ponos en déclarant: Сȱ ·ΤΕȱ πΒϲΑȱ ΥΔΣΑΘΝΑȱ ΐξΑȱ ΦΔΓΏ΅ϾΉ΍Αȱ ΘЗΑȱ ψΈνΝΑǰȱ ΐ΋ΈΉΑϲΖȱ Έξȱ ΔΉ΍ΕκΗΌ΅΍ȱ ΘЗΑȱ πΔ΍ΔϱΑΝΑǰȱ ϹθΌΙΐΓІΑΘ΅ȱ Έξȱ БΖȱ ΓϩϱΑȱ ΘΉȱ Ά΍ΓΘΉϾΉ΍Αǰȱ ΗΙΑΉΏϱΑΘ΍ȱΈξȱΉϢΔΉϧΑǰȱΔΕΣΘΘΓΑΘ΅ȱϵǰȱΘ΍ȱΆΓϾΏΉΘ΅΍ǰȱΓЁȱΐϱΑΓΑȱΎΝΏϾΓΑΘΓΖȱ ΓЁΈΉΑϲΖȱ ǽϵǰȱ Θ΍ȱ ΆΓϾΏΉΘ΅΍Ǿȱ ΦΏΏΤȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ πΔ΅΍ΑΓϾΑΘΝΑ ΥΔΣΑΘΝΑǰȱ ΓЈΘΓΖȱ ϳȱ ΦΑφΕȱ ϵΘ΅Αȱ ϖȱ ǳȱ Κ΍ΏΓΔΓΑЏΘΉΕΓΖȱ Έξȱ πΑȱ ΧΔ΅Η΍ȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ σΕ·Γ΍Ζȱ ΘЗΑȱ ЀΔȂȱ ΦΑΣ·Ύ΋ΖȱΔΓΑΓϾΑΘΝΑǰȱσΏ΅ΘΘΓΑȱΈξȱΆΓΙΏϱΐΉΑΓΖȱΘΕΙΚκΑȱΘЗΑȱΐ΋ΈΉΐ΍κΖȱ ΉЁΔΓΕΓϾΑΘΝΑȱ ΘΕΙΚϛΖǰȱ ΉЁΑΓϾΗΘΉΕΓΖȱ Έξȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ЀΔ΋ΎϱΓ΍Ζȱ ΘЗΑȱ Κ΍ΏΓȬ ΘνΎΑΝΑȱΔ΅ΘνΕΝΑǰȱΚΓΆΉΕЏΘΉΕΓΖȱΈξȱΘΓϧΖȱΔΓΏΉΐϟΓ΍ΖȱΘЗΑȱΦΑ΍ΎφΘΝΑȱΎ΅Ϡȱ ΦΐΣΛΝΑȱΌΉЗΑǰȱΔЗΖȱΓЁΎȱΪΑȱΉϥΔΓ΍ȱΘ΍ΖȱΘΓІΈΉȱΘΓІȱΦΑΈΕϲΖȱΦ·΅ΌϲΑȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱ ΘϲΑȱΈ΅ϟΐΓΑ΅ǰȱΓЁΎȱ΅ЁΘХȱΐϱΑΓΑǰȱΦΏΏΤȱΎ΅ϠȱΘΓϧΖȱΩΏΏΓ΍ΖȱΧΔ΅Η΍ǲȱ

celui qui, même s’il peut jouir de tous les plaisirs et ne rien éprouver de pénible (ΐ΋ΈΉΑϲΖȱ Έξȱ ΔΉ΍ΕκΗΌ΅΍ȱ ΘЗΑȱ πΔ΍ΔϱΑΝΑ), en vivant dans toute l’oisiveté possible sans se soucier de rien, bref, en faisant ce qu'il veut, non seulement sans que personne n’exprime un interdit, mais en obtenant l'approbation de tous, cet homme-ci, donc, quand … dans toutes ses actions il se révèle plus amoureux de la peine (Κ΍ΏΓΔΓΑЏΘΉΕΓΖ) que ceux qui peinent par nécessité, moins enclin à vivre luxueusement que ceux qui n’ont pas le moyen de vivre dans le moindre luxe … comment ne pas on peut voir Gangloff 2006: 310-11 et 322-31; Visa-Ondarçuhu 2008 (au sujet du premier discours Sur la royauté ). En général, sur le héros en tant que ‘Leitbilder für den idealen Herrscher’, voir aussi Bernhardt 2003: 301-2. 27 Le tyran amant du luxe et du confort est lui-même tyrannisé par le désir amoureux (Pl. R. 9.573a-574c; Ep. 7.327b; Diog. Sinop. fr. 208 Giannantoni (ap. D.L. 6.63)), la soif de richesse (Antist. fr. 82 Giannantoni (ap. X. Smp. 4.35-37)). Sur le topos du lien tyran – tryphè, voir aussi Passerini, 1934: 44-48; Paschoud 1987; Haehling 1991. En général sur le concept de ΦΚΕΓΈϟΗ΍΅ dans le contexte de la critique du luxe formulée par Musonius Rufus, Dion Chrysostome et d’autres philosophes moralistes, voir notamment Bernhardt 2003: 224-25. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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admettre que la chance de cet homme est un bien, non seulement pour lui, mais aussi pour tous les autres?28 La ressemblance entre le passage ci-dessus et l’exorde de l’épître Sur l’entraînement rhétorique est frappante. Presque dans les mêmes termes qu’il emploie pour faire l’éloge de Trajan, Dion loue Titus pour sa décision de s’améliorer à tout prix, sans souci des efforts qu’il devra supporter pour résister aux séductions d’une existence molle et voluptueuse: Θϲȱ ·ΤΕȱ ψΏ΍Ύϟ΅Ζȱ ΘΉȱ πΑȱ ΘХȱ ΦΎΐ΅΍ΓΘΣΘУȱ ϷΑΘ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΈΙΑΣΐΉ΍ȱ ΓЁΈΉΑϲΖȱ ΏΉ΍ΔϱΐΉΑΓΑȱΎ΅ϠȱΩΚΌΓΑ΅ȱΎΉΎΘ΋ΐνΑΓΑǰȱΎ΅ϠȱΔΣΗ΋ΖȱπΒΓΙΗϟ΅ΖȱΓЄΗ΋ΖȱΈ΍Ȃȱ ψΐνΕ΅Ζȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΑΙΎΘϲΖȱ ΘΕΙΚκΑǰȱ ϵΐΝΖȱ σΘ΍ȱ Δ΅΍ΈΉϟ΅Ζȱ ϴΕν·ΉΗΌ΅΍ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Κ΍ΏΓΎ΅ΏΉϧΑȱ ΔΉΕϠȱ ΘχΑȱ ΘЗΑȱ Ώϱ·ΝΑȱ πΐΔΉ΍Εϟ΅Αȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΐχȱ ϴΎΑΉϧΑǰȱ ΐ΋Έξȱ ΉϢȱ ΔΓΑΉϧΑȱ ΈνΓ΍ǰȱ ΗΚϱΈΕ΅ȱ ΐΓ΍ȱ σΈΓΒΉȱ ·ΉΑΑ΅ϟ΅Ζȱ ΜΙΛϛΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΓЁȱ Κ΍ΏΓΘϟΐΓΙȱ ΐϱΑΓΑǰȱΦΏΏΤȱΘХȱϷΑΘ΍ȱΚ΍ΏΓΗϱΚΓΙȱσΕ·ΓΑȱΉϨΑ΅΍ǯȱ

Un homme qui est dans la fine fleur de sa vie, qui ne cède à personne en notoriété et qui est le propriétaire d’immenses richesses, tout en ayant pleine latitude de vivre jour et nuit dans le luxe, aspire-t-il néanmoins à s’instruire encore et met-il tout son zèle à acquérir de l’expérience dans l’art oratoire sans hésiter malgré les efforts à consentir (ΐχȱ ϴΎΑΉϧΑȱ ΐ΋Έξȱ ΉϢȱ ΔΓΑΉϧΑȱΈνΓ΍)? C’est tout à fait, m’a-t-il semblé, la tâche d’une âme noble qu’il accomplit, aspirant non pas seulement aux honneurs, mais véritablement à la sagesse.29 C’est évident que, dans le passage ci-dessus, la ‘philoponie’ de Titus, exaltée par Dion, est à entendre en sens philosophique et, donc, en sens moral et politique.

28 D.Chr. Or. 3.4-5. Sur la datation du discours, qui semble remonter au début du règne de Trajan, voir Moles 1990: 360-61. 29 D.Chr. Or. 18.1. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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gianluca ventrella 4. LE MÉLANCOMAS I I :

D’ÉLOGE DE L’ATHLÈTE

A PROTREPTIQUE POUR LE PRINCE

Or, ceci étant, on doit se demander pourquoi Dion, dans un contexte strictement rhétorique, a voulu insister sur des thèmes de nature éthico politique tels que la tempérance et le renoncement aux voluptés propres au souverain idéal. C’est Suétone qui semble nous en donner l’explication la plus plausible. L’historien latin rapporte que Titus, avant son accession au trône, dut s’abstenir des excès de jeunesse pour témoigner d’une attitude sobre et mesurée qui rassurât l’opinion publique romaine craignant de voir sa con duite répéter celle de l’excentrique et despotique Néron.30 Cela nous est confirmé par Tacite, selon qui, lorsqu’il succéda à son père, Titus se montra plus retenu (moderatior) qu’il ne l’avait été pendant son adolescence ‘néronienne’.31 Que Dion, dans cette délicate période de la vie privée et politique de Titus, choisisse de réécrire le Mélancomas I32 en faisant de l’athlète un modèle de tempérance cynico-stoïque apparaît alors justifiable pas seulement par rapport au magistère rhétorique dont le sophiste de Pruse a été investi à la cour des Flaviens. Ainsi conçue, la réécriture semble devenir pour Dion l’occasion de définir un paradigme éthique à proposer au futur empereur afin de le confirmer dans sa résolution à garder une grande sobriété de 30 Suet. Tit. 7 (trad. de H. Ailloud, CUF): ‘on appréhendait encore son intempérance, parce qu’il se livrait avec les plus prodigues des ses amis à des orgies qui duraient jusqu’au milieu de la nuit; et non moins son libertinage, … enfin, tous le considéraient et le représentaient ouvertement comme un autre Néron. Mais cette mauvaise renommée tourna à son avantage et fit place aux plus grands éloges, quand on ne découvrit en lui aucun vice et, tout au contraire, les plus rares vertus’ (suspecta in eo etiam luxuria erat, quod ad mediam noctem comissationes cum profusissimo quoque familiarum extenderet; nec minus libido … denique propalam alium Neronem et opinabantur et praedicabant. At illi ea fama pro bono cessit conversaque est in maximas laudes, neque vitio ullo reperto et contra virtutibus summis). 31 Cf. Tac. Hist. 2.2: Laetam voluptatibus adulescentiam egit, suo quam patris imperio mode ratior. 32 Dion a choisi, pour sa réécriture, la forme du dialogue, c’est-à-dire du genre littéraire le plus apte à communiquer un enseignement philosophique. Sur la destination généralement philosophique du dialogue, voir Chiron 2003: 154-81; Pernot 1993: 421 et 424. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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comportement en accord avec les dures responsabilités de gouvernement qu’il allait s’assumer. En d’autres termes, Dion semble exhorter méta phoriquement Titus à imiter l’athlète dans son endurance, sa maîtrise de soi et son invincibilité, qualités valables sur le plan sportif comme sur le plan philosophique et politique. Que Dion dispense sous forme allusive, et non pas directement, ses incitations à la tempérance et à la responsabilité aboutissant à espèce de miroir du prince, nous semble bien plus que plausible, vu que les rhéteurs anciens33 recommandaient, lorsqu’il fallait s’adresser aux hommes de pou voir (rois et tyrans), d’avoir recours au ‘discours figuré’ (Ώϱ·ΓΖȱ πΗΛ΋ΐ΅Ȭ Θ΍ΗΐνΑΓΖ), aussi bien par respect que par prudence34. De surcroit, l’allégorie sportive qui fait de Dion l’‘entraîneur’ de Titus n’a rien de surprenant, puisqu’elle constitue, déjà dans l’épître Sur l’entrainement oratoire, l’arrière plan des conseilles que l’orateur adresse à son illustre élève: ΗϿȱΈξȱΓЄΘΉȱΩΔΉ΍ΕΓΖȱΘΓІȱσΕ·ΓΙȱΓЄΘΉȱΦΔΓΏ΍ΔΉϧΑȱΘϲȱΔΕΣΘΘΉ΍ΑȱΈϾΑ΅Η΅΍ȱ ΓЄΘΉȱ ΛΕϚΊΉ΍Ζȱ Έ΍Ύ΅Α΍ΎϛΖȱ ΈΙΑΣΐΉЏΖȱ ΘΉȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΈΉ΍ΑϱΘ΋ΘΓΖǰȱ ΦΏΏΤȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΔΓΏ΍Θ΍ΎХȱ ΦΑΈΕϠȱΔΕΉΔΓϾΗ΋ΖȱΘΉȱ Χΐ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΕΎΓϾΗ΋Ζǯȱ ǻ6ǯǼȱΘΓІΘΓȱ ΐξΑȱ Έχȱ ΔΕЗΘΓΑȱ ϥΗΌ΍ǰȱ ϵΘ΍ȱ ΓЁȱ ΈΉϧȱ ΗΓ΍ȱ ΔϱΑΓΙȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Θ΅Ώ΅΍ΔΝΕϟ΅Ζȱ Ȯȱ ȱ ΘХȱ ΐξΑȱ ·ΤΕȱ πΔϠȱΔΓΏϿȱΦΗΎφΗ΅ΑΘ΍ȱΘ΅ІΘ΅ȱπΔϠȱΔΏΉϧΗΘΓΑȱΔΕΓΣ·Ή΍ǰȱΘХȱΈξȱπΔȂȱϴΏϟ·ΓΑȱ ΛΕ΋Η΅ΐνΑУȱΗΙΏΏφΜΉ΍ȱΘχΑȱΜΙΛχΑȱΎ΅ϠȱϴΎΑ΋ΕΤΑȱΔΓ΍ΉϧȱΔΕΓΗΚνΕΉΗΌ΅΍ǰȱ Ύ΅ΌΣΔΉΕȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ ΦΗΙΑφΌΉ΍Ζȱ ΔΉΕϠȱ ΗЏΐ΅ΘΓΖȱ ΩΗΎ΋Η΍Αȱ Ήϥȱ Θ΍Ζȱ ΎΓΔЏΗΉ΍Ήȱ Ά΅ΕΙΘνΕΓ΍Ζȱ ·ΙΐΑ΅ΗϟΓ΍Ζǰȱ ΦΗΌΉΑΉΗΘνΕΓΙΖȱ πΔΓϟ΋ΗΉΑȱ Ȯȱ ΦΏΏΤȱ ГΗΔΉΕȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΦφΌΉΗ΍ȱ ǀΘΓІǁȱ ΔΓΑΉϧΑȱ ΗЏΐ΅Η΍Αȱ ΦΏΉϟΜΉΝΖȱ ΈΉϧȱ ΐκΏΏΓΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Ύ΍ΑφΗΉΝΖȱ ΗΙΐΐνΘΕΓΙȱ ύȱ ·ΙΐΑ΅Ηϟ΅Ζǰȱ ΓЂΘΝȱ ΗΓϠȱ ΔΉΕϠȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ Ώϱ·ΓΙΖȱ πΔ΍ΐΉΏΉϟ΅Ζȱ πΗΘϠȱ ΛΕΉϟ΅ȱ ΐκΏΏΓΑȱ ψΈΓΑϜȱ ΐΉΐ΍·ΐνΑ΋Ζȱ ύȱ ΦΎφΗΉΝΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΔϱΑΓΙǯȱ

33 Cf. [Demetr.] Eloc. 287; Quint. Inst. 9.2.64-95. En général, sur le Ώϱ·ΓΖȱ πΗΛ΋ΐ΅Θ΍ΗȬ ΐνΑΓΖ, voir B. Schouler 1986: 263; Lombardo 1999: 201-4 n. 709; Chiron 2000: 75-94; Pernot 2007; Dentice di Accadia 2010: 11-21. 34 À travers l’exaltation et la lecture métaphorique de la ‘philoponie’ de Mélancomas, Dion peut donc tracer un paradigme éthique, sans se risquer à provoquer la susceptibilité de Titus en critiquant ouvertement sa tendance à la ΘΕΙΚφ. En effet, pendant sa jeunesse, le futur empereur s’était montré enclin à la mollesse, de nature à alimenter, aussi chez Dion peut être, le soupçon qu’il pouvait se conduire en parfait tyran méfiant et irritable. Sur la susceptibilité de Titus, telle qu’elle émerge de l’épître Sur l’entraînement oratoire, voir Billault 2004: 511 et Bost-Pouderon 2008: 45 n. 33. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Mais tu n’es pas sans expérience de l’action, tu n’as pas le pouvoir d’abandonner la vie politique et tu n’as pas besoin de la notoriété et de l’éloquence des tribunaux, mais de celle qui convient et suffit à la fois pour un homme politique. (6) Voici dès lors ce que tu dois d’abord savoir: tu n’as ni effort ni peine à te donner (ΓЁȱ ΈΉϧȱ ΗΓ΍ȱ ΔϱΑΓΙȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Θ΅Ώ΅΍Ȭ ΔΝΕϟ΅Ζ). Celui qui s’est longuement entraîné fait par ce moyen les progrès les plus importants, tandis que celui qui s’est peu exercé aura l’esprit contracté et hésitant à passer à l’action; il en va du même pour ceux qui ne sont pas habitués à l’exercice physique: si leur maître de gymnastique les éreinte avec des exercices trop durs, il les affaiblira; mais comme ceux qui ne sont pas habitués aux exercices physiques ont besoin d'une onction des membres et d'un mouvement approprié à leur condition plutôt que de la gymnastique, de même, pour la rhétorique, ce qu’il te faut, c’est une pratique à laquelle se mêle le plaisir plutôt qu’un entraînement demandant des efforts.35 Il faut remarquer qu’il n’y a aucune contradiction entre l’invitation exprimée à Titus à ne pas s’entraîner trop durement à l’art oratoire et l'exaltation que Dion a faite, comme l’on a vu plus haut, de la ‘philoponie’ du futur empe reur.36 En effet, l’idée du ΔϱΑΓΖ évoquée dans le passage ci-dessus est prise au sens purement rhétorique et non pas au sens éthico-philosophique. La pratique de l’exercice rhétorique, pour laquelle Dion se propose d'alléger les efforts du princeps (puisqu'elle n’est pas indispensable à ses fonctions de gouvernant) semble ainsi passer au second plan par rapport à celle, bien plus importante, de la paideia philosophique qui exige, en revanche, une forte motivation personnelle pour ne pas se laisser séduire par le charme d’une vie oisive et voluptueuse qui rende l’homme esclave de ses passions et incapable de supporter le poids du commandement. L’intellectuel grec sait par 35 D.Chr. Or. 18.5-6. Pour la métaphore athlétique en rhétorique, voir l’anthologie de morceaux choisis ([Long.] Subl. 13.4; 20.2-3; Rhet. Her. 4.26; Cic. Or. 42 et 228, De orat. 1.242; Quint. Inst. 9.4.8; 10.1.4 et 33; 11.3, 26; 12.2.12) chez Galand-Hallyn 1994: 150-51. En outre, il faut rappeler qu’Ératosthène était surnommé ‘le pentathlon’ en raison des succès qu’il avait remportés dans cinq domaines du savoir (Jacob 1992), alors que l’orateur Aurelius Athènaios de Tyane se proclamait ΔΉΕ΍ΓΈΓΑϟΎ΋Ζ ‘“de la période” comme un athlète’ (Puech, 2002: 154-55) et ‘l’image philosophique de l’effort physique et sportif pour évoquer le discours à composer’ est fréquente chez Aelius Aristide (Goeken 2002: 133). 36 Cf. D.Chr. Or. 18.1. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·s VOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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faitement que l'empereur a davantage besoin d’un ‘entraîneur’ dans le domaine étique et philosophique37 que d’un simple conseiller en rhétorique. En définitive, Dion semble se charger d’un rôle pédagogique bien plus ample et ambitieux, voire d’un rôle de ‘Mentorhaltung’;38 et cela, en accord avec la conviction, qui est la sienne et aussi celle de son maître Musonius Rufus,39 de l’étroite complémentarité entre rhétorique et philosophie40 dans la formation de tout pepaideumenos en général et notamment du souverain idéal, appelé, afin de présider dignement aux destinées de l’empire, ‘à pratiquer la philosophie, … puisqu’il faut qu’un roi soit sur tous les points sans crainte, sûr de lui et’, pour le dire avec un mot propre au langage agonistique, ‘invincible’.41 En définitive, Dion semble suggérer à Titus que, pour régner en vrai souverain, il doit être ΦφΘΘ΋ΘΓΖ de la même façon que l’avait été Mélan comas, c’est-à-dire invincible, Ύ΅ϠȱΔϱΑΓΙȱΎ΅ϠȱΎ΅Ͼΐ΅ΘΓΖȱΎ΅Ϡȱ·΅ΗΘΕϲΖȱΎ΅Ϡȱ ΦΚΕΓΈ΍ΗϟΝΑ,42 dans le gymnase de la vertu.

