Al-Ghazzaliy: A Study in Islamic Epistemology.

L

A STU D Y

I N IS L A M IC

A G H A IIA L IY Y E P IS T EM O L O G Y

AL I G H A U A L IY Y A S T U D Y I N I S L A M IC IC E P IS T E M O L O G Y

M U S T A F A   ABU-S W A Y

Dewan   Bahasa d a n   Pustaka Kuala Lumpur 1996

First   Printing   1996 ©  Dr  Dr..   Mustafa  Abu-Sway   1996 All   Rights Re Reserve served. d. No  part of  this   this   book  may be   reproduced or

 any y form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, transmitted in an including photoc hotocop opying, record recording, ing, or by any  information   storage and   retrieval   system,   without   permission in   writing   from the Director General,   Dewan   Bahasa dan   Pustaka,   P.O P.O. Box   10803, Kuala Lu Lum mpur.   Malaysia.   Negotiation is   subject to the 50926   Kuala calculation of royalty or honorarium. Perpustakaan   Negara   Malaysia

Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Abu-Sway,   Mustafa A1-Ghazzaliyy: a study  in Islamic epistemology/Mustafa study in Abu-Sway Bibli ibliograp ography: hy: p. 171 ISBN 983-62-5151-0 ISBN  983-62-5151-0 1.Ghazzali,   1058—1111. 2. Philosop Philosophy, hy,   Islamic-Biography I.   Title. 921 92 1

Printed by Pustaka taka Percetakan   Dewan  Bahasa dan Pus Lot   1037, Mukim   Perindustrian   PKNS Ampang/Hulu   Kelang Selangor  Darul   Ehsan

CONTENTS

ix

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER ONE THE LIFE OF  AL-GRAZZALIYY -

1.1

1

THE  POLITICAL  SCENE

2

1.1.1   A1-Ghazzàliyy and the Other  Schools of  f Jurisprudence Jurisprudence

5

 and d the   Sects of  the Time 1.1.2   A1-Ghazzãliyy  an

7

1.1.3

The Crusades

12

1.2 HIS EARLY  LIFE IS EDU 1.3 HIS  EDUCA CATION TION AND AC ACAD ADEM EMIC IC  CAREER

17

1.3.1   Fonual   Education

17

1.3.2   TeachIng at the   Nizamiyyah; the “Spiritual  Crisis”

19

1.3.3

23

The   Journeys of  A1-Ghazzãliyy

1.3.4   A1-Ghazzãliyy and the Science of  Hadith 1.4 THE  CREED OF AL-GHAZZALIYY

27 31 V

CONTENTS

CHAPTER TWO

AL-GHAZZALfl’Y’S THEORY OF  KNOWLEDGE (465-478 8 A.H./1072-10 A.H./1072-1088 88 CS) 37 AS A  STUDENT (465-47 2.1

  AL-TA’LIQAH 

37

2.2   AL-A’LANKHUL: THE  QUESTION  O  OF F AUTHENTICITY

2.2.1   Usülal-Ftqh 2.2.2

(analogical logical   A1-Qiyds (ana

40 reasonIng) reason Ing)

2.2.3   A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   Position on   Science and  Reason in A1-Mankh&1 2.2 .2.4 .4

38

The Sourc rces es of Knowledge

2.2.5   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   Theory of  Language   Language

42

43

51 52

DELIVE LIVERA RANC NCE E FR FROM OM ER ERROR ROR 2.3 DE

 MIN  AL-DALAL) (AL-MUNQIDH  MIN   AL-DALAL)

54

2.4   CONCLUSION

55

CHAPTER  THREE AL-GHAZZALIYY’S QUEST FOR  KN  KNOWLEDGE OWLEDGE: LIC C   TEACHING THE  FIRST  PERIOD OF  PUBLI (478-488 A,H./ ./1085 1085   C.E.)

59

3.1 ON  FIQH.  MUNAZAF?AH AND  USUL AL-FIQH 

60

On Jurisprudence

60

3.1.2   On the Methods of  Debate

61

3.1.1

3.1.3

f Jurisprudence Jurisprudence On the   Fundamentals of 

62

PTICISM SM 3.2   AL-GHAZZALIYY’S SCEPTICI

63

CLASSES ES OF SEEKERS 3.3   SKEPTICISM AND  THE CLASS

67

3.4 ON   DIALECTICAL THEOLOGY   (‘ILMAL-KALAM)

69

3.5   AL-GHAZZALIYTS   ENCOUNTER WITH

70

PHILOSOPHY Vi

CONTENTS

3.6   AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  CRITIQUE  O  OF F PHIWSOPHY

80

3.7   AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  SEARCH  CONTINUES; THE  CONFRONTATION WITH THE ESOTERICS [AL-BA TINIYYAH1

89

3.8   AL-GHAZZALIYY BECOMING A  SUFI

92

3.9   AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  EPISTEMOLOGY IN HIS WRITINGS ON   CREED

95

3.10   CONCLUSION

98

CHAPTER  FOUR QUEST ST FO FOR R  KNOWLEDGE: AL-GHAZZALIYY’S QUE THE YEARS OF  SECLUSION (488-499  A.H./1095—1 106   C.E.) 101

 AL-D -DIN  IN  lI-WA’   ‘ULUM  AL

103

On the  Science of Action (‘urn  al-Mu ‘àrnalah)

104

4.1 .1.2 .2

The  Sociology of  Knowledge

109

4.1.3

On the  Division of  the   Sciences

110

4.1.4

On the  Intellect   (Al- ‘AqO

114

4.1.5

On Dialecti ialectical cal Theology   (‘lirn  al-Kalãm)

118

4.1.6

On  Philosophy

118

4.1.7

On Creed  (‘Aqtdah)

121

4.1.8

On  Dreams

122

4.1.9

Con onc clu lusi sion on

123

4.1

 

4.1.1

4.2   AL-MAQSAD A  AL L-ASNA FISHARH 

 NA A  ASMA’’ ALLA  ASMA ALLAH  H  ALUS  N  AL-H  H US  4.3   BIDAYATAL-HIDAYAH  4.4 4.5

C I A  WAHIR AL-QUR’AN 

  AL-RISALAH  AL-L  AL-LAD ADUNN UNNIYY IYYAH  AH 

124 124 128

vil

CONTENTS

4.6  

MISHKATAL-ANWAR

130

CLUSION ON 4.7   CONCLUSI

133

CHAPTER FIVE  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE: AL-GHAZZALIYY’S QUEST AL-GHAZZALIYY’S THE  SECOND  PERIOD OF  PUBLIC TEACHING (499-503 (499-50 3 A. A.H H./ ./110 1106-11lO 6-11lO   C,E.)

135

5.1 5. 1   AL-MUNQIDH  MIN   MIN  AL-DALAL  AL-DALAL

136

5.1.1 5.1 .1.2 .2

The  Influence of  ol-Murtqidh on Descartes

142

The  Stages of  Epistemological Development in Human   Beings

144

5.2

  AL-MUSTASFA MIN  ‘ILMAL-USUL   ‘ILMAL-USUL

145

5.3

  AL-IMLA’   J~J~ IS  AL-I -Ill-W WA’  ISHK 4HKAL ALAT  AT  AL

149

CHAPTER SIX CHAPTER AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE:  WITHDRAWA WAL L FRO FROM M  PUBLIC THE SEC SECO OND WITHDRA TEACHING (503—505A.H./1110—l111   C.E.)

6.1

  AL-DURRAH  AL  AL-F -FA AKI KI-I -IIR IRA AH Fl Fl KASHF   ‘ULIJM 

 AL A L-AK AKH HIR IRA AH   AL L- ‘AWAM  6.2   ILIJAM  A 6.3

151

152   ‘ILM  AL  AL-KAIAM  AN  ‘ILM 

  MINHAJ  AL  AL- ‘ABIDIN 

154

156 15 6

6.4 CONCLUSION

161

CONCLUSION

163

BIBLIOGRAPHY

171

INDEX

177

viii

INTRODUCTION

  will be  concerned   with is the The   bas basic ic iss issue ue   that  this  book  will genetic   development of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epis epistem temolo ology gy.. It is my  contention   that his   epistemology   evolved   through vawritings s ref reflec lectt   this   deverious   stages.   Bot oth h his   life and   writing lopment. As a student,   he he be beg gan his  academic  academic   life  with an inter in teres estt in   traditional   Islamic   studies   such as   jurisprudence   (flqh)   and fun (u~ülalfundam damentals of  ju  jurisprudence   (u Alter he as first tea teach ching ing   position at the  fiq  fi qh).   Alter assu sum med his   first Nizamlyyah   school of   Baghdad he   became a   methodolowhich prompted him  t gical   skeptic, a   situation   which  to o stu tud dy all schools of  thought forr per  thought   available at the  lime  in se sear arch ch fo emptory  knowledge (‘Urn yaqlnO.  From skepticism he moved to  Suflsm   (Islamic  (Islamic   mysticism), and   finally   there are   hid!cations   that   he en ende ded d up  stu  study dying ing the   traditions   (Hadlth) Muhammad,,   which led   many to   claim   that he of   prophet   Muhammad shifted to the   methodology of  the   traditionalists (AN  at  Had  H adith ith))   and and th tha at he  abandoned   SujIsm. It is the aim  of   of this this stu tud dy to tr tra ace Al-Ghazzàliyy’s Al-Ghazzàliyy’s   quest for knowledge  throughout his  life. This  study  will   take   into   consid considera eration tion the   historical circumstances and the social context in which Al-Ghazzaliyy flourished.   It is my convic these circumstances inicti tio on  that   these fluenced his  personal and  thus his   intellectual   life as well. PREVIOUS STUDIES There are numerous  previous studies studies   ofAl-Ghazzäliyy.  How-

Ix

INTRODUCTION

ever,   mos mostt of   these   studies   dealt   with   subjects   such as Sufism Su fism, ethics and j  ju urisprudence.   While a very fe few w of  these studies   dealt   with   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epistemology,   none of  them  could  be con conside sidered red   comprehensive: no  studies so far have ha ve us used ed all of his books to determine his ep epistem istemology. ology. An And d certainly,  these studies did not show the genetic develop developm ment in his  thought. that   took  place   in One of  the   studies  that   dealt  with  A1-Ghazzaliyy’s notion of   knowledge   (rna’rtfah) is   Jabre’s La   Notion Dc La “Ma’nfa” Chez  Al-GhazalL   Although he  discussed the   relationship of  ethics   ethics to the   notion of   rnanfah, his  approach ethod od was   also remains   philological.’   This   philological   meth used by   Hava-Lazarous   Yafeh   primarily to   determine the 2 authenticity of  A1-Ghazzaliyy’s works. Another   study   that   discussed   AI-Ghazzãliyy’s   theoiy  Nazar  Al  Al-G -Ghaz hazalL alL3 3 Dunya’s s  Al-Haqiqah El  Nazar  of   knowledge is   Dunya’ This  study was  limited in It Its s  sources and  depended   heavily on   Mi’raj  Al-Quds, a  book    that was   attributed to   A1-Ghazzaliyy but   remains   unconfirmed   because non of  the medievall Mus dieva uslim lim   historiographers   listed   this   book, nor   there books.. are cross-references In Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   confirmed books I   have  undertaken   the ta task  sk  of  studying all of A1-Ghazzaliyy’s  works in order to trace the   development in his  episbasic ic  w found nd in Badawi’s  work orking ing list can  be fou temology.   The bas  Mu’alla  Mu’ allafãt fãtAl Al-G -Ghaz hazãl ãlL L   numbers   1—72.~The criteria for choostwo o   following are ba base sed d on any of  the tw ing   these   books   are tha at there  should be cro cross-refer ss-referenc ences es conditions: the first is th in  AI-Ghazzaliyy’s   works, as it was his   habit to   mention books  that he wrote, or   those  he was  going to write, and the second is   that it has to be   men mentione tioned d by   medieval   historiogra rio grap pher hers s su such ch as in Ibn   A1-Subklyy’s   Tabaqàt  at  ju urists ShaJI’iyyah al-Kubrã.  This book  is a biography of the j  jurisprudence; Alwho   belong to the   Shãfi’iyy’s   school of  ju 1   FarAd   Jabre, La   Notfrj,n De La   9Marifcf    Cltez   Al-Ghazali   (Beyrouth: Orlentales, les, 195 1958). 8). Editions des Letters   Orlenta 2   Hava-Lazarous   Yateh,  Studies in  Al-Ghazaii   (Jerusalem: The   Magnus Press —  Hebrew UnIve UnIversity, rsity,   1975). 3   Sulalman Dunya, Sulalman  Dunya,  A1-Haqiqo.hfl  Nazar  A1-G  A1-Ghaz hazali ali  (Cairo: Dar Al-Ma’arlf  Bi-MIsr,   1965). 4   ‘Abdur-Rahman   Badawl,   Mu’aUafat ed.. (K (Kuw uwaI aIt: t: Mu’aUafa t Al-G Al-Gho.zzallyy, ho.zzallyy, 2nd ed wikalat   al-Matbu’at,   1977) p.   244. 5   Badawi,  Mu’allafat, pp.   1—238.

x

INTRODUCTION

6  While I   have   considered secone e of  them. Ghazzaliyy was on mostly tly relie relied d   upon   Arabic   texts of  Alondary   sources, I   mos Ghazzaliyy’s   works.   This was   to av avoi oid d the   possibility of  distortions in translation. The first  chapter  covers the   life  of Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy. zzaliyy. There rese sent nt the  sociopolitical   context the   primary  interest is   to pre which explains his   intellectual   movement movement.. The   political scene at   the time and the   role he   played in  shaping it is existing ing sc scho hools ols of  covered. His   relationship   with the   exist thought, an major or   events are   also and d his   position   regarding   maj discussed. In addition, his  formal   education and   academic events related to them are  investigated. career and the   events The   next   five   chapters   surv survey ey th the e   books   that   were writ ritten ten du durin ring g the  corresponding   stages of  the  five  periods aurice ce   Bouyges’   diviin   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   life   according to   Mauri The e first of  these stag sion7  which I   have adopted. Th stages es  begins with  h  hiis  life as a student; the   second  covers the first  period aghdad;; the   third of  public   teaching at the  Nizamiyyaii of  Baghdad deals   with his   years of    seclusion and   withdrawal   from public  teaching at the Nizamiyyah of Nishapur, and the  fifth reflects the  last  stage in Al-Ghazzãliyy’s life  life after  after his   second  teaching. withdrawal   from from public blic teaching. Thus, in the   second   chapter I   study the   works   that during g the were   written   when Al-Ghazzaliyy was a student   durin  A.H./ .H./ 107 1072-1085 2-1085 CE. I begin by outlining his years  465-478  A sources of  knowledge   knowledge in  order to   define his   epistemology during   this   period, a proc roces ess s   which   will be   repeated in each of  the   following  chapters in an   attempt to   trace the development   in in his   epistemology. The  third chapter   covers covers Al-Ghazzãliyy’s  works   during iyyah ah of  his   first   period of   public   teaching at   the Nlzamiyy Baghdad  which   extended   from 478 A.H./  1085   C.E.   till 488 C.E. In this  chapter I   discuss discuss his  systematic inA.H./  1095 A.H./   1095   C.E quiry in quest of  true   know knowledge ledge.. In  addition, his  encounter f    thought   including the   philowit ith h th the e   different   schools of  sophers   will be  investigated.   Finally, I   explore the  influence   Sufism on his   epistemology and how it led to his   withof  Sufism drawal   from  life. from public blic life. Ta j   Ad-Din Ad-Din A1 A1-Sub -Subklyy, klyy,  Tabaqat  al-Shafi  tyyo.h  al-Kubra  (Cairo:   ‘Isa alBabi   al-I-Ialabi &   Co.,   1964). 7   Badawi,   Mu’aUafat, pp.  xv-xvui. 6

xi

INTRODUCTION

The fo fou urth  chapter   covers the  wo  work rks s writt ritten en during his years of   seclusion   from 488  A.H./1095   C.E.   till 499 A.H./  shall all dis discu cuss ss the   influence of  1106   C.E C.E. In   this   chapter 1 sh Sufism on his   epistemology. Of especial   importance is his introduction of a faculty higher than  reason  (rnatakahfawqa knowledge. I shall  defIne the   nature of  at-’aqt) as a  source  of   of knowledge. the  relationship   between   this  new fa fac culty an  and d  prophecy. The fifth chapter  deals with the books that were written during the   second  period  of  public  teaching at the Nizamly Nizamly- 110 0   C.E.). yah of  Nishapur   (499—503 A.H./1  108—i  11 l-Gha haz zThe Th e sixth chapter  dis  discu cuss sses es the  last stage  in Al-G zàiiyy’s life (505 A.H./   1111  C.E.). This chapter  q  que uest stion ions s th the e forr the   method of  the êlaim   that he   abandoned   Sufism fo traditionalists. Dr.   Mustafa Abu-Sway

xiii xi

Chapter O N E THE  LIFE OF AL-GHAZZALLYY’

In   this ch In  chap apter ter I   shall   present a  sketch of  A1-Ghazzãliyy’s 2   1058—1111   C.E.) as an aid to   underlife   (450—505   A.H. the co controv ntroversie ersies s   that surstanding the   complexities and   the rou ro und th this is gre reat at   Muslim   thinker. Not   only his   writings (e.g.,  A1-Ghazzãliyy’s   books   on know knowledge) ledge) but   also his  life is   a dir irec ectt  manifestation of  his   spiritual and   intellectual when n the pers erson on is a development.   This   is especia ecially lly  true   whe Sufi  (Sufiyy)3, a muslim  mystic,   whose   everyday life  reflects  cond nditions itions he endures to acquire   higher level the  co f u underhigher  level of  standing. In   this   sketch I   begin   with the   historical   conditions 1

In Arabic   grammer.   every   attributed   name   (At-Nasab)   should   have a stressed Ya’  suffixed. For   more   details see Abd Al-G Al-Ghanlyy hanlyy   A1-Duqr.

 Lexi  Le xico con n of  Arabi  Arabicc  Grammer,   (Mujwn  Qawaid   aL-Lughah   al-Arabiyyah)

(Damascus: Oar   al-Qalam.   1986) p.   496. In   quotations and   bibliographic citations I  have  used  AI-Ghazzaliyy’s  name in its origina originall form  Algazel.). azel.). Fo Forr   further discussion of  his name see pag age e 15. (e.g.  Alg 2   A.H. After I-Iijrah  (the  (them migr igratio ation n of  prophet Muhaimnad from Mecca to Medi edina na in 622  C  CE E.   (Christian Era  or common   Era). It was the   second al-Rhattab, b, wh who o used  this  event to mark first year (which Caliph,   Umar   al-Rhatta is   lunar) the e  Islamic calendar. I   have   chosen to use  th  the e A.H.   dating lunar) of  th because it   provides a   sense of  time   that   places the  topic   under disIts s   proper “Islamic proper  “Islamic   context”. cussion in It  from m Arab rabic ic suf (wool). Dressing 3 The word “Sufi’  is derived  fro  wool,   among (wool).  Dressing wool, the   Sufis,   became a symbol of  detachment   from wordly pleasures and affairsaffa irs- Fo Forr  further discussion   of“Sufism of “Sufism’, see  IbnTaymiyyah,  AL-Furqart   Bayr  B ayrrr Aw AwUg Uga’ a’ A haytan (Beirut:  A1-Maktab al Att-R Rahrnan Wa   AwUya’ Al-S haytan Islamiyy,   1981) p. 42. In  addition,   there   were  those   who who maintained app parent that th the e   word   “Sufi’ is   derived   from   Greek    “sophia” in   an ap show w that   Sufism had Its or thoug ught ht an and d attempt to sho orig igin in in Gre reek  ek   tho thus  disqualil3r th that it stems  from  Islamic   backgrounds. the e notion   that =

1

AL-GHAZZALIYY

surround surrou nding ing the   time of A1-Ghazzãliyy’s   life,   especially the political   setting. I   will   then   move on to   consider his   life, education and   academic   career. 1.1 THE POLITICAL SCENE The   political   scene at the   time of  Al-Ghazzaliyy  Al-Ghazzaliyy   reflects a calipha hate. te. The   provincial   governors   gained disintegrated   calip considerable  pow  power ers s that left the ‘Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad virtually powerless.   The The Calip aliphs hs who  ruled  dur  during ing the life of  Al-Ghazzaiiyy were  A1-Qa’im Bi-Amrlllah (d. 467   AH./  1074 4  followed by his  grandson,   Al-Muqtadi Bi Amrlllah (d. C.EJ 487 A.H./  1094  C.E.).5 Al-Muqtadi   Bi-Amrlllah was  followed Al-Mustazhir ustazhir   Blllah   (511   A.H./  1117 by his   son son th the e   Caliph Al-M C.E.).6 It is to be   noted   that   A1-Ghazzaliyy   attend attended ed the ceremony  (bay  ‘ab) in which Al-Mustazhir was inau inaugur gurated.7 ated.7 The  presence of  A1-Ghazzaliyy at th  which hich was this is  ceremony,  w historians, ns,   indicates  his support of  the Caliph noted by the historia which is   also   man manifes ifested ted in   A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   book  at Mu  M ustazhiriyyjl al-Rad  ‘ala al-Batiniyyah whi hich ch was   named after the  Caliph.  unde der r di direc rectt ru rule le by Baghd hdad ad itse itself  lf  came  un Furthermore.   Bag warlords who   became   known as   Sultans”.   They presented themselves as de fac  facto to   rulers the Calip aliph h to rulers an and d   restricted   the dignitary   functions   (i.e.   attending   ceremonies). The   mos mostt important   family of  f Sultans Sultans was the   Seljuks  (AL-Saldjiqah) lbn n Kathir (d (d.. 774 A.H./1372   C.E.) estabwho,  according  to lb lishe lis hed d th their eir reign  in  inK Khuras hurasan an In 429 A.H./  1037  C.E.8 They C.E.   under   Tughrul moved to   Baghdad In 447  A.H./1055   C.E Beg,  their fIrst king.9 He remained in power until his death in C.E.   His 458   A.H./  1065   C.E His suc success cessor or was his   nephew Alp Arsian who was   killed In 465   A.H./1072   C.E.’° He was  a1-Ma~aflf,n.d.)  wa a&Mhaya (Beirut: n.d.) 4   lbn Kathir,  Al-B fdaya  fdaya  wa (Beirut: Maktabat  Maktabat a1-Ma~aflf, Vol.  XII, p.   110. 5 lbn Kath Kathir. ir.  Vol.   XII,  p.146. 6   Ibid.. p.  182. 7   Ibid., p.  1 4 7 . 8   Ibid., p.  44. 9   lbtd..p.66. 10   IbId..   p.90. 1 1   IblcL,p.   139.

2

ThE

L IFE

O F AL-OHAZZALI AL-OHAZZALIVY VY

followed by his son  Malik   Shah (d. 485  A.H./1092   CE.).” who had to   fight his own  half-brother,   Tutush   in his qu ques estt 2 Afte fterr the  death of  Malik    Malik  Shah, the  struggle for forr  power.’ fo power within his family   continued  between his wife Zubeida and his son MahmUd   (d.487 (d.487A A.H .H./  ./  1094   C.E.), who was only five   yea years rs old at the   time, on the one   han hand d, an and d his son Barkyaruq (d. 498 A.H./  1104   CE.), who was thirteen  years fueled eled this  struggle by   splitting old, on the   other.   The army fu into tw the ot oth her two o  divisions; one  sided  w  with ith Barkyaruq, and   the ahmud. mud. It   should be   noted   that the   actual   struggle with  Mah led d by the   above over   power was not le above mention entioned ed   children.  trustees tees and older family  member but  rather by their  trus bers: s:   they included inclu ded Zubeid ubeida a and  vlzler Taj   al-Mulk   al—Marzuban  rival of  Nizam f Nizam Nizam   Nizam  al-Mulk.   This  rivalry led the   supporters of  al-Mulk, al-M ulk, who were  convinced   that TaJ  al-Mulk   played a role were convinced  al-Mulk  played in the death of Nizam Nizam al-Mulk. to side with Barkyaruq.’3 This dispute was   resolved on the   battlefield in   favour of  Bark yaruq who remained Sultan  until his death. He was followed 511 1   A.H./  by  his br uhammad ammad   Ibn’4 Malik  Shah (d. 51 broth other er,,   Muh C.E. 1117   C.E.) who ascended to   power In 498   A.H./1104   C.E after   another   internal   struggle,   this  tim  his s   nephew,  time e with  hi Shah ah lbn Bar arky kyar aruq uq,, gr gran ands dson on of Malik  Malik Sh Malik Shah, who was four years  old.’5 After the death of Mal alik  ik  Shah, in 485 A.H./  demanded anded   that his son Mahmüd, who 1092   C.E.,  Zubeida dem was   five   years old at the   time,   should   have the   right of  appointing   governors  (wilagat  al-’umrna~.But   even more significantly, th f    Baghdad.   including Althe e sc scho holar lars s of  uhammad ammad   Al-HanaiIyy,   issued a ruling Mutatabbib’6 T  Th h u   Muh (fatwa)   sta statin ting g th that at th ther ere e was   nothing   wrong in   granting this thi s rig right ht to the   boy, in an  unprecedented   move. The  only exception to to this  this   ruling came, we  learn,   fromAl-Ghazzaliyy, who   forbade the   transfer of  such   such   powers to   MahmUd Ibn  XII. p Ibn Kathir.  Vol.  XII. 12 Ibn  p..   148. 1 3   HenrI   Laoust. La   PoUtlque  De   Gazali,   (Paris:   Libraftie Libraftie Orlen Orlentalist taliste e 59.. Paul  Oeuthner,   1970) p . 59 1 4 lbn Ara Arabic bic for son  (ofi.  pp. p.   164—180. 1 5 lbn Kath Kathir, ir, Vol. XII, p 16   LIterally, the medical  practitioner.  Many Muslim scholars  used to work in   areas not  related to  their scholarly work in   order to  avoid  taking money   from those In  office.  The  scholar would acquire  a  title related to this  p  onn e of them.  profess rofession. ion.  It could  be  that Al-Mutatabbib was  o =

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Malik  Shah.   Fortunately, the   Caliph,   Al-Muqtadi Al-Muqtadi,,   adopted 7   A1-Ghazzãliyy’s   fatwa was in A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   position.’ accordance  with the  Shari’ah.  ano nothe ther r fatw fatwa; a; to Ynsuf  Ib In a In Ibn n  Tashafin (d. 500   A.H./  CE.), the  Sultan   of Al-M l-Maghrib, aghrib,  Al-Ghazzaliyy  encou1106   CE Sulta ltan n to   unite the   divided   principalities, by raged   this Su dismissing   their   kings  (MuIUk   al-Tawa’~flunder his   rule.’8 The Th e im imp pact   of Al-Gha political sc scene ene   went l-Ghazzãliyy zzãliyy on the   political beyond issu issuingfatw ingfatwäs äs,, and writing letters. Both Ib Ibn n Kha Khallik llikar arii and lbn  KhaldQn reported  that Muhammad  Ibn ‘A ‘Abd bdalla allah h Ibn Tümart, a   student of   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   established   Almohad (Al-Muwahhidunl   rule   in Al-M l-Mag aghrib, hrib,   replacing the   state that had   been   established by Ibn   Tãshafin,   which   experienc rie nced ed cor corru rup ption   after his   death.’9   These  fatwas are significant in  showing the   role of  Muslim  scholars  (‘tdamà’) in the  political  life at the  time. Thes hese e inc inciden idents ts   reveal   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   enjoyed a prestigious   position   with  those in office at  that   time  which enabled him to   send   daring  letters to the   various   Sultans and   viziers. He  rem  reminded inded them of  their   duties   toward toward their  advi vise sed d th them em about the  affairs of  the  state. In subjects, and  ad Advising vising Kings  (At-Ttbr  al-Masbuk  The Gold olden en   Ingot For Ad   al-Masbuk   Na  N asth tha at    al-Mulük),   Al-Ghazzaliyy   addressed the   Sultan Muhammad Ib warne ned d him   about the Ibn n   Malik    Shah and   war injustice   that   resulted   from  collecting   excess excessive ive taxes taxes:: he even to told ld him   what   kind of   clot clothe hes s he   could   wea wear r an and d what  kind he could not. Moreov oreover, er, in his Persian letters,2°AlGha hazz zzaliyy aliyy prov rovide ided d   advice for   Fakhr   Al-Mulk, and

 fi  fi

17 18

Vol.. XI XII, I, p.   139. lbn  Kathir,   Vol lbn ‘Abd   Al-Amir   Al-Asam Al-Al-Asam,   Al-Faylasuf   aI-Ghazzaliyy   (Beirut: Dar Al Andalus.   1981) p. 90 90.. 19 Abu   al-Hassan   Ai-Nadawiyy,   R~alal-Fikr wa   al-DawajI   almlslam, 7th 93.. ed. (Kuw (Kuwait: ait: Dar al-Qalam,   1985) Vo Vol. l. I, p. 93 20 AI-G I-Ghazz hazzaliy aliyy y  used Arabic and  Farsi fo Persian work orks s  ar  are e forr   writing. His   Persian transla slatio tion n an and d   secondary few.   Som Some of th them em we   know   through   tran sources. It  seems   that the   only   major   hook  in   Persian   that is npt translated is Th  Happin ine ess   (Kirayay  Saadafl,   which which is Thee  Al-Cherny of  Ha the e Arbic  (Kirn.ya   al-Sa’adah), is the equivalent to  I different  from th  Ih hya’ letters” ” in R~alal-Fl/cr  ‘Ulum al-Din. Al-Nadawiyy ref refer erred red to the “Persian letters Wa   dl-Da’wahfi   al-Islam. The   Arabic   translation of  these letters   these  letters has been   made made ava available ilable by Dr. Nur   al-Din   Al-Au:   P’ada’il   al-Anam min  Ra  R asa’t ’tll  H[4jat   al-Islam.

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criticized   Sultan   Sanjar Ibn   Malik    Shah   regarding the 2’   Furthermore,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   served welfare of  the   people. several   times as a   special   envoy   between the   Caliph and the  Sultan.22 In addition,  Al-Ghazzaliyy,   after his  embrace of  Sufism which  could be   Interpreted as a withdrawal   from from public   life because of  the   prevailing   corruption, did   not ac acce cep pt any gifts   from the   Sultans. In the   chapter on the   lawful and the   forbidden   (al-halEd  wal-haram) in   Ihyã’   ‘Urum   al-Dbr, onetary ry  relationAl-Ghazzàliyy   discussed  extensively  the moneta ship  between the   sultans and the  people; he  concluded by stati st ating ng th that at   during his   time all the   monies of  the   Sultans accep cepted.2 ted.23 3 were   acquired   unlawfully and   thus   cannot   be ac Moreover, he  called on  people to  distance  themselves   from Sult lta ans, and to   avoid   those who   befriend   such unjust   Su tyrants or  were of  assistance   assistance to   them.   Al-Ghazzäliyy   held  were ere religious  duties   (wãjib).24 that  these  w

1.1.1   A1-Ghazzaliyy and   the the Oth ther er   Schools of  Jurisprudence

In the year Tughrul Be Beg g ente entered red Bag aghda hdad d  there was  another forr the   life of   A1-Ghazzäliyy   which event of   significance fo sheds  light   upon the circumstances   that he endured. It was during   this   year   that a dis distur turba banc nce e too took  k    place   between the   Asha’irites25 and the   Hanbalites.26 As a   result of  f    this distu dis turba rbanc nce, e, th the e Ash shai airite rites s   were   barred   from   attending Friday   ceremcinies   (Al-tJuma9 and   congregational   prayers (Al-Jarna at).27  A1-Ghazzaliyy flourished A1-Ghazzaliyy  flourished In   this  atmosphere of  intolerance  between the  followers of  different   schools   of of the theolo olog gy 21   Ai-NadawIyy,  Vol.1, p.   191. 22 All  All   ai-Qarah  Daghi,   introduction,   Al-Was itfi  al  al Mac  Mac!!hhah: by by Al-Ghaz  Al-Ghaz-zaliyy   (Cairo: Dar al-Islah,   nd.)   Vol. Vol. I. p. 78 78.. 23 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy, y,   Thya’, Vo Vol. l. II II,, pp.   135—152. 24 Al-N l-Nad adaw awiyy iyy..   Vol. 1 , pp.   189—193. 25 The   Ashairites are  theologians who   belong belong to the   school of  Abu AlHasan Al-Ashariyy (d. 324  A.H./935  CE.). 26 The Hanbalites   arejurisprudents   (fuqaha’) who belo schoo hooll of  belong ngto to the sc lbn n   1-lanbal (d. 241   A.H./855  cE.). Ahmad lb 27 Ibn  Kathir,   Vol Vol.. XI XII, I, p. 66 66..

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28 He himself  and jurisp jurisprud rudence ence   within th the e Su Sunn nnite ite   tradition. was cons considered idered an Ashairite29 and a  doctor of  the   Shaffite  ju urisprudence. Out of  f h his  concern. (Shafiiyyah)3°school of  j he tr trie ied d to   curb curb th this is   attitude of   intolerance   through his  Isslamic Sciences (Ihy&’  ilium  Re evival Of The The I writings. In The  R al-Din),   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote   with   great   reverence   about doctors tors   ofjurisprudence:   “Al-Shafi’iyy, the   most prominent doc Hanbal, al, Abü   Hanlfah.3’ and   Sufian AlMàlik,   Abmad Ib Ibn n   Hanb Thawriyy.’32 The   order in   which he   arranged   their   names was not chronological:   rather  Al-Ghazzaliyy   arranged   them  own n according to the  number of  their  adherents   during his  ow Moreover, Al-Ghazzaliyy   wanted to   emphasize the time.33   Moreover, love and   respect   that   these forr   each   other; these sc schola holars rs had fo wanted ted the   jurists of  his   time to   follow   suit. Not and he   wan toleranc nce e an and d only did  Al-Ghazzàliyy   endorse a   polic policy y of   tolera  jurisprudence, he   also openness   towards   other   schools of  ju their ir ru ruling lings s ove over r thos those e ofal-Shafiiyy. gave ga ve prior riority ity to some of the ited d   numerous   rulings of   Ahmad Ib For   example, he cite Ibn n Hanbal.3 In addition, he accepted the   ruling ofAbu  Hanifah, agreeing   that   Al-Shafi’iyy’s   position in the   case of  divorce   divorce had  a touch of exaggeration   (takallujl.35 forr  refusing to Al-Ghazzaliyy also  praised Abü Hanifah fo accept a governmental  office  that   could have  made him resforr all  the mone ponsible fo oney y of the  Caliphate.   This  refusal led  Abu bu Han anlfa lfah h tw twen enty ty times in public. This the Sultan to whip  A -

The  scholars who   founded  these   schools schools nev never er  displayed   this   sort sort of  intolerance.   Infact,   they were in many cas cases es  teachers   of one another: Malik  Ibn   Anas   (d (d. 179   A.H./795   CE.),   fdunder of  the   Malikite (Malik(yyah)   school of  j  ju urisprudence   taught   Al-Shafiiyy who in  turn taught Ibn  Hanbal. 29 For a discussion  of whether whether A1-Ghazzaliyy was indeed  an Asha’irite, see p. 55. 30 The Shaflite   school was  founded by   Muhammad lbn Idris A1-Shafliyy (d 204  A.H./819 CE.) Al-Numan lbn  Thabit (d. 15 150 0  A.H./7647  CE.)   founded 31 Abu   Hanifah,   Al-Num school ool of  j the th e Hanafite sch as th the e   school of   ju uris isp prudence. It is   known   as personal   opinion  (ray).  Hi  His s   student,  AbuYusuf(d. 18 182 2   A.H./799 CE.). was  a major  contributor to this   school. 32   Ai-Thawriyy,   Sufian Ibn   Said   lbn Mas asru ruq q   (d. (d. 16 162 2   A.H./778   c.E.). scho hool ol   of oes s not ex exis istt any the e   other   schools,   his sc Unlike th of la law w doe more. 33 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy. y.   Ihya’  ‘Ulurn al-Din  (Beirut: Dar al-Marifah,   n.d.)   Vol. Vol. I, p. 24. 34   Al-Qarah   Daghi,   Vol Vol.. I.   p.163. 35   Ibid.,  Vol.1,   p.162.

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THE LIFE THE  LIFE OF  OF   AL-GHAZZALIYY

praise   absolves   A1-Ghazzãliyy of  the   charge   that he disgraced Abu Hanifahwithoutjustification.   NowAl-Ghazzàliyy disgracin cing g Abu Han anifah ifah by   Sultan had   been   accused of   disgra Sanjar. San jar. Th These ese  accusations   were  certainly incompatible   with furtherm more, he the positio osition n  A1-Ghazzãliyy as  stated   above;   further categorically   denied   such   accusations. In   fac fact, th they ey wer ere e based   upon   insults   found in   copies of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  these insults  were  A1-Mankhü  A1 -Mankhüll mi mitt  tt Taliqàt  al-Usid.  However,  However, these 36 forgeries,   inserted   into his   book    when   it was   copied. Furthermore,   whenever he   mentioned Abü   Hanifah’s   name in the   abov lication cation   (i.e. above e bo book ok,,  Al—Ghazzaliyy added  a suppli pleased ed with   him)   following his   name.   This may   Allah be   pleas supplication was a  clear   sign of  the   respect   Al-Ghazzãliyy had  fo  for r Abü  Hanifah.37 Al-Ghazzaliyy saw th that at his contemporaries busied themselves   studying   aspects of  ju might nev never er  jurisprudence that   might be ne need eded ed   during   their   lifetimes, and   preoccupying   the themwith th the e   differences variou rious s   schools of  selves   with differences betw between een the va ccording rding to   A1-Ghazzaliyy, the   followers of   ju  j urisprudence. Acco the   different different sc scho hools ols of  j  ju urisprudence who did  such   things were unjust to the founders.   Instead,  Al-Ghazzàliyy suggested that  they ought to study   medicine in order to be  useful.38

the e Sects of  th the e Time 1.1.2   A1-Ghazzãliyy and th The relat relations ionship hip   betwe between en the   Sunnites and   the Sh Shi’ites i’ites,3° ,3° districtt of  espe es pecia cially lly the   Rawàfld who   lived  in the   Karakh   distric example le of  forgeries of Ai-Ghazzaliyy’s 36   These   wer Ai-Ghazzaliyy’s  work.  A  Allwere e not   only examp Ghazzaliyy   copies  of  Alm m   al-Dalal  Mishkat   Al-M Munqfd fdh h and   aI-Anwar  (Ijazah).  approval   reported forr He were submitted to him fo the Incident to the th e head  (mis) of Khurasan who imprisoned, and later on  deported the person pers on respons onsible. ible. 37   Al-Qarah   Daghi,   Vol. 1 , pp.   159—163. 38 Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,   Ihya’,  Vol. 1 , pp.   24—28. 39   ShIltes   (shi’ah),   Arabic fo forr   “supporters   of”. is a general  classification ‘Mii lbn that   Includes all the different  sects that  have a position toward ‘M Abu   Talib, th cous usin in of  prophet   prophet   Muha uhamm mmad ad,, the e   fourth   Caliph   and co the Sunnites.   Some of  th the e Shiites   argue that Mi different  than that of the have e be been en the first Caliph, others  adopt  an ext extrem reme position by should   hav claiming   that All has   divine   attributes.   Although   Shiites   started primarily as a   political   stand.   they developed   their own theology and  jur  ju ris isp prudence.

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Baghdad, was   also   contentious.   Almost  every   year   tension 4° which   resulted used to   escalate on the day of   Ashura’ in   killings and   destruction on   both   sides. The   establishment of a  strong   Shi’ite  political  state in Egypt at the  hands  358 8 A.H .H./96 ./968 8   C.E.42   stren of  the   Fatimids4’ in  35 strength gthen ened ed the Shiite ites s in Baghdad   who, in return, had forposition of  the   Shi mally   acknowledged the   Fatimid   rulers in  Friday   ceremonies.   This   formal ac ackno know wledge ledged d also sp spread read to  Damascus, Medina and Mecca.43 Acc ccording ording to IbnA IbnAl-A l-Athir’sAlthir’sAl-Käm Kämil, il, the first   reconciliation   (suTh),   between the   Sunn Sunnites ites an and d the Shi’ites,   took  place in 502  A.H./  1108  C.E.~   claims   that he was a A1-Ghazzaliyy was the   target of  claims lbn n   A1-Jawziyy   claimed, in  Riyäd    al-Ajhâm ft Shl’ite.   Sibt lb forr a  Manliqib  Manliq ib   A1tl  al-Bayt,   that  Al-Ghazzàliyy was a  Shi’ite fo According ording to Dr. while, but   later on   changed his   position.   Acc Abmad   Al-Shirbasiyy, who   seemed to be in  favour of  AlGhazzaliyy’s   Shiis Shiism m, the   Shiltes   considered  Al-Ghazzallyy their ir tea teach chers ers knowing  knowing  that he was a Sunnite. He also one of  f the added that the Shiltes  believed Al-Ghazzaliyy syrote  RiSàIQI-t   Ism m A  Eam am or  Sha  Sharh rh Jan Janna nat t  al-Asmà’, a book  that  Ell Is  E  All lla ah al-A E praised   ‘All Ibn  Ab  Abu u Ta Talib. lib.   Apparently,   this   book  was not written by   A1-Ghazzâliyy.45 In add addition, ition, praisin raising g and  loving 40

41  

42 43

44   45  

8

Every  year, on the   10th of  Muharram, the first Arabic   month of  th the e lunar  year. th Al-Hussayn the e  Shiltes   commemorate the martyrdom of  f Al-Hussayn Ibn  ‘All,   grandson of  prop prophet het Muhammad, and son of  ‘All, th the e   fourth Caliph.   The Shi’ emorate e   this   event by   virtually   torturing Shi’Ites Ites  commemorat themselves,   since they believe  tha Iraq had betrayed Al thatt the Shi’ites of Iraq Iraq q, af after ter th they ey hav Hussayn when he went  to Ira have e promised  hi  him m  support h i s quest  power. forr fo in This   name is attributed   to Fatima,   daughter of prophet prophet   Muha uhamm mmad ad,, and wife of  ‘All Ibm Abu Talib the e scholars of  alib.. In 40 402 2  A.H./101 1   CE., th was uba ubayd yd Ibm Sad Baghdad  stated  that the founder  of  ofth the e Fatlmlds   was and tha thatt he di Al-Janniyy   and did d   not desc descend end from th ‘Mii and the e children of  ‘M Vol. XI, p.  344. Fatima. For further   details, se see e Ibn  Kathir,   Vol. Ibn  Kathlr,  Vol. XI,   p.266. Friday praye rayer r   (AI-,Jumu’ah)   is compose osed d   basically of  two   short prostration   (raka’ali). The acknowspeeches   (khutab) and  tw  two o   acts  of prostration ledgement ledgem ent mentioned   above  takes th the e   form  of a   supplication   (dual for th which ich usu usually ally the e sake of the the ruler   (i.e.   asking Alla llah h to guide him) wh takes place at th secon cond d speec eech h  before  th the e end of  the se  the e performance of  two o   prostrations.   This du ‘a’ fo the ru ruler ler be beca cam me a   sym the tw forr   the symbol of  alliance. Al-Qarah   Daghi,   Vol. 1 ,   p.49. Ahmad Al-Sharb l-Sharbaslyy, aslyy,   Al-Ghazoliyy.   (Beirut: Dar al-JIl,   1975) p. 13 13..

THE LIFE THE  LIFE OF  OF   AL-GHAZZALIYY

Sunnites’ books arc ‘Ali is not   restricted to the  Shi’ites: the   Sunnites’  of such such   notions. full  of  46 one   could Furthermore, to  refute   these   accusations cite  A1-Ghazzãliyy’s  fatwà   aga Yazid Ib agains instt the cu cursi rsing ng of  f Yazid Ibn n  wh ho was the Caliph at Damascus   (reigned 61-63 Mu’àwiyah,  w A.H./680-683   C.E,). The   Shrites   considered   Yazid   their arch   enemy,   thinking   that he was   responsible fo forr the death of  Al-Hussayn Ib him. Ibn n   ‘All,47 and   thus   they   curse   him It is not   possible   that   someone   affIliated   with   Shi’ism in any an y fa fash shion ion   could   issue   this  fatwb.45 Yet, A1-S 1-Shirbas hirbasiyy iyy maintained   that   this fa  fatw twà à was not   enough to   acquit AlShilt ilte. e. AlGhazzãliyy   from the   allegations   that he was a   Sh Shirbasiyy   contended   that   Al-Ghazzãliyy   favoured   ‘All’s rulin ling g in j Ibn n ‘Abbas, in a ru opinion over that of  Ib  ju urisprudence; Al-Shirbasiyy   thought   that   Al-Ghazzàliyy   had pers erson onal al preference fo  this is a  case of  an A  Ad  d  forr   Ali.49 It  is obv bvio iou us  that  that this homl aem argument.  fatw twa a   could be   considered a  proof    that AlThe  above fa this s ru rulin ling g Ghazzaliyy was not a Shiite but what if he issued   thi when he was   not not a   Shiite? The   answer   should should em emp phas hasis is farr there is nothing to su fact ct th that at so fa substa bstantiate ntiate the claim the fa that   Al-Ghazzãliyy was   ever a   Shilte. In   fact I   could not apprehend why  this claim was  started. The   sect   (ftrqah)   that   prop propag agate ated d the ca caus use e of  the Fatimids   became   known   as the Batin atinites ites  (Al-Batirttyyah).5° Al-Ghazzãliyy   listed the   names by  which   they were   sometimes  known as th the e Qara ram mlta ltah h, th the e Qarmatiyyah, the  Khur46

47 48 49 50

They  ar “accusations” ations”   because   Sunnites   have a tendency  are e considered “accus to think  of  Shilsm as a tradition   which  involves positions that are not Sharl’a arl’ah. h. in accordance   with   Islamic Sh See   footnote # 54 54..   Badawl, pp.   47—49.   Al-Sharbasiyy,   pp.13-is. atinites s are a   sect   that, that, amon ong g   other   things,   believed in an The   Batinite is,,   supposedly, th the e only one who could Interpret the infallible Imain.  He is (Islamic teachings) and   find th Sharlah   (Islamic  and d   hence the e   esoteric   (batmn  an  Ba  B ati tin niy iyy yah)   exegesis.   They are   known by   many nickn nicknam ames whic hich h  and d   divisions. In addition to the resulted   from their  internal   conflicts  an nicknames   listed by   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   others   were:   A1-Fatlmiyyah, Al A1-kgha   Khan Hashashum,   A1-Baharah, and  A1-kgha Khaniyyah iyyah.. Fo For r   more  details,  All-M Mawsu’a ’ah h see se e  Al-Nadwah   Al—’Alamiyyah Lish-Shabab Al—’Alamiyyah  Lish-Shabab   Al-Islamiyy, A al-Muyassarnhflai-Adyanwao al-Muyassarnhflai-Adyanw aol-Madhah l-Madhahibal-Mu’asfruh(Rlyad: ibal-Mu’asfruh(Rlyad:   Matha’at 45-52, 395-398. Safir.   1989) pp.   45-52,

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AL-GHAZZALIYY

hurram rramadin adinites, ites, the Ismailies, the   Seveners, ramites, the   Khu 5’   Eac Each h irah, ah, and the   Talimites. the  Babikites, the  Muhammir these names sect: t: the of  these aspects  of this this   sec  names   emphasized certain   aspects of  factions, tions, their beliefs,   and, in   some founders of the differe different nt fac cases, the   time and  place in which   they were  active.52 The aliphate hate and to the  Sunni Batinites   posed a threat to the Calip creed. In  addition,   they had  resorted to political  assassination.~3Among those who were kil ille led d at their hands  w  wa as Nizãm Al-Mu1k54 (d. 485  A.H./  1092  1092 C.E.),55  C.E.),55 the vizier for Alp Arslan and   Malik    Shah. He   established the   famous   Nizâmiyyah colleges56   which   were  named   after   him him, and   assigned AlGhazzãliyy to   head   the the Nizãmiyyah at   Baghdad.57   Fakhr forr   Sa Al-Mulk, son of   Nizam Al-M Sanj nja ar in l-Mulk  ulk  and   vizier fo  fate as his  father in 500A.M.! 1106 Nishap ishapur. ur. met the same same fate C.E.58  Among  the many   other dign dignitaries itaries who were systematically   assassinated was Abü   A1-Qasim59 who was   killed in Nishapur,   where  he  hew was a prea reach cher er  (khatib) , in 492  A.H./  1098   C.E.°°He was the son of   Imam   Al-Haramayn AlJuwainiyy who was the   educator par   excellence at the time,   head of  the   Nizãmiyya Nizãmiyyah h   college at   Nishapur, and teacher of   Al-Ghazzäliyy.   These   assassinations   have led 51   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   “Fada’(h  aI-Batiniyyah   wa-Fada’U   al-Mustazhiriyyah,” &eedo,n  and fl4fihlment, ed and  trans.   Richard Richard J.   McCart cCarthy hy   (Boston: Twayne  Publishers,   19801   p.181. 52   The atinites s who  claimed to be follow followers ers of Isma’il Isma’il  Ib  Ibn n The lsma’ilie a’ilies s were Batinite Ja’far   Al-Sadiq,   the Kh Khurram urramltes   from   Khurram,   Farsi fo forr   pleasure,   Qurmut Ibn advocated advoc ated hedo hedonism nism, and the   Qaramitah.   followers of  Qurmut Al-Asg’ath,   established   their   rule In   Al-Bahrayn   towards th the e end of  the th e third   century  A.H. 53 The   English  word as assas sassin sin” ” is   derived  from   “Assassin’, th the e   Ismaili sect,   from   Arabic  hashashin,   hashish-eaters. Se  Ne ew   Lexicon See e The N The En English glish Lan Langua guage ge   (New York York:: Lex Lexico icon n Webster’s  D(ctior-tary Of   The Publications,   Inc.,   1989). ‘Mii   Ibn Ish 54 His   name was Al-Hasa asan n Ibn ‘M Ishaq aq,,   Abu-All. He was   born in ‘flis, th Al-Ghazzaliyy.   in the e same  birth  place of Al-Ghazzaliyy. in 408 A.H.f  1017   C.E. 55 Ibn Kathir,   Vol. XII,   p.139. §6   Nizam Al-Mulk  built  a college in each city in Iraq Iraqand and Khura hurasan san..  Those included inclu ded Bag aghd hdad ad,, Balak alakh, h, Nisha ishap pur, Hara arat, t,   Asfahan,   Al-Basrab, Many,  T  Tubr ubrista istan n and Al-Misl,  Al-Subkiyy,   Vol. IV, p.   314. 57 Taj   Al-Din   Al-Subkiyr,   Tabaqat   aI-Shqfiiyyah   aI-Kubra   (Cair (Cairo: o: ‘Is ‘Isa a VI,, p. 19 197. 7. Al-B l-Babi abi Al-Ha l-Halabi labi &   Co.,   1964) vol. VI 58 lbn   Kath athir, ir, vo vol. l.  XII. p.   167. 59 Abu Al-Qasim Ibn  ‘Abd  Al-Malik (Imam   Al-Haramain) Ibn   ‘Abd   Allah (Al-Shaikh (Al-S haikh Abu   Muha uhamm mmad ad) ) Ibn Yusuf  60 lbn  Kathir,   vol.   XII, p.   157.