37 Significativement, on peut retrouver la même image du philosophe comme un entraîneur sportif aussi chez Epictète (Long 2002: 107-25, 169, 195-96; König 2005: 136). Pour la métaphore complémentaire de l’empereur – athlete, voir aussi Them. Or. 28.343b-c. 38 Cela ne surprend pas, puisque s’élever aux fonctions de conseillers des Césars, c’est une habitude des intellectuels grecs d’époque impériale, qui, même indépendamment des réels rapports d'amitié, montrent vis-à-vis des empereurs une attitude de mentor (Palm 1959: 132-33; Flinterman 2004). Sur la nécessité, théorisée par Dion, pour le roi d’avoir à ses côtés un philosophe conseiller, voir Gangloff 2006: 336-37. 39 Cf. Front. De Eloq. 1.4 [223 Fleury]. Sur le lien entre Dion et le ‘Socrate romain’ Musonius Rufus, dont le rhéteur de Pruse fut élève à Rome, voir Kasulke 2005: 87, n. 24; [L. Radice] & Ramelli 2008: 712-16; Schamp 2009: 261-63. Sur la liaison d’amitié de Musonius avec Titus, cf. Them. Or. 13.173e (1. 248, 19 Schenkl-Downey). 40 Après la fracture platonicienne entre rhétorique et philosophie, l'exigence de légitimer une discipline qui était à la base du parcours éducatif traditionnel est fortement ressentie pars plusieurs auteurs, même dans la littérature progymnasmatique. Selon Aelius Théon (Prog. 1 (59.1-4 Spengel = 1 Patillon-Bolognesi)), en effet, ‘les orateurs anciens, surtout les orateurs réputés, étaient d’avis qu’on ne doit en aucune façon aborder l’art oratoire, sans avoir au préalable quelque pratique de la philosophie et sans s’être imprégné de la hauteur de vues qu’elle confère’ (trad. de M. Patillon, CUF). Sur la rhétorique pédagogique de Dion, voir notamment Hirzel 1895: 96-98. Sur les rapports entre les deux disciplines dans la deuxième sophistique, on peut voir Milazzo 2002: 247-335; Kasulke 2005. 41 Cf. Muson. 8.76-78 Hense: Κ΍ΏΓΗΓΚ΋ΘνΓΑ ΅ЁΘХǰȱǳȱΈνΓΑȱΥΔ΅ΑΘ΅ΛΓІȱΦΈΉϛȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱΘϲΑȱ Ά΅Η΍Ών΅ȱΎ΅ϠȱΌ΅ΕΕ΅ΏνΓΑȱΎ΅ϠȱΦφΘΘ΋ΘΓΑ. 42 D.Chr. Or. 28.12. Sur l’interprétation métaphorique du concept de Ύ΅Іΐ΅, voir n. 22. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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THE MAGICIAN IN THE TEMPLE:

HISTORICITY AND PARODY IN

LUCIAN’S ALEXANDER

By Aslak Rostad

Summary: This study discusses the interplay of historicity and comical literary allusions in the mantic rituals described in Lucian’s Alexander or The False Prophet. By analysing the rit ual in light of historical mantic sessions, the article shows that it is based on well-known divinatory structures which are distorted in order to link Alexander and the cult of Glykon to magical practices. Lucian thereby creates a space for literary allusions where Alexander is given the role of a pseudomantis, an unreliable soothsayer, and Lucian himself assumes the role of an Epicurean debunker of divination.*∗

1. INTRODUCTION According to Ulrich Victor, Lucian of Samosata’s Alexander or the False Prophet ǻ̝ΏνΒ΅ΑΈΕΓΖȱ ύȱ ̚ΉΙΈΓΐΣΑΘ΍Ζ, henceforth Alexander) is ‘einer der wichtigsten Texte zur Religionsgeschichte der Kaiserzeit’.1 The text, probably written sometime after AD 180,2 gives a malevolent account of the life and career of Alexander from Abonuteichos in Paphlagonia, who founded the oracular cult devoted to the snake-god Glykon. Lucian portrays Alexander as I dedicate this article to the memory of professor Tomas Hägg (1938-2011), University of Bergen, whose comments and criticism were crucial for its completion. I also wish to convey my gratitude to professor Staffan Wahlgren, associate professor Marek Thue Kret schmer and associate professor Inger Louise Forselv, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, for help and assistance during the work on this article. 1 Victor 1997: vii. ∗

Aslak Rostad ‘The Magician in the Temple: Historicity and Parody in Lucian’s Alexander’ C&M 62 (2011) 207-30. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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a charlatan who produces false oracles and miracles in order to gain wealth and power, and describes his own struggle, as an adherent of Epicurean phi losophy, to debunk the fraud.Apart from the Alexander, the cult of Glykon is attested by inscriptions, coins and figurines depicting the deity. Thus, there is no doubt that Lucian based his account on historical facts, but are we to regard the Alexander as a trustworthy source for the cult or as a literary spoof? This issue has been extensively debated by scholars, but is it possible that a discussion of interplay between historicity and comedy in the Alexan der would give more fruitful insights into the text? This article will not ana lyse this question in full, but examine it in the light of one of the mantic rituals described in the Alexander, comparing it to what we know of histori cally documented mantic rituals. Which role does this ritual play as a cross ing point of the religious landscape Lucian knew and his literary technique of reworking, manipulating and distorting literary motives for comical ef fects? 2

2. THE MANTIC RITUAL OF THE CULT OF GLYKON If we are to believe Lucian, there were two divinatory rituals in the cult of Glykon. The most conspicuous of these were the so-called ‘self-spoken’ (΅ЁΘϱΚΝΑΓ΍) oracles where the deity itself, manifested as a snake with a human head, uttered the responses. This was according to Lucian an illusion created by attaching a linen head controlled by concealed strings to a snake Alexander had bought in Macedonia.3 The prophecies were in fact spoken by one of Alexander’s accomplices who shouted through a crane’s windpipe attached to the snake’s head. These oracles were, however, reserved for the wealthy and famous, Lucian claims.4 The other divinatory ritual in the cult of Glykon, which we will analyse here, was meant for the majority of the believers and conducted in the following manner:

2 The dating of the text is based on the fact that Lucian refers to the emperor Marcus Aure lius as ‘god’, ΌΉϱΖ (Alex. 48). Marcus Aurelius was deified by the Roman senate in 180. 3 Alex. 7; 12; 26. 4 Alex. 26. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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πΎνΏΉΙΗΉΑȱ Έξȱ ρΎ΅ΗΘΓΑǰȱ ΓЈȱ ΈνΓ΍ΘΓȱ ΪΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ϶ȱ ΐΣΏ΍ΗΘ΅ȱ ΐ΅ΌΉϧΑȱ πΌνΏΓ΍ǰȱ ΉϢΖȱΆ΍ΆΏϟΓΑȱπ··ΕΣΜ΅ΑΘ΅ȱΎ΅Θ΅ΕΕΣΜ΅΍ȱΘΉȱΎ΅ϠȱΎ΅Θ΅Η΋ΐφΑ΅ΗΌ΅΍ȱΎ΋ΕХȱ ύȱ Δ΋ΏХȱ ύȱ ΩΏΏУȱ ΘΓ΍ΓϾΘУǯȱ ΅ЁΘϲΖȱ Έξȱ Ώ΅ΆАΑȱ ΘΤȱ Ά΍ΆΏϟ΅ȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΉϢΖȱ Θϲȱ ΩΈΙΘΓΑȱΎ΅ΘΉΏΌАΑȱǽǳǾȱΎ΅ΏνΗΉ΍ΑȱσΐΉΏΏΉȱΎ΅ΘΤȱΘΣΒ΍ΑȱΘΓϿΖȱΈΉΈΝΎϱΘ΅Ζȱ ЀΔϲȱΎφΕΙΎ΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱΌΉΓΏϱ·УǰȱΎ΅ϠȱΔ΅ΕΤȱΘΓІȱΌΉΓІȱΦΎϾΝΑȱρΎ΅ΗΘ΅ȱΘϲȱΐξΑȱ Ά΍ΆΏϟΓΑȱ ΦΔΓΈЏΗΉ΍Αȱ ΗΉΗ΋ΐ΅ΗΐνΑΓΑȱ БΖȱ ΉϨΛΉǰȱ ΘχΑȱ Έξȱ ΔΕϲΖȱ ΅ЁΘϲȱ ΦΔϱΎΕ΍Η΍ΑȱЀΔΓ·Ή·Ε΅ΐΐνΑ΋ΑǰȱΔΕϲΖȱσΔΓΖȱΦΐΉ΍ΆΓΐνΑΓΙȱΘΓІȱΌΉΓІȱΔΉΕϠȱ ϵΘΓΙȱΘ΍ΖȱσΕΓ΍ΘΓǯ

He ordered everyone to write down on a scroll what they asked for and wanted to know the most, and then stitch it together and seal it with wax or clay or something similar. He himself took the scrolls and went into the shrine […] His purpose was to summon those who had delivered the scroll one by one by use of a herald and a theologian, and when he had heard the god’s reply in every single case he would give the scroll back still sealed as he had received it, but with the reply written below, as the god gave detailed answers to every question asked.5 The apparently miraculous circumstances in which the responses were given were regarded as evidence for the deity’s presence, but in reality Alexander was able to read the questions by using various methods for breaking the seals.6 The oracle contributed greatly to the shrine’s reputation. However, as the pressure on the shrine grew due to its increasing popularity, which threatened to cause starvation in Abonuteichos, the method of breaking and reattaching the seals of the scrolls became too time-consuming. Alexander therefore simplified the procedure of the mantic ritual: Ώ΅ΐΆΣΑΝΑȱ ·ΤΕȱ ΘΤȱ Ά΍ΆΏϟ΅ȱ πΔΉΎΓ΍ΐκΘΓǰȱ БΖȱ σΚ΅ΗΎΉΑǰȱ ΅ЁΘΓϧΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ БΖȱ ϷΑ΅Εȱ Δ΅ΕΤȱ ΘΓІȱ ΌΉΓІȱ ΦΎΓϾΝΑȱ ΦΔΉΎΕϟΑΉΘΓǰȱ ΓЁȱ ΐνΑΘΓ΍ȱ Η΅ΚΉϧΖȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ ΔΓΏΏΓϾΖǰȱΦΏΏвȱΦΐΚ΍ΆϱΏΓΙΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΘΉΘ΅Ε΅·ΐνΑΓΙΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΐΣΏ΍ΗΘ΅ȱΉϥȱΔΓΘΉȱ ΌΉΣΗ΅΍ΘΓȱ ΔΉΕ΍ΉΕ·ϱΘΉΕΓΑȱ Θϲȱ Ά΍ΆΏϟΓΑȱ Ύ΅ΘΉΗΚΕ΅·΍ΗΐνΑΓΑǯȱ ΓЁȱ ·ΤΕȱ Δ΅Ε΅Ύ΍ΑΈΙΑΉϾΝΑǰȱΘϲȱπΔΉΏΌϲΑȱΩΏΏΝΖȱЀΔν·Ε΅ΚΉΑǰȱΛΕ΋ΗΐΓϧΖȱΔΕνΔΓΑȱ Ύ΅ϠȱΘϲȱΘΓ΍ΓІΘΓΑȱΓϢϱΐΉΑΓΖǯ

5 Luc. Alex. 19. All translations are my own. 6 Luc. Alex. 20-21. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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He took the scrolls and slept on them, so he said, and answered the ques tions as though he had heard the answers from the god in a dream. Most of the answers were not very clear, but ambiguous and confused, in par ticular when he saw that the scroll was particularly well sealed. Without taking any risk, he wrote down whatever came to his mind, as he found this suitable for oracles.7 It is this form of the mantic ritual which Lucian claims to have put to the test, receiving responses which had nothing to do with the questions asked.8 In addition to the rituals for communicating with the deity, Lucian seems to imply that the mantic session was concluded by recording the oracles in the shrine’s archive (ЀΔΓΐΑφΐ΅Θ΅), though he does not state this directly.9 Lucian’s claim of fraud and deceit aside, we may summarize the ritual thus: on certain days10 the enquirer delivered his question in writing on a sealed scroll, presumably to a temple official or the ΔΕΓΚφΘ΋Ζ himself, and paid for the service. The written question was then brought into the temple where no one except Alexander seems to have had access. After some time, Lucian does not say how long, the document was given back to the enquirer with the answer in writing, presumably on the outside of the scroll under the seal.11 The answer was recorded in the archive and the enquirer would consult interpreters12 who could explain the god’s message. We are here given a quite detailed description of a mantic ritual, but is this an eyewitness account of the mantic ritual actually performed at Abonuteichos or a prod uct of Lucian’s literary game and satire? In that case, where lies the satire?

Alex. 49.

Alex. 53-54.

Alex. 27.

Alex. 19: ϳȱ ̝ΏνΒ΅ΑΈΕΓΖȱ ΔΕΓΏν·Ή΍ȱ ΔκΗ΍ȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ ΦΚ΍ΎΓΐνΑΓ΍Ζȱ БΖȱ ΐ΅ΑΘΉϾΗΉΘ΅΍ȱ ϳȱ ΌΉϱΖǰȱ

Ϲ΋ΘφΑȱΘ΍Α΅ȱψΐνΕ΅ΑȱΔΕΓΉ΍ΔЏΑ (Alexander proclaimed to everyone that was coming that the god would give oracles on a certain day he stated in advance). 11 It is not entirely clear whether Alexander wrote the responses on the inside or the outside of the scrolls, but presumably the verb ЀΔΓ·Ε΅ΚΉϧΑ means that they were written on the outside under the seal as the other possibility would imply that Glykon himself wrote them, which would have been without parallels in Greek divination. It is more likely that Lucian implies that Alexander created the illusion that he wrote the answers under divine inspiration. 12 Alex. 23: πΒ΋·΋ΘνΖ. These were employed by Alexander.

7 8 9 10




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3. ALEXANDER OR THE FALSE PROPHET: AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OR A PARODY? We are here facing one of the main questions in the scholarly discussion on the Alexander: is this text to be regarded as an historical and reliable account of the cult at Abonuteichos, or as a literary parody where the historical background is secondary? I shall here survey a selection of scholars who are relevant for illustrating this debate. The historical approach to the Alexander is twofold: on the one hand we find scholars who argue or assume that the Alexander is to be regarded as a trustworthy source for understanding the cult of Glykon. Advocates of this position in some cases pay little attention to why the Alexander should be regarded as reliable, for instance Stephen A. Kent’s suggestion that Alexander was a narcissistic psychopath.13 Ulrich Victor argues that the historicity of the Alexander can be deduced both from archaeological, epigraphic and nu mismatic material confirming Lucian’s report, and from its alleged affinity with Lucian’s historiographical work, ‘How to write history’ (̓ЗΖȱ ΈΉϧȱ ϡΗΘΓΕϟ΅Αȱ ΗΙ··ΕΣΚΉ΍Α)14 which suggests that he portrays Alexander in a balanced and critical manner.15 For Victor, therefore, the factual information of the Alexander should be regarded as generally trustworthy, while Lucian’s interpretation of it should be approached with suspicion.16 There are also scholars who seek to single out historical facts from Lucian’s satire. This position was established by one of the earliest contribu tors to the historical approach to the Alexander, Otto Weinreich, who claims that since Lucian was a personal enemy of Alexander, he took most of his information from Epicureans hostile to the prophet.17 But by drawing paral lels between the cult of Glykon and other contemporary religious phenom ena, Weinreich argues that the cult fits well into the religious landscape of the 2nd century AD. In more recent research, we find C.P. Jones and Robin Lane Fox who both assume that the Alexander is based on Lucian’s own ex 13 Kent 2007. I do not regard this as a serious contribution to the discussion. 14 Luc. Hist. Conscr. Victor 1997: 25: ‘Bis in Kleinigkeiten hinein entspricht der “Alexan dros” dem, was Lukian in seiner theoretischen Abhandlung gefordert hatte, und an keiner Stelle widerspricht die Darstellung der Theorie.’ 15 Victor 1997: 17-24. 16 Victor 1997: 15. 17 Weinreich 1921: 131-32. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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periences, but also point out that the facts it presents must be separated from the techniques by which Lucian dismisses Alexander’s religious author ity.18 The description of Alexander’s early career and his character, for in stance, is dismissed by both Jones and Lane Fox, while they acknowledge some of the information the text gives about the cult of Glykon, such as its association with medicine and Pythagoreanism and its diffusion in Asia Minor and the Roman Empire. At the other end of the scale, we find scholars who interpret the Alexander in the tradition of the Lucianic literary criticism established by Jacques Bompaire. Here, Lucian’s works are analysed as parodic inversions of the Second Sophistic’s habit of imitating motives, narrative roles and genre char acteristics from classical Greek literature. For Bompaire, the Alexander is primarily a synthesis of rhetorical techniques for parody, while the historical and religious background is secondary.19 Graham Anderson broadens this perspective by shifting the focus from Lucian’s use of rhetoric to the ways in which he manipulates, distorts and reworks a limited and identifiable selec tion of literary motives, characters and themes from classical literature for comical purposes.20 The Alexander, Anderson points out, shows several structural similarities with other parts of Lucian’s work, in particular On the passing of Peregrinus, and consequently cannot be regarded as a trustworthy source.21 Anderson therefore focuses on how Lucian uses the lives and ca reers of Alexander and Peregrinus as means to literary and comical ends, a point to which I will return. A related position is assumed by Robert Bracht Branham, who does not deny the importance of placing the Alexander in a contemporary context, but sees this in terms of Lucian’s habit of inverting and distorting the con ventions of literary genres. Branham claims that the Alexander is a parody of Epicurean debunking of religion, didactic biography22 and wonder literature, where Lucian reverses a process of canonization and mythologiza 18 Jones 1986: 134; Lane Fox 1988: 243.

19 Bompaire 1958: 614-21. Cf. Branham 1989: 182.

20 Anderson 1976: 21: ‘With no real aim besides pure entertainment, [Lucian] had plenty of

scope to work his themes and variations to saturation point.’ 21 Anderson 1976: 74: ‘Peregrinus and Alexander need have had little in common beyond their success – a quality which is usually enough to antagonise Lucian. With so many parallels to take into account, it is difficult to trust any of the individual details.’ 22 Branham 1989: 181-210. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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tion of the sage as a literary character23 by focusing on vices rather than vir tues. What Lucian explores in the Alexander, Branham concludes, is the con flict between external appearance and self-created roles on the one hand, real identities on the other. On a similar track, Jens Gerlach criticizes Victor by claiming that the apparently objective tone in the Alexander should be re garded as a play with literary form and the expectations of the readers, where Lucian stages the conflict between himself and Alexander as a war.24 Lucian depicts Alexander of Abonuteichos as a negative inversion of Alexander the Great and uses military vocabulary in the description of his endeavour to conquer the world.25 The war culminates, Gerlach claims, in the scene where the narrator bites Alexander’s hand and almost cripples it. This repre sents the narrator’s unwillingness to submit to the prophet’s regime and Lucian’s victory over Alexander.26 Is it possible to reconcile these two positions? We know that the cult of Glykon is attested in other sources and undoubtedly was a successful and famous cult in Lucian’s days. As Robin Lane Fox points out, Lucian’s invec tives aside, the picture we get of the cult differs little from what we know of other divinatory cults in the second century AD.27 Thus, our impression of the cult is rooted in the religious landscape that Lucian knew. Lucian also makes references to recent historical events such as the Parthian war of AD 161-166 and the Marcomannic war of 166-180.28 He thereby situates the Alexander in a contemporary context, a fact that must have contributed to how his audience perceived the text. Nevertheless, there are obviously several reasons why we should be cautious about regarding the Alexander as an ob jective account and treating it as a credible historical source. A few examples: Why does Lucian assume an Epicurean stance here, something he never does in other texts? How did Lucian gain knowledge of the methods for breaking 23 Branham 1989: 185: ‘The point is not just that there is evidence for other men like Lucian’s Alexander, but that Lucian can use him to represent a known type whose virtues had been celebrated and creeds promulgated in various kinds of serious religious and parascientific literature.’ 24 Gerlach 2005: 178: ‘Zwischen dem Scharlatan Alexander und Lukian findet nicht weniger als ein Krieg statt!’ 25 Gerlach 2005: 179, n. 73. 26 Gerlach 2005: 183-85. 27 Lane Fox 1988: 250. 28 Alex. 27; 48. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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the seals when this apparently was conducted in secret inside the temple? What are his sources for the oracles removed from Alexander’s archive? These questions indicate that much of the story of the Alexander was invented by Lucian, not an eyewitness report. This does not, of course, rule out that some pieces of information in the Alexander might be true, but a mere discussion of what is true or not will always rest on a high degree of speculation and does not in itself tell us what Lucian’s intentions were in mixing fact and fiction. In addition, it is clear that Lucian in the Alexander elaborates motives to which we find parallels in his comical texts, e.g., the golden thigh of Pythagoras.29 Given these facts, it is difficult to see how and why the Alexander should be regarded as distinct from Lucian’s otherwise comical and parodic literary works. In light of these insights it seems clear that the Alexander must be ana lysed as a literary and satiric text, but without ignoring the historical and religious context in which it was written – not necessarily because this would limit our insight into the historical cult of Glykon, but since it would weaken our appreciation of the comical qualities of the Alexander. Rather than asking to what extent the Alexander is a credible source, we should ex amine how Lucian uses motives from the contemporary historical and reli gious landscape to create a comical portrayal of an oracular cult. Matthew Dickie, for instance, has shown that Lucian based his depiction of Glykon’s epiphany in Abonuteichos on established narrative patterns for descriptions of divine epiphanies, both false and true.30 Dickie does not regard the Alex ander as a reliable source, but sees it as not without historical value either.31 More important, however, is the fact that his analysis bridges the division between the historical and literary approaches to the Alexander by showing that Lucian also made use of religious motives well known to his contempo rary audience. May his description of the mantic ritual at Abonuteichos be analysed along similar lines? 29 Alex. 40. Cf., e.g., D.Mort. 6.3.

30 Dickie 2004: 159: ‘There are in ancient literature few more detailed and immediate ac counts of the actions and emotions of persons who felt that they had been in the presence of the divine than that contained in Lucian’s account of the rise to fame and fortune of the prophet Alexander of Abonuteichos.’ 31 Dickie 2004: 159: ‘Lucian’s tale is not exactly a reliable historical document, but it is not wholly devoid of historical worth. […] In its broad lineaments it does depict the way in which cults came to be established.’ CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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4. ALEXANDER’S MODELS: DIDYMA, KL AROS AND MALLOS Are there historical parallels to the mantic ritual described in the Alexander? Greek divination is a vast topic difficult to grasp and I will here only focus on the ritual’s basic structure. What type of ritual is this? When analysing the mantic ritual of the cult of Glykon, as it is depicted by Lucian, we must bear in mind that it belongs to a cult officially endorsed by the citizens of Abonuteichos32 and surrounded by an extensive bureaucracy and organiza tion. It is also important to understand what Alexander’s role as the cult’s proph¾t¾s means: Proph¾t¾s is a title given to priests communicating or inter preting the will of a specific deity associated with a specific divinatory shrine.33 The ritual thus belongs to the category of divinatory rituals per formed at permanent and institutionalized oracular shrines, such as Delphi. Still, however, we are dealing with a great variety of rituals. We may there fore narrow the perspective further by limiting our analysis to the three fa mous divinatory shrines of Asia Minor which Alexander used as his model and with which he established formal ties in order to heighten the prestige of the cult: Didyma, Klaros and Mallos.34 How were the mantic rituals per formed at these shrines, and what resemblances and differences do they bear to the mantic ritual of the cult of Glykon? Due to the limited space it is not possible to give a full account of all the sources for these rituals, but the most important will be pointed out. 4.1. Didyma Founded perhaps as early as the eighth century BC, the great oracular shrine of Apollo at Didyma near Miletos was already an ancient, and still very im portant, site at the time of Lucian. The exact nature of the mantic procedure at Didyma is not clear, but some of its outline may be conjectured.35 In

32 33 34 35

Alex. 10.

Dillery 2005: 171. Alexander is referred to as proph¾t¾s in Alex. 11, 24, 43, 55 and 60.

Alex. 8; 29; 43.

This reconstruction of the ritual is based on Weis 1983: 92-99 and Parke 1985: 214-19.

Parke is the most accurate concerning sources, while Weis is more interpretative. Their reconstructions do not, however, contradict each other fundamentally. See Fontenrose



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Lucian’s days the mantic ritual took place in the adyton which was an open air courtyard inside the temple building with a small shrine containing a sacred spring. In the third century BC, the adyton of the temple was closed off from the vestibule and the pronaos by a wall containing a window closed by a door or a curtain.36 Behind the window, great stairs descended to the adyton. Our only literary source for the ritual, On the Egyptian Mysteries (̓ΉΕϠȱ ΘЗΑȱ ̄Ϣ·ΙΔΘϟΝΑȱ ΐΙΗΘ΋ΕϟΝΑ) by the fourth century neo-Platonic philosopher Iamblichos, claims that the prophecies were uttered by a priest ess (proph¾tis) sitting by the spring. By wetting her feet or robe, or inhaling the vapours from the water, she became possessed by the deity.37 The session seems to have been initiated when enquiries were submitted in writing to a male oracular priest, proph¾t¾s, probably in the khr¾smographion, a building attested in inscriptions only.38 On the days of consultation, which took place at an interval of at least four days,39 the enquirers would presumably gather in the pronaos and witness the proph¾tis being escorted into the ady ton. After receiving the enquiries, the proph¾t¾s brought them to the adyton through a narrow passage leading from the vestibule. The enquiries were then probably read aloud to the proph¾tis, but we do not know how the re sponses of the proph¾tis were formulated;40 most likely they were given 1988: 78-85 for a discussion and survey of different opinions on the course of the ritual. See also OCD s.v. Didyma. 36 Parke 1985: 217. 37 Iamb. Myst. 3.11: ̍΅ϠȱΐχΑȱϊȱ·ΉȱπΑȱ̅Ε΅·ΛϟΈ΅΍Ζȱ·ΙΑχȱΛΕ΋ΗΐУΈϱΖǰȱΉϥΘΉȱϹΣΆΈΓΑȱσΛΓΙΗ΅ȱ ΘχΑȱ ΔΕЏΘΝΖȱ ЀΔϲȱ ΌΉΓІȱ Θ΍ΑΓΖȱ Δ΅Ε΅ΈΓΌΉϧΗ΅Αȱ ΔΏ΋ΕΓІΑΘ΅΍ȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΌΉϟ΅Ζȱ ΅Ё·ϛΖǰȱ ΉϥΘΉȱ πΔϠȱ ΩΒΓΑΓΖȱ Ύ΅Ό΋ΐνΑ΋ȱ ΔΕΓΏν·Ή΍ȱ Θϲȱ ΐνΏΏΓΑǰȱ ΉϥΘΉȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ ΔϱΈ΅Ζȱ ύȱ ΎΕΣΗΔΉΈϱΑȱ Θ΍ȱ Θν··ΓΙΗ΅ȱ ΘХȱ ЂΈ΅Θ΍ȱ ύȱ πΎȱ ΘΓІȱ ЂΈ΅ΘΓΖȱ ΦΘΐ΍ΊΓΐνΑ΋ȱ ΈνΛΉΘ΅΍ȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΌΉϱΑǰȱ πΒȱ ΥΔΣΑΘΝΑȱ ΘΓϾΘΝΑȱ πΔ΍Θ΋ΈΉϟ΅ȱ Δ΅Ε΅ΗΎΉΙ΅ΊΓΐνΑ΋ȱ ΔΕϲΖȱ ΘχΑȱ ЀΔΓΈΓΛχΑȱ σΒΝΌΉΑȱ ΅ЁΘΓІȱ ΐΉΘ΅Ώ΅ΐΆΣΑΉ΍ȱ

(And the woman who prophesizes in Branchidae, she is either holding the staff first handed over by some god and is filled by the divine light, or she predicts the future while she is sitting on an axle, or she is somehow wetting her feet or her clothes in the water and being vaporized from the water she receives the god; prepared and made ready by all of these arrangements for the reception of the god from outside, she partakes in him). 38 E.g., IDid 31 & 32. 39 Iamblichos states that the proph¾tis was cleansed and fasted for three days before deliver ing the responses. Iamb. Myst. 3.11: […] ΘΣȱ ΘΉȱ ΏΓΙΘΕΤȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΔΕΓΚφΘ΍ΈΓΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ψȱ ΘΕ΍ЗΑȱ ϵΏΝΑȱ ψΐΉΕЗΑȱ ΦΗ΍Θϟ΅ȱ ǽǳǾ (The cleansings of the prophetess and her fasting for three whole days). 40 Weis 1983: 97: ‘Über die Art, wie die Prophetin auf die durch sie an den Gott gerichteten Fragen antwortete, gibt es keine Nachrichten.’ CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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orally to the proph¾t¾s who transformed them into verse and had them re corded in writing by his assistant, the hypokhr¾st¾s.41 The proph¾t¾s thereafter ascended the stairs from the adyton to the pronaos where the window would be opened and he would recite the answer orally to the enquirers.42 The ses sion might have been completed by the enquirers being accompanied to the khr¾smographion where they received a written copy of the response, which probably also was recorded in the temple’s archive. 4.2. Klaros The temple at Klaros was also associated with Apollo and was controlled by the city of Kolophçn. The shrine, probably founded in the eighth century BC, was discovered by archaeologists in 1907. The mantic procedure at Kla ros is better attested in literary sources, especially by Iamblichos and Tacitus who both state that the ritual was conducted by a man who, according to Iamblikhos, was titled either proph¾t¾s or thespiodos (singer of oracles). In an inscription from Kolophçn there is also a thespiodos (singer of oracles) men tioned alongside the proph¾t¾s.43 On certain nights44 after receiving the en quiries he would go down into an underground cave and drink from a spring. Thereafter he delivered the responses in verse.45 Tacitus and Iambli chos do not agree entirely on the procedure. Tacitus claims that the proph¾t¾s heard the number and names of enquirers only before entering the cave alone, while Iamblichos indicates that enquirers were present at the uttering

41 Parke 1985: 218.

42 Fontenrose differs from Weis and Parke in claiming that the enquirers followed the proph ¾t¾s into the adyton (Fontenrose 1988: 80-81). 43 SEG 30.1334. 44 Iamb. Myst. 3.11: ǽǳǾȱσΑȱΘ΍Η΍ȱΘ΅ΎΘ΅ϧΖȱΑΙΒϟΑ […] (On certain appointed nights). 45 Tac. Ann. 2.54: tum in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa versibus compositis super rebus quas quis mente concepit (Then, after having descended into a cave and drunk water from a secret spring, a man who usually does not know literature or poetry, presents answers in verse concerning the issues anyone may have come up with in his mind). The underground cave is confirmed by Iamblichos Myst. 3.11: ̖ϲȱ Έχȱ πΑȱ ̍ΓΏΓΚЗΑ΍ȱ ΐ΅ΑΘΉϧΓΑȱ ϳΐΓΏΓ·ΉϧΘ΅΍ȱ Δ΅ΕΤȱ ΔκΗ΍ȱ Έ΍вȱ ЂΈ΅ΘΓΖȱ ΛΕ΋ΐ΅ΘϟΊΉ΍Αǯȱ ̈ϨΑ΅΍ȱ ·ΤΕȱ Δ΋·χΑȱ πΑȱ ΓϥΎУȱ Ύ΅Θ΅·ΉϟУȱ […] (It is generally agreed that at the oracular shrine at Kolophçn the divination is conducted by means of water. For there is a spring in a subterranean room ...). c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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of the oracles, but without seeing the proph¾t¾s.46 The grotto with the sacred spring was discovered in the 1950s by L. Robert to be an artificial construc tion in the basement of the temple at Klaros.47 It consisted of a narrow cor ridor running down the length of the temple leading to a vaulted room con taining a bench. From this room a passage led to a smaller room where the sacred spring was located.48 The room containing the bench indicates that Iamblichos’ description is accurate, as the enquirers could be seated here during the session and listen to the proph¾t¾s uttering the responses. But it may also be that this room was reserved for the temple officials accompany ing the proph¾t¾s to the basement while the enquirers waited in the temple above. It is uncertain whether the responses were recorded in writing. Some oracular responses from Klaros are attested in inscriptions; according to Parke, this indicated that they probably were recorded in writing, as they are too long to be remembered after being heard only once.49 There are also inscriptions attesting secretaries employed at the shrine.50 This makes it likely that the responses were written down. 4.3. Mallos According to Lucian, the oracular shrine of Amphilochos at Mallos was held highest in esteem by Alexander.51 Unlike the two other shrines mentioned as the models for the cult of Glykon, the temple at Mallos was not associated with Apollo but with the heroes Amphilochos and Mopsos. The shrine was located in Cilicia, but its precise site has never been established with cer tainty. Its most likely location was near the modern Turkish town of Kızıl tahta on the west bank of the river Pyramos. Mallos was known as a very trustworthy oracle,52 but we know no more than a few, although important, 46 Iamb. Myst.ȱ 3.11: […]ȱΔ΍ϱΑΘ΅ȱΈξȱΛΕ΋ΗΐУΈΉϧΑȱΓЁΎνΌвȱϳΕЏΐΉΑΓΑȱΘΓϧΖȱΔ΅ΕΓІΗ΍ȱΌΉΝΕΓϧΖȱ (He gives the oracles while drinking, no longer seen by the onlookers who are there). 47 Robert’s excavations at Klaros are documented in Anatolian Studies 1 (1951) 17-18; 2 (1952) 17; 4 (1954) 15; 5 (1955) 16-17; 6 (1956) 23-25; 8 (1958) 28-30; 10 (1960) 21-22. 48 Parke 1985: 138-39. 49 Parke 1985: 223. 50 E.g., Haussoullier 1898: no. 259; IGRP 5.1586. 51 Alex. 19. 52 Paus. 1.34.3:ȱ ΘХȱ Έξȱ ̝ΐΚ΍ΏϱΛУȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Δ΅Εвȱ ̝Ό΋Α΅ϟΓ΍Ζȱ πΗΘϠΑȱ πΑȱ ΘϜȱ ΔϱΏΉ΍ȱ ΆΝΐϲΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ̍΍Ώ΍Ύϟ΅Ζȱ πΑȱ ̏΅ΏΏХȱ ΐ΅ΑΘΉϧΓΑȱ ΦΜΉΙΈνΗΘ΅ΘΓΑȱ ΘЗΑȱ πΔвȱ πΐΓІ (Even by the Athenians CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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details about its mantic ritual. In his dialogue On the Obsolescence of Oracles (̓ΉΕϠȱ ΘЗΑȱ πΎΏΉΏΓ΍ΔϱΘΝΑȱ ΛΕ΋ΗΘ΋ΕϟΝΑ), Plutarch indicates that the en quiries were written on a sealed tablet (Ύ΅ΘΉΗΚΕ΅·΍ΗΐνΑ΋ȱ ΈνΏΘΓΖ) while the reply was communicated to the enquirer in his sleep.53 In Lucian’s dia logue The Lover of Lies (̘΍ΏΓΜΉΙΈχΖȱ ύȱ ΦΔ΍ΗΘЗΑ) Eukrates describes his visit to Mallos, where any question written on a tablet (·Ε΅ΐΐ΅ΘΉϧΓΑ) and given to the proph¾t¾s was answered.54 Unfortunately, the story breaks off before any further details of the ritual are given. Plutarch and Lucian dis agree on whether the written questions were kept by the enquirers who re ceived the answer through incubation, or handed over to the proph¾t¾s. In this context, however, Lucian’s notion of the ritual is the most relevant as this must have influenced his view on the relations between Mallos and Abonuteichos.

5. THE STRUCTURE OF THE MANTIC RITUALS: SIMILARITIES AND DISCREPANCIES Despite the serious problems concerning the sources for these rituals, we may nevertheless identify four structural elements which the ritual described by Lucian shares with one or more of the mantic sessions described above. First, at Abonuteichos, Didyma and Klaros, the mantic ritual was performed on certain fixed days. This is stated clearly in the cases of Abonuteichos55 and Klaros, and implied in Iamblichos’ account of the cult at Didyma as the proph¾tis was required to fast for three days before the mantic ritual was per formed. Second, at Abonuteichos and Mallos, the enquiries to the oracle were sub there is an altar for Amphilokhos in the city, and at Mallos in Kilikia there is an oracular shrine which is the least liable to tell lies in my time). Cf. Luc. Philops. 38: […] ΦΎΓϾΝΑȱ ΘϲȱπΑȱ̏΅ΏΏХȱΘΓІΘΓȱΐ΅ΑΘΉϧΓΑȱπΔ΍Κ΅ΑνΗΘ΅ΘϱΑȱΘΉȱΎ΅ϠȱΦΏ΋ΌνΗΘ΅ΘΓΑȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱ[…] (I heard that this oracular shrine in Mallos is very famous and very trustworthy). 53 Plu. Mor. 434d-f. 54 Luc. Philops. 38: […] ΛΕκΑȱπΑ΅Ε·ЗΖȱΔΕϲΖȱσΔΓΖȱΦΔΓΎΕ΍ΑϱΐΉΑΓΑȱΓϩΖȱΪΑȱπ··ΕΣΜ΅ΖȱΘ΍Ζȱ ΉϢΖȱΘϲȱ·Ε΅ΐΐ΅ΘΉϧΓΑȱΔ΅Ε΅ΈХȱΘХȱΔΕΓΚφΘϙ ([The oracle] answered clearly word for word what anyone wrote on the tablet and handed over to the prophet). 55 Luc. Alex. 19: See note 10. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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mitted to the shrine in writing. At Didyma, the presence of the khr¾smo graphion makes it likely that this was done here also, but this is uncertain. Klaros, however, is the exception as the proph¾t¾s only seems to have been told the number of enquirers and their names; no written enquiries seem to have been used. This confirms that submitting written questions to an oracular shrine was something with which Lucian’s readers would have been familiar. Third, in Lucian’s depiction of the cult of Glykon the proph¾t¾s retires into an adyton where the mantic ritual takes place, while the enquirers are waiting outside for the reply. This seems to reflect similar practices at all three divinatory shrines, even though the sources are uncertain as to whether the enquirers were present at the mantic session or not. Klaros provides the best parallel as the proph¾t¾s went into the underground cave and delivered the response after drinking from the sacred spring. At Didyma, the proph¾t¾s probably brought the enquiries into the adyton of the shrine where the proph¾tis uttered the responses, which were communicated to the enquirers through the window in the temple vestibule. At Mallos, our sources do not agree whether the written enquiries were kept by the enquirer who received the reply while sleeping, or handed over to the proph¾t¾s who presumably brought them into the temple. The latter option seems however to have been Lucian’s own opinion on the matter. The fourth element linking Abonuteichos with the rituals of the other shrines is the theatrical staging of epiphany, secrecy and miracle. The mantic session is performed inside the temple without the enquirers present, and Alexander is apparently able to write the reply without knowing the ques tion. Again, Klaros forms the closest parallel: the proph¾t¾s answered the question after hearing the enquirers’ names and number only, not the ques tions. It is also worth noting that Alexander retires into the temple, no doubt in order to create an impression of seclusion of the sacred from the profane sphere. The temple here works as a stage prop from which he may re-enter with the divine responses. This is clearly paralleled in the historical mantic rituals. The underground cave at Klaros with its sacred spring pro vides a backdrop adding further effect to the impression of epiphany. Simi larly, at Didyma, provided the reconstruction of the ritual is correct, after receiving the replies from the proph¾tis the proph¾t¾s seems to have ascended the stairs leading from the adyton to the window facing the temple’s vesti bule where the enquirers waited. When the door or the curtains were CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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opened, the appearance of the proph¾t¾s reciting the replies gave an impres sion of epiphany. These similarities make it likely that the structural outline of the ritual described by Lucian is made up of elements known from conventional man tic sessions. These would undoubtedly be recognizable to his readers. How ever, there is one fundamental difference between the mantic ritual at Abo nuteichos and those performed at Didyma, Klaros and Mallos which should arouse our attention: at Abonuteichos the communication of both the en quiries and the oracular responses is conducted in writing, while at Didyma and Klaros the responses were first given orally by a divinely inspired person, and at Mallos presumably by incubation. There was apparently always an element of oral or direct communication of divine will involved in these di vinatory rituals, an element we also find in other oracular shrines such as Delphi, while writing seems primarily to have been used for recording the responses. If written oracular responses would not have been a part of man tic rituals in divinatory shrines as our evidence suggests, why does Lucian focus so much on them in his account of the ritual at Abonuteichos while at the same time linking the cult of Glykon to major institutionalized and highly prestigious shrines? And why did Alexander use writing as a means for communicating with the deity when he obviously was able to fake being divinely possessed and could consequently have delivered the replies orally in a conventional manner?56

6. THE MAGICIAN IN THE TEMPLE Lucian himself provides the answer to these questions. Lucian claims that Alexander used three methods for breaking and reattaching the seals of the scrolls given to the shrine.57 But as pointed out above, how would Lucian gain knowledge of these methods when Alexander apparently performed them in solitude inside the temple? And why should Alexander use three different and rather time-consuming methods when one would have been sufficient? The descriptions seem to be a mere litany of possible ways of cre 56 Alex. 13-14. 57 Alex. 21. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ating this illusion. Lucian himself adds that Kelsos, the addressee of the Alexander, has described similar methods in his book Against the Magicians. This indicates that Lucian bases his account not on his own observation of how Alexander performed the mantic ritual, but on a handbook exposing the methods of magicians.58 Lucian’s message is clear: by giving oracular re sponses in writing, Alexander is introducing despicable magic into a ritual frame held in high esteem and associated with famous oracular shrines. This comes as no surprise. The mantic ritual is a continuation of the al ready established portrayal of Alexander as a magician:59 Alexander starts his career as an apprentice and lover of a man pretending to be a public physi cian but who in reality is a go¾s performing magic (ΐ΅·Ήϟ΅), incantations (πΔУΈ΅ϟ), love charms (ΛΣΕ΍Θ΅΍ȱ πΔϠȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ πΕΝΘ΍ΎΓϧΖ), curses (πΔ΅·Ν·΅Ϡȱ ΘΓϧΖȱπΛΌΕΓϧΖ) and other forms of wonder. Later, Alexander with his accom plice Kokkçnas makes his living as a wandering soothsayer and healer,60 and Lucian applies the terms ·ϱ΋Ζ, ΐΣ·ΓΖȱand Φ·ΉϟΕΝΑȱto Alexander and refers to his activity as ΐ΅··΅ΑΉϟ΅,61 terms related to the twilight realm of free lance divination and magic.62 By doing this, Lucian opens up the possibility of playing his usual game of comical literary allusions and parody. Magicians and soothsayers were of course genuine elements of the religious landscape that Lucian and his readers knew, but they were also well-known literary characters to whom certain qualities were attributed, and it is this aspect which is most important in this context. By linking Alexander to magic, Lucian opens up possibilities for allusions to a literary motive indicated al 58 This is also pointed out by Dickie 2003: 242. 59 I shall not discuss Alexander’s relationship to the phenomenon of the ΌΉϧΓΖȱΦΑφΕ, sacred man. For a general survey of this phenomenon, see Fowden 1982. For an analysis of this motive in the Alexander specifically, see Betz 1961: 104-43. 60 Alex. 5-6. 61 ̆ϱ΋Ζ/·Γ΋ΘΉϾΝ: Alex. 1, 5, 6, 25, 60. ̏Σ·ΓΖ/ΐ΅·Ήϟ΅: Alex. 5, 6. ̏΅··΅ΑΉϟ΅/ΐ΅··΅Ȭ ΑΉϾΝ: Alex. 1, 6, 17, 25, 43, 54. ̝·ΉϟΕΓΑΘΉΖ: Alex. 13. 62 It lies beyond the scope of this article to discuss the actual meanings of these terms. For a discussion of Greek terms for magic and magicians, see Dickie 2003: 18-78. Dickie points out that there were no clear-cut divisions between various concepts of magic in Antiquity as they all refer to practices regarded as dangerous, impious and immoral by official insti tutions. Dickie also shows that the roles of the magician and the freelance soothsayer were hardly distinguishable (Dickie 2003: 60-61). There is consequently no point in attempt ing to analyse what kind of magician Alexander was, other than observing that he is por trayed as a practitioner of despicable trades. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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ready in the title of the text and known as far back as Homer, and developed by tragedians, comedians, historians and philosophers throughout the Clas sical era and beyond: the ΜΉΙΈϱΐ΅ΑΘ΍Ζ, the unreliable soothsayer.63 The limited space of this article does not allow a full analysis of the topos, but I shall highlight some aspects relevant for this analysis. In classical Greek literature, unreliable seers are generally portrayed as wandering characters outside, or on the fringes of, official religious institu tions and mainstream society,64 making their living by performing miracles, communicating the will of the gods and fortune-telling. Their predictions are, however, false, incomprehensible, ambiguous or the product of guess work,65 while their motives are self-promotion, greed and personal profit.66 The examples of pseudomanteis from Greek literature which probably have had the greatest influence on Lucian’s portrayal of Alexander are the ΛΕ΋ΗȬ ΐΓΏϱ·Γ΍, oracle-mongers, of Aristophanic comedy. They occur in Birds, Knights and Peace and are all associated with the semi-historical Boeotian soothsayer Bakis and his oracular books.67 The oracles presented by the khr¾smologoi are always unintelligible but are interpreted by the soothsayers themselves, to their own advantage. Typically, their claims are dismissed by the protagonist by quoting another oracle contradicting the original and thereby debunking the khr¾smologoi as frauds.68 As Alexander possesses the characteristics attributed to the pseudomantis, it is clear that the portrait Lucian draws of him is an elaboration of a literary stereotype. 63 See Flower 2008: 135-47 for a discussion and examples of this motive in classical Greek literature. 64 Dillery 2005: 178. Cf. note 60. 65 Flower 2008: 138-141. Cf. Luc. Alex. 10, 11, 22, 28, 33, 44-45, 49, 51-54. 66 Dickie 2003: 62; Dillery 2005: 192, 197; Flower 2008: 136. Cf. Alex. 8, 14, 16, 23, 24, 26, 32, 35, 43, 47 and Dillery 2005: 199: ‘The diviner who seeks personal gain had become so familiar that a stereotype had emerged and a new meaning given to a nomen agentis that dates back to Homer at least.’ 67 Ar. Av. 958-90; Eq. 115-48, 997-1004; Pax 1070-71, 1119. See Bowden 2003 for a survey of the khr¾smologoi. Claiming that Lucian alludes directly to Aristophanes’ portrayal of khr¾smologoi in the Alexander is perhaps to stretch the argument too far. It is more correct to say that both the khr¾smologoi and Alexander represent versions of the pseudomantis motive. In paragraph 36 Lucian states that Alexander sent envoys to every part of the Roman Empire. These are called khr¾smologoi in the Ά-tradition of handwritings, but are altered to ΛΕ΋ΗΐΓΚϱΕΓ΍ in the Oxford edition (Macleod 1974: 347). 68 Lucian alludes to this motive in Peregr. 29-30. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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However, the mantic ritual adds a further comical dimension by contrast ing Alexander’s apparent status as a proph¾t¾s with his real nature as magician and pseudomantis. Through the official recognition of the cult of Glykon, Alexander seemingly represents the antithesis of the pseudomantis, but Lucian distorts his status as a proph¾t¾s by attributing to him characteristics associated with suspicious literary characters and popular religion.69 Like wise, the mantic ritual appears to be a conventional divinatory procedure bearing resemblances to the rituals of well-known oracular shrines, but is transformed into a contemptible magic ritual by the introduction of the written responses. The presence of these in a prestigious and officially recog nized ritual context would surely have appeared hilarious to Lucian’s intellec tual audience.70 The comical effect is evident: the pseudomantis intruding on the domain of the proph¾t¾s. It is accordingly no wonder that Lucian refuses to address Alexander by this title.71

7. TESTING ORACLES: EXPOSING CHARLATANS There is another aspect which makes the mantic ritual at Abonuteichos an important example for understanding the interplay of historicity and literary allusions in the Alexander. The mantic ritual is also Lucian the Epicurean narrator’s main instrument for testing Alexander and exposing him as a pseudomantis. In Lucian’s times, testing oracular shrines was associated with Epicurean and Cynic philosophers who disputed the very idea of divination and divine providence. M.A. Flower points out that it was not customary among Greeks to test the validity of oracles due to the great importance at tributed to divination. Apart from Herodotus’ story of Croesus testing Greek divinatory shrines, this is not a frequent motive in Greek literature.72 The Epicureans and Cynics therefore clearly had a provocative purpose, as they were attacking a crucial aspect of ancient religious life. We cannot say 69 This is also pointed out by Petsalis-Diomidis 2010: 55-6.