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THE LIFE OF  AL-GHAZZALIYY

some Muslim and   orientalist   scholars to some to doubt  doubt  AI-Ghazzä  AI-Ghazzä-liyy’s  account  o  off why he   left his  position at the   Nizàmiyyah 61 college in Baghdad. The  activities of  the Batinites prom romp pted  Al-Ghazzãliyy to devote at least   seven  books  a  and nd tre treat atis ises es to towhat what ap appears pears to be a systematic con   their   positions   during confrontation frontation of  their f h his  life.62 various   stages of  strugIt is understandable   that, in this sea  of turmoil,   stru group up to be might ht not  expect  any gro gle, and   intolerance, on one e   mig orienta ntalist, list,   said   that   Christians and att, t,   an orie spared.   Yet,   Wat Jews had  internal   autonomy   under   their  heads. He   added that   “there was   practically no   religious   persecution”;   they enjoyed  official   protection   fro from th the e Is Islam lamic  Caliphate   until its  breakdown at the   turn of  the   century.63 The   presence hurãsãn, n, during the  early life of  of Christians and  Jews in Khurãsã enticed him to   ask forr his A1-Ghazzaliyy,   enticed ask qu questions estions   crucial fo forr   knowledge•64 In the   Deliverance  from   Error, Alquest fo Ghazzãliyy   said: The   thirst for   grasping the real   meaning of  things was indeed my ha habit bit an and d  wont  from my   early years and in the prime  of my  life. Itwas an instinctive,   natural   disposition Se e   page   142. See 61 62   These   books   a r e : 1 .   At-Mustazhiriyyfi   al-Rad  ‘ala al-Rad  ‘ala al-Batiniyyah.   also known as   Fada’th   al-Batiniyyah   wa-Dada’ll   al-MustazhiriyyalL Al Caliph Al-Mustazhir Ghazzaliyy wrote i t i n   support o f the ‘Abbasid  Caliph  Al-Mustazhir (d. agai ains nstt th the e   Batiniyyah. 2.   Hujjat   al-Haq. was 512  A.H./1118 CE.) ag written in   Baghdad   bu but has   been   lost.   Also,   both of   Qwasim at  Ba  B ati tin niy iyy yah and Al-Darj  Al-Darj al-Marqurn  al-Marqurn  bi al-Jadawü   which was  written in  more details  details se  Mu uauafa fata tatt-G Ghnzal4   pp.85— Tus, are lost, For more see e  Badawi, M 86 & p.   15 159. 3.   Qawasim   al-Batiniyyah. 4.   Jawab al-Masa’ll  at-Arba

atiniyyah b&Hamadhan,  b&Hamadhan,  Al-Ghazzaliyy,  “Al-Mama? allati Sa’alaha at-Batiniyyah

AI-Dai~ai-Marqum bi   al-Jadawil, vol. 1 1   (1908) p p .   601-608. 5.   AI-Dai~ai-Marqum 6.   Fatsal   ai-Tafriqah   baa-i   al-Islam wa   al-Zandaqah. 7.   Al-Qistas at the se sect ction ion on AhI  ol-Ta’lim i n   At-Munqidh   ruin at  Musta  Mu staqi qirn, rn, and   the hich ch is a   critique of   their   methodology.   A1-Ghazzaliyy, Al Dalal  Dal al   whi

 Munc  Mu nc 1idh   ruin al-Dalal   which I s a   c r i t i q u e o f   t h e i r   methodology. AlGhazzaliyy,   Al-Munqidh   ruin   al-Dalal,   eds,   Jamfl   Saliba and   Kamil

63

64

‘Aiyyad,   10th ed ed..   (No.   city: Dar  al-Andalus,   1981) pp.   117—129. The theyap app pear listed In abovementioned  books  ar  are e listed  In chronological  order as they in Badawi’s  Mu’allafatAl-Ghazali w.   Montgom Montgomery Watt,   Muslim   IntellectuaL’ A   Study of  al-Ghazzatt  1963)  p.. 8. (Edinburgh: The  Edinburgh  University  Press,   1963) p Al-O l-Oha hazza zzaliy liyy. y. Deliverance from E Saliba liba and Kam Kamil il Ayya yyad, d,  En non  Jarnil Sa eds,  (No.City:   DarAl-Andalus,   1981), p. 81 81..

11

AL-GHAZZALIYY placed in my  makeup by Allah Most High, not something due to   my my own choosing and contriving.  As a result, th the e

fetters  of  servile   servile conformism  (taqlid)   fell   away from me, and  inherited  beliefs lost  their  hold on me,  when  I was young. For I saw   tha childr ldren en of  Christians quite   young. that the   chi always  grew up   embracing   Christianity,   an and th the e   children of Jews always grew up  adhering to Judaism, and the th e   children of  Muslims the e   Muslims   always  grew up   following th hea ard th the e tradition related  from religion of (slam, I  also he the th e  Messenger of Al Alla lah h May Allah’s Allah’s blessing  blessing and peace be   upon hi is born  born him m in  which  he said:   “Every   infant is 65  then his parents make him Je Jew w  the e  fitra: endowed with th or  Christian or   Magian.”66   Consequently I  felt an  inner the e  true  meaning of  the  the  original fltra, and urge to   seek  th the th e  true  meaning of  the  the beliefs  arisin  arising g throu through gh slav slavish ish aping of   parents, th the e   beginnings of    which are   suggesbeginnings  of  which tions imposed  from without,  since  thereare  differences of opinion  in  the discernment of  those   those that are  false.°7 -

-

forr   knowledge This mod ode e of   questioning and   quest fo A1-Ghazzãliyy until  until the end of  continu con tinued ed with A1-Ghazzãliyy f h his  life. 1.1.3

The Crusades

inter terna nall   conflicts and   turmoil, the IsIn   addition to   the in lamic   Caliphate   suffered   from the   invasions of  the   Crusa known in medieval sources as the Franks (Alders who were were known Firanj/al-flrarijal4.   They   conquered   Jerusalem, the   third holy  Muslim   site,~in 492   A.H./  1098   C.E.69  A1-Ghazzaliyy 65   Literally,  Jitra   mea eans ns na natura turall   disposition.   In th the e   above   mentioned hadith it mea eans ns that  all   people are born as   Musl uslims. ims. and  hence  Islam is th the e reli religi gion on of  frtra.   This 66 is a part of  a  hndtth  narrated by Al-Bukh ukharlyy arlyy in his  Sahih. The word   Magia agian n   (Majusiyy)   means   fire-worshipper.   This   religion religion was spread  in Persia, Persia, In  maglans glans were tolerate tolerated d bas based ed on  In Isla Islam mic Sh Shar ari’a i’ah, h,  ma assumption that   they   could   have   deviated   from a   people who the th e   assum received a   book    (i.e.   through   revelation)   (shubhat   kitab) and   thus entitled to this  toler  toleran ance ce whi hich ch is a right fo the e people of the the book  (alit  forr th  Jews ws an and d   Christians. al-kitab),  Je 67 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy, y,   Freedom and   fl4flllrnent   (Al-Munqidh r u i n   al-DalaQ, trans.   Richard  Joseph   McCarthy, S.  J.   (Boston:   Twayne  Publishers, 1980) p. 63 63.. 68   Here I  refer to th prophet Muhammad in which  he allowed the e   hadith of prophet muslims  t o   t r a v e l to v i s i t  three   mosques o n l y :   Bayt   Allah  Al-Haram I n Makkah th e   mosque o f  the prop het i n   Medina, and Al-Aqsa Al-Aqsa mosque  mosque in Jerusalem. 69 Ibn Kathir,   Vol.   XII, p.   156.

12

THE LIFE OF  AL-GHAZZALIYY

rusaders ders   in his  writings  nor made neither   mentioned   the Crusa clear his position rega regardin rding g   them,   an and th this is has   proved to be this  century,   Musli problematic fo forr  him.   Since the   turn of  uslim m f this have e con onsi side dere red d it scholars   have   criticized his   stand and   hav uncharacteristic of  a   a man of  the   stature of  f A1-Ghazzãliyy. A1-Ghazzãliyy. In his   doctoral   dissertation, Dr.   Zaki   Mubarak    blamed A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   Sufism fo forr the   absence of  any   role   that he forr J could  have  played in calling fo  Jiihad: retre treat at ( khalwah) ,  an  and d “A1-CIhazzãliyy had sunk  into his re was preocc reoccup upied ied   with his   recitations   (awrad) not  knowing 7° call ll fo forr  Jihad.” his  duty to ca In Ab Abu-H u-Hãm ãmid id Al-Gh Al-Ghazza azzaliyy liyy wa   al-Tasawwuf, Abd Al-Rahm Al-Rah mãn Dim imashq ashqiyyah iyyah   also   blames   Al-Ghazzàliyy’s f most most   contemporary Sufism.   This  study   lis lists th the e   position of  seems  that the only scholar who  tried Muslim  thinkers.71 It   seem to explain Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   position in light of  Sufism,  withforr it, was Dr. out  blaming him fo r. Yusuf   Yusuf  Ai-Qardawiyy:72 f this this honorable  Imam was “It could be that the excuse of  his   preoccupation   primarily   with   reformation   from within, forr   paving   (the and an d th that at int inter erna nall   corruption is   responsible fo way) for fore foreign ign invasion.”73 Dr. Al-Qa l-Qardaw rdawiyy ack acknow nowledged ledged,, however,   that AlGhazzaliyy’s   position was   “puzzling”,   especia especially lly sinc since e Al  in his books  ofjurlsprudence.  jih ihà àd  in wrote ab abou outt j Ghazzaliyy   wrote Dr.   Al-Qardawiyy   ended his   discussion of  f    this   issue, by stating   “that   only Allah  knows the  reality of  f h his  excuse”74 It is a fact, however,  that Al-Ghazzaliyy did not include  Ihyã’ ã’   ‘UIüm  al-Din, which he  maj ajor or Ihy a chapter  onjihãd    in his m used to  teach  after returning to   Baghdad   from his  travels,75 70   Za Zaki ki Muba ubarak, rak,  Al-Akhlaq md  Al-C  hazzollyy   ( B e i r u t :   Al-Maktabah Al Al-C hazzollyy ‘Asriyyah.   nd.)   p. ‘Asriyyah. p. 17 17..   This   doctoral   disserta dissertation tion wa was s  defended at th the e Egyptian  University  on   May, 15,   1924.   The the e publisher. The prefa reface ce of  th and th author, r, in indic dicate ate   that   this   dissertation the e   introduction of  th the e   autho stirred a wave of cr critic iticis ism m at the time. Al-Ghazza zzaliyy liyy Wa at 71 ‘Abd   Al-Rahman Dimas imashqiyyah, hqiyyah, Abu  Hamld   Hamld    Al-Gha Tasawwuf(Rlyad:   DarTibah,   1988) pp.   349—356. 72   A1-Qardawiyy.   Yusuf  Abdulllah   (1926-?).   Dean of  th the e   college of  Sharl’ah and   Islamic   Studies at the   Univers niversity ity of Qatar. he is on one e of  the most  renowned   jurists of  th the e Islamic world today. 73   Yusuf  aI-Qardawlyy,  Al-ImamAl-GhazzaUyy  Bayn  Wa a N  Bayn Madthi  Madthih h W  Na aqid idth th  pp..   172—174. (Ai-Mansurah: Dam   al-Wafa’.   1988)  pp 74 Ai-Q i-Qard ardaw awiyy iyy,, p.   174. 75   A1-Subkiyy,   vol. vi, p.   200.

13

AL-GFIAZZALIYY

which   included   Jerusalem   just   before the   Crusaders reached it. In  ad  addition, dition, he chose to continue the  solitary   life for about ten years   after Jerusalem was  captured. silence e on my op opinion inion,, how In   my however, ever, Al-Gh l-Ghazzãliy azzãliyy’s y’s   silenc this   matter can be   seen in a  different  light.   This   requires a  jih iha ad. The more   careful   understanding of   the mean eaning ing of  j literal   meaning of  jih “struggle” gle”..  jihd dd  is   “effort”,   “striving’   or “strug The  translation of  j  jih ihã ãd  as   “holy  war” is  incorrect;   there is ur’an ’an and 76 In   the Qur no   equivalent use In Arabic   language. the   Sunnah,   jihàd  is   understood to   have more   than one meaning. One  meaning   denotes   fighting   (qitaU. The   other meanin eaning, g, which   is ov overloo erlooked ked by   many, is the   ethical and in j moral  jil-ziwi.   However, in  ju urisprudence, all   four  schools77 defined the   meaning of   jih  j ihã ãd  as  fighting. 78 one e of  his  views   toward  jthàd, mightt   express on In what In  what   migh  Ab bü A1-Darda’, one of the   companions Al-Ghazzãliyy quoted  A of  f prophet prophet Muhammad   IS.A.A.S1.79who said: “He who thinks knowledg ledge e is not j that   seeking   know  jih ihä äd, has a   defect   in his opinion and  reason”.8°Moreover, in Kifab Al-A clhkãr  wa-Al Da  D aawãt   (the   “Book  of  Remem embrance brance and   Supplication” in The   Revival of   Is  Islam lamic ic   Sciences,   A1-Ghazzãliyy   cited tw two o uhammad ammad   [S.A.A.S.1   that   elevated traditions of   prophet   Muh forr the  performance of  dhikr  the   reward fo   dhikr   (remembran brance) ce) to  jihb bd  or   even   better8’ In   addition, Ib the   level of  jih Ibn n   Kathir  were e indiffere indifferent nt to the narrates   that the  people of  Baghdad  wer  La angua geof Is 76   Bernard  Lewis,  The Political L  Isla lam m(Chicago: Th The e Univ nivers ersity ity  pp..   70—75. of  Chicago   Press,   1988)  pp 77 The Hanifite, the Malikite, the Shaflite and  th  the e  1-lanbalite. 78   ‘Abdallah ‘Azzam. ‘Abdallah  ‘Azzam.   al-Jihad  Ado.b  wa-Ahkam (No   City:   Matbu’at al pp..   2—3. Jihad,   1987)  pp 79   Short fo forr  Satla Allahu   ‘Atayht  Wa Satlam (May  Allah’s  peace be   upon

 f ftt

him). 80 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaiiy iiyy. y.   Ihya’. p. 9. ‘Ma   ‘Ama!  Jim A tradition, wh which ich   starts  with ‘Ma  Ad dam  ruin  ‘Amal 81 The  first   tradition,  All lla ah  ruin D  Alla ah   ‘Azza  wa’JalL..  etc  etc.,’ .,’ ha had d  An  A nja ja Lahu  Dh hlk lkr  r  All  Lahu  ruin   ‘Adhab A Shaybah bah and Atbeen   narrated   by Mu’adh   Ibn Ab Abu u Jabal. Ibn Ahu   Shay Tabaraniyy   verified this  tradition and  said that  it has a ‘good’  chain of  narrators   (Lsnaduhu  hasan).   The  tradItion Ition,, whic hich h   starts   with The sec second ond trad “Ala   unbi’akum Si Rhayrl A’malakum wa wa-Azkaha -Azkaha ...   etc.’ had   been narrated by   Abu Al-Darda’, Al-T Al-Tirmidhiyy. irmidhiyy. Al-H Al-Hakim akim and lb lbn n   majah and sa said id that that It has a  “sound”   chain of  narraverified  this   tradition   and tors   (tsnaduhu  sahih), See  Ai-Ghazzaliyy,   Ihya’   ilium  al-Din,   vol. I, p.   295.

14

THE TH E  LIFE OF AL-GHAZZALIYY

8 2 who  tried to   mobilize  jurists,   including lbn   ‘Aqi1 effort of  ju effort have be been en aw awar are e of  what   what was them.83 Al-Ghazzàliyy   must   have going   around  hi  him m, and  acted   accordingly. Moreover, Al-Ghazzáliyy’s  correspondence   with the authorities  a  an nd his criticism of their policies which were not in accorda acc ordance nce with  Islamic  Sharfah   are dir direc ectt  applications of  uhammad ammad   [S.A.A.S.] in   whic which h he a tra tradi ditio tion n of  prophet   prophet   Muh said:   ‘The greatest  Jiltdd  is (saying) a word of  truth in front of  an un unjus justt   Sultan.”84 In my opinion,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   realized  that the   Islamic Caliphate at the   time was   corrupt and   filled   with with so soci cial al Sharl’ah. rl’ah. and   ideological   trends   that that ra ran n   against   Islamic Sha I   think  he was   convinced   that   the dis was within the disea ease se   was state, and  that   the Crusa rusaders ders   were  nothing but the   sympcore e of  the   issue toms.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   understood   that the   cor was   moral. To   solve   this   problem, he   wanted to   educate people and to   revive the   role of  the   Sha Shari ri’a ’ah h ad its ai aim ms (rnaqasid). But, the period  during which Al-Ghazzàliyy withdrew frompublic   life can not bejustified  in the ligh lightt of Islamic Shari’ah. Any act th tha at  resembles monasticism (rahbaniyyah) was   rejected by the   Qur’an and the   Sunnah.85 The   Qur’an monastic sticism ism an inn innova ovation tion   (bid’ah)   that was considered   mona not required   from the  m  monks onks (Su (Sura ra al-Hadid   57:27).

1,2 HIS   EARLY  LIFE

uhamm mad Ib uhammad ammad tim MuHis  full   nam name   was Muham Ibn n   Muh 82

‘ M i I bn ‘ A q i l I bn   Muhammad   (431   A.H./1039—513   A.1-1./1119   C . E . ) . Baghdad dad an and d a   contemporary He  was th e   head o f th e  Hanbalites at   Bagh

of  Al-Ohazzaliyy. He was   another   exce excep ption to the prevailing   tense relations   between th  juris isp prudence. Ibn   Kathir, the e   different   scho schools ols of  jur vol.   XII. p.   184. 83 Ibn Kathir, Kathir, vol. XII. p.   156.  vol.   XII.  Haqqin qin inda 84   “bina A‘zama al-Jihad Kalimata Haq  inda Sultanin  Ja’V. 85 In the Qur’an,   there are verses that  pra  praises ises Christia hristian n monks fo forr  their humbleness and   acceptence  of Allah’s  revelation  (al-Qur’an.   Sura at  Ma’idah  Ma’id ah   5:82); yet there are   als also o ve vers rse e th tha at   criticize   many of them in relationship to   financial   affairs  (ai-Qur’an,   Sura   al-Taubah   9:34 9:34). ). In Sunnah, ah, prophet   Muhammad prohibited   ‘Uthman Ibn   Maz’un the th e Sunn from mona onastici sticism sm sa saying ying to   him,   ‘Oh monasticis ticism m is no nott ‘Oh ‘Uthman,   monas required  from us; am I  no  nott  an example fo forr  you?’  This hadith has been narrated by  Ahmad Ibn   Hanbal in his M  Mu usnad, 6:   226.

15

H AZZALIYY  AL-C HAZZALIYY

86 Ibn n   Ahmad   al-Tüsiyy   (the  Tusite), AbU   Hãmid, hammad Ib A1-Ghazzãliyy. He   bore the   title of  respect   respect   Hujjat  Al-Islam forr the   role he   played in   defending   Islam (proof  of   Islam) fo again ag ainst st the  trends of  f thought thought   that   existed at the  time.57 He was born in Tus in 450  A.H./1058   C.E.   Tus Tus was a  ci  city ty of  today. It   was composed Khurasan   near   Meshhad in   Iran   to two o   adjacent   towns:   Nuqan and   Tabarãn. His   father of  tw was a   wool   spinner   (ghazzhO88   and and th thus us,,   relative to   this profession,   A1-Ghazzãliyy  acquired this name with a stressed “z”.   Man any y medieval   scholars   accepted  this form of Al-Ghaz Al-Ghaz-“Allsay y   that the   correct   form is “A zaliyy’s  name.89 Those who sa Ghazaliyy”  with  unstressed “z”   base their j  ju udgement on the hazalah, lah, idea  that   “AI-Ghazaliyy” is derived from the word Ghaza supposedly, one of  the   villages   that   surround   Tus. In In   this case,   “Al-Ghazàliyy”   would   mea mean n the   Ghazallte.   However, according to Ib Ibn n   Al-Sam’aniyy (d. 506   A,H./112   C.E.),9°a contemporary of   A1-Ghazzaliyy, the   people of  Tus   denied the   existence of  the   village of   Ghazalah   when he   asked also called “A1-Ghazthem about  it.91   Among those who were erealso zaliyy”°2were his  brother   Ahmad (d.   520 A.H./1126   C.E.), and the   brother of  A1-Ghazzaliyy’s  grandfather,   Ahmad Ibn Muhammad (d.   435 A,H ,H./ ./1043) 1043)   CE.). The   latter   also had chola olar r and Abu   I-lamid as an   honorific   title. He was   a sch teacher of  Abü   ‘All   Al-Fadl Ib uhammad ammad Ibn   ‘All AlIbn n   Muh Faramdhiyy (d (d.. 477   A.H./1048   C.E.).   A1-Faramdhiyy played a  m  maj ajor or   role in shaping   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   Sufism.93 scholars lars held this 86   This is an   honorific   title   (kunyah).   Many   Shafl’ite   scho   Hamid.”  Al-Ghazzaliyy di did d eans s   “father of  Hamid.” kunyah.   which which litera literally lly   mean not  have any   sons.   Murtada A1-Zubaydiyy, Murtada  A1-Zubaydiyy, It haf  al-Sadah al-Mutaqln   al-Sadah al-Mutaqln bt-Shnrh   Asrar   Ihya’   ilium  al-Din,   (Beirut: Dar   Ihya’   Al-Turath al‘Arablyy)  Vol. 1 . p. 18. 87 Taj Al-Din AI-Subkiyy,  Tabaqat  al-S hafi’iyyah ubra,  ‘Abd  ‘Abd A1-Fattah  A1-Fattah hafi’iyyah al-K ubra, Muhammad   AI-Hilw and   Mahmud   Muhammad   al-Tanahiyy.   eds,, (Cairo:   Matba’at   ‘Isa al-B Co.. 196 1968). 8).   Vol. VI, p.   191. al-Babi abi ai-H ai-Halabi alabi &   Co.. 88 Al-S l-Sub ubki kiyy yy..   Vol. VI, p.   193. 89   They   include   Al-Nawawiyy, Ib Ibn n   Al-Athir.   Al-Dhahabiyy. and Ibn Khallikan.   Muham Muhammad Ibn Muhammad   Al-Husayniyy   Murtada Al-

Zubaydlyy.  IthafAl-Sada  IthafAl-Sadaha hal-Mu l-Muttaqin ttaqin bi-Sh bi-SharhA arhAsrarlhya srarlhya’’   ‘IJiwnal-Din (Beirut: Dar Ihya’ Al-Turath al-’Arabiyy.   n.d.) p. 18. XII, p.   174, 90 I bn   Kathir,   v o l .   XII, 91 I bn  A l-Sam l-Sam’aniyy. ’aniyy. The Genealogies (Al-ansab): Al-Zubaydlyy. p . 1 8 . 92 In this dissertation, I  refer to Muhammad as Al-Ghazzaliyy, and  to his brother  Ahmad, by his   first name, as a metter of  convenience. f convenience. 93   M-Subkiyy.   Vol. Vol. VI VI,, p   209.