70 For a discussion of distortion of the paideia ideal in the Alexander and Lucian’s intellec tual audience, see Petsalis-Diomidis 2010: 55-60. 71 Alex. 55. 72 Flower 2008: 149: ‘the idea of testing an oracle was foreign to the Greek mentality ... The oracle of Apollo at Delphi ... was beyond the scope of rational doubt.’ CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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to what extent Epicureans actually did test oracles, but most probably it was a marginal phenomenon. I shall not here go into the details and basis of Epicurean criticism of divination,73 but focus on what we know about the methods and conclusions of those who claimed to have tested the validity of oracles, to see which parallels they form to Lucian’s alleged exposure of the oracle of Glykon. We are not very well informed about the philosophers who tested oracles, but two texts allow us a glimpse; interestingly, they are both related to two of the oracular shrines that Lucian claims Alexander used as models, Mallos and Klaros. In his dialogue On the Obsolescence of Oracles (̓ΉΕϠȱ ΘЗΑȱ πΎΏΉΏΓ΍ΔϱΘΝΑȱ ΛΕ΋ΗΘ΋ΕϟΝΑ) Plutarch defends divination and providence against philosophical criticism, among which Epicureanism, and gives a striking parallel to the testing of the oracle of Glykon. Plutarch makes De metrios tell the story of the unnamed ruler of Cilicia who, under the influ ence of Epicurean philosophy and in order to test the oracle at Mallos, sent one of his freedmen with a sealed tablet containing an enquiry known only to the ruler. While sleeping inside the sacred precinct, the freedman saw a beautiful man standing beside him uttering the word ‘black’. It was later revealed that the question on the tablet was ‘Shall I sacrifice a white or a black bull to you?’ The ruler subsequently changed his attitude and became a supporter of the shrine, while the Epicureans were bewildered.74 Plutarch’s story shows that Epicureans were thought to have tested oracles with meth ods and arguments similar to those described by Lucian. It also indicates that oracular shrines did regard them as a threat: since we are given no in formation concerning the time of the incident and the names of the persons involved, this story was presumably constructed by the officials at the shrine at the Mallos in response to Epicurean criticism. The arguments of Epicureans who actually did test the validity of oracular shrines are not very well attested. Our best parallel to Lucian’s account is the extracts from ‘Exposé of the impostors’ by the second-century Cynic Oinomaos of Gadara, preserved in Eusebius of Caesarea’s Preparation for the 73 For Epicurus’ rejection of divination, see D.L. 10.135 (possibly a scholium). The most comprehensive account of the principles of Epicurean criticism of divination is found in the excerpts of a tract by Diogenianos (probably second century AD) preserved in Euse bius’ Praep.Ev. 4.3.1-13; 6.8.1-38. Cf. Attridge 1978: 54. 74 See note 53. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Gospel (̈Ё΅··ΉΏ΍Ύχȱ ΔΕΓΔ΅Ε΅ΗΎΉΙφ). Here, Oinomaos attacks responses from famous divinatory shrines, mostly taken from literary sources, for be ing cruel, trifling or ambiguous. I will not analyse these attacks in detail, but focus on his account of his own encounter with the oracle at Klaros. Oino maos claims to have received a vague verse from the oracle which he inter preted as a promise of success. Later, however, he discovered that one Kallis tratos, a merchant from Pontos, had been given the same verse. In the end, Oinomaos discovered that all, irrespective of their moral standing, received encouraging responses from the oracle just by paying money.75 After criticiz ing several other oracular shrines, Oinomaos draws the conclusion that they are no better than interpreters of prodigies (ΘΉΕ΅ΘΓΗΎϱΔΓ΍), mendicant prophets (Φ·ΙΕΘ΅ϟ) and sophists.76 Similarly, when criticizing the Delphic oracle given to Croesus, Oinomaos refers to Apollon Pythios as a seer (ΐΣΑΘ΍Ζ)77 and a singer of oracles (ΛΕ΋ΗΐУΈϱΖ).78 In other words, Oino maos disparages highly renowned divinatory shrines by equating them with unofficial practices regarded as fraudulent and driven by selfish motives, in a manner quite close to Lucian’s attack on Alexander and his cult. Even though there are admittedly few relevant parallels to Lucian’s ac count, the similarities with the stories told by Plutarch and Oinomaos strongly indicate that he adapts to a conventional image of techniques and arguments used or thought to be used by Epicureans and other critic of divination.79 We may consequently suggest that Lucian’s testing of the ora cle of Glykon is based on literary stereotypes, as is the portrayal of Alexander as a pseudomantis. But we may go a step further than this and analyse the role of the mantic ritual in the light of Lucian’s general literary methods: the debunking of Alexander is by no means an isolated incident in Lucian’s 75 Praep. Ev. 5.22. 76 Praep. Ev. 5.29: Ύ΅ϟȱΐΓ΍ȱΈΓΎΉϧΖȱΓЁΈξΑȱΘЗΑȱΘΉΕ΅ΘΓΗΎϱΔΝΑȱΎ΅ΏΓΙΐνΑΝΑȱΎΕΉϟΘΘΝΑȱΉϨΑ΅΍ǰȱ ΦΏΏвȱΓЁΈξȱΘЗΑȱΩΏΏΝΑȱΦ·ΙΕΘЗΑȱΎ΅ϠȱΗΓΚ΍ΗΘЗΑ (I do not think that you are any better than the so-called portent seers, not even than the other begging priests and sophists). 77 Praep. Ev. 5.20.4. 78 Praep. Ev. 5.20.10. 79 Branham points out that Lucian’s testing of the oracles is the closest he comes to conven tional criticism of divination, such as Oinomaos and Hippolytos’ Philosophumena, whereas otherwise he resorts to laughter and ridicule for destroying Alexander’s authority. See Branham 1989: 198; cf. note 21. Lucian makes Zeus complain about the threat from oracle testers in The double indictment (Luc. Bis Acc. 1). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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work, but an elaboration of a recurrent theme. As Graham Anderson points out, Lucian’s basic literary technique is to rework, distort and manipulate a handful of motives for comic effect by placing them in ever new combina tions and contexts – literary, mythological or contemporary.80 One of these recurrent motives is the exposure of charlatans. This motive is based on the disclosures of ΦΏ΅ΊϱΑΉΖȱ in Old Comedy, such as the chr¾smologoi men tioned earlier.81 Throughout Lucian’s work we find that gods, philosophers or, as in this case, religious figures do not fulfil the expectations attributed to them. A few examples: Apollo is not able to give exact and intelligible pre dictions, philosophers do not live as they teach, and priests are not following the rules of ritual purity.82 Lucian also applies the technique of reworking the same themes to the treatment of characters: Anderson shows that Lucian attributes the same qualities to various characters, altering them or using the same characters in various settings. Lucian may, for instance, depict a character as a sage in one text and as an impostor in another.83 These techniques are used indiscrimi nately on mythological as well as historical or contemporary figures. For in stance, Peregrinos’ career and suicide gave Lucian a literary opportunity for exploring the charlatan motive on two levels:84 in On the passing of Peregri nos this takes place in a contemporary and realistic context; in The Fugitives, however, Peregrinos’ death is placed in a mythological context. Given this insight, there is a strong reason to assume that Lucian uses the cult of Glykon as an opportunity for writing yet another version of the charlatan theme. In the Alexander, Lucian does this by placing the pseudomantis mo tive in a contemporary religious context. Similarly, Lucian’s Epicurean stance in the Alexander has less to do with his personal philosophical conviction than it has with his literary agenda. As Jens Gerlach points out, the motive of debunking charlatans gives Lucian opportunities for assuming various narrative roles as the charlatans’ opponent. Further, there is a correlation between the portrayal of the charlatan and Lucian’s choice of what type of

80 Anderson 1976: 1-22.

81 Anderson 1976: 106-9.

82 Apollo: J.Tr. 30-1. Philosophers: e.g., D.Mort. 20.8-9. Priests: Sacr. 13.

83 E.g., Empedokles is portrayed as a wise man in Icar. 13-15 but as a charlatan in D.Mort.

6.4. See Anderson 1976: 15. 84 Anderson 1976: 75. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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opponent he is going to play.85 Thus, Epicureanism is chosen because it suits the narrative: as Epicurean philosophers were known to have tested oracles and probably accused divinatory shrines of being no better than wandering fraudulent soothsayers, their role fits Lucian’s literary agenda like a glove. I would even go one step further and suggest that Epicurean accusations against divination and mantic shrines may have provided Lucian with a fur ther opportunity to elaborate the charlatan motive: the Alexander is written as if all their accusations were to be taken seriously. Rather than giving an objective impression of the cult of Glykon, as claimed by Victor, the Alexan der is the product of how Lucian imagined a magician would behave when given a temple to run. The historical cult of Glykon is merely a theatrical stage used by Lucian for exploring one of his favourite literary and comical motives.

8. CONCLUSIONS The mantic ritual at Abonuteichos is a literary construction which Lucian employs to open possibilities for allusions and comical effects. By inverting a well-known ritual structure, Lucian creates a space where two opposing lit erary characters, i.e., the charlatan and his debunker, more specifically the pseudomantis and the Epicurean sage, may meet and measure their strengths. The pseudomantis is able to intrude with his schemes and lust for personal gain into a sphere where he does not belong, and the written oracles give the Epicurean narrator an opportunity, a bit too convenient to be credible, for exposing the charlatan. Does this mean that the Alexander should be read purely as Lucian’s play with literary conventions and allusions? After all, wandering soothsayers and magicians, oracular shrines and proph¾tai were important aspects of the reli gious landscape that Lucian and his audience knew, as was the cult of Glykon itself. Written oracles were probably also used by soothsayers and are not an invention of Lucian, and the mantic ritual described in the Alexander seems to be based on those at Didyma, Klaros and Mallos. I would claim that this shows that Lucian plays not only with the literary expectations of his readers, but also with their religious ones. In his staging of the cult of 85 Gerlach 2005: 186-94. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·s VOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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Glykon in general and its mantic ritual specifically, Lucian is able to com bine elements from contemporary religion with literary motives and topoi for comical effects. An appreciation of these qualities in the Alexander re quires insight into the religious and historical as well as the literary and in tellectual context in which it was written.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Anderson, G. 1976. Lucian: Theme and Variation in the Second Sophistic. Leiden. Attridge, H.W. 1978. ‘The Philosophical Critique of Religion under the Early Empire’ ANRW 16.II, 45-78. Betz, H.D. 1961. Lukian von Samosata und das Neue Testament: Religions geschichtliche und paränetische Parallelen, Berlin. Bompaire, J. 1958. Lucien écrivain: Imitation et création. Paris. Bowden, H. 2003. ‘Oracles for Sale’ in P. Derow & R. Parker (eds.) Herodo tus and his World: Essays from a Conference in Memory of George Forrest. Oxford, 256-74. Branham, R.B. 1989. Unruly Eloquence: Lucian and the Comedy of Traditions. Cambridge, MA & London. Dickie, M.W. 2003. Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman Empire. New York & London. Dickie, M.W. 2004. ‘Divine Epiphany in Lucian’s Account of the Oracle of Alexander of Abonuteichos’ ICS 29, 159-82. Dillery, J. 2005. ‘Chresmologues and manteis: Independent diviners and the problem of authority’ in S. Iles Johnston & P.T. Struck (eds.) Mantikê: Studies in Ancient Divination. Leiden & Boston, 167-231. Flower, M.A. 2008. The Seer in Ancient Greece. Berkeley. Fontenrose, J. 1988. Didyma: Apollo’s Oracle, Cult and Companions. Berke ley, Los Angeles & London. Fowden, G. 1982. ‘The Pagan Holy Man in Late Antique Society’ JHS 102, 33-59.



230 Gerlach, J. 2005. ‘Die Figur des Scharlatans bei Lukian’ in P. Pilhofer et al. (eds.) Lukian: Der Tod des Peregrinos: Ein Scharlatan auf dem Scheiterhau fen. Darmstadt, 151-97. Haussoullier, B. 1898. ‘L’oracle d’Apollon à Claros’ Rev.Phil. 22, 257-73. Jones, C.P. 1986. Culture and Society in Lucian. Cambridge, MA & London. Kent, S. A. 2007: ‘Narcissistic Fraud in the Ancient World: Lucian’s Ac count of Alexander of Abonuteichos and the Cult of Glykon’ Ancient Narrative 6, 77-99. Macleod, M.D. 1974. Luciani Opera 1. Oxford. Lane Fox, R. 1988. Pagans and Christians. San Francisco. Parke, H.W. 1985. The Oracles of Apollo in Asia Minor. London. Petsalis-Diomidis, A. 2010. Truly Beyond Borders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios. Oxford. Victor, U. 1997. Lukian von Samosata: Alexandros oder der Lügenprophet. Leiden, New York & Cologne. Weinreich, O. 1921. ‘Alexandros der Lügenprophet und seine Stellung in der Religiosität des II. Jahrhunderts n. Chr.’ Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum 47, 129-51. Weis, B.K. 1983. Didyma: Das Orakelheiligtum des Apollon. Ludwigsburg.



A PUN IN VESPA’S

IUDICIUM COCI ET PISTORIS

By Howard Jacobson

Summary: The author of the Iudicium Coci et Pistoris loves to make puns. A pun on the word es near the poem’s end has not previously been noticed.

The Iudicium Coci et Pistoris by someone called ‘Vespa’, otherwise unknown to us, probably dates to the third or fourth century. It clearly seems to be parodic. It is part of the Anthologia Latina, found in the Codex Salmasianus. Anyone who has slogged through Vespa’s Iudicium knows that the author has an awful penchant for bad puns. I note here one word-play that, happily, seems to have been missed. The debaters having presented their arguments, Vulcan delivers his verdict (96-99). He begins as follows: es coce suavis homo; dulcis sed tu quoque pistor. By the time one reaches the end of the verse, it is quite apparent that it means ‘sei, o cuoco, uomo amabile, e tu pure, o mugnaio’.1 But at the point when one has only read halfway through the line, one might – indeed one may likely – be understanding the words very differently, especially given the context and that the addressee is a cook. Thus, instead of taking es as second person singular of esse, and suavis homo as predicate nominative, we might well be taking suavis homo as appositive and es as singular imperative of edo, ‘Eat, o cook, you sweet man.’

1 In Pini, F. 1958 (trans.) Vespae Iudicium Coci et Pistoris. Rome: 19. D.R. Shackleton Bailey (‘Three Pieces from the “Latin Anthology”’ HSCPh 84 (1980) 217) renders ‘You are a pleasant fellow, cook; but you too, baker, are agreeable company’. Howard Jacobson ‘A Pun in Vespa’s Iudicium Coci et Pistoris’ C&M 62 (2011) 231. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica





DES CHANTRES CASTRÉS DANS LES

ÉGLISES DE L’EMPIRE BYZANTIN?

A PROPOS DU TERME ̛̝̖̘̐̌̐̒̕

Par Konstantinos Melidis

Summary: It is well known that castrati, or professional emasculated singers, appeared in Italy in the middle of the sixteenth century and existed until very recently, especially in west ern Europe. The practice seems, however, also to have been present during the middle Ages of the Eastern Roman Empire. The purpose of this study is to examine this previously over looked practice of the Byzantine period, mentioned by Greek and Frank sources.

Les études portant sur les eunuques dans l’empire byzantin nous ont amené à constater que les informations s’y bornaient aux relations qu’ils entre tenaient avec l’église et, surtout, à leur statut dans les différentes structures de l’administration impériale de Byzance comme le palais, l’armée etc.1 L’importance du rôle joué par les eunuques dans ces institutions est reconnue depuis longtemps. Mais on tait presque toujours leur apport dans 1 Dans la recherche scientifique relative au sujet des eunuques, on peut distinguer deux grands groupes de travaux selon qu’ils se fondent sur l’histoire byzantine ou sur la musicologie. Ainsi, pour le rôle des eunuques dans la cour byzantine et l’église en général voir les deux articles de Guilland 1943: 197-238 et 1944: 185-225. Voir aussi Sidéris 2001 et 2008. Dans l’ouvrage de Ringrose 2003: 2 et 74, qui nous offre une bonne documentation sur les eunuques, l’auteur fait allusion aux chanteurs eunuques deux fois mais sans aucun développement ultérieur. Voir aussi, Tougher 1997: 168-84. En ce qui concerne l’aspect musicologique de la question, les seuls articles consacrés à la vie ‘artistique’ des eunuques tant dans l’antiquité que dans la période que nous appelons byzantine sont, autant que nous sachions, Witt 2002: 235-60 et Moran 2002: 99-112. Cependant, l’article de Witt nous donne l’impression d’une exagération sur un bon nombre de points discutés ainsi que d’une faiblesse de preuves sur un bon nombre de thèses proposées. Konstantinos Melidis ‘Des chantres castrés dans les églises de l’empire byzantin? A propos du terme ΦΑΘϟΚΝΑΓΖ’ C&M 62 (2011) 233-53. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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la musique. Or il est indéniable, comme nous allons le voir, qu’ils ont joué un rôle non négligeable dans l’évolution de la musique de l’église d’Orient. Cet article n’a bien sûr pas la prétention de combler cette lacune dans toute son étendue. Son but est de cerner un sujet peu connu car très peu étudié jusqu’ici, celui des eunuques musiciens et notamment des chantres castrés de l’empire byzantin. Nous croyons tous savoir que les castrats2 ont fait leur apparition en Italie au milieu du 16e siècle. Et il est vrai que ce métier prend toute son ampleur en Italie où les deux siècles suivants voient son apogée.3 Il est vrai encore que c’est à cette periode que des enfants furent castrés pour des raisons exclusive ment artistiques. Mais, nous le savons bien, toute nouveauté a une histoire et, lorsqu’il s’agit de la civilisation occidentale, nous en trouvons bien souvent les ori gines dans le passé gréco-romain. Aussi posons-nous directement la question: Y avait-il des chanteurs castrats dans l’empire byzantin?4 Comme nous allons le voir, les sources écrites byzantines apportent une réponse positive, mais elles dessinent un contexte complètement différent de celui des chanteurs italiens.5 Afin de confirmer nos propos, il nous faudra aussi 2 Ici au sens répandu du mot, à savoir ‘chanteur castré depuis son enfance’. Le mot castratus en latin renvoyait à l’une des diverses sortes d’eunuques, plus précisément à celui qui était privé de testicules. Cf. TLL III.1: 547-48 (s.v. castratus). 3 Première attestation en 1550. Voir Roselli 2001: 267-68 (s.v. castrato). Nous mentionnons seulement, à titre indicatif, quelques ouvrages sur l’histoire des castrats : Ancillon 1707; Barbier 1989; Mamy 1998; Millant 1908; Ranke-Heinemann 1990. Rappelons qu’il est certain que les castrats servaient l’art du chant et du comédien en Chine à la même époque qu’en Italie. Néanmoins, dans cet article nous ne nous occuperons que des eunuques des civilisations européennes, gréco-romaine en particulier. 4 Etant question de musique sacrée ici, il va de soi que par le mot ‘chanteurs’ nous enten dons ‘chantres’. 5 Ajoutons que cette hypothèse de l’existence de chanteurs castrés avant la Renaissance italienne n’est guère abordée dans les dictionnaires encyclopédiques qui couvrent toute la période de l’antiquité jusqu’aux premiers siècles chrétiens. Par exemple dans Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Kazhdan 1991: 743-44, s.v. Eunuchs) on ne trouve qu’une simple mention de la contribution des eunuques à la musique ecclésiastique. Aucune référence dans les articles ‘Kastraten’ (Hucke 1961: 16), ‘Kastration’ (Leibbrand 1961: 16-17) et ‘Kirchenmusik’ (Fellerer 1961: 233-38) du Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche. De même pour le Dictionnaire Encyclopédique du Christianisme Ancien (Di Berardino 1990). Dans son article étendu dans Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, R. Muth (2004: 285-342, s.v. Kastration) se contente de relater le cas d’un eunuque chef d’un chœur ecclésiastique. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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répondre à une autre question: Ces chanteurs byzantins étaient-ils castrés avant ou après l’adolescence? Cette question a une grande importance pour notre recherche dans la mesure où la voix d’un homme ne subit aucun change ment si la castration a lieu une fois atteint l’âge adulte.

TROIS REMARQUES SUR L’ANTIQUITÉ L’antiquité gréco-romaine n’a jamais connu la voix de timbre infantile des chanteurs castrats6 et, de plus, il ne semble pas que les eunuques aient eu alors des relations avec l’art en général. Les auteurs anciens qui se réfèrent à la voix des eunuques le font toujours poussés par l’intérêt pour l’aspect physiologique et physique: ils soulignent par exemple la gracilité, la ténuité et la faiblesse de leur voix, aussi bien que sa ressemblance avec la voix féminine.7 Cependant, trois cas bien distincts ont suscité une discussion sur l’existence des eunuques chanteurs dans l’antiquité: le cas des galli, le cas des personnages émasculés dans le théâtre grec et romain et enfin, une histoire relatée par Dion Cassius prouvant l’existence des eunuques musiciens. I. Pour ce qui est du premier cas, il faut signaler que les galli, ou les archigalli – les prêtres auto-castrés de la déesse Cybèle – entrent dans la catégorie des Pour les dictionnaires de musique, comme par exemple The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (Rosselli 2001: 267-68, s.v. castrato) la castration commence et finit en Italie du seizième siècle. 6 Vendries 2004: 253 avec la n. 47. L’auteur se borne à affirmer la communis opinio dans un bref paragraphe, à savoir l’absence d’eunuques musiciens dans l’antiquité. 7 Le nombre des passages est considérable. Voir à titre indicatif : Ps-Arist. Pr. 894b19-895a3 et 900b15-28, Alex. Aphr. Pr. 1.98, Quint. Inst. 11.3.19. Les témoignages cités nous mon trent que la castration pré-pubertaire était la norme dans l’antiquité. D’autres passages, ils se réfèrent encore aux changements de la forme du corps après l’opération, à la relation entre l’émasculation et la pilosité du corps etc.: Hp. Aph. 6.28.1 et Morb. 4.20.33, Plin. HN 11.230, Macr. Sat. 7.10.11-14, Ps-Arist. Pr., 897b23-29. Les raisons de la castration dans l’antiquité variaient: on trouve des eunuques castrés par punition, par vengeance, par la simple volonté ou la crainte des rois, quelques fois par pure folie, pour des raisons militaires, par amour, par jalousie, pour des raisons religieuses, pour des raisons d’esclavage (Quint. Inst. 5.12.17-18) etc., mais on ne rencontre nulle part d’eunuques castrés pour des raisons artistiques. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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hommes castrés pour des raisons religieuses. Ils avaient pour tâche de chanter pour la déesse.8 Il va donc de soi que chaque fois que nous nous référons aux auto-castrés voués à un dieu, païen ou chrétien,9 nous pouvons admettre ipso facto que cette catégorie d’eunuques s’occupait aussi du chant sacré, indispensable au rituel. En ce qui concerne les galli en particulier, nous pouvons dire que les prêtres ou les simples adeptes de la déesse qui chantaient en ululant10 utilisaient soit leur voix masculine naturelle soit une voix fausse, imitant le timbre féminin11 et semblable à celle des falsettistes.12 Et cela parce que l’hypothèse d’une autocastration en vue de se consacrer à la déesse dès l’enfance paraît complètement invraisemblable.13 Par conséquent, leur voix – sa tessiture comme son timbre – restait la même que celle qu’ils avaient avant la castration: celle d’un homme adulte. Nous pouvons sup poser qu’il en fut exactement de même pour les auto-castrés voués au Christ – on trouve en effet des automutilés consacrés au Christ dès le début du christianisme.14 La différence entre les deux groupes d’eunuques (anciens et byzantins) se 8 On relève des prêtres de Cybèle (ou Grande déesse, Grande Mère ou Dea Syria) sous diverses appellations et dans diverses régions : en Asie Mineure, en Syrie, en Carie, à Athènes, à partir de l’année 204 av. notre ère à Rome, et ailleurs. On pense que les prêtres se castraient eux-mêmes pour imiter le geste d’Attis. Sur ce sujet voir Graillot 1912. Cf. l’ouvrage volumineux de Vermaseren 1977-1989. On rencontre aussi des adeptes castrés d’autres déesses comme Artémis à Ephèse, Hécate en Carie etc. 9 L’exemple le plus célèbre est celui d’Origène qui s’est castré au début du 3e siècle au nom de la pureté et de l’amour de Dieu. Voir Eus. Hist. eccl. 1.6.8. 10 Ululer (ϴΏΓΏϾΊΉ΍Α) est très souvent utilisé pour désigner la qualité du son émis par les adeptes de Cybèle. Ce terme selon Bélis (1988: 10) ‘n’évoque pas un chant modulé et harmonieux mais des poussées de voix, des cris vocaux’. 11 Cf. Rousselle 1983: 158.

12 C’est-à-dire qu’ils utilisaient la ‘voix de tête’ ou la ‘voix fausse’ (le registre ‘aigu’ de la voix).

13 D’après nos sources, l’autocastration des enfants est à exclure. Le plus souvent, les adeptes

de Cybèle se castraient en un moment d’extase. L’émasculation faisait partie du rituel. Voir à titre indicatif, AG 6.51 et 94 sur l’ambiance musicale du rite. Un texte ancien très informatif sur le culte de Dea Syria nous est parvenu sous le nom de Lucien. Voir Luc. D. Syr. passim. 14 Ce fait de l’autocastration des premiers chrétiens est dû à l’interprétation erronée de l’allégorie de deux versets du Nouveau Testament, Matt. 19.12 : ‘il y en a qui se sont eux mêmes rendus eunuques à cause du Royaume des cieux’ et Marc. 9.43: ‘si ta main entraîne ta chute, coupe-la’. Traduction du NT: 99 et 160 respectivement. Voir Ranke-Heinemann 1990: 62. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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trouve dans le fait que, hormis les automutilés, nous rencontrons, dans l’empire byzantin, des enfants castrés par décision de leurs parents. Cela change toute la situation et signifie qu’il pouvait exister des eunuques ayant potentiellement les mêmes capacités vocales15 que les castrati italiens: ̈ϢȱΈνȱΘ΍ΖȱσΘ΍ȱΔ΅ϧΖȱύȱΎ΅ϠȱΆΓϾΔ΅΍ΖȱπΎΘΐ΋ΌϜȱΘΤȱΈϟΈΙΐ΅ǰȱΔΣΗ΋ΖȱΎΓΐϟΈ΋Ζȱ ΦΒ΍ΓϾΐΉΑΓΖȱ ЀΔϲȱ ΗΙ··ΉΑЗΑȱ Υ·ΑΉϟ΅Ζȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Ύ΅Ό΅ΕϱΘ΋ΘΓΖȱ πΕ΅ΗΘЗΑǰȱ ΓϤȱ ΔΕϲΖȱΘϲΑȱΉЁΑΓΙΛ΍ΗΐϲΑȱΘϜȱπΎΉϟΑΓΙȱΔΕΓ΅΍ΕνΗΉ΍ȱΗΙΑφΕ·΋Η΅Αȱ…

Si quelqu’un, encore enfant ou même adolescent, est amputé des testicules, parce qu’il est l’objet de tout le zèle de ses parents passionnés de chasteté et de pureté. et encore: … ΓЁȱ Δ΅Ε΅ΑΓΐΓІΐΉΑȱ Γϡȱ Κ΍ΏΣ·ΑΝΖȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΉЁΗΉΆЗΖȱ ΘХȱ ΔΕΣ·ΐ΅Θ΍ȱ ΛΕЏΐΉΑΓ΍ … Nous qui pratiquons l’ablation par amour de la pureté et par pitié …16 II. La deuxième remarque concerne les rôles d’eunuques dans le théâtre grec et romain. Un débat ‘philologique’ avait émergé sur l’aria chantée par l’esclave eunuque de Phrygie dans la tragédie d’Euripide Oreste (v. 1369-1502, ed. Diggle). La possibilité que l’acteur-chanteur ait été un véritable eunuque de Phrygie nous paraît très improbable. Et cela pour un grand nombre de raisons : (1) aucun document ne témoigne que des acteurs étrangers se seraient trouvés à Athènes à cette époque-là, (2) nous ne possédons aucune trace non plus de la présence d’eunuques chanteurs en Phrygie à cette période, (3) aucun indice ne suggérant l’existence d’eunuques chanteurs grecs, cette supposition nous paraît exclue. Il nous paraît donc évident que l’acteur incarnant ce rôle était un homme fait, du moins à l’époque de la

15 Des qualités toujours ‘virtuelles’. Nous ne nous référons ni à leur performance ni au niveau de travail de la voix. 16 Théophylacte d’Achrida, Apologie de l’eunuchisme in Gautier 1980: 302-4. La numé rotation des passages cités ci-après renvoie à la page de l’édition Gautier. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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première représentation de la pièce, à l’instar de tous les acteurs à l’époque, y compris ceux qui jouaient des personnages féminins.18 17

III. Examinons à présent la principale source se référant aux eunuques musiciens de l’antiquité tardive, moment à partir duquel les choses ont, semble-t-il, commencé à changer, pour nous pencher ensuite sur les sources purement byzantines assurant l’existence de chantres castrats. Un témoignage du 2e siècle de notre ère fait mention d’eunuques exerçant le métier de musicien. Dion Cassius raconte l’événement suivant: ǳȱ̓Ώ΅ΙΘ΍΅ΑϱΖȱǳǰȱΦΑΌΕЏΔΓΙΖȱοΎ΅ΘϲΑȱΉЁ·ΉΑΉϧΖȱͦΝΐ΅ϟΓΙΖȱπΒνΘΉΐΉΑȱ ΓϥΎΓ΍ǰȱ ǳȱ πΒνΘΉΐΉȱ Έξȱ ΓЁȱ Δ΅ϧΈ΅Ζȱ ΐϱΑΓΑȱ ΓЁΈξȱ ΐΉ΍ΕΣΎ΍΅ǰȱ ΦΏΏΤȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΩΑΈΕ΅Ζǰȱ ǳȱ ϵΔΝΖȱ ψȱ ̓Ώ΅ΙΘϟΏΏ΅ȱ ψȱ ΌΙ·ΣΘ΋Εȱ ΅ЁΘΓІǰȱ ǳȱ Έ΍ȂΉЁΑΓϾΛΝΑȱ ΘφΑȱ ΘΉȱ ΩΏΏ΋Αȱ ΌΉΕ΅ΔΉϟ΅Αȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΤȱ ΔΉΕϠȱ ΘχΑȱ ΐΓΙΗ΍ΎχΑȱ ΘφΑȱ ΘΉȱ ΏΓ΍ΔχΑȱ ΌΉΝΕϟ΅ΑȱσΛϙǯȱȱ

Plautianus, [un homme au service de l’empereur Septime Sévère] ... fit castrer chez lui cent Romains de naissance libre ... Ce ne furent pas seulement des enfants et des jeunes gens qu’il fit castrer, mais aussi des hommes ... afin que sa fille Plautilla eût des eunuques tant pour la servir que pour lui enseigner la musique et tous les autres arts.19 Même si ce fait a une faible valeur informative, puisque ces hommes violem ment castrés avaient probablement continué à exercer le métier qu’ils prati quaient avant l’opération, c’est là le premier témoignage venant de l’anti quité gréco-romaine20 qui se réfère explicitement à des eunuques musiciens.

17 En 408 av. J.-C. à Athènes. 18 Au sujet de l’eunuque phrygien voir Witt 2002: 241-42. En d’autres termes, il s’agit simplement d’un rôle comme celui de l’eunuque Dorus dans l’Eunuchus de Térence, représenté en 166 av. J.-C. 19 D.C. Hist.Rom. 76.14.4-5 . Texte et traduction d’E. Gros et V. Boissée (1870: 266). Cf. Vendries 2006: 253 n. 47. 20 Bien que discutable, l’interprétation du passage selon laquelle ces hommes ont été obligés d’exercer le métier de professeur de musique, qu’ils n’exerçaient certainement pas avant leur castration étant donné qu’ils étaient «nobles», est à revoir. Il y a de plus un doute sur l’authenticité de la phrase Ύ΅ϠȱΘΤȱΔΉΕϠȱΘχΑȱΐΓΙΗ΍ΎχΑȱΘφΑȱΘΉȱΏΓ΍ΔχΑȱΌΉΝΕϟ΅ΑȱσΛϙ . CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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DES EUNUQUES MUSICIENS

Deux écrivains de l’histoire de l’église, Sozomène et Socrate, ayant vécu pendant le 4e et le 5e siècle – soit au début de l’ère byzantine – racontent tous deux le même événement survenu dans une église orthodoxe à la fin du 4e siècle. Sozomène:21 ǳȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΉЁΑΓІΛΓΖȱ ΘϛΖȱ Ά΅Η΍ΏνΝΖȱ ·΅ΐΉΘϛΖȱ ǳȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ ЂΐΑΓΙΖȱ Δ΅Ε΅ΗΎΉΙΣΊΝΑȱǳȱ͟ȱΈξȱ̅ΕϟΗΝΑȱǻΘΓІΘΓȱ·ΤΕȱϷΑΓΐ΅ȱώΑȱΘХȱΆ΅Η΍Ώ΍ΎХȱ ΉЁΑΓϾΛУǼȱΏϟΌУȱΎ΅ΘΤȱΘΓІȱΐΉΘЏΔΓΙȱΆΣΏΏΉΘ΅΍ǯȱȱ

Un eunuque de l’impératrice ... chargé de s’occuper des hymnes ... Brison – tel était le nom de l’eunuque impérial – fut frappé d’une pierre au front. Et Socrate:22 ̏χȱΐΉΏΏφΗ΅ΑΘΉΖȱ ȱ ΓЇΑȱ πΑȱΐ΍λȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΑΙΎΘЗΑȱ ΗΙ·ΎΕΓϾΓΙΗ΍Αǰȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΆΣΏȬ ΏΉΘ΅΍ȱ ΐξΑȱ ΏϟΌУȱ Ύ΅ΘΤȱ ΘΓІȱ ΐΉΘЏΔΓΙȱ ̅ΕϟΗΝΑȱ ϳȱ ΘϛΖȱ Ά΅Η΍ΏϟΈΓΖȱ ΉЁΑΓІȬ ΛΓΖǰȱΗΙ·ΎΕΓΘЗΑȱΘϱΘΉȱΘΓϿΖȱЀΐΑУΈΓϾΖȱǳȱȱ

Sans hésiter donc, une nuit, ils [sc. les arianisants] attaquent. Brison, l’eunuque de l’impératrice, qui dirigeait alors les chanteurs, est frappé d’une pierre au front. Cet incident nous apprend tout d’abord que déjà vers la fin du 4e et au cours du 5e siècle, il y avait des eunuques qui non seulement enseignaient la théorie23 de la musique, comme nous pouvions déjà le déduire du texte de Dion Cassius,24 mais qui la pratiquaient aussi. Selon Socrate, Brison était le 21 Sozomène Histoire ecclésiastique 8.8.2-5. Texte de l’édition J. Bidez & G.C. Hansen et tra duction par A.-J. Festugière et B. Grillet. (Bidez et Hansen 2008: 273). 22 Socrate le Scholastique Histoire ecclésiastique 6.8.8. Texte grec de l'édition de G.C. Han sen et traduction par P. Périchon et P. Maraval (Hansen 2006: 297). 23 Le terme ΐΓΙΗ΍Ύφȱ était utilisé à l’époque pour désigner la théorie (l’harmonie, le rythme, la métrique etc.) plutôt que la pratique. Celle-ci était désignée différemment, par exemple Ύ΍Ό΅Ε΍ΗΘ΍Ύφȱ(ΘνΛΑ΋) pour l’art de la cithare, ΅ЁΏ΋Θ΍Ύφȱpour l’art de l’aulos etc. 24 Si on se fonde sur le témoignage isolé de Dion Cassius, on peut faire remonter l’existence d’eunuques professeurs de théorie musicale dès la fin du 2e siècle. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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‘formateur’, c’est-à-dire le directeur des choristes, alors que Sozomène le qualifie de ‘préparateur’ des hymnes. Ces deux mots ont un sens très proche. On comprend dans les deux cas qu’il s’agissait de la personne qui constituait et dirigeait le chœur, ou encore de l’homme qui enseignait les mélodies25 aux chanteurs. Selon Witt, il s’agit de l’équivalent du maistor, attesté plus tard,26 au 13e siècle. Selon nous, il s’agit du phonascus, attesté au même siècle: sic tamen quod illic nec organa hydraulica sonant nec sub phonasco voca lium concentus meditatum acroama simul intonat Mais c’est un fait qu’on n’entend jamais résonner là-bas les orgues hyd rauliques ni un chœur de chanteurs entonner ensemble sous la conduite d’un chef d’orchestre, un concert savamment préparé.27 Nous aurions voulu répondre à la question cruciale de savoir si les membres du chœur dirigé par Brison étaient, eux aussi, des castrats, mais nous ne possédons pas de preuves satisfaisantes pour répondre avec certitude. Cependant, le problème de la composition des chœurs byzantins est partiellement résolu par les sources plus tardives. Citons ainsi un témoignage du 12e siècle qui assure l’existence de chantres eunuques dans l’empire et qui se rapporte à la composition des chœurs tant au 6e qu’au 12e siècle. Théodore Balsamon, patriarche d’Antioche, dans son commentaire (12e s.) sur le quatrième Canon des Pères Saints, concernant le mariage des prêtres et des chantres et rédigé à l’époque de l’empereur Justinien (6e s.), écrit : ȱǯǯǯȱ Η΋ΐΉϟΝΗ΅΍ȱ ϵΘ΍ȱ Θϲȱ Δ΅Ώ΅΍ϲΑȱ ΓЁΎȱ ΦΔȂΉЁΑΓϾΛΝΑȱ ΐϱΑΓΑȱ Θϲȱ ΘЗΑȱ Μ΅ΏΘЗΑȱ ΘΣ·ΐ΅ȱ ΗΙΑϟΗΘ΅ΘΓǰȱ Ύ΅ΌАΖȱ ·ϟΑΉΘ΅΍ȱ ΗφΐΉΕΓΑǰȱ ΦΏΏΤȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΦΔϲȱ ΐχȱΘΓ΍ΓϾΘΝΑȱǯǯǯȱȱ

25 Que par ces deux mots les deux auteurs désignent le compositeur d’hymnes, appelé d’ailleurs ЀΐΑΓ·ΕΣΚΓΖ, est impensable. 26 Voir Witt 2002: 245 avec n. 157, et Wellesz 1961: 145 et 238. 27 Voir Sid. Apollin. Epist. 1.2.9. Cf. ibid. 4.11.6 : … Psalmorum hic modulator et phonascus| ante altaria fratre gratulante| instructas docuit sonare classes … (… Habile à soumettre les psaumes au rythme de la musique et à diriger les chœurs, il enseigna à des groupes qu’il avait formés à faire résonner leurs voix devant les autels, avec l’approbation admirative de son frère …). Texte et traduction de Loyen 1970: 137. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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… avise-toi [sc. lecteur] du fait que, jadis, l’ordre des psalmistes n’était pas constitué uniquement d’eunuques, comme c’est le cas de nos jours, mais il comprenait aussi des psalmistes qui n’étaient pas tels …28 Ce témoignage nous permet donc de conclure que, pendant le 12e siècle, les chantres castrés constituaient la norme, alors qu’au 6e siècle (époque de la rédaction de ce Canon, mais probablement aussi plus tôt encore, comme par exemple à l’époque de Brison29) les chœurs étaient mixtes, composés d’hommes non castrés et de castrats. En outre, un élément renforce l’hypo thèse des chœurs mixtes aux premiers siècles chrétiens: c’est le fait que les hymnes exécutés par le chœur de Brison étaient antiphoniques30 comme le déclarent les deux historiens à l’occasion de la lapidation.31 Le qualificatif d’antiphoniques appliqué à ces hymnes signifie, selon nous, que le chœur interprétant ces hymnes était divisé en deux groupes de cho ristes, l’un chantant une ou deux octaves au dessus de l’autre. Les diverses traductions/interprétations du mot, comme ‘chant en alternance’ ou ‘contre chant’, justes pour les époques postérieures, nous paraissent dangereuses et incertaines appliquées à cette époque. Rappelons que le terme musical grec ΦΑΘϟΚΝΑΓΑ signifiait l’‘octave’ durant toute l’antiquité.32 Il est fort peu pro bable que ce mot avait changé de sens à l’époque de Brison (4e s.) ou même plus tôt, puisque de tels hymnes étaient chantés depuis le 1er s. de notre ère (voir ci-dessous). A l’appui de cette remarque, signalons que des théoriciens de la musique postérieurs à ces deux historiens de l’église utilisent 33 normalement le terme comme un synonyme de l’‘octave’. La signification de l’antiphonie, telle qu’on l’entend au Moyen-Age et de nos jours, était tout 28 Il s’agit du commentaire de Theodorus Balsamon in Canones Sanctorum Patrum qui in Trullo imperialis palatii constantinopoli convenerunt tempore Justiniani religiossimi et chris tianissimi nostri imperatoris: ̍΅ΑЏΑȱ̇Ȃ. Voir Migne 1865: 532. 29 Nous ne pouvons pas exclure la possibilité que le chœur de Brison ait été mixte. Mais il ne s’agit que d’une hypothèse. Sur ce sujet voir Witt, 2002: 245 et n. 158 ; Guyot 1980: 57 58 et n. 58. 30 Pour le terme antiphoniques et les traductions ‘en alternance’, ‘contre-chant’ et ‘antienne’, cf. Théophylacte, Apologie 322; Socrate, H.E. 6.8.2 (Hansen 2006: 297). Pourtant, nous sommes d’avis qu’il est impropre d’appliquer ces termes à cette époque. Nous préférons garder la traduction ‘antiphoné’, ‘antiphonique’ ou encore ‘à l’octave’. 31 Socrate, H.E. 6.8.2-10 et Sozomène, H.E. 8.1-3. 32 Aristoxène cité par Ath. Deipn. 635b-c (14.36) ainsi que Ps-Arist., Pr., 918b30-919a12 et 921a7-31. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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à fait étrangère à l’époque qui nous occupe. Selon Théodore Reinach, l’expression ‘hymnes antiphoniques’ a pour origine la pratique des chœurs mixtes où les voix d’enfants et d’adultes chantaient la même mélodie à l’octave.34 Evidemment, dans notre passage ce ne sont pas des enfants qui chantent.35 Et ce ne sont pas non plus des femmes, cela est certain. L’emploi des castrats dans les églises est en effet justifié depuis longtemps, au sein de l’église catholique en Italie comme de l’église orthodoxe à Byzance, par l’absence de voix féminines. Celle-ci est fondée sur une épitre de St-Paul interdisant catégoriquement aux femmes de prendre la parole – et partant de chanter – dans quelque église que ce soit:36 33

ͳΖȱ πΑȱ ΔΣΗ΅΍Ζȱ Θ΅ϧΖȱ πΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅΍Ζȱ ΘЗΑȱ Υ·ϟΝΑǰȱ ΅ϡȱ ·ΙΑ΅ϧΎΉΖȱ πΑȱ Θ΅ϧΖȱ πΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅΍ΖȱΗ΍·ΣΘΝΗ΅ΑǰȱΓЁȱ·ΤΕȱπΔ΍ΘΕνΔΉΘ΅΍ȱ΅ЁΘ΅ϧΖȱΏ΅ΏΉϧΑǯ

Comme dans toutes les Églises des saints, que les femmes se taisent dans les assemblées, car il ne leur est pas permis d’y parler. D’après cette interprétation de l’‘antiphonie’ antique, nous pouvons légi timement supposer, même si c’est avec réserve, que la partie du chœur de Brison qui chantait à l’octave était celle des castrats. En outre, l’association indirecte entre hymnes antiphoniques et eunuques est rendue évidente par le fait que, chez Socrate, l’événement de la lapidation est chronologiquement proche de l’invention de cette sorte d’hymnes, située à Antioche au 1er ou 2e siècle par St-Ignace:37 ̎ΉΎΘνΓΑȱΈξȱΎ΅ϠȱϵΌΉΑȱΘχΑȱΦΚΓΕΐχΑȱσΏ΅ΆΉΑȱψȱΎ΅ΘΤȱΘΓϿΖȱΦΑΘ΍ΚЏΑΓΙΖȱ ЂΐΑΓΙΖȱ πΑȱ ΘϜȱ πΎΎΏ΋Ηϟθȱ ΗΙΑφΌΉ΍ǯȱ ͑·ΑΣΘ΍ΓΖȱ ǳȱ ϴΔΘ΅Ηϟ΅Αȱ ΉϨΈΉΑȱ Φ··νΏΝΑȱΈ΍ΤȱΘЗΑȱΦΑΘ΍ΚЏΑΝΑȱЂΐΑΝΑȱΘχΑȱΥ·ϟ΅Αȱ̖Ε΍ΣΈ΅ȱЀΐΑΓϾΑΘΝΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΘΕϱΔΓΑȱ ΘΓІȱ ϳΕΣΐ΅ΘΓΖȱ ΘϜȱ πΑȱ ̝ΑΘ΍ΓΛΉϟθȱ πΎΎΏ΋Ηϟθȱ Δ΅ΕνȬ

33 Gaud. Harm. (Jan 1895: 347-48). Gaudence a vécu entre le 3e et le 5e siècle de notre ère; Porph. in Harm. (Düring 1932: 104.10). 34 Sur ce sujet, voir Reinach-Eichthal 1892: 35. Voir aussi Leclercq 1907: 2461-88. 35 Aucun indice ne suggère la présence d’enfants dans ce type de chœur. 36 Première épitre aux corinthiens 14.33-34 (NT 511). 37 Saint Ignace, troisième évêque d’Antioche, né vers 35 et mort vers l’année 107. Voir Socrate, H.E. 6.8.10-12 (Hansen 2006: 298). CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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ΈΝΎΉΑǯȱ ͣΌΉΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ πΑȱ ΔΣΗ΅΍Ζȱ Θ΅ϧΖȱ πΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅΍Ζȱ ΅ЂΘ΋ȱ ψȱ Δ΅ΕΣΈΓΗ΍Ζȱ Έ΍ΉΈϱΌ΋ȱǀΎ΅ϠȱΉΚΙΏΣΘΘΉΘΓǁǯȱȱ

Mais il faut dire quelle fut l’origine de la coutume des hymnes antiphonés dans l’Eglise. Ignace … eut la vision d’anges qui chantaient la Sainte Trinité avec des hymnes antiphonés, et il transmit à l’Eglise d’Antioche la manière de faire de sa vision. C’est pourquoi cette tradition se répandit dans toutes les Eglises et y était conservée. Une deuxième source vient ici en renfort. Théophylacte (9e s.), dans son traité consacré aux eunuques, fait lui aussi mention d’Ignace et des hymnes antiphoniques: ΘϲΑȱ·ΤΕȱΈχȱΌΉΓΚϱΕΓΑȱ͑·ΑΣΘ΍ΓΑȱΈΓΎЗȱΐΓ΍ȱΔ΅ΕφΗΉ΍ΑȱΘΤΖȱΦΑΘ΍ΚЏΑΓΙΖȱ КΈΣΖȱ πΑȱ ̝ΑΘ΍ΓΛΉϟθȱ Έ΍΅Θ΅ΒΣΐΉΑΓΑǰȱ πΔΉ΍Έφȱ ·Ήȱ Φ··νΏΝΑȱ ΓЂΘΝΖȱ ЀΐΑΓΙΑΘΝΑȱόΎΓΙΗΉΑǯȱȱ