16

ThE Th E LIFE OF AL-OHAZZALIYY

Although   Al-Ghazzàliyy   wa was bo born rn in   Tus,   which is rightly  considered   non-Arabic  land,   there were voic voices es  advocating the   possibility   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy was of   Arabic 94   Whether   Al-Ghazzaliyy was an   Arab or not   does origin. haldun n (d. 809 A.H./  1406 not  m  make ake much  difference. lbn Rhaldu uslim im   scholars   were not   Arabs, C.E.)   stated   “that   most   Musl them were   ‘Ajam(non-Arabs).95Such and in some fields al  alll  of them scholars   used   Arabic In   their   writings   because it was   their world.  frranca of  their lingua f Before his  death,  Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   father   entrusted him and an d hi his s br broth other er   Ahmad to a  Sufi   friend. He   asked him to spend   whatever   little  money he   left   behind, to teach   them hen n the money was fInished, the Sufi reading and writing. writing.   Whe to join they might asked   them to  join a  school as  students so that   they Al-Subklyy,   schools   used to provide subsist.°6According to Al-Subklyy, room,   board board an and d a  stipend.97

1.3

HIS   EDUCATION AND  ACADEMIC  CAREER

1.3,1   Formal  Education

his s br brot othe her r As   mentioned   above,   Al-Ghazzallyy and hi Ahmad,   learned to   read and write at the  hand of  their   Sufi f their trustee.   Although no   dates are   available   about Alearly rly edu educa cation, tion, the normal age to begin school Ghazzàliyy’s ea was   eleven.98   Al-Ghazzallyy was   eleven in 469   A.H./  1069 began an his stu C.E. It   could be  during  this  time that  he beg study dy of  Tus wher here e   his tea lbn n  ju  j urisprudence at   Tus teach cher er was   AI~madlb Muhammad   Al-Radhakaniyy.   Al-Ghazzàliyy’s   next   station was   Jurjãn   where he   wrote  Al-Ta’liqah   from the   lectures of  Abü   Al-Qasim   Al-Isma’iliyy   Al-Juijãniyy.99 On his way   Al-Zubaydiyy,Vol.   I, I, p. 18 and Al-Sharba l-Sharbasiyy, siyy, p. 21.   Ibn Khald haldun un..   Al-Muqaddimah.   (Beirut: Dar al-Qalazm.   1984), p.   543. Al-S l-Sub ubkly klyy, y,   Vol. VI, pp.   193—194. A11-Qa Qarah rah   Daghi.   Vol.1. p. 69 69.. ~s   watt,  Muslim Inte  Intelle llect ctual, ual,   p.21. 99 Accor ccording ding to As-Subkiyy, Vo Vol. l. VI VI,, p.   195,   Al-Ghazzallyy’s  teacher in Al-Isma’lIiyy a’lIiyy.. His fu full ll   name was   Muhammad Jurjan was Abu   Nasr   Al-Ism Ibn   Ahmad   Ibn Ibn Ib Ibra rahi him m Ib Ibn n   Ismail (d. 405   A.H./1014   CE.) The actual   teacher   full   name was   Isma’il Ibn   Mas’adah Ib Ibn n   Iajns’il Ibn Abmad   Ibn Abmad  1084   CE CE.). It  is   obvious Ibn Ibrah Ibrahim im Ib Ibn n Isma’il  (d. 477 A.H./  1084 94 95 96 97

17

AL-Cl IAZZALIYY

back to   Tus, his   belongings   including   A1-Ta’iiqah   were stolen by   bandits.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   followed   them and ander r to  return him the   books for appealed to  their   commande whic hich h he had  “travelled  in order to  listen, to write and   know their   contents”.’°° The command The ander er laugh laughed ed at Al-Ghazzaliyy because he  claimed to know  the con content tents s of  the  books, yet he was striped of  the kn momentt  they to know owledg ledge e the   momen took ok th the e books   from him.   Al-Ghazzàliyy   took   back  his   books and deprived rived of  decided to   memori orize ze them, so he co could uld nev never er be dep his   knowledge   again.   Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   journey to   Jurjãn since he must   have   occurred   before 474  A.H./1074   CE.,   sinc book oks s he brought  mem emori orizin zing g the bo spent   three  years in Tus  m leaving g to to   Nishapur.’°’ In 470  A.H./  back  with him  before   leavin where ere he studied 1077  C.E., Al-Ghazzãliyywent to Nishapur, wh at the Nizamiyyah,   under Im Imam amA Al-Ha l-Haram ramayn, Al-Juw l-Juwainiyy. ainiyy. until   his deat During ing his   stay at death h in 478   A.H./1085   C.E.   Dur Nizamiyyah, Al-Gha l-Ghazzàliyy zzàliyy  learned and   excelled in the the   Nizamiyyah,  ju urisprudence   (‘Jim at Shafi’ite Jurisprudence,   comparative j  jurisprudence   (Usill  aI-Fiqh), funKhilaM.   fundamentals of  ju dam da ment entals als of   religion   (Usüi   al-Din),   logic and   philosophy. In the   field of   philosophy   Al-Ghazzaliyy   read   Al-Farabiyy 345 A.H .H./95 ./950 0 CE.) and Ib (d.   345 Ibn n   Sina   (Avicenna) (d. 429 2Also, he  read the  letters of  the   Brethren A.H./1037   CE.).’° of Purity (Ikhwãn at -S  -S afa) ~   Al-Ghazzàliyy ranked  very high among the  students of  the Niza izam miyy iyyah ah Al-Ju l-Juw wain ainiyy iyy   used to ask    Al-G Al-Ghazz hazzãliy ãliyy y to   assist In   lecturing to   the the ot othe her r students,   even  in his own   presence.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   began writing his   books   during the   life of   Al-Juwainlyy.   which have e  been a   source of  disaccording  to Al-Subkiyy, might hav comfort to his  teacher.’°4  the e cousin of Abu Al-Qasim’s  grandfather.   Man that Abu Nasr was  th any y orientalists and   Musl the e mistake of A l   Subklyy. uslim im  scholars copied th 77,,  that   itwasAbu  Al-Qasim FarldJabre, S. J. said in Mid  Mideeo, Vol. I, p. 77 who taught  Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Badawi,  Mu’auafat  Al-Chazali, p. 4. 100 10 0   Scholars,   includingAl-Ghazzaliyy.   used to   dictate   their   books. 101   Al-Subkiyy.   Vol. VI, p.   195. 102 10 2 we   know   this   from  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   writings   about   them   first in  Ma  M aqasid aI-Falasifah critiqu que e of philosophy philosophy  Tahafut  aI-Falasifah and later on In his criti

a(-FaIo.sifaft  103 10 3   These are  fifty one letters of  an underground   group of  philosophers who called   themselves th Purity. In these   letters   they the e Brethren of  f Purity. attempted   to rec recon onci cile le philosophy and Sharl’ah.  Al-Zubaydiyy, p. 28. 104 10 4   Al-Subkiyy,   Vol. VI. p.   196.

18

LIFE OF  OF  A L - G H A Z zA L IY Y ThE Th E LIFE

1.3.2   Teaching   at th the e  Nizamiyyah, The   “Spiritual   Crisis” After the   death of  Al-Juwainiyy,   Al-Ghazziliyy   went to the Camp  (Ai-Mu’astcwi, to see   vizier   Nizãm   al-Mulk,   whose eetin ting g plac lace e fo for r sch scholars. olars. The There, re, Al-Ghazzaliyy court was amee debated   with with oth other er sc scho holar lars s and won   their   respect.   Alter about six   years at   Al-Mu’askar, Nizãm Al-M l-Mulk  ulk    assigned   Baghdad. He Nizamiyyah h of  Baghdad. Al-Ghazzaliyy to  teach at the   Nizamiyya lectured   there  between  48  484 4 A.H .H./109 ./1091 1   C.E C.E. and 488 A.H./  5This   position won him  prestige ,   wealth, and 1095   C.E.’° “respect   that   even prin rince ces, s, kin kings gs and   sriziers   could not According to the Hanbalite scholar IbnAl-Jawziyy ‘ ° ~ (d. 597  A.H./1200   C.E.) who   studied at the   hands of  AlGhazzaliyy’s   student   judg judge e Ibn   Al-’Arabiyy,   Al-Ghazzãliyy sfahan n where the   Camp came to   Baghdad   directly  from Asfaha must   have  been located.’67 At the   Nizamiyyah,   several  hundred   students   used to attend the   lectures of  Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Some of   those stufew w  became became famous sc scholar holars, s,   judges, and fe dents   becam lectu lec ture rers rs at the   Nizãmiyyah of   Baghdad   itself.’°5 Also scholars  like Ibn ‘Aqil and Abü büA Al-Khattã l-Khattãb, b,  among the heads of   the juris risp pru rude denc nce, e, att atten ende ded d hi his s the Han anba balite lite   school of  ju the eir writings.’09 lectures and   Incorporated   them  in th The end of Al-Gh l-Ghazzá azzáliyy’s liyy’s   career at the  Nlzãrniyyah of  105   Al-Subklyy.   Vol. VI, pp.   196-197. 105 106 10 6   Al-Zubaydlyy,  Vol. 1 , p. 7. 107 10 7 Ibn   Al-Jawzlyy.   Al-Muntazam f t   Tas-ikh    at’Muluk  Wa   al-Umam, at- ‘Uthmanlyyah.   1939) Vol. IX, p. 55. (Hayderabad: Da’lrat  al-Ma’arif   al-Ma’arif at(d.. 544   A.H./1 14 108 10 8   They   included:   Judge Ahu   Nasr   Al-Khamqariyy (d 149 9 C.Ej: Abu Bakr Ibn A1-’Arabiyy aI-Maliklyy (d. 545  A.H./1150  C.E.) who was qu quoted oted freq frequen uently tly incriticism ofAl-Ohazzaliyy: A b u   ‘Abdullah Shall’ Ibn  ‘Abd   Ar-Rashid   Al-Jiliyy   Al-Shafl’iyy (d. 54 541 1   AM/i 14 146 6  Abu u Mansur CE.), whos ose e lec lectur tures es were attended by Ibn Al-Jawziyy:  Ab C.EJ;who taught Sad  Ibn Muhammad  Al-Bazzar (d.   539A.M.! 1144   C.EJ;who at the Nizamiyyah.:   Imam Abu Al-Fa (d.. l-Fath th Ahm hmad ad Ibn  ‘All  Ib  Ibn n Burhan (d  who o taught  atthe Nizamlyyah  forashort  period: SlsA.H./   1124 1124 C.E C.E.). .). wh Thmart. founder of A1-Muwahhldun   state in and Abu   ‘Abduliäh Ibn   Thmart. Al-Maghrib.   among   many   others.   AI-Shirbasiyy   made a   mistake in (d.. 406  A.M./ listing A b u   Hamid Al-Isfaraylnlyy (d  who o was  A.M./101 1015 CE.).  wh one of theheads theheads of theShafl’ites, amo amongth ngthe e students ofAl-Ghazzaliyy. See Al-Shirbasiyy, p. 32. 109 10 9   Al-Shirbasiyy. p. 31.

19

AL-C HAZZALIYY

Bagh aghda dad d was un unexp expecte ected. d. Th The e  circ  circum umstan stances ces surr surroun ounding ding 0 of  this   event   became   known   as as the   “spiritual   crisis” Al-Gha l-Ghazzãliyy. zzãliyy. Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy   discussed the   reason   that prompted him to to   qui quitt hi his s   position   in in his   autobiographical work,  Deliverence fr  fro om E  Erro rror  r (Al-Munqidh mirz  al -Daihi) ,  in the section of   Sufism Sufism.. The   aim aim of  of    this   book  was   to sh show ow AlGhazzaliyy’s   quest for   knowledge.   After   discussing the metho ethods ds of   Al-Mutakallimün,” the   philosophers and the Batinites   respectively,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   cho chose se th the e   method of  forr the acquiring of knowledge. the Sufis as the right method fo one e   should   abandon all This   method had   prerequisites; on  that, in order to worldly attachments.  Al-Ghazzallyy thought thought that, implement  this , he   should   “shun  fame,   money and to run away from obstacles”.112 He  made  it cle lea ar  that any deed that was not for the sake of Allah,”3 was an obsta obstacle. cle.  Al-GhazzaAl-Ghazzaliyy   scrutinized his   activities,   including   teaching, and decided   that his   motivation was not for the sa sake ke of  Allah.”4 Al-Ghazzãliyy   wanted to   abandon   those   obstacles but the   temptation was   very   strong. He   spent six   months struggling to stop teaching,   until until he no  longer had a choice. Of this Al-Ghazzaliyy  said:  488 8  A.H. “For  nearly six months beginning with  Rajab,  48 July,   1095   CE.), I was  continuously  tossed   about between tw een the   attractions of  worldly the e im  worldly   desires and th eternal   life. In   tha pulses   towards   eterna that   month the   matte ter

one e  of  choice and became one of compulceased to  be on sion.   (Allah)   caused my  tongue to dry up so   that I was prevented   from   lecturing. One particular particular day I  would make an effort to  lecture in order to grati~rthe hearts of   tongue would my  following, but my  tongue  would not   utter a  single word nor  could I acco accom mplish anything at  all.””5 110   Al-A ‘sum,  p. 42:  M-Shirbasiyy, p. 34:   Dimashqiyyah,   p. 43. subject ma matter, tter, theologians s who   incorporated   logic in   their   subject 111 Muslim theologian which became known  as   ‘Il,n al-Kalam. 112   Ai-Ghazzaliyy.   Deliverer-we, p.   134. 113 I  used the word “Allah’  Instead of ‘God” ‘ God”   because the latter hasvarious connotations. in differe different nt religi religions ons and   cultures,   that   might not represent the Islamic con concep cept. 114 11 4   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Deliverance, p .   134,  Mid idd dle leA Ages,  eds. 115 11 5   Algazali, “De “Delive liveranc rance e from Error.” Philosophy in th the e M Arthur   I-lyman, and James J .  wal 5h   (Indianapolis:   Hackett Publish.277, ing  Cp.,   1987)   .277

20

ThE LIFE OF AL-CHAZZALIYY

The fa caus used ed him fact ct th that at Al-Ghazzàliyy could not speak  ca grief,   which   eventually   effected his   ability   to di dige gest st   food. Soon Al-Ghazzãliyy’s health dete deteriorate riorated d and the physicians only way to   cure him  any y hope   and and st state ated d tha thatt the   only gave up  an was by   solving his   psychological   problems.   Realizing his worsening situation,   Al-Ghazzãliyy  “sought impotence, and worsening refuge   with   Allah Allah who   made it   easy for his   heart to   turn 6 wealth, from away from position and wealth,  from children and friends.” He  d  distr istribu ibuted ted his  w  wealth ealth retain retaining ing   only as   much as  would and d hi his s  children, In public, he  declared  that he suffice him an going to   make was   going make pil ilgrim grimage age to   Makkah,   while in fact, he was   planning to go to   Syria.   Al-Ghazzàliyy   had had th this is   plan because he was  convinced  that the   Caliph and the sc schola holars rs of   Baghdad   would not   understand his   position;   he was afraid   that   they   might   prevent him   from from leav leaving ing.”7 .”7 Alreplace lace him at the Ghazzãliyy   asked his brother   Ahmad to  rep with h th the e   intentIon   never Nizamiyyah.”8 and   left   Baghdad   wit to return.”9 to  return.”9 Although Al-Ghazzàliyy use language age sed d cle lear ar and simple langu in describing the   reason why he   left the   Nlzamiyyah,   there were  some   contemporary   scholars who  used Al-Ghazzãliyy’s account of   that   event   to “dia “diagn gnose ose” ” his   sickness.12° Alin great  great  details his  physical and spiGhazzãliyy   described in those de deta tails ils inv invite ited d   some  seem ms   that   those ritual   con condi ditio tions ns.. It  see contemporary   scholars   to le leav ave e the   realm of   philosophy to   medicine in   their   attempt to   diagnose   Al-Ghazzàliyy. Although it is not th of this book  to define what  th the e  aim of this  the e jo job b forr  symptoms in autobiographical of  philosophy   philosophy is is,,   looking fo works, is not   philosophy per  se. One can not but   criticize and   reject   such  unphilosophical   attitudes. Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   declared   mot motive ives s for   his dep departur artured ed   have   been   chalfrom   Baghdad in   Deliverance  From Error  have lenged by two   scholars.   Duncan   Black Macdonald   argued that  Al-Ghazzãliyy  left Baghdad  because he felt that he was non n  grata with the Su  pe  p ersona no Sultan ltan  Barkyaruq)2’   According to   Macdonald,   this was   because  Al-Ghazzãliyy   sided   with 116 116 11 7 118 11 8 119 11 9

120 12 0

  Al-Gazzaliyy,  Deliverance. p.   278,   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Deliverance, p.   137.   Ai-Zubaydiyy,   Vol. Vol. I,   p.7.   M-Ghazzaliyy,  Delivenrence, p .   137.

A1-Sh A1Shir irba basi siyy yy,, p. p. 37. 37.

1 2 1   watt. p .   140.

21

AL-C IIAZZALIYY

  Bark Tutush (d (d.. 488   A.H./  1095   CE.),   uncle and   rival of  Bark  that th this is   opinion yaruq. In   fact  Al-Ghazzàliyy   mentioned   that  fro om  Error.   This  opinion.  Deliverance fr was in   circulation in  Deliverance back k in   history to the   time of   Al-Ghazzaliyy, which   goes   bac contradicts   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   account of  his   relationship with  those in authority at the   time.   It It is  quite  clear,   rather, 22 Besides, if his  only goal was that  he was  courted by  them.’ to   disappear   from   Baghdad in   order to   escape   political difficulties, he   could   have   done   so witho ithout ut   going to the trouble of  becoming a  Sufi. The other   challenge to Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   account account was set forth by   Farid   Jabre who   claimed   that   A1-Ghazzãliyy   fled forr   fear of  assassination Baghdad fo  assassination by   the Batinltes.’2’ The apply   here. In criticisms of    Macdonald’s   opinion   also   appl addi ad ditio tion, n, on one e   cou could ld arg argu ue   that if  it   were   tru true e th tha at Alforr Ghazzãliyy   feared for his   life, he   should   have   looked fo places located fa farr   away   from from th the e in influ fluen ence ce of  the Batinites.  Damascu ascus s   and and Je Jeru rusa salem lem   which  were However,   he went to  Dam under the   direct   influence of  the   Fatimids.   Furthermore, at the end of  his   journey,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   returned to Nishapur,   which was   very   close to the   strongholds of  the Batinites,   during the   peak  of   political political ass assass assination inations.’2 s.’24 4 Thus it is unte ntena nable ble tha thatt   Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   fear of   assassination  could   have   played any  role   in hi his s dep epar artu ture re   from accou ount, nt, on  the oth other er  hand,   is per Baghdad. His own   acc erfe fec ctly comprehensible. Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   abandonment of   almost   everything and his  choice of the sp that he  possessed   and spiritual iritual  path of  Sufism  (tariqah)   should not   come   as a su surp rpris rise. e. He   read read the books  of Sufis  such as Abü Nib Al-Makkiyy’s Qitt  al-QuliTh (Food of  the   Hearts), the  books  of  Al-Harith Al-Muhãslbiyy, and the   fragm fragmen ents ts of   Al-Junayd,   Al-Shlbliyy, and Abü Yazid  Al-Bistamiyy.’25  Al-Ghazzãllyy’s   position was   consisabov ove e ment ention ioned ed Su Sufis fis.. He chose their tent  w  with ith th thos ose e of the ab forr methodology   as as th the e one  that  could  best   fulfill his   quest fo forr examknowledge.   A1-Muhàsibiyy (d. 243 A.H./857 C.E.), fo 122 122 123 12 3 124 12 4 125 12 5

22

       

Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Dehverance,   137. watt, p.   140. Watt att,, pp.   140—143. Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Deliverance. p.   131,

ThE Th E LIFE OF  AL-GI-IAZZALIYY

26   Likeple,   withdrew fro from m pub ublic lic   life and   died in   want.’ wise,   Al-Junayd (d. 298   A.H./910   C.E.), a   student of  Alwhethe ther r he was   worthy to   give had dou oubt bts s   whe Muhasibiyy.   had lectures.’27A1-Shibliyy (d. 334  A.H./946   C.E.), a student of  Al-Junayd, was the   governor of   Dunbawind,   canton of  and as aske ked d of  the   inhabiRayy.   also   renou renounc nced ed the   world   and tants  immunity for his  past  conduct. He then  submitted his resignation.’28   Al-Bistamiyy (d. 261   A.H./874   C.E.)   stated that he gained knowledge of the world by means of  a hu hung ngry ry belly.’2°Following   suit.  Al-Makkiyy (d. 386   A.H./996   C,E,) advocated   self-mortification: he   lived for a   considerable time on   nothing but   wild   herbs.’3°Th Their eir influ influenc ence e on AlGhazzaliyy is   unmistakable. Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  internal struggle might  have  been trig Allgered by the visIt of Abü All-H Husa usayn yn Ardashir lb lbn n Mansür  A ‘Abbãdiyy to the   Nizamiyyah in 486   A.H.I  1093 CE. His preaching, which Al-Ghazzãliyy atten attended ded,, was so Influential women were that   “more   than   thirty   thousand men and   wom pre res sen entt at his   circles,   many   peo peopl ple e lef leftt   their   livelihood,  wine ines s were  and nd re retu turn rned ed to mosques,  w many people repented  a spilled  and instru instrum ments of  play (i.e.   music)   were broken.”3’ were  broken.”3’

1.3.3

The  J  Jou ourneys rneys of  .A1-Ghazzãliyy

It was a part  of  the  path of  the  Sufi to  travel   from one  place to another and to visit tombs of good  people.   Visiting cemeteries are   intended to   help the   Sufi  puri1~’his   soul,   since one e a   lesson   abou the   sight of  the   graves   teaches on aboutt th the e f this this lIfe. temporal and   limited nature of  Based   upon   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   account In   Deliverance  Err rro or, his trip,  after leaving Baghdad in 488 A.H. / 1095  fro  fr om E 1095 itie ies s in outlin tlined ed as   coverin covering g the   following cit C.E.,   could   be ou 126 12 6

Ibn Khallikan,   Wafayat  at-A’yan  at-A’yan waAnab’  waAnab’  Abna’  al-Zaman,   t a n s . B . Mac   Guckin Dc   Slane: The John J.   Burns  Library,   Boston   college. 02167   (ParIs:   Printed fo chestnut   Hill,  MA 02167 the e Oriental   Translation forr th Fund of  Great   Great Brltaln And Ireland,   1843) Vol. 1843) Vol. I, p.   365. lbn lb n  Khamkan,   Vol. Vol. I, p.   338.

127 127 128 12 8   Ibid.,Vol.I,p.511. 129 12 9   Ibid.,  Vol.1, p.   662. 130 13 0   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Deliverance, p.  131. Ibn Kathir,   Vol. 131 Vol. XII XII,, p.   144.