Il me semble en effet qu’Ignace le théophore a ordonné d’introduire à Antioche les odes antiphoniques, parce qu’il avait entendu des anges chanter de cette manière.38 La même succession d’informations ‘Ignace-hymnes antiphoniques-eunuques anges’ ne pourrait être accidentelle chez les trois auteurs. De plus, le rap prochement des anges avec les eunuques est assez habituel dans l’empire byzantin.39 Mais une autre question essentielle surgit: ces psalmistes ont-ils subi la castration avant ou après l’adolescence? Comme nous l’avons déjà signalé, un 38 Théophylacte, Apologie 322. Théophylacte, évêque de Bulgarie, avait un frère eunuque et a probablement ressenti la nécessité de prendre sa défense. Il a vécu pendant le 9e siècle. Nous avons suivi la traduction de Gautier, mais remplacé ‘en contre-chant’ par ‘anti phoniques’. 39 Les eunuques byzantins étaient souvent comparés aux anges, non seulement pour leur voix mais aussi parce qu’ils se trouvaient au premier rang de la pyramide sociale de l’empire. Voir Galahad 1949: 62-71 et Ringrose 2003: 7 et 205. Cf. Moran 2002: 104; Sidéris 2001; 2003. Nous pourrions assurer la correspondance avec la voix ‘angélique’ des castrats italiens. Ajoutons encore un trait commun entre eunuques et anges: on les considère tous deux asexués. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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homme ayant subi la castration à l’âge adulte possède presque la même voix qu’un homme non castré. Nos témoignages font clairement apparaître que les deux types d’eunuques existaient durant l’empire. La pratique de la castration pré-pubertaire est confirmée par quelques textes du 6e siècle. Dans le commentaire de Théodore Balsamon au 21e Canon apostolique,40 nous lisons que beaucoup de gens faisaient castrer leurs enfants en faisant appel à des raisons de santé. Par ailleurs, une loi du Codex Justinianus, recueil des lois romaines rédigé sous l’empereur Justinien au 6e s. (dont certaines rédigées sans doute auparavant), qui se réfère au ‘prix’ des eunuques à vendre, parle d’enfants émasculés avant l’âge de dix ans.41 Concernant l’acte d’émasculation, le médecin grec Paul d’Egine (7e siècle) parle de deux méthodes d’intervention, la compression (des testicules) et l’excision. La première méthode, explique-t-il, était pratiquée sur les enfants, alors que la deuxième l’était sur les jeunes gens ou les hommes adultes. La castration par compression s’accomplissait de la façon suivante: ϳȱ ΐξΑȱ Ύ΅ΘΤȱ ΌΏΣΗ΍Αȱ ΓЂΘΝΖȱ πΔ΍ΘΉΏΉϧΘ΅΍ȉȱ σΘ΍ȱ ΑφΔ΍΅ȱ ϷΑΘ΅ȱ ΘΤȱ Δ΅΍Έϟ΅ȱ πΔ΍Ύ΅ΌϟΊΉΘ΅΍ȱΉϢΖȱΏΉΎΣΑ΋ΑȱΌΉΕΐΓІȱЂΈ΅ΘΓΖȉȱσΔΉ΍Θ΅ǰȱϵΘ΅ΑȱΛ΅Ώ΅ΗΌϜȱΘΤȱ ΗЏΐ΅Θ΅ǰȱπΑȱ΅ЁΘϜȱΘϜȱΏΉΎΣΑϙ ΘΓϧΖȱΈ΅ΎΘϾΏΓ΍ΖȱΌΏκΖȱΘΤȱΈ΍ΈϾΐ΍΅ǰȱρΝΖȱΓЈȱ ΦΚ΅Α΍ΗΌϜȱΎ΅ϠȱΈ΍΅ΏΙΌνΑΘ΅ȱΐ΋ΎνΘ΍ȱΘϜȱΥΚϜȱΗΙΑΉΗΘЗΘ΅ȱЀΔΓΔνΗϙǯ

40 Theodori Balsamonis Zonare, Aristeni in Canones Sanctorum Apostolorum Conciliorum: ̍΅ΑЏΑȱ ̍̄Ȃ. Voir Migne 1865: 80-81. Ce Canon fut peut-être rédigé avant le 6e siècle: ͣΌΉΑȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Γϡȱ ΔΏΉϟΓΙΖȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΦΑΌΕЏΔΝΑȱ Γϡȱ ΔΕΓΗΉΎΘ΍ΎϱΘΉΕΓ΍ǰȱ Έ΍Τȱ ΑϱΗΓΑȱ ΐνΏΏΓΑΘΉΖȱ ΉЁΑΓΙΛϟΊΉ΍ΑȱΔ΅ϟΈ΅Ζȱ΅ЁΘЗΑǰȱΘϜȱ̞·΍ΝΘΣΘϙȱ̳ΎΎΏ΋ΗϟθȱΔΕΓΗνΕΛΓΑΘ΅΍ȱ…

41 Voir CJ 7.1.5 (Krüger): Sin vero eunuchi sint servi communes maiores decem annis, si quidem sine arte sint, in quinquaginta solidos computentur, sin autem artifices, usque ad septuaginta: minores etenim decem annis eunuchos non amplius triginta solidis aestimari volumus. En passant, nous faisons mention d’une autre information que nous puisons de ces édits. Il s’agit d’une déclaration selon laquelle les eunuques qui sont artifices sont les plus chers. Ce mot n’est pas tout à fait clair. En latin le mot artifex pouvait signaler l’artiste ou l’artisan. Le mot est l’équivalant du mot grec ΘΉΛΑϟΘ΋Ζ qui désignait entre autres le musicien professionnel. Pour être plus précis, étant donné que nous avons rencontré des eunuques psalmistes et musiciens, il est possible que le législateur de cette loi justinienne ait pris en considération l’existence des chantres et des musiciens eunuques. Cf. D.C. Hist.Rom. 63.29.2. Le mot est utilisé par Néron pour désigner ses compétences artistiques dans le discours proverbial: Qualis artifex pereo: Suet. Ner. 49. Cf. Bélis 1989: 747 avec n. 2 et 3. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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On place les enfants en bas âge dans un bassin rempli d’eau chaude. Ensuite, quand leur corps est ramolli, toujours dans le même bassin, on comprime les testicules avec les doigts jusqu’à ce qu’ils s’anéantissent et soient intouchables.42 La source la plus explicite concernant l’âge auquel les eunuques étaient opérés se trouve chez Théophylacte qui fait mention de trois catégories d’eunuques, selon qu’ils ont subi l’opération pendant l’enfance, l’adolescence ou l’âge adulte: ΔΉΕϠȱ ·ΤΕȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΉϢΖȱ ΩΑΈΕ΅Ζȱ ΐξΑȱ ΦΑ΅ΆΉΆ΋ΎϱΘΝΑȱ όΈ΋ǰȱ ο΅ΙΘΓϾΖȱ Έξȱ ΦΎΕΝΘ΋Ε΍΅ΊϱΑΘΝΑǰȱ ϵΔΉΕȱ πΗΘϠȱ Δ΅ΑΘΣΔ΅Η΍Αȱ ΦΔΓΎΓΔΘϱΑΘΝΑȱ ǳȱ ΉϢΗϠȱ ·ΣΕǰȱ ΉϢΗϠΑȱ ΓϤȱ ǳȱ ϵΘΉȱ όΈ΋ȱ ΑΉ΅Α΍ΗΎΉϾΓΑΘ΅΍ǰȱ ΘϲΑȱ ΉЁΑΓΙΛ΍ΗΐϲΑȱ ЀΔΓΈϾΓΑΘ΅΍ȱ ǳȱ Έ΍Τȱ Έξȱ Θϲȱ Ύ΅ΘΤȱ ΘχΑȱ ΗΎΏ΋ΕΓΘνΕ΅Αȱ ψΏ΍Ύϟ΅Αȱ ΉЁΑΓΙΛ΍Ȭ ΗΌϛΑ΅΍ȱǳȱ

En effet, à propos de ceux qui ont déjà atteint l’âge d’homme et qui se mutilent, soit incontestablement ceux qui se châtrent ... Car il y a, oui, des gens qui subissent la castration quand ils sont déjà jeunes hommes … et parce qu’ils sont devenus eunuques dans la force de l’âge …43 Nous aurons une idée plus juste de la situation si nous rappelons que dans l’empire byzantin, certains monastères étaient réservés exclusivement aux eunuques: le monastère de Saint Lazare, le monastère des Katharoi et un autre encore à Constantinople, fondé par Michel Attaliate en 1077 notam ment.44 Dans ces couvents, les messes étaient exécutées régulièrement. Le fait n’est pas étonnant puisque nous savons que dans l’église d’Orient et malgré l’interdiction du Concile de Nicée de l’année 325,45 les eunuques 42 Paul. Aeg. Epitom. med. libri septem 6.68 (Heiberg 1924: 111). Nous rappelons que la pré sence d’eunuques esclaves émasculés depuis leur enfance est confirmée par Quintilien Inst. 5.12.17-18. 43 Théophylacte, Apologie 302. 44 Voir Guilland 1943: 204. Cf. Ringrose 2003: 111-12 et Moran 2002: 105. Voir aussi Gautier 1980: 329 avec la n. 64 où il est question d’un autre couvent d’eunuques près de Jéricho. 45 Jusqu’à cette date il n’y a pas de décrets qui se réfèrent aux clercs eunuques. Les mesures prises lors de ce premier Concile nous montrent que les eunuques étaient entrés dans les églises dès les premiers siècles chrétiens. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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n’étaient pas exclus du clergé. Cela dit, l’histoire nous montre que ce Canon est tombé très tôt en désuétude. Nous connaissons ainsi, outre des moines et des prêtres, un certain nombre de patriarches eunuques comme Germanus I (715-730), Nicétas I (766-780), Méthodius (843-847), Ignatius (847-858 et 867-877), Polyeucte (956-970) et d’autres46 encore.

THÉOPHYL ACTE, ÉVÊQUE D’ACHRIDE

ET DE BULGARIE

Il apparaît que le texte le plus riche en informations sur notre sujet est aussi le moins exploité par la recherche, puisque il n’a été traduit dans une langue vivante que récemment.47 Il s’agit de l’Apologie de l’eunuchisme de Théo phylacte d’Achride. Parmi les diverses informations concernant les eunuques et leur rôle à la cour et l’armée byzantines, il consacre un paragraphe aux eunuques et à la musique ecclésiastique. Nous en citons des extraits: ̈Ϣȱ Έξȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ Θϲȱ ΘЗΑȱ ΔΓΕΑ΍ΎЗΑȱ КΈЗΑȱ ΐνΏΓΖȱ ЀΔϲȱ ϡΉΕЗΑȱ ΑΓ΋ΐΣΘΝΑȱ Υ·΍΅ΊϱΐΉΑΓΑȱ Θ΅ϧΖȱ πΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅΍Ζȱ Γϡȱ ΉЁΑΓІΛΓ΍ȱ πΑΘΉΕΉΘϟΊΓΙΗ΍ǰȱ Θϟȱ ΘΓІΘΓȱ σ·ΎΏ΋ΐ΅ǲȱ

Si les eunuques fredonnent aussi dans les églises les airs de chansons licen cieuses que sanctifient des pensées saintes, pourquoi ce grief?48 ̍΅ϠȱϵΗ΅ȱΈξȱΩΏΏ΅ȱΔ΅Ώ΅΍ΤȱΘ΅ϧΖȱπΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅΍ΖȱπΐΚνΕΉΘ΅΍ȱαΗΐ΅Θ΅ȱΔΓϟ΅Αȱ ψΈΓΑχΑȱ ΓЁȱ Α΍Ύλǰȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΐκΏΏΓΑȱ ϵΘ΅Αȱ ΉЁΕϾΌΐΝΖȱ ΎϠȱ ΘΉΛΑ΍ΎЗΖȱ αΈ΋Θ΅΍ǲȱ ǳȱ̍΅ϟΘΓ΍ȱΎΪΑȱΉϢȱΘ΅ІΘ΅ȱΈΓϟ΋ΐΉΑ ΦΔϱΆΏ΋Θ΅ȱΈΉϧΑȱΉϨΑ΅΍ȱΘϛΖȱπΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅Ζǰȱ ΓЁΎȱΉЁΑΓϾΛΝΑȱΦΔΓΆ΅ΏΓІΐΉΑȱΉЀΕνΐ΅Θ΅ǰȱΘЗΑȱΈξȱΗЗΑǰȱϣΑȂȱΓЂΘΝΖȱπΕЗǰȱ ΚΙΏΉΘЗΑǰȱ ΓϤȱ Θ΅ІΘ΅ȱ ΘΓϾΘΓ΍Ζȱ Δ΅ΕνΈΓΗ΅Αȱ ΘϜȱ ΉЁΚΝΑϟθȱ Ύ΅Θ΅ΎΓΗȬΐφȬ ΗΓΙΗ΍ǯ 46 Voir Théophylacte, Apologie 327. Pour une liste complète des patriarches eunuques voir Guilland 1944: 202-3. 47 Autant que nous sachions, hormis les traductions latines des siècles précédents, il n’existe pour ce traité que la traduction de Gautier, en français, réalisée en 1980 (Gautier 1980). 48 Théophylacte, Apologie 322-23. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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En outre, tous les chants anciens en usage dans les Eglises, de quel plaisir ne triomphent-ils pas, surtout quand ils sont chantés avec harmonie et compétence … Pourtant, si nous concédons qu’il faut bannir cela de l’église, ce ne sont pas des inventions d’eunuques que nous bannirons mais, si j’ose dire, des gens de ta tribu, qui le leur ont transmis pour les parer d’harmonie.49 Deux points importants que nous n’avons pas signalés plus haut ressortent de ce passage : le rapport que les chantres castrés entretiennent avec les chansons populaires et le fait qu’ils étaient admirés par une partie de public pour leur compétence à rendre les phrases musicales ‘délicieuses’ et ‘harmonieuses’. Sur le charme de l’interprétation musicale des eunuques, nous possédons le témoignage d’un Franc, Eudes de Deuil, abbé de SaintDenis et chapelain de Louis VII, lors de son expédition en Orient dans le cadre de la deuxième croisade:50 Illi quidem a nostris clericis verborum et organi genere dissidebant, sed suavi modulatione placebant. Voces enim mixte, robustior cum gracili, eunuca videlicet cum virili – erant enim eunuchi multi illorum –, Fran corum animos demulcebant. Ces clercs [sc. les Grecs] différaient des nôtres par les paroles qu’ils pro nonçaient, et par la qualité de leurs voix; mais leurs douces modulations étaient fort agréables. Le mélange des voix, une voix plus forte s’unissant à une voix plus claire, une voix d’eunuque à une voix d’homme (car il y avait parmi eux beaucoup d’eunuques), était propre à charmer les Français.51 Un autre passage du texte de Théophylacte fait allusion à la relation qui lie les eunuques avec le chant séculier, et notamment avec le théâtre:

49 Théophylacte, Apologie 324-25. 50 Pour Eudes de Deuil, voir Moran 2002: 107. Eudes ou Odo ou Odon de Deuil naquit vers 1110 et mourut en 1162 à Saint-Denis. La deuxième croisade commença en 1147 et se termina en 1149. 51 De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem 4. La traduction est celle de Guizot 2004: 72. Texte de Waquet 1949: 46. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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̷ΗΘ΍ȱΘ΍ȱΎ΅ϠȱρΘΉΕΓΑȱΚϾΏΓΑȱΉЁΑΓϾΛΝΑǰȱϵΔΉΕȱψȱΌΙΐνΏ΋ȱΎΓΗΐΉϧǰȱΩΒ΍ϱΑȱ ·ΉȱΘΓІΘΓȱπΎΉϟΑ΋ΖȉȱΘΓϾΘΓΙΖȱΈχǰȱΚ΋ΐϟǰȱΘΓϿΖȱΐ΍ΑΙΕ΍ΗΘΤΖȱΎ΅ϠȱΘΉΕΉΘ΍ΗΘΣΖǰȱ ΓϤȱΎ΅ΎЗΖȱΉϢΖȱΘχΑȱπΎΎΏ΋Ηϟ΅ΑȱΔΓΕΑ΍ΎΤΖȱКΈΤΖȱΎ΅ϠȱψΈΓΑχΑȱΆΏΙΊΓϾΗ΅Ζȱ ΉϢΗνΚΕ΋Η΅Αȱ ǳȱ Γϡȱ ΐξΑȱ ·ΤΕȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ πΎȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΗΎ΋ΑϛΖȱ ΦΉϠȱ ΗϾΑΉ΍Η΍ȱ ǳȱ ΦΏΏΤȱ Ύ΅ϠȱΘΓϧΖȱΔΓΕΑ΍ΎΓϧΖȱπΐΐ΍ΑΙΕϟΊΓΙΗ΍ΑȱαΗΐ΅Θ΅ȱǳȱȱ

Il y a encore un autre groupe d’eunuques, celui que le théâtre met en vedette et qui en est bien digne, je veux dire ces roucouleurs et ces gazouilleurs qui ont abominablement introduit dans l’église des chants licencieux et qui suent la luxure ... De fait, les uns (les eunuques) fré quentent toujours les gens de théâtre ... et de plus ils susurrent des chansons avec les libertins ...52 Nous terminons cette petite présentation concernant les eunuques musiciens dans le traité de Théophylacte par un passage qui rend claire et indiscutable la présence des chantres castrés dans les églises. La personne qui parle est un eunuque.53 L’autre personne vient d’accuser les chantres eunuques de cor ruption, morale et ‘musicale’, et reçoit directement la réponse suivante: ̍΅Θ΋·ϱΕ΋Η΅Ζȱ Ύ΅Ϡȱ ΘЗΑȱ έΗΐ΅Θ΍ΎЗΑȱ ϳΐΓІȱ ΘΉȱ ΔΣΑΘΝΑȱ БΖȱ ЀΔϲȱ ΘϛΖȱ ΌΙΐνΏ΋Ζȱ Έ΍΅ΚΌ΅ΕΐνΑΝΑǰȱ ГΗΔΉΕȱ ΓЁΎȱ πΐΓІȱ ΎΦΑȱ ΘΓϾΘΓ΍Ζȱ Δ΅ΕΣ·Ή΍Αȱ σΛΓΑΘΓΖȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ ΘϲΑȱ ̋ΉϲΑȱ ΐκΏΏΓΑȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ όΌΉΗ΍Αȱ ύȱ ΘΓϿΖȱ Κ΍ΏУΈΓϿΖȱ ΘΓϧΖȱ αΗΐ΅Η΍ȱ ΘνΕΔΓΑΘ΅Ζǯȱ ͣΐΝΖȱ ΈϟΈΝΐ΍ȱ ΔΣΑΘ΅Ζȱ πΑϟΗΛΉΗΌ΅΍ȱ ΘХȱ π·ΎΏφȬ ΐ΅Θ΍ǯȱ

Tu as encore accusé les chantres, tous en bloc, d’être corrompus par le théâtre, comme si je ne pouvais pas distinguer parmi eux ceux qui charment davantage Dieu par leurs mœurs de ceux qui charment des amateurs de chants par leurs chansons. Néanmoins je concède que tous tombent sous ton accusation [sc. les eunuques et les non castrés].54

52 Théophylacte, Apologie 294. 53 La forme du traité est dialoguée. 54 Théophylacte, Apologie 320-21. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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CONCLUSION

Les témoignages que nous avons interrogés jusqu’ici nous permettent de noter que les Byzantins avaient recours à l’émasculation par chasteté et piété devant Dieu ainsi que pour des raisons médicales. La différence avec le cas des galli, les prêtres de Cybèle, se trouve dans le fait qu’ils étaient, très sou vent, castrés dès l’enfance, à l’initiative de leurs parents qui les voulaient purs et chastes.55 La communauté scientifique, tant du côté des musicologues que de celui des historiens et des philologues, ignorait l’existence des chantres castrats dans l’empire byzantin jusque ces derniers temps. L’absence de cette infor mation dans les articles des divers dictionnaires spécialisés, de la musique aussi bien que de l’histoire et de la civilisation byzantines, le montre. Cette négligence est due au fait que ces chantres n’étaient pas des chanteurs professionnels et qu’ils n’étaient pas castrés dans ce but. Elle est due aussi au fait que les Byzantins eux-mêmes ne se référaient pas fréquemment à ce sujet, ce qui explique aussi le petit nombre des témoignages les concernant. Nous savons pourtant que les églises byzantines foisonnaient de chantres castrés, notamment à partir du 4e siècle et après, comme nous en informent Socrate, Sozomène, Théophylacte et Théodore Balsamon. Nous apprenons également qu’il existait des écoles de chantres castrats dans les monastères d’Orient.56 De plus, le fait est connu, au 12e s. le chantre castré Manuel quitte Constantinople et s’installe à Smolensk en Russie pour fonder une école de chant.57 Etant donné que ces eunuques n’étaient pas castrés pour devenir chan teurs professionnels mais plutôt pour des raisons religieuses, nous sommes obligés d’admettre ce paramètre: à partir du moment où un eunuque se consacrait à l’église et qu’il possédait une belle voix, il servait Dieu aussi par le chant, en plus de ses autres tâches. Les témoignages que nous possédons confirment l’existence d’eunuques, les uns à la voix masculine, ayant subi l’opération à l’âge mûr,58 les autres à la voix de timbre féminin, ayant subi 55 En revanche, on sait qu’en Italie les parents faisaient de leurs enfants des eunuques du fait de la richesse et de la gloire que la carrière du chanteur pouvait leur rapporter. 56 Voir aussi Leclercq 1914: 359. Nous rappelons l’existence d’établissements semblables (conservatoires-orphelinats) à Naples ayant le même but. 57 Voir Barbier 1989: 15 et Anders 1835: 91. 58 L’existence d’hommes psalmistes est incontestable. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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l’opération dans l’enfance. Contrairement donc à ce qui est communément admis, nous pouvons conclure que les premiers croyants à entendre la voix de castrats glorifiant Dieu étaient certainement ceux 59qui fréquentaient les églises situées aux confins de l’empire romain d’Orient. Il y a assurément encore beaucoup à faire au niveau de la recherche con cernant les eunuques et la musique dans l’empire byzantin. La question du rapport des castrats avec la musique populaire et le théâtre ainsi que celle des sources témoignant de l’existence des chantres castrés dans l’empire byzantin sont ouvertes. Le but de cet article était de dépister l’existence, indiscutable, des psalmistes castrés à cette époque. Nous partageons donc l’opinion que 60 Niel Moran exprime dans son article sur les castrats byzantins: la pos sibilité d’un lien direct entre les castrats byzantins et les castrati italiens dans l’Italie du Sud où il y avait des monastères hellénophones orthodoxes, est tout à fait forte et ouverte à la discussion. 59 Nous n’avons pas de témoignages accréditant l’existence de castrats musiciens en Russie, le cas de Manuel mentionné plus haut mis à part. 60 Moran 2002: 212.