23

AL-GHAZZLIYY

chronological   order:   Damascu Damascus s   (where   he sta stayed yed   “close to 32 Jerusalem,   Hebr Hebron, on,   Makkah and  Madinah.’33 two tw o  years”,’ later re retu turn rned ed to Baghdad’~in Jumada   Al-Akhirah, 490 He   later A.H./June,   1097   CE.’35   From   there he   went to Tus and to   attend lived in seclusion   (khalwa),   except   when he had to to family affairs.’~ Al-Ghazzaliyy en seclusion, which ende ded d hi his s   seclusion, Nizamiyyah h of  lasted for   eleven   years,’37 to   teach at the   Nizamiyya Nishapur”8 in 499 A.H,/  1106  C.E. His stay  in Nishapur was rather   short. he   returned to Tus whe here re he re rem main ained ed un until til his   death on   Monday,   Jumada   al-Akhirah, 505   A.H./December 18,   1111   C.E.’39 route te Al-Ghaz There  have   been other  accounts of  the rou Al-Ghaz-zãliyy   took  in his   journey;   they   advocate the   notion   that he   visited Alexa lexandr ndria ia in   Egypt on his way to   Yusuf  Ib Ibn n Tashafln, an and d th that at he   returned   when he   learned   that Ib Ibn n Tashãfln had   died.’4°All   other   accounts   confirm   that Alhurasan, n, a dis distric trictt in !ersia, in 500A.H./  Ghazzaliyy was in Khurasa year ar in which Ib 1106 C.E C.E., .,   the ye Ibn n  Tashafin  died.’4’ The  idea refu futed ted on tw Egyptt may   be re two o that   Al-Ghazzaliyy was in   Egyp Ibn n   Al-’Arabiyy saw   him,   after reaccounts. His   student, Ib turning   from his  journey, in the  wilderness of  Baghdad   Baghdad in 491   A.H./1097   C.E. C.E. In   addition,   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   account that  he was in Nishapur.   Khurasan, in Dhu   al-Qi’dah, 499 A.H./July   1106,~2 is a   clear clear ind indica ication tion of  the   falsity of  such   claims.  toAl-Subkiyy, According to Al-Subkiyy,  Al-Ghazzãliyy  left Baghdad in CE., an and d   went to   perform pilgri 488   A.H./  1095 A.H./  1095   CE ilgrim mage In Makkah,  before he hew wen entt to Damascus in 489 A.H./  1096 C.E.  faq qir  (lIterally forr a  few days as a fa In   Damascus, he  stayed fo   (lIterally poor,   another way of  referring to a  Sufi)   before  heading to here e he remained fo forr  awhile.   From Jerusalem Jerusalem, wher 132 132 1 33 134 13 4 135 13 5 136 13 6 137 13 7 138 13 8

A1-G 1-Ghaz hazzali zaliyy. yy. Deliverance, p .   1 3 8 .

  Ibid.,

p p .   137—139.

  AI-Subkiyy,   Vol. VI. p.   200.   Watt att,, p.  201.   Al-Ghazzallyy,   Deliverance.   p. 13 138. 8.   Ibid., p.   159.   Al-Zubaydiyy,   Vol. Vol. I, p. 8.

139   Al-Subkiyy,  Vol. VI.  p.20L 140 14 0 Al-Z Al-Zub ubay aydi diyy yy,,   Vol.  I I,, p. 8.

141   Badawi, p. 23. 142 14 2   A]-Ghazzaliyy,  Deliverance. p.   159.

24

ThE Th E UFE OF   AL-GHAZZALIYY

he   returned to   Damascus.   There he   chos chose e th the e   western minaret of  the  Umayyad mosque as his  place of  seclusion. aghd hdad ad whe here re he pre reac ache hed, d, Fromthere he returned to Bag 43 It  must lectured red on his  ihyä’  ‘Ilium al-Dirt fo forr   awhile.’ and lectu be  noted   that the   order of  the  journey  does not correspond to that of Al-Ghazzaliyy. In   Deliverance fr  fro om   Error,   Al-Ghazzàliyy   states   that he  stayed in  Dam  Damascu ascus s   almost tw two o  years. He  used to spend his   days in   seclusion and   isolation by   locking  himself  inside the  minaret of the   mosque of  Damascus. For the  duration of  his   stay the there, re, he   kept   himself    busy   puril~lnghis soul,   polishing his  morals, and cleansing his  heart to make remembrance   (dhikr)   of All grasp sped ed Alla ah, in the   fashion   he gra from the books of  the Sufls.’44 Damascus s for Jerusalem, he When Al-Ghazzaliyy   left   Damascu continued to   live in   isolation. He   used to   enter the   Rock   locked him (Al-Sakhrah)’45   wherein he  locked visit- himself. Th Then, en,   after visit  to ing the   tomb of  prophet  Ibrahim  ta.s.1 in Hebron, he went went to perform  pilgrimage  to the   Ka’bah146 in   Mekkah and to visIt Madinah,   where prophet   Muh uhammad ammad   LS.A.A.S.I  was bur buried. ied. At   this   stage,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   missed his   chIldren.’47 He  returned   home, to T  Tus us afte after r a  brief  stay in  Baghdad at the   Ribat’48 of  Abii   Abii   Said   A1-Naysaburiyy, in   front of  the Nizamiyyah.’49 In   Tus, he   continued to   live in   seclusion seclusion was   Interrupted   from tim time e to  time although his   seclusion   family   affairs.’5°Eleven   years because of  family years elap elapsed sed   between A1-S 1-Sub ubki kiyy, yy,  Vol. Vol. VI, pp.   197-200. 144   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Deliverance, p.   138. 145 14 5   This   “Rock”  is loca Al-Aqsa   mosqu osque e in Jerusalem. the e yard of Al-Aqsa located ted in th There is a mosque  built on   that location:   It Is   called   Dome  of  the 143 14 3

travelled from Rock.   Muslims   believe   that   prophet   Muhammad   travelled Makkah to AI-Aqsa mosque  in a nightjourney.   Al-Qur’an  17:1.  From the th e position of that that   “Rock”, prophet Muhammad   IS.A.A.S.I ascended  heavens ns ,   before  retu to  heave  returnin rnin g t o  Makkah:

all this  with th e  help o f .Jibril (Gabriel). This  event is known  a  as s th the e  Is  Isra’ ra’ and  Mi’raj. In  contempo-

rary Islam Islamic ic po political litical thought,  this even event, t, am among ong other things,  is  used  the Islamization of   Jerusalem. to  support the idea of  the Jerusalem. He Hence nceit it has a led d  Al-Ghazzaliyy to visit it in hi spiritual value that le his s quest for  truth. 146 The Kabah is the house that has be by prophet  prophet Ibrahim and been en bu built ilt by his hi s son prophet  Ismail   (lshmael).   Al-Ghazzaliyy, 147 147   Deliverance,   p. 138. 14 8   Lodge f o r th e   Sufis   where   they  ca  can n   have   f r e e   room and  board. Vol. I. p 149 14 9   A1-Qarah   Daghi.   Vol.  p..   122. 150 15 0   Ai-Ghazzallyy.   Deliverance. p.   139.

25

AL-GRAZZALIVY

Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   departure   from   Baghdad to the end of  5’ his   life   of of iso isolat lation ion.’ .’ Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   journeys had   many many con conseq sequen uences ces.. He wrote Ihy  Issaiah ai-Qucisiyyalt ltffi al Ihyã’ ã’ IlI IlIum um al-Din and A1-R I ‘Aqã’Ld. In   Hebro Hebron, n, he   pledged   three   things: not to   accept money from any Su Sultan, ltan, not to visit any of  them, and  never to debate   any person.   Al-Ghazzaliyy  Al-Ghazzaliyy   fulfilled   these   pledges. his es estat tate e in   Tus; its   income For   money, he   depended on   his imp portan ortantly, tly, he came to provided him with his need.’52 Most im know   “without   doubt   (yaqiri)   that the   Sufis ar are e th the e   (true) dwellers  (sãlikün) on the  path  path o  off Alla llah, h,   their   conduct is the best be st,, an and d th thei eir r  method is the the  best   method.”5’ Al-Ghazzãliyy   ended his   seclusion, in 499   A.H./  1105  vizier Fakhr C.E., at a request   fro from th the e  vizier  Fakhr Al-Mulk  to teach at  He e  agreed to return to teachthe Nizamiyyah of  Nishapur.’54  H ing after “c “cons onsulting ulting with masters of the hearts’55 who agreed that he  could  leave his  seclusion.”56 To  indicate   that   there was no   contradiction be betw tween een leav leaving ing th the e Niza izam miyy iyyah ah of    Nishapur,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   said Baghdad and  joining  that of  Nishapur, that at th the e   fIrst he   taugh taught sc scienc iences es th that at   brought   about fame, but at the   latt latter er,, he   taught   knowledge   that le led d to desertin des erting g su such ch   fame. He  justified his   move by   quoting several   verses  fro  from m th the e   Qur’an,’57   that   mad made e  preaching, the  jo  j ob of  the   prophets, a   prio riorit rity y, ev even en if  if    discomfort was the consequence.   Furthermore,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   said   that the timing of  f    this   coincides   with the   beginning of  the   fifth cons nside idered red a good  omen.’58 According century A.H.,which he co to a had ith, uhammad ammad   [S.A.A.S.]   said   that  Allah ith,   prophet   Muh to   this   nation   (Muslim), at the  head of  each hundred sends to years,   someone to renew  (yujaddki) its  religion.’59 Al-Ghaz Al-Ghaz-zaliyy   believed   that he was the   renovator   (mujaddki) of  that  century. 1 51   Ai-Ghazzaliyy,   Deliverance, p . 1 59 15 2 A1-Qarah A1-Qarah Daghi. Daghi. Vol.  Vol. 1 .   p. 11 118. 8. 153   AI-Ghazzaliyy,   Deliverertce, p.   139. 154 15 4   Al-Qarah   Daghi,   Vol.1, p.   123.

155   Arablc=arbab al-qulub. by by which  which A1-Ghazzaliyy meant the SuBs, 156 Al-Gha Al-Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,  Deliverance,   p. 15 159. 9. 157   Al-Qur’an29:1,   6:24, and  36:11. 157 1 58   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  Deliverence, pp.   158—159. 159   This hadithwasnarratedbyAbu   Dawud, Al-Hakim, andAl-Bayhaqiyy.

26

ThE UFE OF AL-GHAZZALIYY

The  exact   duration of  Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   teaching at the Nizamiyyah of  Nishapur is not known. It  is beli eliev eved ed though that he left after the assassination of the vizier Fakhr al-Mulk   da ay of  ‘Ashura’, the lbn lb n Nizãm Al-M l-Mulk, ulk, by a  Batinite, on the  d 6° 10th of  Muharram, 500   A.H./  1106   CE.’ Subsequently  Al-Ghazzãliyy  returned to Tus,  where he built a  lodge fo forr the   Sufis  (khàriaqàh) and a  school   next to one e   hun hundred dred and   fifty  students. his   house. He had  about on The here re were attempts, by vizier Ahmad Ibn Nizãm Al-Mulk  (d.  (d. 544 AR!   1149   C.E.).  to con convin vince ce Al-Gha l-Ghazzãliyy zzãliyy to return to aghdad dad after the   death of   its teac teacher her,, the   Nizamiyyah of  Bagh .H./1110 ./1110   C.E.), who was Alllkiya ll kiya Al-H l-Haras arasiyy iyy (d.   504 A.H Ghazzãliyy’s   colleague   during the  days of  Al-Juwainiyy. AlGhazzãliyy   declined the   offer.’6’

1.3.4   .A1-Ghazziliyy and the   Science of  Hadith   Hadith

Al-Ghazzàliyy has   been cr criticiz iticized ed for his   weakness in the science of  had ith. ith. It  appears  th  tha at in th tha at   milieu j  ju urists,   like himself   neglected to a   certain   degree   this   science   because they   considered   the sc scho holar lars s of  hadith   below the   level of  A.H./92 ./925 5 CE.) sa said, id, “As fo forr the  ju  j urists.   Al-Ràziyy (d. 313   A.H people of    hadith,   they   memorize the   traditions of  the Messenger  of Allah llah,, may Allah’s Allah’s peace  peace and prayers   be upon him, but   they are not   capable of   reasoning and   debate. Every tim time e  j  ju urists   present   them   with   a qu question estion or a problem  they  fail to   answ answer and get   “puzzled”.”’°2However, the position of  the  j  ju urists le led d   scholars of  hadith   hadith to   eventually adop ad optt a   similar position. Moreover,   there   were   many   scholars who   considered dev de voti otin ng on one’s e’s   life to   seeking   fridith and   narrating it a forr   the sa worldly   activity   unless the   goal was fo of Alla llah. h. sake ke   of Abü Tãlib Al-M l-Mak akkiy kiyy y (d. 386   A.H./996   C.E.)   nar narra rated ted in Qüt   Al-QuFub,   which   Al-Ghazzãliyy   mentioned in  Al-Munqidh m m   al-Dalàl as one of  the   sou sourc rces es that that shaped his thought   about   Sufism,’63   that Abü   Sulaymân   al-Dàraniyy 1 60   Badawi, p . 2 5. 1 61   A1-Qarah   Daghi,   Vol.1. pp.   134—136. asan n  1-litu,   Introduction,   Al-Mankhul m m   Ta’liqat  at 162 16 2   Muhammad   Hasa Usul, by  Al-Ghazzaliw (Damascus: Dar   a l - F l k r .   1970) p. 4.

163

Al-Gha AlGhazza zzaliy liyy, y,  Al-Munqidh,   p. 13 131. 1.

27

AL-GHAZZALIYY

said: “a man who   seeks Had ith, ith, gets married or   travels to 4One co cou uld on only ly add   that find   a job is a  worldly   person”.’° if   this was the   position of   the the Su Sufis fis,, the   position of  Alsurp rpris rise. e. Ghazzäliyy   should not  come  as a su Though   Al-Ghazzaliyy was an  outstanding   scholar in know owledge ledge,,   ignoring the Science of hadkit  can many fields of kn f unsound unsound not be  justified  because it led to the   inclusion of  narr na rrat atio ions ns in his   writings.   This   science   (‘tim   mustalah al  study, a hadith) had   developed, as an   independent   field of  study, century  before his  birth. At   least   four  major  books on   ‘tim mustalah aI-liathth were written   during   that   time.’65   Moreover, in the   last  paragraph of  f h his  book   Qanun   aI-Ta’wil, Althat his   knowledge in the   science of  Ghazzaliyy   confessed   that hadith was   little.’66 In   addition, the   large   number of  f    narrators   (muhad f this this field which In return dmthan) ind indica icates tes the im imp porta ortanc nce e of  explains the   criticism to   Al-Ghazzaliyy   regarding his weakness in   narrating   iadtth.   According to  Al-Khatlb AlBaghdädiyy (d. 463   A.H./1071   C.EJ in   Tczrikh   Baghdad.  hom me of  more than  five thousand’67  scholBaghdad was the  ho ars of  hadith   during the   first five  centuries  A.H.’~  ju urists and scholars of  the   time. Lik Li ke all  j time. Al-Ghazzaliyy was   introduced to the   science of   ho.dith as   part of  his education. Ye app pears that he did not  study  this science Yett It ap l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy  pointed as an independe endent nt su subject. bject.   Critics of Al-Gha Abu   Talib   al-Makkiyy, Qut   al-Qulub   (Dar   Sadir: No   Place,   N.D.) Vol. 1 , p.   135. 165   These   were 1 .   Al-Muhaddmth   aI-Fasll   bayn  al-Rawl W a   al-Wa’m by A1-Ramharamziyy (d. 360   A.H./964   cE. cE.). 2 .   Ma’nfat    ‘Ulwn at 164 16 4

A1-Haki Hakim m   al-Naysaburiyy ( d .   405 A.H. A.H./1O1 /1O14 4   cE.  Ha  H adit ith h   by A1cE.). Ma’rtfat    ‘Ulum   al’Hadlth by Abu   Na’im Al3.   Al-Mustakhraj   ‘ala   Ma’rtfat   Asbahaniyy (d. 430   A.H./1038   CE.). 4.   Al-K(fayah ii   ‘Jim Al Riw  R iwa ayah by   A1-Khatlb  al-Baghdadiyy (d. 463   A.H./1070   CE.). See

166 16 6

167

168

At-Tahhan,   p.10 A1-G 1-Ghaz hazzali zaliyy. yy.   Ma’arij   al-Quds  ft   Ma’rtfat   Al-Nafs and   Qanun ci ciiiMaktabat  al-Jindl.   1968) p. 246. Ta’wil ( C a i r o :   Maktabat al-Jindl. entries in Tarikh Tarikh Baghdad   Baghdad  were 7831 o f  which The actual   number of entries 32  were   women  s cholar cholars. s. I t   should be   noted   that   Al-Baghdadiyy  d i d nott inc no includ lude e th scho holars lars who how wer ere e still alive  a t the time  which means the e sc scholars was  still hig thatt the number of  tha f scholars higher her.. Munir Mun ir-ud -ud-di -din n   Ahmed,   Muslim   Education and  th the e  Scholar’s   Social the e   5th the e  Light  of   “Tarikh Status up to th 5th Cen entury tury   Muslim Era in th ed..   (Rlyad: Dar   al-Marrlkh,  Baghd  B aghdad”, ad”,   Sami   Al-Saqqar,   trans. and ed 1981) p . 2 0 .

28

THE LIFE OF AL-GHAZZALIYY

to th this is   is issue as   something   that   undermined his   works, 69 especially  Ihya’   ‘[hum   al-Din,   because it  included   “weak” l-Subkiyy y wrote a   whole and  forged   (mawdu’)  narrations. Al-Subkiy which ch he   classified all the   forged   narrations chap ch apter ter in   whi that   were   without   proper   sanad   (chain of  narrators),   narrators),   that appeared in the   Ihyã’.   Their  number   was was more  than   nine hundred.’7° It   must be   noted   that   Al-Subklyy, in his   ver eri ification of   these   narrations,   considered the   mat math h   (text) app peared in the  Ihya’ as a whole:   some of  the  hadfth as  it ap some of  these   narrations   included   parts  that   are sou sound. nd. As a pracaware are of  the   status of  the tical   precaution, in  order to   be aw one e   shou  of f the  Ihyã’  tha hadith. on  thatt ha has s Alshould ld us use e an edition  o CE.)   verification   (takhnj) in ‘lrãqiyy’s (d (d.. 806   A.H./  1404   CE. the  margin.’7’ The reporting of  a   “weak”   narration,   which has   many it/i. levels, was not  rejected  altogether  by all   scholars of  had it/i. Dr.   Al-Tahhan   states   that   there  were  scholars who  allowed the th e use of such   narration In preaching, but never in  ‘aqidah (creed). or injurisprudence. He  ad  add ded th that at Al-Thawriyy  Al-Thawriyy and ong g tho those se who   allowed   such Ahmad Ib Ibn n   IIanbal   were   amon  narra rrated ted in a “weak usage.  Moreover,   this hadith should be  na rejected ted the “weak” ened”  (tad’~JP72form.’73 The scholars who rejec narrations   altogether   include Al-Buk l-Bukhariyy, hariyy, Muslim uslim,, Yahya azm m (d. 456 A.H./  Id.. 233  A.H./835   C.E.), lb lbn n   Haz Ibn Ib n   Ma’in Id  ju udge. Ibn Al1064   C.E.), and Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   student, the j ‘Arabiyy.   Among the contem contemp poraries, Ahmad   Muhammad uhammad ammad   Nãslr  Al-Din  A1-Albaniyy held th Shakir, and   Muh the e latter   position. In   al-BU’tth   al-Hath~th, a   com comm mentary on 169

A had ith ith is co lacks s an any y of the conditions cons nsid idere ered d weak  (da’(fi  when it lack that are necessary to   render it   hasan   (good). An   example of  these   these conditions  Is  that the chain of  narrators   narrators (sanad)   should not  Include any  on  one e who is not   ‘ciii!,   which  means  ‘trustworthy”, in a regulated

degree below sense. A had ith that i s   c l a s s i f i e d   hasa,, is   still one degree the e  below th level of  a narration   that is sahth (sound). 170 17 0   Al-Subkiyy.   Vol. VI. pp.   287-388. 171 ‘Abd Al-RaiiimIbn Al-Husayn  al-’Iraqiyy, Al  Al-Mu -Mug g hnl  ‘anHanil al-Asfar 

 ft al-Asfarfi  TaJthr4 maft  al-Ihya’ min  ai-Akhbar.

17 2

The   hadith   should not be  introduced by the  clause   “prophet Muhammad   said”, which provides a false impression of a true statement.

Reporting a “weak”  narration   should   start with a form close to indirect speech in   English  grammer  (e.g. It has been  said  /narrated/  reported that prophet  Muhammad  etc.). . . .

173 17 3   Mahm Mahmud al-Tahh al-Tahhan, an,  Taysu-Mustalah  al-Hadlth(Rlyad:   Maktabat a!M a ’ a r i f ,   1981) p . 4 9 .

29

AL-Ci-IAZZALIYY

Ibn   Kathir’s   Ikhtisar    ‘Chum   al-Hddith,   Shakir   explained Ibn the   position of  the   early   Musli uslim m   Scholars who   permitted stating g th that at   during the the th e use of   “weak”   narrations by   statin time of    those   scholars   (eg.   Ahmad Ibn  Hanbal),   narrations were  divided   into tw two o  basic  categories,   sahlh and  daif. The hich h was ad adva vanc nced ed by  Al-Tirmidhiyy category of   hasart, whic  /8 880  C.E.),was  notyet  distinguished   fromsound (d. 279 A.H. / narrations. It   follows   that   those   scholars   were   actually 74 permitting   the us use e of  the   hasan not the  da’{f’ l-Makk akkiyy iyy It is   important to   mention   that Abü  Tãlib Al-M adopted the   position of   Ahmad lbn   Hanbal in   narrating   ft  “weak” had it  Al-Ghazzai  f t  t  The  difference  between him and   Al-Ghazzaliyy is that he  wrote  a chapter in Qüt   aI-Qulüb in  which he  ha ad ith ith  dajf’~~ defended the use of  a h Towards the end of  his   life,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   started uhammad ammad   [S.A.A.S.] studying the   narrations of  prophet   prophet   Muh He   read   Al-Bukhãriyy’s   Sahth and   Musl uslim’s im’s   Sahthi76  According to   Abu Abu Al-Qã l-Qãsirn sirn lbn   ‘Asãkir,   Al-Ghazzãliyy studied   Al-Bukhariyy’s   Sahth at the   hands of Abü   SahI Muhammad Ibn   ‘Abd  Allah   Al-Hafsiyy. Al-Hafsiyy. Also,  Al-Sam’aniyy reports   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   studied   Al-Bukhariyy’s   SaM/i l-Fityan n   ‘Umar and   Muslim’s  Sahlh at the   hands of  Abü Al-Fitya Abu Al-H l-Hasa asan n   Al-Rawaslyy   Al-Tüsiyy.   Furthermore, Ibn   Abu ‘Abd   Al-Ghafir Ib Ibn n   Isma’il   Al-Khatib   Al-Farisiyy C d . 551 A.H./  1156   C.E.), who   visited   Al-Ghazzaliyy   several   times before and af after ter he hec cha hang nged ed hisway of life  to Sufism. narrated came e to his   knowledge   that   A1-Ghazzaliyy   studied that it   cam the Su Suna nan n   of Abu   Dawud   Al-Sijistaniyy at the   hands of  Abii Al-Fath Abii  Al-Fath Al-Hakimiyy   Al-Tusiyy.’77 The  importance of Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  study of  the  science hether r he changed quest estion ion of whethe of  hadith can be found in the qu his   method   again. The   answer to   this this que uest stion ion   will be in this book.’78 discussed   later on   in YusufAl-Qa YusufAl -Qarda rdawi wiyy. yy.  KayfaNata’o.mal  ma’ al-Sunnahal-Nabawiyyah (A1-Max~surah:Dar al-wafa’,   1990) pp. 74— 75. Al-Makkiyy,  Vol. 1 , pp.   176—178. 175 17 5   Al-Makkiyy, Vol. 176 17 6   Al-Subkiyy,   Vol. VI.   p.210. 177 17 7   Ibid.,Vol.IV,p.212. 17 8   Seepage224. 174

30

THE   LIFE OF AL-GHAZZALIYY

1.4   THE CREED OF AL-GHAZZALIYY Creed (‘aqidah) has been always a  sensitive   issue in Islamic circles. The   only   generation of   Musl uslims ims   that was   spared respect ect was the   companions differences in  opinion in   this   resp (sahabah) of the   prophet   [S.A.A.S.]’79 They were  considered thei eir r   creed was the an ance cestor stors s   (salafi of   the Mus uslim lims, s,   and th accepted by   virtually   every   Muslim.’80 Thu hus, s, th the e   creed of  (‘aqidah salafiy salafiyyali yali))   became a   reference those   ancestors   (‘aqidah point whe hen n cr cree eed d was in question. To indicate that   there was no problem with creed during the first generation of Muslims, Muslims,  Al-I l-I’ti ’tiqad  qad   that   “the Al-Ghazzaliyy   asserted in   Al-Iqtisad  ft A companions of  the prop rophet het  FS.A.A.S.] did not  discuss,   teach or   write about   creed”.’8’  creed”.’8’   Furthermore,   Al-Ghazzaiiyy  added that the companions were preoccupied withjurisprudence.’82 In addition,   Al-Maqriziyy sta tated ted in hi his s K/itt at that if  any Arab has   asked   prophet   Muh uhammad ammad   [S.A.A.S.]   about the  have e bee been n nar divine   attributes, it should  hav narrated rated in the books of  had it/i. it/i.   Furthennore,   Al-Maqriziyy added  that: anyone  loo  looks ks ca caref refully ully in the books of  had it/i  and d the “If anyone it/i  an statem sta tements ab abou outt the   companions   (al-at/ar  al-salaflyyahj he   would   know   that   there   were neith neither er so soun und d nor   weak  it/is that a companion of the the prop rophet het [S.A.A.S.]  [S.A.A.S.]   ever asked had it/is him   about the   meaning of   anything   that   Allah   [S.W.T.] described him himself  self  with in the   Qur’an Qur’an,,   despite the   fact has   described that the   companions   were  numerous.”’83 The here re were man any y  examples before and after the tim time e of  17 9

I bn   Al-Qaiyyim.   ijtima’   al-Juyush   aI-Islamiyyah,   ‘Awwad   ‘Abdullah Al-Mu’attaq, e d .   ( R i y a d :   Matabi’   Al-Farazdaq   A1-Tijariyyah.   1988) p p .   118—131.