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Di Berardino, A. (ed.) 1990. Dictionnaire Encyclopédique du Christianisme Ancien (adaptation française François Vial), vol. I. Paris. Düring, I. (ed.) 1932. Porphyrios Kommentar zur Harmonielehre des Ptolemai os. Göteborg. Fellerer, K.G. 1961. ‘Kirchenmusik’ Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 6. Freiburg, 233-38. Galahad, S. 1949. ‘Anges et Eunuques’ in B. Eckstein-Diener (ed.) Byzance (traduction française par Jacques Chifelle-Astier). Paris, 62-71. Gautier, P. (ed.) 1980. Théophylacte d’Achrida: Discours, Traités, Poésies. (CFHB 16.1). Thessaloniki. Graillot, H. 1912. Le culte de Cybèle, mère des dieux à Rome et dans l’empire romain. Paris. Gros, E. & Boissée, V. (eds.) 1870. Dion Cassius: Histoire romaine, 10. Paris. Guilland, R. 1943. ‘Les eunuques dans l’empire byzantin. Etude de titulaire et de prosopographie byzantine’ Rev. ét. byz. 1, 197-238. Guilland, R. 1944. ‘Fonctions et dignités des eunuques’ Rev. ét. byz. 2, 185 225. Guizot, F. (ed.) 2004. Odon de Deuil: Histoire de la croisade du roi Louis VII. Paris. Guyot, P. 1980. Eunuchen als Sklaven und Freigelassene in der griechisch römischen Antike. Stuttgart. Hansen, G.S. (ed.) 2006. Socrate le Scholastique: Histoire ecclésiastique, livres IV-VI (introduction et notes par P. Maraval, traduction par P. Périchon et P. Maraval). Paris. Heiberg, J.L. (ed.) 1924. Paulus Aegineta: Epitomae medicae libri septem (CMG 9.2). Leipzig. Hucke, H. 1961. ‘Kastraten’ in Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 6. Freiburg, 16. Jan, C. (ed.) 1895. Musici Scriptores Graeci. Leipzig. Kazhdan, A.P. 1991. ‘Eunuchs’ in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Oxford, 743-44. Leclercq, H. 1907. ‘Antiphone dans la liturgie grecque’ in Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie 1.2. Paris, 2461-88. Leclercq, H. 1914. ‘Chantres’ in Dictionnaire d’Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie, 3.1. Paris, 344-68. 2 Leibbrand, W. 1961 . ‘Kastration’ Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 6. Frei burg, 16-17. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Loyen, A. (ed.) 1970. Sidoine Apollinaire: Lettres. Paris. Mamy, S. 1998. Les castrats. Paris. Millant, N. 1908. Les eunuques à travers les âges. Paris. Migne, J.P. (ed.) 1865. Theodori Balsamonis, patriarchae Theopolis magnae Antiochiae, opera quae reperiri potuerunt omnia ... in Patrologiae cursus completus: Patrologia Graeca, 137. Paris. Moran, N. 2002. ‘Byzantine Castrati’ Plainsong and Medieval Music 11, 99 112. Muth, R. 2004. ‘Kastration’ in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, 20. Stuttgart, 285-342. NT = Le Nouveau Testament: traduction œcuménique. Paris, 1989. Ranke-Heinemann, U. 1990. Des eunuques pour le royaume des cieux: l’Église catholique et la sexualité (traduction française par M. Thiollet). Paris. Reinach, Th. & E. Eichthal 1892. ‘Notes sur les problèmes musicaux dits d’Aristote’ REG 5, 22-52. Ringrose, K.M. 2003. The perfect servant: Eunuchs and the social construction of gender in Byzantium. Chicago. 2 Roselli, J. 2001 . ‘Castrato’ in S. Sadie (ed.) The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians vol. 5. London & New York, 267-68. Rousselle, A. 1983. Porneia: de la maîtrise du corps à la privation sensorielle. Paris. Sidéris, G. 2001. Eunuques et pouvoirs à Byzance IVème-VIIème siècle. Thèse de doctorat, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne. Sidéris, G. 2003. ‘Le sexe des anges: la byzantinologie et les questions de genre’ in M.-F. Auzépy (ed.) Byzance en Europe. Saint-Denis, 217-35. Sidéris, G. 2008. ‘Approches sur l’historiographie du genre à Byzance’, Genre & Histoire 3. http://genrehistoire.revues.org/index358.html. Tougher, S. 1997. ‘Byzantine Eunuchs: an overview, with special reference to their creation and origin’ in L. James (ed.) Women, men, and eunuchs: gen der in Byzantium. London & New York, 168-84. Tougher, S. 2008. The eunuch in Byzantine history and society. London & New York. Vendries, Chr. 2006. ‘Abstinence sexuelle et infibulation des chanteurs dans la Rome impériale’ in F. Prost et J. Wilgaux (eds.) Penser et représenter le corps dans l’Antiquité: Actes du colloque international de Rennes, 1-4 sep tembre 2004. Rennes, 247-61.




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Vermaseren, M. et al. (eds.) 1977-1989. Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque. Leiden. Waquet, H. (ed.) 1949. Eudes de Deuil: La Croisade de Louis VII roi de France. Paris. Wellesz, E. 1961. Byzantine Music and Hymnography. 2nd ed. Oxford. Witt, R. 2002. ‘The other castrati’ in S. Tougher (ed.) Eunuchs in Antiquity and Beyond. London, 235-60.





EIN LATEINISCHES KLAGELIED

ÜBER DEN TOD DES DÄNISCHEN

KANZLEISCHREIBERS

ANDERS RENTESKRIVER

Von Thomas Haye

Summary: The Copenhagen manuscript KB, Ny kgl. S. 934, 4to, contains a hitherto un known Latin poem in which an anonymous author of the early sixteenth century (perhaps a member of the University of Copenhagen) laments over the royal clerk Anders Renteskriver who was sentenced to death by the Danish king Hans (1481-1513) in the year 1494. This pa per presents a critical edition and a historical evaluation of the text.

Die aus dänischer Provenienz stammende Papierhandschrift Ny kgl. S. 934, 4to der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Kopenhagen besteht nur aus einem ein zelnen Blatt, das im beginnenden 16. Jahrhundert beschrieben worden ist.1 Sie enthält nur einen einzigen, poetischen Text, der hier in einer sauber aus geführten spätgotischen Schrift auf der Recto- und der Verso-Seite eingetra gen worden ist. Das in Strophen gegliederte Gedicht ist offenbar unikal überliefert und bislang noch nicht ediert. Die ersten Verse beginnen aufgrund einiger Anklänge an einen poeti schen Natureingang wie ein Frühlingslied, doch werden sie vom anonymen Autor sogleich politisch ausgedeutet. Der unbekannte Sprecher begrüßt die neue Zeit. Denn diese bringe die ‘Rache der armen Bevölkerung’ (1.2: vin dicta pauperum). Der Schnee des Winters zieht sich allmählich zurück und lässt nun sichtbar werden, was zehn Jahre lang verborgen gewesen ist. Die 1 Beschreibung der Handschrift bei Ellen Jørgensen 1926. Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Medii Ævi Bibliothecae Regiae Hafniensis. Kopenhagen: 406. Thomas Haye ‘Ein lateinisches Klagelied über den Tod des dänischen Kanzleischreibers Anders Renteskriver’ C&M 62 (2011) 255-68. © 2011 Museum Tusculanum Press · www.mtp.dk · www.au.dk/classica



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erste Strophe endet mit einer präzisen Datierung dieses zurückliegenden Er eignisses: Genannt wird das Jahr 1494. Die zweite Strophe erzählt davon, dass in Kopenhagen drei Priester geteert, ins Gefängnis geworfen und gefol tert werden, da sie offenbar die ärmeren Bevölkerungsschichten zum Auf stand aufgewiegelt haben. Die dritte Strophe berichtet von einem namenlo sen Betrüger, Dieb und Apostaten, der sich zum Sprecher des Klerus erho ben hat. In der Folge, so der Dichter, werden Bürger aus unterschiedlichen Bevölkerungsgruppen gehenkt – Arme ebenso wie Reiche. Gegen Ende der Strophe entfernt sich der Bericht vom historischen Ereignis und geht in eine grundsätzliche moralisatio über: Bei einem Volksaufstand gibt es keine Gna de. Die vierte Strophe greift den belehrenden Ton auf: Die Ordnung der Welt kennt zwar den gesellschaftlichen Aufstieg und ein armer Mann kann durch Leistung die soziale Leiter emporklettern, doch wird es ihm nicht ge lingen, seine niedere Herkunft abzustreifen. Die fünfte Strophe führt diesen Gedanken ins Materielle: Wer private Schätze anhäuft, begibt sich in Gefahr und endet am Galgen. Dieser Erfahrungsgrundsatz scheint insbesondere für jene zu gelten, die sich um die Gunst des Hofes bemühen. In der sechsten Strophe kehrt der Dichter zum konkreten historischen Ereignis zurück: Ein Mann namens Jakob Korvup, der zu Unrecht des Diebstahls angeklagt wor den ist, wird endlich freigelassen. Offenbar will (oder wollte) ihn ein jähzor niger Gegner aufhängen lassen. Die siebte Strophe berichtet von einem na menlosen jungen Mann, der durch seine verbrecherischen Taten zu großem Ansehen gelangt ist. Die achte Strophe bietet ein Exempel aus der römi schen Geschichte: Kaiser Julianus (Apostata) war hochmütig und unter drückte das christliche Schrifttum, doch am Ende starb er auf elende Weise. Die neunte Strophe wählt ein biblisches Exempel: Der in die Jüdin Ester verliebte persische König Ahasver (Artaxerxes) wollte das gesamte jüdische Volk auslöschen. Doch rechtzeitig zuvor wurde sein Günstling Haman, der für diesen Plan verantwortlich war, zum Tode durch den Strang verurteilt, so dass Esters Onkel Mordechai und alle Juden gerettet werden konnten. Die zehnte und letzte Strophe wendet sich der zeitgenössischen Kirchen geschichte Dänemarks zu: In ornithologischen Bildern berichtet sie über das schändliche Verhalten der Bischöfe von Viborg, Ribe und Roskilde. Der Text lässt sich dem Genre der politischen Lyrik zuordnen. Er behan delt konkrete Vorfälle der Geschichte Dänemarks und Kopenhagens und wertet sie im Hinblick auf die Möglichkeiten des sozialen Aufstiegs aus. Selbst ein armer Mensch von niederer Herkunft kann es durch den Erwerb CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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höfischer Gunst zu großem Ansehen und Reichtum bringen. Doch hierbei läuft er Gefahr, sich den Unmut seiner Gegner und Neider zuzuziehen. Schon viele Mächtige sind gestürzt worden und haben ein schändliches En de gefunden. Wer sich exponiert, geht das Risiko ein, unschuldig angeklagt, eingekerkert und gehängt zu werden. Diese Moral wird im vorliegenden Fall nicht nur durch historische Exempla belegt, sondern auch auf aktuelle Ge schehnisse bezogen. Der Dichter nennt dabei einleitend das Jahr 1494 (1.7: Hoc post millenos domini D sex minus annos). Da die berichteten Ereignisse – zumindest teilweise – zehn Jahre zurückliegen (1.6: annos ante denos), ist das Gedicht wohl 1503/1504 entstanden. Dabei werden die beiden Daten vom Autor aufeinander bezogen: Die Ereignisse des Jahres 1503/1504 beleuchten die Vorgänge des Jahres 1494 und lassen eine Wahrheit erkennen, die bis lang unterdrückt worden ist. Worauf sich die zum Teil recht obskuren An deutungen beziehen, erläutert in der Kopenhagener Handschrift ein kurzes und narrativ verknapptes Nachwort: Hoc carmen respicit Andream scriptorem quondam regis cancelari, et suspensus fuit etcetera immunis etcetera (fol. 1v). Der hier genannte König muss – wegen der im Text erfolgten Datierung – Hans I. sein (1481-1513 König von Dänemark, Norwegen und Schweden sowie Herzog von Schleswig und Holstein). Kanzler und zugleich Bischof von Roskilde war in den Jahren 1485-1500 Niels Skave. Bei dem genannten Andreas handelt es sich zweifellos um den berühmten ‘Anders Renteskri ver’.2 In Hans’ Regierungszeit beschäftigte die königliche Kanzlei mehrere Sekretäre und Schreiber, unter denen der renteskriver (Zinsschreiber) die wichtigste Position darstellte. Die Mehrzahl der Kanzleimitarbeiter gehörte dem Adel an, doch der genannte Anders war von bürgerlicher und sogar niederer, nicht-patrizischer Herkunft. Wie das von ihm ausgeübte Amt zeigt, stand er dennoch beim König in hohem Ansehen. Seiner Herkunft zum Trotz pflegte er einen aufwändigen und quasi-adligen Lebensstil, den ihm manche Zeitgenossen als Zeichen des Hochmuts auslegten. Im Jahre 1494 wurde Anders überraschend festgenommen und der Unterschlagung bezichtigt. Im sog. Blauen Turm des Kopenhagener Schlosses unterzog man ihn einem peinlichen Verhör. Zwar gab der Beschuldigte das Vergehen un 2 Vgl. F. Krarup 1895. ‘Anders (Rentemester)’ in C.F. Bricka (ed.) Dansk biografisk Lexikon, 1. Kopenhagen: 216; Oluf Nielsen 1879. Kjøbenhavns Historie og Beskrivelse, 2. Kopenha gen: 48; Carl Bruun 1887. Kjøbenhavn: En illustreret Skildring af dens Historie, Mindesmær ker og Institutioner, 1. Kopenhagen: 80; vgl. Erik Kjersgaard & Johan Hvidtfeldt 1963. Danmarks Historie, 5: De første Oldenborgere 1448-1533. Kopenhagen: 107-8. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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ter der Folter zu, doch hinterher widerrief er sein erzwungenes Geständnis sofort. Gleichwohl ließ ihn Hans vor den Toren der Stadt hängen. Als der König kurz darauf von einer tiefen Depression befallen wurde, wertete man diese Krankheit in der Bevölkerung als Strafe Gottes: Anders sei unschuldig gewesen, und nun quäle sich Hans wegen des Fehlurteils. Ob Anders tatsächlich ohne Schuld war, ist bis heute umstritten (seine adligen Gegner hatten zweifellos ein Interesse daran, ihn zu stürzen). Der Verfasser des Gedichts teilt jedenfalls diese Ansicht. Die im Text geäußerte Auffassung, dass die Mächtigen stets in der Gefahr des Sturzes schweben, dürfte durch einen zweiten ‘Fall’ noch bestärkt worden sein, der sich kurze Zeit später ereignete: Am 22. Juni 1502 kam Poul Laxmand, seit 1489/1490 Reichshofmeister und einer der mächtigsten Adligen des Landes, vom Ko penhagener Schloss, wo er mit dem König über die Verhandlungen mit den Schweden debattiert hatte.3 Auf der Højbro wurde er von den beiden Adli gen Ebbe Strangesen und Bjørn Andersen überfallen und tödlich verwundet. Anschließend warfen sie ihn in das Hafenbecken. König Hans zeigte sich ob dieses Vorfalls in der Öffentlichkeit schwer erschüttert. Allerdings kam schon bald das Gerücht auf, er selbst sei der Auftraggeber des Anschlages gewesen. Denn nicht nur blieben die beiden Mörder ungestraft; Hans ließ Laxmand postum wegen dessen Verhandlungen mit den Schweden sogar des Hochverrats anklagen. Hierauf verurteilte ein Gericht, dem einige von Lax mands härtesten Gegner angehörten, den Toten und zog den gesamten Be sitz seiner Familie ein. Wie im Falle des Anders Renteskriver, so war auch hier in der Bevölkerung die Meinung verbreitet, Laxmand sei zu Unrecht angeklagt und vom König auf tyrannische Weise beseitigt worden.4 Das Gedicht der Kopenhagener Handschrift ist ein bis zwei Jahre nach diesem Ereignis entstanden. Da es 1503/1504 in Kopenhagen zu Unruhen, Verhaftungen und Hinrichtungen gekommen zu sein scheint, erinnert sich der Verfasser offenbar an Laxmands und in der Folge auch an Anders’ Schicksal. Letzteres deutet er vor dem Hintergrund des sozialen Aufstiegs: Ein Mann aus niedrigen Verhältnissen (4.5: degenerem) kann durch seine eigene Leistung die Karriereleiter emporsteigen (4.6: Gradus ad virtutum), 3 Zu Laxmand vgl. A. Heise 1895. ‘Laxmand, Poul’ in Dansk biografisk Lexikon, 10. Kopen hagen: 154-57; Bruun 1887: 80-82; Nielsen 1879: 49. 4 Zur Parallelität der beiden Schicksale vgl. Sune Dalgård 2000. Poul Laxmands Sag: Dyk i dansk historie omkring år 1500 (Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Historisk filosofiske Meddelelser 79). Kopenhagen: 172-73; 204. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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doch wird er am Ende gestürzt – nämlich von den mächtigen Adligen des Reiches, welche einen solchen homo novus nicht in ihrer Mitte dulden. Diese Erkenntnis ist mit der aktuellen Politik des Königs in Beziehung zu setzen: Im Jahr 1503/1504 stammen nahezu alle amtierenden Bischöfe aus dem däni schen Hochadel.5 Hans hat sie gegen den päpstlichen Einfluss in ihre Ämter befördert und erhofft sich von ihnen eine Stärkung seiner Position; zugleich versucht er auf diese Weise, den sozialen Ehrgeiz des Adels zufriedenzustel len. Auch in Laxmands Fall gehören die adligen Bischöfe zu dessen wichtig sten Gegnern. Wohl nicht zufällig äußert sich der Dichter in seiner letzten Strophe abfällig über die drei Bischöfe von Viborg, Ribe und Roskilde. Diese sind im Jahre 1503/1504 Niels Friis (1498-1508 Bischof von Viborg), Iver Munk (1499-1539 Bischof von Ribe) und Johann Jepsen Ravensberg (1501 1512 Bischof von Roskilde und zugleich Kanzler). Letzterer dürfte mit sei nem Namen (dänisch ravn = ‘Rabe’) den Autor zu dem genannten ornitho logischen Bild inspiriert haben. Ähnlich wie mancher Satiriker,6 so bevorzugt offenbar auch der Verfasser des vorliegenden politischen Liedes angesichts der mächtigen Elite, welche Anders und Laxmand gestürzt hat, den Schutz der Anonymität.7 Seine Iden tität lässt sich nicht feststellen. Angesichts seiner im Text geäußerten Mei nungen entstammt er vermutlich nicht dem Adel und gehört wohl auch nicht der höheren Geistlichkeit an. Wie sich noch zeigen wird, ist es denk bar, dass der Text im Milieu der 1479 gegründeten Universität von Kopen hagen entstanden ist.8 Aus literaturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive stellt das Gedicht ein außer gewöhnliches Zeugnis dar. Der überlieferte Text ist in formaler Hinsicht fest in der mittelalterlichen Dichtungstradition verankert.9 Jede seiner zehn 5 Vgl. Tore Nyberg 2003. ‘Das religiöse Profil des Nordens’ in Matthias Asche & Anton Schindling (ed.) Dänemark, Norwegen und Schweden im Zeitalter der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung. Münster: 245-310, hier 252-53. 6 Zu den möglichen Verfassern der Satiren vgl. Helga Schüppert 1972. Kirchenkritik in der lateinischen Lyrik des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts. München: 20-28. 7 Auch der im Text angedeutete Konflikt zwischen Tugendadel und Geburtsadel verweist auf das Genre der Verssatire. 8 Zur Universität vgl. Peter Brask & Karsten Friis-Jensen (ed.) 1984. Dansk litteraturhistorie, 2: Lærdom og magi 1480-1620. Kopenhagen: 357-64. 9 Zur lateinischen Literatur in Dänemark vgl. einleitend: Minna Skafte Jensen 1995. ‘Den mark’ in dies. (ed.) A History of Nordic Neo-Latin Literature. Odense: 19-65, hier bes. 19 20; Jozef IJsewijn 1990. Companion to Neo-Latin Studies, 1: History and diffusion of Neo c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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Strophen besteht aus sieben Versen. Hiervon sind jeweils die ersten sechs rhythmisch gestaltet und der siebte als Metrum. Dabei gruppieren sich die ersten sechs zu zwei isomorphen Teilen, welche jeweils aus zwei steigenden Siebensilblern und einem fallenden Sechssilbler bestehen (2 x 7pp + 6p). Die sechs Verse sind endgereimt und ergeben das Reimschema aabccb.10 Den Schlussvers bildet jeweils ein leoninischer Hexameter, welcher in der Mitte und am Ende ebenfalls auf b reimt. Auf formaler Ebene steht das Gedicht daher der sog. ‘Vagantenstrophe cum auctoritate’ nahe, in der ein (der anti ken oder mittelalterlichen Poesie entnommener) Hexameter oder Pentame ter durch einen gemeinsamen Endreim mit drei vorhergehenden rhythmi schen Versen (Vagantenzeilen: 7pp + 6p) verbunden wird.11 Gerade in Sati ren, Rügeliedern und Invektiven ist diese dichterische Form im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert häufig zu finden. Auf die mittelalterliche Poesietradition verweist im vorliegenden Text auch der jeweils letzte, metrische Vers der Strophen: Wie in der ‘Vaganten strophe cum auctoritate’ üblich, bietet der abschließende Hexameter jeweils eine bilanzierende Moral und ist grundsätzlich proverbial verwendbar (mit Ausnahme der Strophen 1 und 9). Die letzten Verse präsentieren sich dabei als lakonische Kommentare des Autors zu den berichteten zeitgeschicht lichen und historischen Begebenheiten. Es ist außerordentlich interessant, dass der Dichter die meisten der metrischen Verse (in den Strophen 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10) der ältesten und berühmtesten Sprichwortsammlung Dänemarks entnommen hat. Diese alphabetisch angeordnete Kollektion von knapp 1.200 lateinischen Sprichwörtern (mit dänischen Übersetzungen) ist wohl in der Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts von einem Juristen namens Petrus Laale (Pe der Låle) erstellt worden.12 Unbekannte Angehörige der Kopenhagener UniLatin Literature. Second edition. Leuven: 263-68 u. 271-73. 10 Bei manchen der Reime handelt es sich lediglich um Assonanzen. 11 Vgl. Paul Gerhard Schmidt 1974. ‘Das Zitat in der Vagantendichtung: Bakelfest und Va gantenstrophe cum auctoritate’ Antike und Abendland 20, 74-87; Paul Klopsch 1972. Ein führung in die mittellateinische Verslehre. Darmstadt: 33-34; Dag Norberg 1958. Intro duction à l’étude de la versification latine médiévale (Studia Latina Stockholmiensia 5). Stockholm: 189. 12 Vgl. einführend C. Weeke 1896. ‘Laale, Peder’ in Dansk biografisk Lexikon, 10: 1; Ausga ben: Rasmus Nyerup (ed.) 1828. Peder Lolles Samling af danske og latinske Ordsprog. Kopenhagen; Axel Kock & Carl af Petersens (ed.) 1889-1894. Östnordiska och latinska Medel tidsordspråk: Peder Låles ordspråk och en motsvarande svensk samling (Samfund til Udgivelse af gammel nordisk Litteratur 20). Kopenhagen. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