180

By   Mus Muslim lims s here I  refer to  what   became known as   “a/il  ol-sunnnh” (people of the sunnah).   Also,   they they ar are e known as ‘aid al-sunnah  Wa al As s fo forr th sects s an and d  ja  j ama’a ’ah h’   (people of  the  the su sunna nnah h and the group). A the e   sect in Islam  Islam and had a different position   than groups  that  were  rooted in

 the above.  Al-Baghdadiyy   listed sev sevent enty y  major  branches of  that of  the  number to  to a narration of  them in  an apparent attempt to relate  this  number prophet  Muhammad in in which  which he   professed  that hi his s   people will people  will be divided divide d into   seventy branches.  (Cairo:  Maktabat al-Jindi,   1972) ‘tiqad  (Cairo: 181   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Iqttsadft  al-I    al-I ‘tiqad  p . 16.

182

A1-G 1-Ghaz hazzali zaliyy. yy. Al-Iqtisad,   p. 20.

183   Muhammad Abu   Zahrah,   Tarikh  ai-Madhahib   al-Islamiyyah  (Cairo: Dar  al-flkr  al-’Arabiyy,   n.d.) p. 98.

31

AL-C I-LAZZALIYY

 way y differ different ent sc scho hools ols   (e.g. at Al-Ghazzaliyy that   reflect the  wa Al-Ghazzaliyy that and scholars   (e.g.  (bn Taymiyyah),   were treated 84  Ash  A shã’ ã’ira irahP hP whenever   there   was was an any y   doubt or   claims   regarding   their creed,   even if these  claims   were  politically   motivated. (have  chosen  Ibn Ta Taym ymiyya iyyah, h, a leader of  the Hanbalite  jurisprudence who   flourished tw two o   centuries   after school of  ju Al—Ghazzaliyy and was   on one of  his   critics, as an   example. was con consider sidered ed the   leader of  the   Salafiyyah   school, He   was yet he was   accused of  f    incorporating   anthropomorphic elements   into his   ‘Aqidah   Wàsttiyyah. Two   councils   were convened   to veri erify fy the   claims ab abou outt hi his s boo ook k. In the   first one,   which which was   held in   Damascus, he was   acquitted of  the   charges. In the   second,   which   took  place in  Cairo, he was   unjustly   convicted and   sentenced to   prison fo forr an indefinite   period.’85 As discussed  above,186 the Ashã’irites, who were almost congre gredeni nied ed th the e right to attend con exclusively Shafi’ites, were de gational and   Friday   prayers   because of  the   way they pre(al-asmà’’ al-hu al-husna) sna) of Allah. sent se nted ed the be beau autifu tifull na nam mes   (al-asmà Allah. Out of  more   than   ninety   nine   names,’87  Al-Ghazzallyy followed the footsteps  ofthe Ashã’irltes and used their method of  Kalam (theological   argumentation).188 It   should be   noted that   Al-Ash’ariyy   himself  and  Al-Baqillanlyy (d. 403  A.H./  1112 11 12 C.E C.E.) .)   followed the   path of  the  salaf  In the way   they shairites airites understood   Divine   attributes. It was the   later Ash 184 18 4   Followers of  Al-Ash’ariyy. Abu   al-Hasan   ‘Ali Ibn   Isma’il   (260—324  wa as a Mu’tazilite but returned to the method A.H./873-935   CE.) .)..  He  w of the  salaf at later   stag stage e in his  life and  renounced the Mu’tazllites, 185 18 5   Merlin   Swarz, ‘A   seventh-century   (AN.)   Sunni   creed: The ‘Aqidali wasitiya o f lb n   Taymiya,”   I-Iumaniora   Islamica 1   (1973): 102. 186 18 6 See page 17. 187 18 7 It is a   comm restric rictt th the e   names   of Alla common   mistake to   rest llah h to   ninety n i n e   names. I n   fact,   there are   more   than the   above   mentioned number.  Although   they are  called  “names”   (asmal as i n   al-Qur’an, Sura  al-A ‘raf  7:180,   they are   also  called   attributes   (stfat) ( i . e . the

Merciful).  In discussing theverses  in the al-Qur’an that include such theverses in to these  these verses ‘attribu ‘at tributes tes”, ”, on one e  refer to  verses  as agat  al-stfat.

188 18 8   Al-Ghazzaliyy   discussed the   following   subject   matters:   life and omnipotence   (al-hayah Wa   aI-qudrai4.   knowledge   (at- ‘lImb w i l l hearing ring an and d   sight   (al-sam’ Wa   al-basa,), and   speech (al-b-adaJ-~), hea (kalani).   Al-Ghazrzaliyy.   “Qawa’id  al-’Aqa’ldfi “Qawa’id  al-’Aqa’ldfi   aI-Tawh(d”   Majmu’at 

 Ra  R asa’i ’ill  al-Imam   A1-Ghazzaliyy   (Beirut: Dar   al-Kutub  al-’llmlyyah. 1986) V 1986)  Vol. ol. II II,, pp.   124—127.

32

THE TH E LIFE OF AL-GHAZZLIYY

who  chose to to   discuss the   subject  matter of  a  few attributes forr   their im imp portanc ortance, e, and   they   adopted as   representative fo the  method of  metaphorical   interpretation   (ta’wil) in order to av avoi oid d   questions of   anthropomorphism   (tajstml).   Thos Those the e la latt tter er include Al-Ghazzallyy and Al-Räziyy. who be belon long g to th 5° (d.. 606 A.H./  1209   C.EJ’ (d The  Ashà’irites got   their method   from their   rivals, the theologians   (at-Mutakalltmun).   This method,   which was indefend Isla Islam mic   Shari’ah   against   philosophy in tended to   defend the   first   place,   contained   several   philosophical   terms   such as th the e   word “ess “essenc ence” e”   ~jawhar) and   “accident”   (‘ard).   It is   such  p  philosop hilosophical hical words   that   upset   traditional the th e use of  such scholars   before and   after   the the time of   Al-Ghazzallyy. His contemporary, Ib Ibn n   ‘Aqil,   head of  the   Hanbalite   school at the  time,   said  ab  abou outt this   subject:

compan panions ions (of  th the e   Prophet   assure   (you)   that   the com S.A.A.S.)   died   without   knowing the   (terms)   “essence” and  “accident”. So, ifyou  would like to be like like them  them you “I

can,   bu but if you   think that the metho ethod d of al-Mutakallimun the e method  of AbU Bakr  arid ‘Umar, ‘9°this is better than th

would be the worst of your   opinions.”’9’

Base ased d on his use of  the   above mentioned method, AlGhazzaliyy was   “accused” of   being an   Ash’àrite by the Salafiyyah school.192Th There ere were many Muslim  scholars who used ne neutr utral al   language In con onsi side dere red d hi him m so;   they   have   used classi1~inghim as an  Ash’arlte,   Among   those we  find the  and d  Al-Zubaydiyy who  stated medieval   scholars   Al-Subkiyy  an that to judge   what   someone   believes belongs believes  belongs   to Allah. He also   added   that   after   reviewing   mos mostt of  the   works of  AlGhazzaliyy and the   books of  his  contemporaries who saw reac ache hed d the conclusion  that Al-Ghazzaliyy “wasmost him,  he re prob robab ably ly an  Ash’ãrite” ~ In   addition,   among the   contemporaries we   find   that   Sulaymàn   Dunya  is ver very y su sup pportive 189 18 9

190 191

Ibn al-Qaiyyim, p.   120. Abu Bakr,   ‘Abdullah Ib Ibn n abu Quhafah. the first  Caliph, and ‘Umar

Ibn A1-Khattab, the second  Caliph. Ibn Ibn Ib n Al-Jawziyy,  TalbLs  It,Us  (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-’Ilmiyyah,   1949) p. 85.

89.. 192   Dlmashqiyyah, p. 89 192 1 93   Al-Zubaydiyy, p . 30 .

33

AL-C HAZZALIYY

of  the   idea   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy was an   Asha’irite.   In fa fac ct. Dun unya ya sa said id   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   advocated   Asha’irism in  At A t-IIqtt ttssadfi at - I ‘tiqad. ~ A rather  different opinion came   froma mediev edieval al Mus uslim lim scholar.   This  time fro 595 5   A.H./  ushd hd   (Averroes) (d. 59 from m lbn Rus Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Regarding the f Al-Ghazzaliyy. 1198 11 98 C.E C.E.) .) the great   critic of   Al-Ghazzaliyy   Ibn Ibn Rus ushd hd   stated in   Fast  at Asha’irism of  f  Al-Ghazzaliyy  Jima a  Bayrt   al-Hikmah wa  al-Sltari’ah m m   Ittisat  that  Maqat   Maq at  Jim maintain tained ed a   relative   position and   that he Al-Ghazzaliyy   main one e  school and that “he was did not commit himself  to any on an Asha’irite  with the  Asha’irites, a  Sufi  with the   Sufis and a  philosopher   with the   phflosophers”.   Among the   contemporaries a   similar   position is   held by   Dimashqiyyah who Ash’ä ’äirite irite only when he says   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy was an   Ash 5 addre ad dress ssed ed the  general  public   (at- ‘awãm).’° A   strong   position   again against st the   Ash’arism of   Al-GhazAl-Ghazzãliyy was  advanced by  George   Makdisi. In his   article  ‘The Non-A on-Ash’ sh’arite arite Sh Shafl’lsm afl’lsm Of   Ghazzaliyy,”°6  Makdisl   states that   Al-Ghazzaliyy was   not not an   Ash’arite for a   number of  one e was that A1-Ghazzaliyy never declared reasons. The first on himself an Ash’árite. Ye Yett this argument has   the the sa sam me weight one e   saying   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   never   denied   being an as on Ash’arite. The second   argument was  based on the  idea that the   deed of  the   Nizamiyyah   college  insisted   in hav havin ing g the Usül  at-Ftqh   as th the e   official   position   that   should ShafI’ite   Usül at-Ftqh ccording ording to Makd akdisi, isi,   Al-Shafi’iyy   founded   this be  taught. Acc   Kalani.   Makdisi   also  method   against the   method of  Kalani. also   adds that the   professors of  the   Nlzamiyyah   distanced   the themselves se lves fro from m the   Ash’arites.   As for his   position   towards AlGhazzaliyy’s  al-Iqtisadft  at-I’tiqdd,   Makdisi   say says, s, afte after r confirming   that   Al-Ghazzâliyy   followed the Ash’arite   method In this is work doe oes s not   represent writing   this   book,   that “th Ghazzaliyy’s own inner  convIctions” ~ In my opinion, the reality about A1-Ghazzaliyy’s position regarding the   Ash’arite   method can   be ded deduc uced ed   from the 194   Dimashqiyyah.   p. 94. 195   Dimashqiyyah, pp.   94—98. 195 196 19 6   George  Makdlsi,  ‘The NonAsh’arlte Shaii’ism Of Ghazzall,”   Reveudes  Etu  E tud des Islam Islamiq ique uess 54   (1986) pp.   239—257. 1 9 7   Makdisi, p p .   244—249.

34

THE LIFE OF  AL-GHAZZALIYY

“appearan earances” ces” which for us are   restricted to his   works, since we do not   have   access to his   “inner   convictions”. Whether   Al-Ghazzaliyy was or was not an   Ash’arite, he certainly used that methodology. It appears  that he used the Ash’a sh’arlte rlte methodo ethodology logy or   Kalam, but not   blindly. In his intro in trodu ducti ction on to   Faisal   al-Tafriqah   bayn   al-Islam wa at critic ticiz ized ed tho those se Ash sh’ã ’ãrit rites es who  Za  Z aridaqah.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   cri deviat iatin ing g fro from m the meth ethod od of Al-Ash’kriyy, no thought   that   dev imp portan ortantt to 96 It is rather im  little, le, was   heretical.’ matter ho how w  litt know   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   referred to   Al-Ash’ariyy in his  “our r teac teacher” her”   (shaykhw-ia)   which   could earlier  writings as  “ou be an   important   factor In determining the   relationship between the tw two o   especially If  we   know that on   the same  page where Al-Ghazzaliyy   quotes  Al-Ash’ariyy he  quotes  another schola sc holar r witho ithout ut referring to him as “shaykhurta”.’°9Towards  liJamA amAll- ‘Aw ‘Awam am  ‘art   ‘Ilm f h his life, Al-Ghazzaliyywrote  liJ the end of  al-Kalj’,rrj in which he criticized the method of  the Ash’arites and   Kalam. In   addition   there there ar are e  numerous   places in The  Isslamic Sciences   where he   criticized   Kalam. In  Re  R eviv iva al of   I the   book  of   knowledge  (kitab at- ‘tim),   which is the   first of  forty  chapters of  the  Ihya’, not  only A1-Ghazzaliyy   criticized lcalam but he   also   listed it   along   with with una unaccep cceptable innovations   (bida’) of   which   children   who who were   reaching maturity   should be  protected.2°° Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   position on many other   controversial  unfold in this subjects   (e.g.,   logic)  will be   addres addressed sed as  they  they unfold book. The idea that Al”Ghazzaliyy’s  theory of knowledge has  shall provide  provide an  explanation, developed   throughout his  life,  shall and   not not ne nece cess ssar arily ily a  defence, to many of  the  raised   ques discu cuss ss this  idea. tions. The following  chapters   will  dis

198 19 8

al-’llmlyy lmlyyah, ah, 1949) Ibn Al-Jawziyy.   Tolbis Iblis (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-’l p - 85 .

Al-Gha AlGhazza zzaliy liyy. y.   Al-Mankhul,   p. 36. ol.. I, p. 15 15.. 200   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   lhya’. Vol 199

35

Chapter TW TWO O AL-GHAZZALIYY’S   THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT (465—478 A.H./1072-1085   C.E.)

This chapter deals with A1-Ghazzaliyy’s  writings as a student related to his   epistemoand how   these   writings   could be   related logicall de logica develop velopm men entt   during th the e   above   mentioned   years ortantt teacher which  ended  w  mos ostt   importan  with ith the   death of  his  m Al-Juwainiyy in 478   A.H./  1085   C.E.   During   these these ye years ars AJ-Ghazzaliyy wrote two  major  books:  Al-TaiiqahftFuru’ a! Ma  M ad hhab hhab (Notes on th  Branche ches s of  the Schooll of   the  (Shaft ite)   Schoo the e  Bran Jurisp Ju risprud rudenc ence) e) an and d   Al-Mankhül   mist   Taliqat   al-Usdl   (The Sifted   from the   Notes on   the Fundamentals of  Jurisprudence).’ In  addition,   it deals with Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   later work  Al-Mu  Al -Munqi nqidh dh m m   al-PalEd  (Deliverance fromError) in whic hich h he projected in clear terms  h  his is tho though ughts ts   knowledge  during th the e same  period.

2.1   AL-TA‘119.4 I  II  I  Al-Ghazzallyy   wrote his   first   book,   Al-Ta  liqah.   when he travelled to   Juijan to   study at th   Abü-Nasr Althe e   hands of  Abü-Nasr Ismã’lliyy. It seems that this book was  simply  simply a  a  collection of  attended ed du durin ring g th notes on   the lec lectur tures es   that he   attend the e   above 2 Al  Al-T -Ta a  ‘Iiqah was  lost and our  knowledge mentioned  jo  jou urney. The word Ta’lfqah  i s   translated by .J.G.  Maya,  S.J. as ‘marginal notes’ or as ap appen pendix dix of a book’:   Al-Faru’idat’Durr4jyoii  (Beirut: Liar Al-Mashrlq. 1972) p .   495. 1 th thInk Ink tha thatt  A1-Ohazzallyy   intended   this   word,   which was  used I n Its  singular   form  Ta’Uqah’ I n the title of the  first  book  an  and d in its   plural  form   Ta’llqat’ in the second, to  indicate  that  these notes teacher her   (i.e   Al-Lsmaillyy)   when he were  taken  from the lectures of  his teac was a student, 2   A1-Subkiyy,   Vol. Vol. IV IV,,  P .   195. 1

37

AL-GHAZZALIYY

second ondary ary sou sources rces.. Th These ese sources proof  it is   restricted to sec  simp ple historical   account of the  book  without  dealing vide a  sim with its  contents  except simply   mentioning that it was about 3  flq  fl qh according to the  Shafi’ite   school of  j  ju urisprudence.

2.2   AL-MAIVKH[JL: THE  QUESTION OF  AUTHENTICITY  have ve be been en writt ritten en dusurvivin rviving g  book    that   could  ha The   only su ring this peri eriod od was  Ai-Mankh&1 mitt Taliqat  al-UsEd.   al-UsEd. At least one on e   orientalist and on one e   medieval Muslim   scholar   doubted that   Ai-Manichui was written by  Al-Ghazzaliyy. The former. Broc rockelm kelmann ann,, claimed in his   Geschichte der   Arabtsclten one of  f Al-Ghaz was writt ritten en by  on  Liitteratur   that   Ai-Martkhül   was  L Al-Ghazzaliyys   students  without the e re rea ason   that led him  without speci  speci~ ~ingth to such claim. The latter was Ibn Flajar Flajar A1-Haytamiyy  A1-Haytamiyy C d . 973 A.H./  1565   C.E.) who   said in his  book  Ai-Khayrât  Ai-Hisan F!  Martaqib   Ai-Nu’mcin   that   Ai-Mankhiil   could not   have written by   Al-Ghazzaliyy   because it included   harsh been   written criticism   of Abu   Hanifah   while   A1-Ghazzaliyy   praised him  Iltya’ ya’   ‘Ulum in  Ilt ‘Ulum al-D al-Din. in.   Yet, it   seems   that Ibn   Hajar   Al-HayAl-Haytamiyy was  no f h his  position   because he   narrated a  nott   sure of  defense of  A1-Ghazzaliyy   A1-Ghazzaliyy by   Hanifites who   explained   that these insults   were committed by A1-Ghazzaliyy when he was a   student and   thus   forgivable.4 One could only   ad add, as chap pter, that A1-Ghazzaliyy denied discussed in the previous cha of Abü   Hanlfah and   declared all   such insulting the   person   of insults as   forged   additions to his  book.5 The  possibility of  time e was  enormous altering the  works of  any scholar at  the tim due to the  fact that   these wor orks ks wer ere e copied   manually. The  authenticity of   al-Martkhul   could be   proven beyond   doubt   from the   cross-references   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy  Al-M  -M ankhUl ankhUl In his book  Al-Mustasfa, made to Al  Al-Mustasfa,   which he wrote after ret return urning ing to teaching at th the e Nlzamiyyah of Nishapur, at  jurisprudence who wanted the  request   of some   students of  ju him to   write a book on the funda fundame mentals ntals of  jur  juris isp prudence (usEd   al-fiqh)   that   would   include   “more   details   than Al3   Al-Zubaydiyy,

p . 41.

4   Badawl,   pp. 7-9.

5   Muhammad  Hasan   H i t u ,   Introduction, AI-Mankhu( m An  Ta’Liqat  a[-USUI, by   AI-Ghazzaliyy   (Damascus: Oar a l - F i k r ,   1 9 7 0 1 p p . 31— 33.

38

AL-GHAZZALIYYS   THEORY

OF KNOWLEDGE

AS A   STUDENT

 Ma  M ankhul  which is concise and brief.”6

quest estion ion   whether   al-Manlchfd  was There   remains   the qu written before or  after the   death Al-Juwainiyy. The historiographers   (e.g.   Al-Subkiyy)   maintained   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy  teach cher.7 er.7 On the other f h his  tea wrote  this  book   during the   life of  hand, han d, the there re were those who  claimed that  Al-Ghazzaliyy used to   write a   supplication   (du’a)   right   after the   name of  Al~Juwainiyy.8   This   supplication,   rahimahu   Allah   (i.e. may Allah be  merciful to hi  usually ally indic indicates ates   that the  person  him m)  usu who’s   name was  mentioned is  dec  deceas eased. ed. Th The e  contradiction between   those two   positions   could be   resolved by   pointing to the   concluding   paragraph of  Al-Mankhcd   Al-Mankhcd  in which Al Al-Mankhfd  Ghazzallyy  stated  that  “this  is the   completion of  Al mitt  Ta’li~qat  after r omitting the extras.” In addition, Al Ta’li~qat al-Us C d  afte restr stric icted ted   (himself) to   whatever Ghazzãliyy   said   that   he re Al-Juwainiyy may Allah be merciful to him has mentioned in his  lectures.”9 It is apparent   that at lea leas st  Al-Ghazzaliyy   this  book   when he   attended the wrote the   original   text of  this lectures   ofAl-Juwalniyy. The fact that he omitted the “extras” might indica indicate te   that he wrote a modified  version of  f this this book  after the death of  f his his tea teach cher er which  explains the presence presence of   of  the ab  Al-Mankhu -MankhuL L above ove mention entioned ed  supplications in the text of  Al It   should  also be  noted that   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   later work    al-fiqh  (i.e.  Al-Mustasfa)   reflects a different  approach in usEd  al-fiqh to the   fundamentals of  jurisprudence   jurisprudence   which   exemplified  writings gs afte after r the  death of  the   originality of Al-Ghazzallyy’s  writin Al-Juwainiyy.   Accordingly, I   would would arg argue ue   that  Al-ManJthfd  does not fit  into   the work  later Al-Ghazzaliyy  Al-Ghazzaliyy   that orks s of  the  later portrayed an independe endent nt sch scholar olar and   thus It   could   have been written   only at an  ea  earlie rlier r st stag age e   (i.e. as a stu stude dent) nt).. above ve positio osition n   towards   Abu Abu Hanifah Moreover, the abo anoth other er   way.   In the in was explained   in an intro trodu duct ction ion to a critical   edition of   al-MankhUl,   Hito   showed   that AlGhazzãliyy was   simply   reiterating   the pos ositi ition on of  Al MughithA hithAl-K l-Khalq halq   FiTarjthAl-Qawl his tea teach cher, er, in Mug Juwainiyy,   his -

-

6    Al-Ghazzallyy,   AI-Mustasfa m An Rnt   at-Usu[   (Bulaq:   A1-Matba’ah a!Amiriyyah, Amiri yyah, 1322  A.H.)  A.H.) vol.  vol. I,   p.4.

7   A1-Subkiyy, vol. A1-Subkiyy,  vol.   1~!,p. p.  225. S   Hitu,   p. 35. 9   A1-Ghazza!iyy,  At-Mankhul, p.   504.

39

AL-GHAZZAL!YY

 Ha aqq’°in which he ra rank nked ed the Shafi’lte school ofjurispru Al A l- H dence higher than   that of Abü  Hanifah.  Al-Ghazzãllyy wrote   al-Mankhftl in which he  praised Ala   section at the end of  al-Mankhftl Shafiiyy and criticized otherjurlsts   includingAbu   Hanifah.” Also,   many   books   (eg.   Al-Baghdadiyy’s   Tarikh   BaghdO4l which  were written   during   that   period period included  harsh  critit cism of Abu Hanifa anifah h and yet no one denied that  these  books 2 belonged to their   authors.’