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versität haben das Buch sodann im Jahre 1506 redigiert und erstmals zum Druck befördert.13 Im 15. und frühen 16. Jahrhundert wurde das Werk als Lehrbuch in der Schule und an der Universität verwendet.14 Das vorliegen de Gedicht über Anders Skriver ist ein ungewöhnliches Zeugnis der Rezep tion von Laales Sammlung. Denn vor der Ausgabe von 1506 lässt sich die Überlieferung der Sprichwortsammlung nur in einem einzigen, lediglich aus zwei Blättern bestehenden Handschriftenfragment greifen, das in der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts entstanden ist (KB Kop., NKS 813x, 4to).15 Der Verfas ser des vorliegenden Klageliedes ist also der älteste nachweisbare Rezipient der Laale-Sammlung. Dass diese gerade 1506 an der Universität Kopenhagen bearbeitet wird, könnte ein Indiz für die Vermutung sein, dass der unbe kannte Autor des hier edierten Gedichts ebenfalls der Universität angehört. Wie die meisten Verfasser politischer Lyrik, so legt auch dieser Autor den Schwerpunkt eher auf die inhaltliche denn auf die formale und stilistische Gestaltung seines Textes. Eingezwängt in das Korsett des Reims, produziert er grammatisch mitunter recht kryptische und (gemessen an den Normen der klassischen Latinität) wenig elegante Verse. Sie sind nicht durch die an tik-paganen Klassiker geprägt, vielmehr dominiert die Sprache der Bibel.16 Die sehr saubere Schrift und klare Disposition des Textes auf dem einzel nen Kopenhagener Blatt sowie dessen zeitgenössische Schrift könnten darauf hindeuten, dass es sich um ein Autograph handelt. Die Strophenanfänge 13 Gedruckt von dem in Kopenhagen arbeitenden Niederländer Gottfried von Ghemen, wie das letzte Blatt der Ausgabe besagt: Anno milleno quingenteno quoque sexto / Haffnye per quendam Gotfridum nomine Gemen. / Terminus huic libro condignus nunc tribuatur, / Quem Petrus Laale composuisse fatur. 14 Vgl. das Vorwort (fol. 1v) der Ausgabe von 1506: … hic liber satis utilis est et in scolis valde communis, nunc vero per doctos viros in universitate Haffniensi diligenter correctus. 15 Vgl. Aage Hansen 1991. Om Peder Laales danske ordsprog. (Det Kongelige Danske Viden skabernes Selskab. Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 62) Kopenhagen: 13-14. 16 Der Text ist auf sprachlicher Ebene vor allem durch die folgenden zwei Bibelstellen beein flusst: Vulgata, 2 Cor 6.2-5: ait enim tempore accepto exaudivi te et in die salutis adiuvavi te ecce nunc tempus acceptabile ecce nunc dies salutis / nemini dantes ullam offensionem ut non vituperatur ministerium / sed in omnibus exhibeamus nosmet ipsos sicut Dei ministros in mul ta patientia in tribulationibus in necessitatibus in angustiis / in plagis in carceribus in seditio nibus in laboribus in vigiliis in ieiuniis. Ps 9.28-31: cuius maledictione os plenum est et ama ritudine et dolo sub lingua eius labor et dolor / sedet in insidiis cum divitibus in occultis ut in terficiat innocentem / oculi eius in pauperem respiciunt insidiatur in abscondito quasi leo in spelunca sua insidiatur ut rapiat pauperem rapere pauperem dum adtrahit eum / in laqueo suo humiliabit eum inclinabit se et cadet cum dominatus fuerit pauperum. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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thomas haye

sind durch hervorgehobene und vergrößerte Initialen klar markiert. Am En de der Recto-Seite, d.h. innerhalb des Textes nach Strophe 8, liest man zu dem die an den Leser gerichtete Regie-Anweisung: reverte folium. Die freundliche Aufforderung ist von derselben Hand geschrieben worden wie der Haupttext. Auch die dem Gedicht folgende historische Einordnung (fol. 1 v) ist von dieser Hand aufgezeichnet worden; allerdings zeigt der raffende und verkürzende Stil (… et suspensus fuit etcetera immunis etcetera), dass es sich hierbei nur um die verknappte Abschrift einer vollständigeren Vorlage handelt. Somit kann auch der Haupttext kein Autograph darstellen. Bei manchen merkwürdigen Formulierungen im Gedicht darf man ferner an nehmen, dass sie auf einem Fehler beim Abschreiben beruhen. Trotz seines inhaltlich okkasionellen Charakters besitzt das Gedicht einen hohen Wert als geschichtliche Quelle, da es die sozialen und politischen Spannungen im Kopenhagen der Jahrhundertwende reflektiert. Auch als literarisches Kunstwerk ist es nicht unbedeutend – zumal wenn man berück sichtigt, wie gering die Zahl der aus dem mittelalterlichen Dänemark über lieferten lateinischen Gedichte ist.17 Jeder neue Fund ist deshalb kostbar. Hinsichtlich seiner formalen Gestaltung ruht der Text noch ganz in der Tra dition des Spätmittelalters;18 humanistische Einflüsse sind nicht erkennbar. Als Repräsentant einer dezidiert ‘politischen’ Lyrik, welche im Mittelalter bekanntlich stets auf einem moralisierenden Konzept beruht, lässt sich das Gedicht als ein ferner Nachfahr des 1223 verfassten Planctus de captivitate regum Danorum und des 1329 komponierten Planctus de statu regni Daniae auffassen.19 Zeitgenössische Parallelen scheinen hingegen zu fehlen; von der ebenfalls um 1500 entstandenen, doch gänzlich unpolitischen Dichtung des Morten Børup (1446-1526)20 ist der vorliegende Text inhaltlich weit ent fernt.

17 Vgl. einführend Karsten Friis-Jensen 1993. ‘Latin Language and Literature’ in Phillip Pul siano (ed.) Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia. New York & London: 380-81. 18 Zur lateinischen Poesie des Spätmittelalters vgl. Oluf Friis 1945. Den Danske Litteraturs Historie 1: Fra Oldtiden indtil Renæssancen. Kopenhagen: hier insbes. 78-79; 153-55; 180-84. 19 Beide Texte ediert von A. Kragelund 1942. Dansk digtning paa Latin gennem syv aar hundreder. Kopenhagen: 12-23; vgl. Friis 1945: 180. 20 Vgl. Friis 1945: 181-83; IJsewijn 1990: 263; Børups sog. ‘Veris adventus’ ist ediert bei Kra gelund 1942: 24f. CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·sVOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319



263

EDITION

Die Graphie der Handschrift wird grundsätzlich beibehalten, d.h. auch die mitunter auftretenden und nicht ungewöhnlichen Konsonantenverdoppe lungen zu Beginn und in der Mitte einzelner Wörter (3.4: Ffortes; 3.5: inno pes; 4.7: Dillige; 6.4: Ffelis; 8.7: Ffinem). Lediglich die Groß- und Klein schreibung sowie die Interpunktion sind modernisiert. Zwischen u und v wird differenziert. Abkürzungen sind aufgelöst. 1 Ecce tempus prosperum et vindictam pauperum, ecce dies plenos! Ecce nuper patuit, quod sub nive latuit annos ante denos, hoc post millenos domini D sex minus annos. 2 Haffnis tres presbyteri, prout verum repperi, picem partim tangunt. Mancipantur carceri. ‘Pati refert, miseri!’, Carmina sic clangunt. Antra canes frangunt, captivi ‘ve’ sibi plangunt. 3 Fidem fregit, ut puta, pseudo fur apostata, voce furens cleri. Ffortes trudunt debiles, pendent fures innopes, dites et severi. Dum surgunt miseri, nolunt miseris misereri.



264

thomas haye

4 Ordo rerum dictitat,

speciem quod variat

vir deaurans lutum.

Ymmo lavit laterem

vegetans degenerem

gradus ad virtutum.

Dillige versutum. Pete, ne tibi det retributum.

5 Multa qui sollicitat,

nescit, cui congregat:

frustra thezaurizat.

Non securus ambulat

nec gaudenter iubilat,

fune qui corizat.

Quilibet aulizat, ut ei favor intitulizat.

6 Tandem Korvup Iacobus immunis squaloribus furti liberatur. Ffelis presipicio innocens hoc vicio quercu laqueatur. Non iocus equatur: hic ridet, hic lacrimatur. 7 Vir quidam per scelera

exercens magnopera

velud flores ficus,

iuvenis aperuit,

tamquam nemo claruit,

cunctis ut amicus.

Ortus ut angelicus senio satanizat iniquus.




265

8 Iulianus imperans scripturam distolerans gestit cor pomposum. Cuius male moritur corpus, eciam oritur cornu venenosum. Ffinem dampnosum capit omne supersticiosum. 9 Rex Assuerus sapiens voluit, quod innocens periret Iudeus. Captus est Leviatan et suspensus est Aman seve mortis reus. Hinc Mordocheus fit salvus et omnis Ebreus. 10 Wibergensis practicat,

quo Ripensis volitat.

Vos caudam fovete!

Roskyldensis volucris

se dat escam corvulis.

Bonum est: timete!

Currunt dispare re: canis ob panem, lepus ob se.

Hoc carmen respicit Andream scriptorem quondam regis cancelari, et

suspensus fuit etcetera immunis etcetera.

ANMERKUNGEN ZUM GEDICHT 1.1-3 ] Vgl. Vulgata, 2 Cor 6.2: … ecce nunc tempus acceptabile ecce nunc dies salutis. 1.1 Ecce tempus ] Vulgata, Ez 16.8. c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


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1.2 vindictam pauperum ] Vielleicht eine ferne Erinnerung an Vulgata, Ps 9.31: et cadet cum dominatus fuerit pauperum.

1.4-5 ] Vgl. Walther, Proverbia 30544: Sub nive quod tegitur, cum nix perit,

omne videtur.

1.5 sub nive latuit ] Vgl. Ov. Fast. 2.72: ... sub nive terra latet. 2.2 verum repperi ] Macrob. Saturn. 7.13.8. 2.3 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Sir 13.1: qui tetigerit picem inquinabitur ab illa. 2.6 ] Vgl. Vulgata, 2 Par 13.12: … et sacerdotes eius qui clangunt … 2.7 ] So wörtlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 44 (dieselbe Zählung bei Nyerup 1828 und Kock & Petersens 1889-1894); verzeichnet auch im Thesau rus Proverbiorum medii aevi 6, 289, s.v. ‘Hund’, Nr. 1173. 2.7 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Ier 34.5: et vae domine plangent. 3.1-2 ] Anspielung auf Kaiser Julianus (Apostata), den römischen Kaiser 360-363 n. Chr.; er versuchte, das Christentum zurückzudrängen, und ver bat christlichen Lehrer, im Unterricht heidnische Texte zu behandeln (der Name ‘Apostata’ zuerst bei Augustinus, De civ. 5.21). Hier muss jedoch pri mär der dänische König Hans gemeint sein; vgl. 8.1-6. 3.5 innopes ] = inopes. 3.7 ] Bei Laale nicht verzeichnet; nachgewiesen im Thesaurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi 8, 210, s.v. ‘Arm’, Nr. 638. 4.3 deaurans lutum ] lutum deaurare: ‘Dreck vergolden’, d.h. ‘etwas Unnüt zes tun’. 4.4 lavit ] Die Konjektur lavat liegt nahe, ist jedoch nicht zwingend not wendig. 4.4 lavit laterem ] laterem lavare: ‘etwas Unnützes und Vergebliches tun’; nachgewiesen im Thesaurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi 8, 131, s.v. ‘Pflug’, Nr. 55. 4.5 Vegetans ] Konj. Haye; vegetatans Hs. 4.5 degenerem ] degener = ‘ein Mann von niederer Herkunft’. 4.7 ] So ähnlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 1198 (Nyerup 1828) bzw. 1203 (Kock & Petersens 1889-1894): Zelans versutum, pete, ne tibi det retribu tum. 5.1 Multa ] nach Korrektur.

5.2-3 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Ps 38, 7: … sed et frustra conturbatur thesaurizat et

ignorat cui congregabit ea.

5.2-6 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Prv 21, 6: qui congregat thesauros lingua mendacii vanus

est et inpingetur ad laqueos mortis.




267

5.2 cui ] zweisilbig zu lesen. 5.3 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Mt 6, 19: nolite thesaurizare vobis thesauros in terra. 5.4 securus ambulat ] Ähnliche lateinische Formulierungen nachgewiesen im Thesaurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi Bd. 8, 200, s.v. ‘Arm’, Nr. 433-440. 5.6 fune qui corizat ] sc. am Galgen. 5.7 ] So ähnlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 889 (Nyerup 1828) bzw. 795 (Kock & Petersens 1889-1894) (dort eum statt ei); verzeichnet im Thesaurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi 8, 147, s.v. ‘Hof’, Nr. 92. 5.7 intitulizat ] nach Korrektur. 6.1 Korvup ] Korvvp mit doppeltem Kürzungsstrich über der letzten Silbe; als Eigenname nicht eindeutig auflösbar. Angesichts der bei dänischen Na men verbreiteten Endung –up ist der erwähnte Kürzungsstrich vermutlich kein Nasalstrich (= Korvump). 6.2-6 ] Vgl. Ps 9.28-31: cuius maledictione os plenum est et amaritudine et dolo sub lingua eius labor et dolor / sedet in insidiis cum divitibus in occultis ut inter ficiat innocentem / oculi eius in pauperem respiciunt insidiatur in abscondito quasi leo in spelunca sua insidiatur ut rapiat pauperem rapere pauperem dum adtrahit eum / in laqueo suo humiliabit eum inclinabit se et cadet cum domina tus fuerit pauperum. 6.4 presipicio ] = Ablativ von praecipitium. 6.5 innocens hoc ] Konj. Haye; innocentem Hs. 6.7 ] So ähnlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 660 (Nyerup 1828) bzw. 664 (Kock & Petersens 1889-1894) (dort hic ridet et hic); nachgewiesen im The saurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi 11, 55, s.v. ‘Spiel’, Nr. 107. 7.2 magnopera ] = magna opera (wie magnalia); vgl. Ps 110.2 (magna opera). 7.3 ] Anspielung auf die Parthenogenese: Der genannte Mann vollbringt seine Taten aus eigener Kraft. 7.7 ] So ähnlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 730 (Nyerup 1828) bzw. 734 (Kock & Petersens 1889-1894): Ortus sit angelicus, evo sathanizat iniquus. Nachgewiesen z.B. auch bei Augusto Arthaber Dizionario comparato di proverbi e modi proverbiali in sette lingue (Mailand 1989 / Ndr. 1995) Nr. 486 (Ortus angelicus, senio satanizat iniquus). 8.1-2 ] Kaiser Julianus; vgl. 3.1-2. Er stirbt auf einem Perserfeldzug durch eine Speerwunde. 8.6 cornu ] Es verbietet sich hier die Konjektur cor, da dieses Wort bereits in 8.3 verwendet wird.



268 8.7 ] So ähnlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 379 (Nyerup 1828) bzw. 381

(Kock & Petersens 1889-1894) (dort superciliosum statt supersticiosum); nach gewiesen im Thesaurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi 8, 134, s.v. ‘Hochmut’, Nr.

178.

9.1-7 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Est 1-7.

9.4 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Iob 40.20: an extrahere poteris Leviathan hamo et fune ligabis linguam eius. Hierzu die Glossa ordinaria: Sed hamo captus est Leviathan ... 9.5 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Est 7.10: suspensus est itaque Aman in patibulo quod paraverat Mardocheo … 9.6 seve ] = saevae. 9.6 mortis reus ] Vgl. Vulgata, Mt 26.66: reus est mortis. 9.7 Ebreus ] korrigiert aus Iudeus. 10.1 Wibergensis ] Niels Friis (1498-1508 Bf. von Viborg). 10.2 quo ] Konj. Haye; quod Hs. 10.2 Ripensis ] Iver Munk (1499-1539 Bf. von Ribe). 10.3 fovete ] Konj. Haye; fovere Hs. 10.4 Roskyldensis ] Johann Jepsen Ravensberg (1501-1512 Bischof von Ros kilde und zugleich Kanzler); volucris wohl wegen des Namens (dänisch ravn = ‘Rabe’). 10.5 ] Vgl. Vulgata, Iob 38.41: quis praeparat corvo escam ... 10.7 ] So wörtlich im Laale-Druck von 1506, Nr. 210 (Nyrup und Kock & Petersens 1889-1894); nachgewiesen im Thesaurus Proverbiorum Medii Aevi 6, 275, s.v. ‘Hund’, Nr. 916.

ANMERKUNGEN ZUR NACHSCHRIFT cancelari ] = cancellarii; in der Hs. ist am Ende des Wortes ein s radiert; bei

Jørgensen 1926: 406 wird falsch gedruckt: cancellarium. Im Jahre 1494 war

Niels Skave Kanzler.

et suspensus fuit etcetera immunis etcetera ] unvollständig.



LIST OF AUTHORS

Lærke Andersen Absalonsgade 26, 1. DK-5000 Odense C, Denmark Guillaume Flamerie de Lachapelle Université de Bordeaux III 18, rue Berruer F-33000 Bordeaux, France Anna Foka Umeå Centre for Gender Studies (UCGS)

Umeå University

SE-90187 Umeå, Sweden

Andreas Fountoulakis Faculty of Education University of Crete Panepistimioupoli Gallou GR-74100 Rethymno, Greece Ivar Gjørup Viborgvej 4 DK-8000 Aarhus C, Denmark Thomas Haye Zentrum für Mittelalter- und Frühneuzeitforschung Lehrstuhl für Lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit Universität Göttingen Humboldtallee 19 D-37073 Göttingen, Germany c l a s s i c a e t m e d i a e va lCLASSICA i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


270

list of authors

Howard Jacobson Department of the Classics 4080 FLB, UIUC, Urbana, IL 61801, USA Jesper Johansen Meisner Valby Langgade 245, 1.tv. DK-2500 Valby, Denmark Konstantinos Melidis Université de Paris IV-Sorbonne 107, rue Bobillot F-75013 Paris, France Eleni Pachoumi Department of Classics Aristotle University of Thessaloniki GR-54124 Thessaloniki, Greece Eleni Papadogiannaki University of Crete Yanni Koutsochera 8 St. GR-71409 Heraklion, Greece Katerina Philippides Department of Theatre Studies University of Patras GR-26500 Patras, Greece Aslak Rostad Skavlans veg 8B N-7022 Trondheim, Norway Giampiero Scafoglio Seconda Università degli Studi di Napoli Via Manzoni 210 / D I-80046 San Giorgio a Cremano (Napoli), Italy

CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA c l a·s VOL. s i c a e62 t m e d i a e va l i a 6 2 · 2 0 1 1 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319


list of authors

271

Gianluca Ventrella Université de Nantes 8, rue Babonneau F-44100 Nantes, France Athanassios Vergados Seminar für Klassische Philologie Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg Marstallhof 2-4, Raum 219 D-69117 Heidelberg, Germany


© Museum Tusculanum Press :: University of Copenhagen :: www.mtp.dk :: [email protected] Forthcoming

The Soul of Poetry Redefined

Vacillations of Mimesis from Aristotle to Romanticism

By Mats Malm

What is the soul of poetry? The most influential answer was probably suggested by Aris totle, who in his Poetics regarded a particular instance of mimesis as constituting the soul of poetry: the construction of plot which he called mimesis of action, or muthos. However, he used mimesis in several different meanings without distinguishing clearly between them, and through tradition it has been interpreted in many ways and translated into a number of terms which do not always seem to have very much in common. The tremendous influence of his Poetics and the concept of mimesis may in fact be due to this elusiveness. This book sets out to clarify the notion of mimesis in the Aristotelian tradition by demon strating how interpretations of Aristotle’s Poetics have vacillated between two particularly dominating instances of mimesis. The vocabulary may be the same, but the definition of the soul of poetry may differ substantially depending on which instance dominates at any given time. Since Aristotle’s poetological categories were inspired by those of rhetoric, the study begins with an analysis of Aristotle’s Poetics from a rhetorical point of view. Subsequent chapters then study exemplary reinterpretations of the soul of poetry within the Aristotelian tradition, from Averroës and receptions in the Italian Renaissance and French classicism to the influential launch of the ‘Fine Arts’ by Charles Batteux and his German counterparts in the 18th century, such as Schlegel. Concluding chapters apply the perspective on issues concerning the aesthetics of the sublime, the symbol and the role of emotions in the system of genres. The Soul of Poetry Redefined is a significant contribution to, as well as continuation of, one of the most prevalent debates within the reception history of Aristotle’s Poetics. The book is important reading for anyone interested in tracing the influential concept of mimesis and its variegated – and often enriching – permutations, from Aristotle to the Romantic period. Mats Malm is Professor of Comparative Literature at the University of Gothenburg.

Exp. June 2012 · Approx. 256 pp. · Hardback · 16 × 24 cm

ISBN 978-87-635-3742-1 · DKK 250 · $ 43 · € 34

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© Museum Tusculanum Press :: University of Copenhagen :: www.mtp.dk :: [email protected] INFORMATION FOR AUTHORS

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Quincey, J.H. 1977. ‘Textual Notes on Aeschylus Choephori’ RhM 120, 138-45.

Anthologies Flashar, H. 1985. ‘Aufführungen von griechischen Dramen in der Übersetzung von Wilamowitz’ in M.W. Calder, H. Flashar & T. Lindken (eds.) Wilamowitz nach 50 Jahren. Darmstadt, 306-57. More detailed guidelines will be found on the C&M website: www.mtp.dk/classicaetmediaevalia



Forthcoming

Medieval Narratives between History and Fiction

From the Centre to the Periphery of Europe, c 1100–1400

Edited by Panagiotis A. Agapitos and Lars Boje Mortensen

The rise of literary fiction in medieval Europe has been a hotly debated topic among scholars for at least two decades, but until now that debate has come with severe limitations, focus ing on ‘modern’ French and German romances of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Attempting to find common ground among scholars from various disciplines and regions, Medieval Narratives between History and Fiction approaches the subject by including a wide range of medieval narratives irrespective of their modern labels and affiliations to certain disciplines. The chapters collected here broaden the discussion by moving beyond the canonical French and German romances, focusing mainly on texts in Greek, Latin and Old Norse (and also some in Serbian), and by opting for a ‘peripheral’ and a long-term view of the subject. The chapters take us from Graeco-Roman antiquity to medieval France, then to the Scandina vian lands and from there to south-eastern Europe and Byzantium as the link back to the Graeco-Roman world. This disposition also follows a spiral motion in time, leading us from antiquity to late antiquity and from the eleventh to the fifteenth century. By expanding the linguistic as well as the geographical and chronological scope of the de bate, the book shows that we should not think of a ‘rise of fiction’ per se; rather, fiction should be seen as a potential always imbued in and related to historical narratives and that a modern understanding of medieval fiction cannot afford to disregard non-fictional or non-vernacular writing. Panagiotis A. Agapitos is Professor of Byzantine Literature at the University of Cyprus. Lars Boje Mortensen is Professor of Ancient and Medieval Cultural History and Head of the Cen tre for Medieval Literature at the University of Southern Denmark and was Prof II of Medieval Latin at the Centre for Medieval Studies at the University of Bergen until 2011.

Exp. June 2012 · Approx. 378 pp. · Hardback · 17 × 24.5 cm

ISBN 978-87-635-3809-1 · DKK 440 · $ 76 · € 59

M USEU M T USCU L A N U M PR E SS ISBN 978 87 635 3915 9 UNI V ER SIT Y OF COPENH AGEN 126 Njalsgade · DK–2300 Copenhagen S tel. +45 3532 9109 · fax +45 3532 9113 · www.mtp.dk · [email protected] CLASSICA ET MEDIAEVALIA · VOL. 62 E-journal © 2013 Museum Tusculanum Press, ISBN: 978-87-635-4091-9 ISSN: 1604-9411 http://www.mtp.hum.ku.dk/details.asp?eln=300319

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