2.2.1   UsuI  al-Fiqh The   fundamentals of  ju  jurisprudence   (usEd  al-fiqh). the sub je  j ect matter of   Al-Mankhid,   deals   wit with h th the e   methodology by whic hich h the   different   questions of  ju  jurisprudence are answered. Historically,   u?fd al-flqh was the outcome of astruggle   between   the tra traditio ditiona nalists lists   (Ahi  Al-Hadith)   who’s meore e or   less lite litera rall   Interpretathodology was   based on a   mor anafite afite  jurists lions of  the   texts of  the  Sharl’ah, and   the Han ore e   decisive   role  in dewho   allowed   reasoning to   play a  mor tennining the laws of the Shari’ah. The latter  became known as the ra ratio tiona nalist lists s   (Ahi  al-Ra’y).  Although   tension ran  high AhI  I  Al-Hadith   agreed   with Ahl between   both   schools, the Ah  Al-R  Al -Ra’y a’y on the   necessity  of  having  recourse to reason if  the the e   Sharl’ah   contained no   specific   reference to texts   of th whatever   cas case e th they ey   had. The   dispute   between   these tw two o schools was not   resolved   until   Al-Shafl’iyy   wrote Altwo o   positions by eshich ch he   reconciled the tw  Ris  R isa alah in   whi tablishing the   methodology  that   later on became  known as usEd    al-fiqh.’4 It is a commonly   accepted fact that all   works  writt itten en afte fter r  al-Risalah were  dependent on It. in usEd  al-fiqh   al-fiqh  wr Following   Al-ShafI’lyy’s   lead   there   were   many   books written   in in this   field. field. Of these,   Imam Al-Juwalnlyy   wrote  Al‘ ~

10

It   shou!d be   noted   th that th the e   orig origin inalit ality y of  this   book  was   doubted. AI-Juwalnlyy’s books, Although it was listed by Th u  Khallikan as on one e of AI-Juwalnlyy’s it was not  listed by   lbn Kath lbn n athir ir   among th the e books of Al-Juwalnlyy. lb

Kathir,   vol. XII, p.  128. 11

I- Tit u. p. 32 .

12   Hitu,   p. 32. 13   Ta Taha ha Jab abir ir A1-’AlwanI,  A1-’AlwanI,   UsuI   cil-Ftqh  ol-IsIami,   edrs.   Yusuf  Talal De Lorenzo and AS.  Al-Shaikh-All  (Herndon: The International Institute of Is Islam lamic Thought.   1990) p. 31. 14   Hitu. pp. 3 — 5 .

40

AL-GHAZZALIYYS ThEORY OF  KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT

wrote fou four r bo book oks: s:   Al-Mankhal,  Bw-han and   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote  Bw Tahdhtb   al-Usa!   (which is   lost),   Stujà’   al-GhaIil  ft   Bayàrc  MassdlL  Ma lLik  ik a1-Ta’lll, and  al-Mustasfa.’5 In al-MankhQl,  A1-Ghazzaliyy   ranked  jurisprudence as

knowledge.   Yet, he   state mostt   important   field of  the   mos f knowledge. stated d th that at  ju  j urisprudence was a branch   ffa totally ally ffar~that   could not  be tot withoutt un unde ders rstan tandi ding ng an and d   mastering the apprehended   withou clear mess essage age   that   promoted (as!).’6 ’6 It is a   clear fundamental   (as!). those who   were   intere interest sted ed in forr   those the   study of   usul  al-Jkjh fo studying  j  Al-Mankhül,  ju urisprudence. In the   introduction of  Al A1-Ghazzaliyy   reduced the   sources of   knowledge to   those declared to be the fundamentalA ofjurisprudence   according to the   school he   belonged to   (i.e.   Shafl’Ite).   Although all schools   list list th the e  Al-Qur’an, the   Sunnah and   the the cons consensu ensus s  Prophet het s.a.w. as the  basic  sources of the companions of the  Prop forr   knowledge of  the   Shari’ah,   these   schoo fo schools ls dif differ fered ed in  Ijtihãd.   Similiar to the their   position   regarding the   role of  Ijtihãd. position   ofAl-Juwalniyy,  Al-Ghazzaliyy did no nott co cons nsid ider er criderived   from {JIUIM as   peremptory   (qat ‘tyg) teria  that   were   derived  and  thus  could not be   considered as  part  of  the  fundamentals of   jurisprudence: he   would   still use   such   criteria in verif~ringthe validity of  certain   arguments.’7 In th the e in intro trodu ducti ction on ofAl-Mankhtd,   Al-Ghazzaliyy  stated  jurisprudence   aimed at  knowing that the   fundamentals of  ju the   peremptory   proofs   regarding   the re req qui uire rem men ents ts of  the addition ion he de defin fined ed the   sources of  which the Shari’ah. In   addit  ju urispredictions   (muqaddarnat) of  the   fundamentals of  j prudence   were   derived as   ‘Tim  al-Kalam   (scholastic   the theology),’8   F’iqh   (jurisprudence) and   language,’9 It   should be  sam me as   those of  noted  that   these these so sour urce ces s are   exactly the  sa 15   Hitu, p p .   8—9. 16   A1-Ghazzaliyy, At-Mankhul.   p. 3. 17   Thfrl., pp. 4 — S .

‘E m  at-Kola,n, literally the science of talk  or speech, but here It refers to scholastic   theology. Em   al-Kalam  is the   method   originally   used in tawhkl  (theology) by Abu Hasan Al-Ash’ariyy. He was  followed by hi his s student lb lbn n Mujahid who in   turn was followed by   AI-Baqtllaniyy and after   him by   Imani   Al-Haramayn  Al-~JuwathIyybefore it it reac  reached hed Althis metho ethod d bec becam ame e   known as Ohazzaliyy.   Scholars who   followed   this inclus lusion ion of  Aristotelian  Ma  M atn tnk kall llim imu un   (philosopher-theologians).   The inc  Aristotelian this m ethod a n d from scholars led le d to  sharp criticism  rejection from  scholars logic in a n d  labeling  to of   It schools. ols. Re Rejection jection  logic who belong belonged ed   different   scho   logic by   many. hnrarn (prohibited)  is still   advocated by 19   Al-Ghazzallyy,   AI-Mankhul. pp.   3-4. 18

41

AL-C HAZZLIYY

2°

his teac teacher her   A1-Juw A1-Juwainiyy ainiyy in his  book  al-Bui-han. The  importance of  ‘urn   ‘urn  al-Kalam in the   development in A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   thought can be  traced  to one of its sou sourc rces: es: Aristotelian   logic. Al-Ghazzaliyy   incorporated   logic as a distinct  subject in his writings. He  renamed   many Aristotelian seem ems that he did so in order to overcome logical  categories;   it se addi ditio tion, n, he the   rejection of  logic   logic  prevailing at the   lime. In ad attempted to   show   that   these   logical   categories   could be derived  fro ore e de from m the   al-Qur’an and the   Sunnah.2’ A   mor tailed  discussion of A1-Ghazzãliyy’s   confirmed   contribution its s   inclusion in   UsUl  al-flqh will   follow when I to logic and it discuss  Al-Mustasfa m m   ‘Jim  al-UsEd.22 2.2.2

  Al-QiyU.s  (analogical   reasoning)

question estion of  qiyas (an On   the qu (analogic alogical al   reasoning),   al-Ghazzãliyy   stated   that the   companions of  the   Prophet   [S.A.A.S.] used   analogical reas hesitat tation ion in   solving reasonin oning g withou ithoutt   hesi problem roblems s when  there is no  direct  text in the Qur’an and the Sunnah to Sunnah  to address them.23The context lnwhichAl-Ghazzaliyy presented his   arguments to  support his   position   regarding analogical  reaso  reasoning ning indicates   that he was on the   defensive. It is a  clear sign that  there were thos those e who op opp pos osed ed the use of  qiyd.s in the   Shari’ah. In   fact,   A1-Ghazzaliyy   discussed the   position of  the   various   schools of  jurisprudence   jurisprudence   arid sects towards   qiya.s. In the   chapter on analogical   reasoning  (kitab  al-qiyas). 20   Al-Aiwani,   p.49. One e   famous   example   that   AJ-Ghazzallyy   cited in his   book  was the 21 On Hadith in   which which prophet Muhammad   [S.A.A.S.]   asked   Mu’a lbn n u’adh dh lb Jabal   when he  sent   him to   Yemen,   “what are you   going to use fo forr Allah.” He  (t  ju  j udgement? He  answered,   “The bo book ok of Allah.”  (the he prop rophet) het)   said, What if you do not   find (what (what you are   looking for)”? looking  for)”? He   answered,   Allah’s   messenger-May   Allah’s   peace and ‘Then by the   Sunnah of  Allah’s prayers be upon  him.” Then he said, “w “what hat if you you  do not  find (wha you u hatt yo are looking   for)”? He  (Mu’adh)   said. “I   will use my   opinion   (ajtahidu ra’yiy)’. He  (the prophet)   said, “Praise  Allah who guided the messenger narrate rated d by  Ahmad. Abuof the messenger of  Allah.’ This Hadith was nar ho   stated   that th the e   chain of  narrators of  Dawud and   Al-Tirmldhlyy who this   Hadith is   incom said th that at th this is incomplete. In ad additio dition, n, Al-B l-Buk ukha hariyy riyy   said Had adit ith h is not sound, but nevertheless  there were those wh who o con consid sidered ered it sound.   Al-Ghazzaiiyy,  AL-Mankhul, p.   331. 22 See this disc discuss ussion ion on   page   145. 23 Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,   Al-Mankhu[, p.   328—332.

42

 STUDENT AL-GHAZZALIYYS  THEORY OF   KNOWLEDGE AS A  A STUDENT

rely ly A1-Ghazzaliyy   stated   that   qiyO.s was   divided   into pure  which ich was ded deduc uced ed   from the rational   (‘aqliyy) and  into  that  wh schola holars rs of  24  Most of the sc Qur’an and the Sunnah   (shariyy).  ju  j urisprudence   accepted  both forms of  qiya~.The Hanba anbalit lite e  jurisprudence   rejected the   ‘aqlmyy and   accepted school of  ju the  shar’iyy. On the other hand. a school like the DawUdiyyah25 rejected the   qiyds   shar’iyy in  favour of  the   qiyãs   ‘aqliyy. discuss ssed ed the   position of  several   several Moreover,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   discu which h its lea leade ders rs   either resects   including   Al-Mu’tazilah   whic mostt of  it.2°In   addition,  je  j ected the  qiyãs  shar’iyy  totally or   mos one on e   should   note   that the   Zahirites   wer were e th the e on only ly school of  example of  hich h rejecte rejected d qiy qiyás. ás. A  good   exam  ju  j urisprudence whic f this this rejection rejectio n ca can n be  seen in the writings of  Ibn  Hazm.

2.2.3   .A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   Position on   Science  A1 1-Mankltu tull and Reas eason on in A

 Al-M l-Martkhf artkhftl tl to a discusA1-Ghazzaliyy  devoted  a chapter in A sion of  the   nature of  the   sciences   (al-Kalamfi   Haqã’iq c r1 ‘Ulum). It   should be   noted   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s use of  the word  “sciences” is general and not   restricted to the   natural or   physical   sciences; it   covers all   subjects of   knowledge including   those of the Sh started d this   chapter by Shari’ ari’ah ah.. He   starte the So Sop phis hists ts (SfrJIstd’iyyah)   regardcriticizing the position of the ing knowledge because  “they denied the  possibility  of  knowing   things in   themselves”.   Al-Gha.zzaliyy   added   that   “one should not   debate   them  because   they   denied   sensibles (almahs (is E r t)” •27 What Al-Ghazzaliyy meant was  that there was no   point in starting a  deb  debate ate with  them  because   they  have which h inc include lude   hearing rejected the   senses   whic hearing withou ithoutt   which  be e no  debate in the firs firstt plac lace. e. there   could  b Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy. y.   A!-Mankhul, p.   324. Dawud Ib Ibn n The Dawudiyyab,  also known as A1-Zahiriyyah, followers of Dawud ‘All lb established lished a   school of  lbn n   Khalaf  (d. 270   A.H./883   g.E.)  who estab  ju  j urisprudence   that   only   accep accepted ted the liter literal al mea eanin ning g of  the   the Qu Qu?a ?an n and  th  the e Sunnah. 26   Al-Nazzam (d. 221   A.H./836 AD.)   rejected  qigas  shar’iyy totally.  This Ai-Khawarij position  of al-N the e position of  most  of Ai-Khawarij al-Naz azza zam m is similar to th and most Al-Rawafid.  Abu q4jas  AbuH Hash ashim im A1-Jubba’iyy  rejected   most of q4jas shar’iyy.  Al-Ghazzaliyy,   A(-Mankhul, pp.   324—326. 27 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy. y.  Al-Mankhu(, pp.   34-35. 24 25

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AL-GHAZZALIYY

On the   definition of  science  (‘tIm),  Al-Ghazzaliyy  listed definitions ns inc includ luding ing   those of   four   famous six dif differ feren entt   definitio argum uments which  undermined   them scholars  along with  his arg all.   Al-Ghazzaliyy had a   peculiar   position   towards   science: he  thought  that  that   “science  cannot be  defined”  (irma at- ‘ilma 1 c r  exp plain lained ed   that   science   could be har.Ida  lab).   Moreover,   he ex known   and “our inab inability ility to   define   (science)   does not and th that at   “our indicate our  ignorance   about about the sa sam me  science”. To  explain his  point,  Al-Ghazzaliyy   said  that it would be  similar to his to   defIne   Mus usk  k  per being   asked to erfume: fume:   while   knowing  what is,, he  would not be  able to do so (i.e.   provide a  definition It is additio dition, n, he maintained   that   science   could [hadd] of  it). In ad be distingu distinguished ished in  classification   from opinion   (zann) and 29 skepticism   (shakk). Al-Ghazza l-Ghazzaliyy liyy divide divided d the  sciences or   knowledge3°into eternal   (qadim) and  accidental   (hadith).   Eternal   knowledge Allah  (i.e. is that of   (i.e. knowledge  knowledge  which Allah   possesses).   This f Allah knowledge has no   beginning and it   encompasses all information.3’   Furthermore, “it   cannot be   described   neither as   acquired   no nor as   necessary   (waltz  yusaf   bikawnihi   kcxs biyyari   wald    daruriyyari)”.32   Al-Ghazzaliyy   divided   accidental   knowledge   into   Immediate   (hajmiyy)33 and   theo theore re-deal   (nazãriyy). The  hajmiyy is that   knowledge  which one has to   (yadtarni)   know   with the   beginning of   reason (b (bii like   knowing the   existence of  the   self  (wujücl  ‘aqO,   like  awwal alal- ‘aqO, al-dhat),   pains and   pleasures. On th other ha hand nd,,   theo theore re-the e   other tical   knowledge,   whic which h is acq acquire uired, d, is the   result of  sound   sound thinking  (an-nazar  aI-sahih).34  Abu u Al-Qasim Al-lskafiyy (d.  452 28   They are: Abu Al-Hasan A1-Ash’arlyy.  Ab A.H./  1060   CE.) who was  on teache hers rs,, Ibn  one e of Imam Al-Haramayn’s   teac Fawrak  C d .  4O6A.H./  1015 cE.) andAl-BaqillaniyywhomAl-Ghazzaliyy refer to   as as th the e Judge.  Al-Ohazzaliyy,   Al-Mankind, pp.   36—39. 29 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,  At-Mankhul, p. 40. 30 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy y   used  science   (‘Urn) and   knowledge  (ma’r{fah) to indicate  concept.   A1-Ghazzaliyy, Al-Mankind, p. 38. the th e same  concept. 31   The The scope of Allah’s  knowledge,   whether   Itencom It encompa passes sses all   knowledge including   details   or no led d   Al-Ghazzaliyy to   dispute th the e   position of  not. t. le philosophers   like   Al-Farabi and   Ibn Ibn Si Sina na who   claimed   that   Allah’s  declared knowledge   did no nott  compri rise se  details Uuz’Eyyafl and eventually eventually declared their   position as sacrilegious. 32 Al-G l-Ghaz hazzally zallyy, y,   At-Mankind, p. 42. 33 The  root of  this  word is  hajama  whic  which h litera literally lly means  “came   about or attacked  suddenly”. It seems that Al-Ghazzaliyy here used it toIndicate that   this  kind   of of kno know wledg ledge e take takes s place quickly.

44

AL-GHAZZALIYY5 ThEO  ThEORY RY OF  KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT

the e es esse senc nce e  of  reason  (mdhiyyat  aI-’aql), Al-Ghazza Al-Ghazza-On th liyy  listed the  definitions ofjurists,   Sufis and   philosophers; he was not critica criticall reg regard arding ing all of them.  Al-Baqillaniyy  said that   the ess essenc ence e of  reason is knowing what is   possible and definition ition sa sayin ying g what is   not.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   rejected   this   defin that   someone who was  unaware of  of tthe   possible and the impossible   could  still be   rational   (‘a.qil). In addition,   Al-Harith All-M Muhã uhãsibiyy, sibiyy, said  that   reason was  an   instinct  (gharizah). More e com mment ent..   Mor This   definition was  mentioned  without any  co over, ove r, Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy listed   what he   called the  philosophers’ 35 He   said   that the   philodefinition  without any   comment. the bra brain in is sophers   defined  reason as the   state in   which   the forr the   emanation   (faydF6  of   the prepared fo mostt the so sou ul, The   mos definiti finition on he here re is   that of  Al-Ghazzaliyy   himselL important de He   defined   rea reaso son n as   “the   qualification   which   enables the to think   think  about qualified   (person) to   perceive  knowledge and to the  eognizable”.37 Al-Ghazzaliyy had a   peculiar   classification of   know  each  aspect of  knowledge   depended on ledge. The   rank  of  each necessity   (darurah) and   intuition   (badihc4: the   closest to necessity and  intuition   would be the   the the cle clear ares estt and  thus first. The following are Al-Ghazzaliyy’s ten   levels of  ranked   first. knowledge in the   ord order er th they ey appear in Al-MankhUt  1.

self  (at- ‘ilm The   knowledge of  the   existence   of th the e   self  (atwujüd  al-dhalj,   pain and  pleasure.

2.   Knowing the   impossibility contradictions.

the ag agre reem emen entt of   the

bi of 

34 Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,   Al-Mankhul, pp.   42-43. 35   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s usage of the the term “philosophers’   comprises Greek  and Sina a and  Al-Farabi.   Al-Ghazzaliyy Muslim  philosophers   such as  Ibn Sin the e   philosophers in   Tahafttt  provided a   more   detailed   account of  th  Al-Fa  Al -Falas lasC Cfa   (The   Destruction of  th the e   Philosophers) and   Al-Munqidh Miii Al  Al-nataL -nataL 36   Emanation   U’ayd) Is a   neo-Platonlc   idea   that was   entertained by various variou s Mus uslim lim philosop hilosophers hers and   especially by   al-Farabi. The  fact this no notio tion n   without   comment   could be that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   left   this explained by   stating   that   Al-Ghazzailyy   studied philosophy on his own ow n   when he was  In Baghda One e aghdad, d,   long   after he wrote  Al-ManlchuL On should be aware of  th the e use of  another   word to   indicate   emanation whic hich h is sudQr. 37 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,  At-Mankind. pp.   44-45. -

45

AL-G1-1AZZALIYY

3.

Know Kn owin ing g the   sensibles   (aI-mahsUsãt).

4.

The  knowledge  that res one e   source results ults   from more than on reporting the   same new news s  (akh  (akhba barr al-taw al-tawatufj. atufj.

5.

Und nders erstan tandin ding g a   message   (khitab), and the   ability to perceive   conditions   that   indicate   shyness,   anger and fear.

6.   Knowledge of  crafts and  industries. 7.   Knowledge of   theories  (nazbriyyat). 8.

(of  f Allah) Kno Kn owin ing g of the   mission of  the  messengers (o Allah) ~

9.   Knowledge of  miracles. 10.   Knowledge   that   results   from   narrations   (sam’iyytzt) 3° “similar ilar to  imitation   (taqlid).” which is   “sim

Analyzing the above list, one can see that Al-Ghazzaliyy’s approach was  developmental. He   started   with the   clearest and   mos mostt   necessary   notion of  knowledge and  proceeded in ore e   complex~The   first  level was the the   direction of  the   mor realization of  the   existence of  the   self self whi hich ch he assoc associat iated ed with pain and  pleasure. The  second  level of  knowledge was two o   levels of  know logical   necessities. In   listing the   first tw   knowledge before ledge  before the   senses,   Al-Ghazzaliyy indicated   that   these two tw o   levels  were   innate.   However, in his   A1-Munqidh mitt  A1-Munqidh  mitt  altwo o  notions were-not mentioned. Instead, the  DalaI  Da laI,, the first tw senses   were   ranked   first.4°Th This is sh show ows s   that  Al-Ghazzaliyy was   refining his  sources of  knowledge due to his continued reflection an and d in inte tere res st in epistemology.  The  Thecha change nges s in themselv se lves es ar are e clear indications of the developmental aspect of  f h his It   should be   noted   that the   eighth   level   indicates   knowledge of  the necessity  of ha the e fourth  level havi ving ng  messengers and  thus  differs   from th which is   concerned   with with know knowledge ledge   that is   transmitted   from   those messengers  through  multiple  chains of  narrators. 39 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy, y, At-Mankhul. pp.   46-48. 40   A1-Ghazzaliyy, At-Munqidh. p.   144. 38

46 

 THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE AS A  A STUDENT  STUDENT AL-GUAZZALIYY’S THEORY AL-GUAZZALIYY’S

theory of knowledge. Acc ccording ording to Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy, zzaliyy, the  fourth   source of  knowakhbãr  aI-tawtztur, was a result of  a  logical  necessity ledge,   akhbãr  aI-tawtztur, and a   conventional   agreement. The   logical   necessity   came from the   notion   that it   is is unli nlike kely ly fo for r a   large   number of  news s   (i.e.   hadith) to lie independent   narrators of  the   same new   Hadith, the 4’ In the   language of  the   scholars of  Hadith, about it. abo ab ove id idea ea is cal alled led “the  impossibility   of of (ha (havi ving ng)) a  conspiracy to lie”   (istihalat  al-tawtztu’   ‘ala  al-kadhib). The  conventional  aspect came in answer to the   following question: ho how w narra rration tion were nee needed ded in order to render  a na many narrators   were f    this   source of   knowas   mutawtztiO42 The   importance of  ledge   could be  realized   from the   fact  that   Musl uslim im  scholars considered idered   mutawtztir  on the regard reg arded ed a  hadith which  was cons same   level  as th the e   Qur’an in terms of certitude. The  fifth   kind of  knowledge   knowledge was   analytical.   Al-GhazAl-Ghazzaliyy was   not one e to   talk  about   analytical   knownot th the e   only on ledge  th  that at res resulted ulted   from written texts; he  also   talked  about analytical   knowledge   that   could   be de deriv rived ed from   facial exformer, er, pressions.   While he did not provide  examples of  the form he  liste  listed d sh shyne yness ss,, an ange ger r and  fear as  examples of  the  latter. The six ixth th and   seventh   level   could be   described as the practical and  theoretical   knowledge  respectively.~3 The   last   three   kinds of   knowledge,   which   included rophets, hets, miracles and   knowknowing the   mission of  the   prop ledge   that was  based on   authority   (taqlld),  were all   directly related to religion.   Taqtid   differs   from  khabw-  al-tawatur  in verifyi rifying ng   the tran the   methodology one   adopts in ve transm smitted the e case of  taqtid there is an uncritical  acceptknowledge; in th ance of  knowledge   (i.e.   hadith),   while while In   khabar  at-tawatur  one on e is   critical   abo abou ut th the e   methodology of  transmitting the hadith. In   addition,   taqtid  or knowledge of  miracles could be related to  khabar   al-dho.d  where the   number of   narrators To   qualify fo forr   acceptance, thos those e narr narrators ators   should   meet   very   strict criteria in   moral moral cha characte racter r and   memory.   Al-Tahhan,   Mustalah at  Ha  H ad  It Ii, Ii, p.   109. 42 A hadith is   considered   mutawatir  if it was   narrated by at  least ten narrators in each generation  (tabaqah).   In ad the e circumstances addi ditio tion. n. th such ch   that It  is im   these   narrators   should   be su forr   them to imp poss ossible ible fo of  these conspire to lie   (istihalat  tawatu’hum  tawatu’hum   ‘ala at-Kadhlb).   Ai-Tabhan, Mustalahal-Hadith, pp.   17—18. 43 AJ-G J-Ghazz hazzaliy aliyy, y, At-Mankind, p. 47. 41

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AL-GHAZZALIYY

than that is less than  that of khabai- at-tawatur. Al- Ghazzaliyy’s listing might ht of  the   knowledge of   miracles as a   separate   entity   mig indicate  h early preoc reoccu cup pation  with  this  idea,  although he  hiis   early onded ed to the did not  explain his own   position  until   he respond Muslim   philosophers’   notion of   causality in   Tahãfut  alclassi-Fa1as~[ah(The  Incoherence of the Philosophers).44 By classi   knowledge,   Al-Ghazzàliyy fying   taqlid  as the   last   kind of  knowledge, cons nside idered red it the   least least clea lear r on his   list. It hinted   that   he co should  come as no  surprise,   therefore,   that the fi firrst  source of knowledge  that he  gave up before his  period of  skepticism was  taqtid.45 Al-Ghazzäliyy   later   revised   this list and   came up  with a  list of  f thirteen thirteen   categories of  knowledge  that   were  used by section on  logic in his the  philosophers as  premises in the   section  Ma  M aqasid  a1-Fa1às~fah   a1-Fa1às~fah(The  A  Alms lms of  the   Philosophers)   which he   wrote in   Baghdad   when he   assu assum med his   professorial position at   the Niza listed ed th thes ese e izam miyy iyyah ah.. Al’G l’Gha hazza zzaliyy liyy   list categories in the   following order: 1.

  A1-Uwwaliyyat   (logical   neces necessities) sities)::

e.g., kno know wing that

“the w “the grea eater ter th than an the  part”.  who hole le is gr

2.

  A1-Mahsüsat   (sensibles):   e.g.,   “the “the

light lig ht of  the   moon

increases and decreases”.

3,   A1’Tajribiyyàt(experlmentals):  they result fromthe senses and   reason  together,   e,g.,   “the fire  bums”. 4.

relate ted d by a group of  narra  A1-Mutawãtiràt   (knowledge   rela existenc tence e of  Egypt and tors):   “like our knowledge of the exis Makkah  without  seeing them them”, ”,

5.

  A1-Qadãya   al-Lati   QiyàsÔhdia ft   at-Tab’   Ma’ahã   (the cases   that   includ include e the their ir proo roofs fs  within):   premises   that were   treated as   logical   necessities   because   their the e   premise   “two  Is proo roofs fs were forgo forgotten tten with tim time e  as th which h orig origina inally lly was   known   through the half    four”   whic proo roof f “th “the e  half  is one of  tw two o   parts of  a  whole   that is equal to the   other”.

44 45

48

For a full   discussion  of A1-Ghazzaliyy’s A1-Ghazzaliyy’s understanding of causality and miracles  see page 85. See Al-Ghazzaliyy,   .At-Munqtdh.  p. 77 77..

AL-GHAZZALIYYS ThEORY OF  KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT

6.   At-Wahmiyyãt    (hypothetical):   like the   premise “it is impossible fo forr   something to   exist if  on one e   cannot   point to it and it is   described as   being   neither   Inside nor outside  this   world”.

7 .   At-Ma At-Mashhü shhürat  rat  (famous): as in the  case of  “lying is bad”. Al-Ghazzaliyy   said   that   this   category   comprised conventional   notions  that were  good fo forr prac ractical tical reas reasons, ons, He   added added tha thatt if  there   there   were   a man who was  rational anything, ing, he might reject famous yet not accustomed to anyth premises.

8.   At-Maqbütat  (acceptables):   premises that were accepted by   virtue of  the   position of   the pers erson on who   provided them  (i.e.   scholars).

9.   At-Musaltamàt   (agreeables):   premises   that were agreed upon   between tw two o  parties.

10.   At-Mushabbthat   (similars):   premises that  only appeared to be   corresponding to al-Uw al-Uww waliyyãt, at-T at-Tajribiyya ajribiyyat t  or  at-M  at-Mashh ashhü ü rat but in  reality they were not. 11.

  A1-Mashhürät   Fi-At-ZO.hir   (those   that that ap app pear to be famous): premises that were accepted as true  upon hearing  them, but rendered   false  upon  reflecting on  them.

12.

  A1-Maznunãt  (probables):   premises   that   were  accepted as  true  with the “feeling  that the  opposite Is  possible”.

13.

  A1-Makhitãt  (imaginatives):   premises   that   were   known false lse yet they they were  influential   psychologically.~ to be fa  were influential

In Mi’yär  al-’Ilmfi al-Mantiq  (The  Criterion of Science Science in Logic),   Al-Ghazzállyy   maintained   basically the   sam same  list as abov ab ove e ex exce cep pt fo for r the addition of a new newcatego category ry whláh was AlHadsiyyat   (intuitions). He   explained the   knowledge   that resulted   from  intuition as   that   which   “cannot be  proved, 46   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Maqasid   Maqasid  al-F’alas(fah,  al-F’alas(fah,  Sulaiman  Dunya. ed ed..   (cairo: Dar  pp..   102—109. Bi-Misr, isr, 196 1961) 1) pp al-Ma’arlf  Bi-M

49

AL-GHAZZALIYY

doubted bted and cannot be shared with others through cannot be dou education”.   Al-Ghazzaliyy did not   provide   examples of  hint nted ed   that it is   similar to this   kind  of know knowledge, ledge, but   he hi the   case of knowledge  that is acquired  by  “taste” dhawq. He only y lea lead d the student to the  path maintained   that one could   onl student’s t’s ab ability ility to   achieve that he  chose, but it is up to the   studen 47 such   knowledge. Moreover, Al-G Al-Ghazzaliyy hazzaliyy  discussed the  differences between the   sen senses ses,, wheth hether er   they ar same   level or are e on the   sam whether   some   rank    higher   than   others. He   cited   several positions   without   stating stating his own  thought on  this   subject. mitt   al-Dalol   (DeliIt   should be   noted   that in  At-Munqidh   mitt    Erro rror) r),,  which he  wrote  towards the end of  f h  fro om E verance fr his life,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   became   very  clear   about   this   issue; he   their ranked   the se sens nses es on   different   levels in the   order of  their development and by   virtue of  this   this   classification   they were listed  as sou sources rces of sensible   knowledge.8 Al-Ghazzãliyy   concluded his   classification of   knowdifferences between between the ledge by   stating stating that ther there e  were no   differences scien sc ience ces s on once ce   know acqu quired, ired, rega regardless rdless of  how knowled ledge ge is ac diffic dif ficu ult the   subject of  the sc scien ience ce   was.49   This   view of  Al sciences ces,, onc once e they Ghazzaliyy  regarding the equality of the  scien are ar e ac achi hiev eved ed,, is co com mpati atible ble with his  position   regarding his interchangeable use of  the   terms   “science”   and and “k “kn nowledge” .~ ° Nevertheless, on one e co cou uld sti still ll fin find d   contradiction on the su surfac rface e  between the  above   notion and the  fact that Allevels of   knowledge in   different Ghazzaliyy   listed   various   levels texts, a procedu that sta started rted   with   Al-Mankhfzl and contirocedure re   that nued  through out his  life.   It It is  rather   obvious  that   in such lists, list s, he cla class ssified ified dif differ feren entt categories of sc scien ience ces s leav leaving ing the ore e   scientific  than  others. As  to impression   that  some are  mor one e can the   changes in the   number of   these   categories, on attribute   them  to the   development   in hi his s un unde ders rstan tandin ding g of  scienc ience e which could be attributed  partially to the concept of  sc his  exposure to  philosophy. 47   A1-Ghazzaliyy.   Mi’yar  at-tim Al-Din,, ed. Mi’yar  at-tim  ft al-Mantiq,   Ahmad   Shams   Al-Din Beirut: Dar Al-Kutub  Al-’Ilmiyyah,   19901 p.   182. 48   A1-Ghazzaliyy, At-Munqldh, pp.   144—145. 49 AI-G I-Ghazz hazzaliy aliyy, y,   At-Mankhul, p. 48. 50   See fo foot otno note te 30.

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AL-Cl IAZZALIYY’S  THEORY OF   KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT

2.2.4

The  Sources of  Knowledge

to statin  stating g his position on the sources of knowledge, AlPrior to Ghazzaliyy  cited some   positions  that   were circulating at the 5’ who ho’s ’s view was  that time. He started  with Al-Hashawiyyah the sources of  knowledge were  restricted to the   Qur’an and forr reason.  Al-Ghazzaliyy  said the Sunnah   without any  role fo that   this  position was  obviously  false.52 Although one  could understand the   background of Al-Ghazzaliyy’s Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   statement regarding the   Hashawiyyah, it was insu insufficien fficientt on his  part osition.. Of cou course, rse,   there f h his position not to provide a full account of  is the   possibility   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   thought it was   selfevident. those se who   restricted In   addition, he  listed the  ideas of tho the   sources of  knowledge   knowledge to the   senses, the   stance of  the though ghtt th that at the   sources   were Indian   philosophers who   thou those se who thinking and   meditation and the   position of   tho considered   inspiration   (ilham)   as the   source of  knowledge. The  latter  position was  based   upon   the the ide idea a  that all   knowledge   belonged   to Alla llah h in the   first   place and   then it is passed to to human  human   beings.   Furthermore, he   mentioned the opinion of Al-Qalanislyy who  rest  restricte ricted d the   source of  knowledge to   reason   (‘aqi)  without   rejecting the   senses. For him, perce rceive ive,, but it is reason that the function   ofthe se sens nses es is to pe  light) ght).The .The mean eaning ing knows at the tim time e the senses perceive (I.e.  li of   this is  that   Al-Qalanisiyy saw the   senses as   tools   that they y perc erceiv eive e on their own. He tried cannot comprehend what the to support  his arg argum ument by  giving an example of a  child  w  who ho perceives the   perceptibles   without   knowing  what   they are for his  lack  of  reason. Al-Ghazzãliyy brought the   above discussion to an end by asserting   that   rational rational discernment  (miz) was  th  the e   source of knowledge. thatt the there re is a level of discernment that knowledge. He held tha animals which belonged to animals  which did not yield any knowledge.53 Althe e   literal meaning of  Ai-Hashawlyyah wa was s a   sect   that   accepted   only th the th e   verses of  th the e   al-Qur’an   and Hadiths   that   mentioned Allah in language that   would  add corporeal  attributes   to Alla llah h. ,Al-Ghazzaiiyy,  At-Mankhut.  AtMankhut. p. 49. 52 Ai-G i-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,   At-Mankhu& p. 50. 53   Ibid. 51

51

AL-GHAZZALIYY

Ghazzãliyy   used the   term “rational   discernment” to  distinguish   human   discernment   from the   ability of   animals to 54  between   things   following  their   instincts. In   addiidiscern ranked ked   discernment high higher er   than  other fac faculties ulties in tion, he ran ranke nked d dis All-Mankhül. In his  latter   work  Al-Munqidh,   he ra  A cernment,   which he   called   tamyiz.   higher  than the   senses  than   reason.55 but lower lower than two o ways to acquire Ai-Ghazzãliyy held  that there  were tw ithout ut   instruments of mediation (waknowledge, with or witho According g to  A1-Ghazzâliyy,  there were   three kinds sã’it).   Accordin three  kinds of  media:   the se sens nses es   which   were the   source of  the   sensibles (al-rnahsüsât), the “look”  of the mind which was th the e sou ourc rce e of  f    habits the th e ra ratio tiona nall   (at- ‘aqliy ‘aqliyyä yät) t) and the   consistency of  (ittirdd  at  at- ~adãt) which  enables one to know the  meaning of  messa essages. ges. Th The e latter was  important for Al-Ghazzaliyy in defining the   notion of  causality and  thus  explaining  miracles two o   media:   reason and habits.  Al-Ghazzaliyy which   needed tw which used   thes these e id idea eas s in  proving the   possibility of   miracles in support of  the   concept of  prophecy. He   said   that   through one e   could  fInd   that the   miracle Is an  activity of  an reason on  adde ded d th that at it was inventor and maker who Is in control. He  ad through   custom or  habit  that   miracles indicate the veracity of  the   Prophet   [S.A.A.S.156 2.2.5   A1-Ghazzaliyy’s  Theory of  language   language long g se sect ction ion of  A In a lon  All-Ma Mart  rt khüt, khüt, A1-Ghazzãllyy disc discus ussed sed the two o theories co conc ncernin erning g   the the or orig igin in of   languages. He   listed tw major   views   about ho how w   languages   evolved. The   first  advocated ca ted the idea that language,  like any other knowledge,  came from  Allah   directly.   Thos Those e who he held ld   this   view  based   their thought   upon a verse in the Qur’an which says thatAllah had  second opinion taught   Adam all the   names,57  T  Th he  second  opinion  asserted that   languages   wer were e con onve vent ntio iona nal. l. Thos ose e of  the   first stance   refuted   the the lat latte ter r   position by   declaring the   word “conventional”   paradoxical. Aii-Gh Ghaz azza zally llyy y   used the   same   Arabic   term   tomglz   (discernment) fo forr beings gs an and d  animals. both  human   bein 55 Aii-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy, y, AbMunqidh. p.   145. 51.. 56 A1-G 1-Ghaiz haizally allyy, y, AI-Mankhul, p. 51 57   ‘Wa’allam ‘Wa’allama a Ad Ado o.mn al-asm al-asma’a a’a kulloim ...   al-Qur’an,   Sura  al-Baqaraft 2:3 1. 54

52

AL-GHAZZALIYYS ThEORY  O  OF F   KNOWLEDGE AS A  STUDENT

 brou ught th this is discussion to a culmination A1-Ghazzaliyy bro two o   positions   together.   It co cou uld be   that by   reconciling the tw language at its   beginning was   conventional;   this   conventional   beginning   could   have  been   made   possible by   other creatures who   were   created   before   Adam Adam.. Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy maintained   that the   above  mentioned   verse   “appeared” to indicate the   non-conventionality of  language but it was  no  nott 58 decisive.

2.3   DELIVERAN DELIVERANCE FRO FROM M   ERROR (AI-Munqidh m m   aI-DalaIJ  Acco ccording rding to Al-S l-Subk ubkiyy, iyy, Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy   sp spen entt ab abou outt   eight years (47 (470-47 0-478A.H 8A.H./ ./107 1077 7-1085   C.E.) in  Nishapur   with AlJuwainiyy.5° At the   time Al-Ju l-Juw wain ainiyy iyy died  Al-Ghazzaliyy  years old.  old. The importance of these dates and was at least 20  years Al-Ghazzaliyy’s age stem from an  account of Al-Gh l-Ghazzaliy azzaliyy’s y’s thou th ough ghtt in his   autobiog autobiograp raphica hicall work   Al-Munqidh   mitt  atalthou ough gh written tow toward ards s the end of  his   life,  Data!  D ata!   which, alth include inc luded d us useful eful   information   about the   development of  his epistemology  during his  early life   which  fits the  frame work   Al-Munqi qidh, dh,  he de this chapter. At the beginning of  Al-Mun desc scrib ribes es of  f this  prim me of  his state of  mind   starting  with the  pri f his his you youth th when he ‘rea ‘reach ched ed   puberty   (al-bulügh),   before beco becom ming   twenty”, until un til he be beca cam me more than  fifty years old.6°It is obvious that his  timeframe   covers the   period  when  Al-Ghazzaliyy  wrote  al-Us at. his book  Al-MartkhUl  mitt  Ta ‘ 1 iqat  al-Us In  al-Mutt qidh,  Al-Ghazzaliyy   showed   that   early  i  in n his are e of  the   differences   between the   various life   he was awar religions, sects and schools ofjurisprudence.   This awareness prompted him to   “investigate the  creed  of ev ever ery y   sect and to explore the   secrets   of ev additio dition, n, he ever ery y  denomination”. In ad studied the   Batinites,   Zahirites,   philosophers,   dialectical theologians   (mutakallirrtan),   Sufis and   Manicheans (za early rly sta stage ge   that riadiqa).°’Al-Ghazzàliyy   realized at a  very  ea 58 59 60 61

  Al-Ghazzaliyy,   At-Mankhul, pp.   70-71.   A1-Subkiyy.   vol.   VI, p.   196.   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   al-Munqidh. p. 79 79..   Zonathqah   also atheists, ts, bu butt ge gene nera rally lly in  medieval   sciences it also mea eans ns   atheis ere e no nott  atheists. refer re ferred red to Manicheans who wer

53

AL-GHAZZALIYY

one major reason for these differences was au authority thority.. For him teacher hers s who  were   responsible for such it was  parents  and teac   Christians differences.   Al-Ghazzâliyy saw that   “children of  Christians Christia istians ns,, ch childre ildren n of Jews   were   raised as were   raised as   Chr 62 uslims s were  raised as  Muslims”. Jew Je ws an and d   children of Muslim As  a result,  Al-Ghazzaliyy wanted to   prescind  from the knowledge  that was  based on the   authority of  parents and   things” teachers. He had ~‘a thirst to   perceive the  reality of  things” which led him to   break    away   from  imitating   others. Alreac ach h tr trut uth, h, he needed to Ghazzaliyy   realized that in order to re “seek  the   reality of  knowledge, as it  is”?63 f knowledge,

2.4   CONCLUSI CONCLUSION ON

 At-Mu -Munqi nqidh, dh, Comparing the language of al-Mankhñl to that of  At one on e fin finds ds a big  difference. In   Al-MarzkhUl,   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  interes restt in knowledge  w  was as mainly as a j basic  inte  ju urist. He concentrated on technical   issues  that   were  part  o  off or  related to usEd   at-fiqh. On One e  exa  exam mple of a  technical   issue was Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   discussion of  the   conditions of  the   narrators of  Hadith. He   said that the   narrator has to be a ra ratio tiona nall ad adult ult  female ale,, free or a  slave. For a Mus uslim lim who co could uld be  m  mal ale e or  fem immowho fi fits ts  these   con condition ditions, s, on only ly questions of  narrator   who f immo rality   render   his/her   narration   unacceptable.TM   Another issue   that   Al-Ghazzãliyy   dealt   with was the   position of  the Sh Shar ari’a i’ah h of  the   prophets Islamic   Sharl’ah   towards   the before befo re Islam. The   question   that   underlines   this   area of  discussion Is   whether   Muslim   jurists   shou should co cons nside ider r prev revious ious Sh Shari’a ari’ah h as   another   source in   addition to the Qur’an,   Sunnah,   consensus of  the   companions of  the probecam ame the   consensus of the phet  [S.A.A.S.],   which later on bec scholars, and   qigas   (analogy). He   started by   discussing whether   prophet   Muh uhammad ammad   [S.A.A.S.] was   following any previous Sha Sharl’ah rl’ah before  he bec becam ame a  prophet.   After setting After  setting forr   several  other   scholars,  Al-Ghazzaliyy forth the  positions fo brought th stati ating ng tha thatt on one e cannot the e Is Issu sue e to a cu culm lmina ination tion by st cons co nsid ider er th the e Shari’ah of  past  religions as a source of Islamic Shari’ah   becaus because e there was no  reference to to such  such  notions in 62 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy, y, AI-Munqidh, pp.   78-82. 63   IbId.,   p.82. 64 Al-G l-Ghazz hazzaliy aliyy. y.   At-Mankhul, p.  257.

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AL-GHAZZALIYYS THEORY OF   KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT

65 uhammad ammad   IS.A.A.S.] the  Sunnah of  prophet   Muh  should uld not come as a surprise   that, as a  student, AlIt  sho Ghazzaliyy   imitated his   teacher   Al-Juwainiyy, a   position that he acknowledged at the end of  Al-M  Al-Marrk arrkhtd htd..  Although he few wcases  from his tea teach cher er in A  Al-M l-Mani anicchft hftl, l, his differed in very fe originality in   usEd  al-fiqh was  manifested in his  later  work   major ajor role in his   usEd.  All-Musta  A tassfa where logic   played a  m  All-Munqidh, Al-Ghazzaliyy Is  preoccupied  with  truth In A in itself. He did not refer to juris jurisp prud rudenc ence e or the  usEd.  While usEd   al-fiqh, and   thus  Al-MankhEd, was   supposed to solve differences injurisprudence,   it was  differences in belief  that forr   truth. His awareness, prompted  Al-Ghazzaliyy to search fo during the   early  stages of  his  life, of  the  different   cre creeds of  people   started him on his   first   stage of  a   long  j  jo ourney of  systematic skepticism ticism   which  lasted un until til the   climax of  his which   lasted  during his  last  days at the Nizamiyyah quest for knowledge knowledge during of  Baghdad. Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   critical   thinking and regard to general arent nt in Alquestions of   truth and   knowledge,   while   appare  Al-Mankhfd -Mankhfd..   The fact that  these tw two o  Mu  M unqidh Is  absent   from Al books reflec reflected ted  different areas of interest in Al-Ghazzaliyy’s early   life   migh mightt   appear   contradictory. One   question   that two o   areas Is: ho might su surf rfac ace e as a re res sult of  these   these tw how w   could someone   like  Al-Ghazzaliyy, who was   investigating the ge  knowledge and  their   sources as   sta neral   notions of  knowledge stated ted in as th the e  case  Al-Mu  Al -Munqi nqidh, dh,   proceeded to   veriI~’the   particular   as In Al-Marikhul? There Th ere co could uld be one answer, I   argue,   that   explains the mentioned position ositions. s.   Al-Ghazzallyy   maintained tw above   mentioned two o lines of  f thought thought   since the  days of  f youth youth   until the  last years thoug ught, ht, whic hich h   represents Alof  his   life. The   first   lin line e of  tho Ghazzaliyy’s   quest for  knowledge, is  best  illustrated in the following lines  fr  Al-Munq nq Id it’ it ’  fro om th the e   introduction of  Al-Mu the e bloom of my life,   from  th  the e time I   reached puberty “In th  wa as twenty until lam m over fifty,  I  have beforeII  w before until now,  now, when la   this the e   depths of  this constan con stantly tly been been diving  diving  daringly into th profound sea and wad ading ing int into o it its s  deep water  like a bold farr man, not like a cautious  coward. I   would penetrate fa 65   A1-Ghazzaliyy.   AI-Mankhul, pp. 23   1-234.

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AL-GHAZZALIYY

problem, into   every murky mystery,   pounce   upon every problem, and   dash   into   every   mazy difficulty. I   would   scrutinize the cr creed eed of every  sect and se seek ek to lay bare the secrets of 

the e aim of  discriminating each   faction’s teaching  with th   discriminating between the propon onen entt of   truth and   the the adv advoca ocate te of  error, and  between the faithful   follower   of tra tradit dition ion and ator.”~ ”~ the heterodox   innovator.

Al-Ghazzaliyy   reaff beginn inning ing of  reaffirm irmed the   early beg f    this this  quest fo forr   knowledge search for truth and the   source of  f this in the  same introdu introduction. ction. He  said:  grasp spin ing g the  real meaning of  things   things was “The thirst for  gra  and d  wont   from my  early years and in indeed my   habit  an the   prim prime e of  my   life. It was an  instinctive,   natural disposition placed in my makeup by God  (Allah) Most High, due e to my own   choosing and   contriving. not something du 7  fetter ters s of   servile conform conformism ism  (taqtid)° As a result,   the fet  and d  inherited beliefs  lost  their  hold fell   away   from me,  an on me, when I was   still   quite young.””8 Although the   above quotations   showed   the the ti tim me  frame of  the   first   line line of  thou thought, ght, whic hich h   covered   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s life as a student, it re rem main ains s th that at the there re were no books written by the   student   Al-Ghazza]iyy,   that   reflected   this   indepentruth. th. Th dent ap app proach to   knowledge   and tru There ere were   many   al-DaWO by the   later   Al-Ghazworks   (e.g.  At-Muriqidh   mitt  al-DaWO Al-Ghazzaliyy that  embodied this investigative   course  that he undertook  in   pursuit of  knowledge   knowledge and   truth in   what   could be called the   area of  universals. The se seco cond nd   line of  f    thought is   represented in AlGhazzaliyy’s works in fields likejurisprudence.   Although the first   line of   thou though ghtt mus ustt   have   influenced the way Al fiq qh by having   that  i  ind ndeGhazzaliyy   approached   areas   like  fi pendent   spirit   which led him not to be a   conformist to one e  cannot claim claim that prev reviou ious s writing ritings s in such  fields, on  that  these 66

67

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ALG LGha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Freedom  and   Fi4fdlment   (At-Munqidh   mitt    aI-Da[aQ, tr..   (Boston:   Twayne   Publishers,   19801 Richard   Joseph   Mccarthy, tr 62.. p. 62 For   PJ-Ghazzaliyy,   conformism or taq Ut!  meant   uncritical uncritical acceptance   knowledge and   belief  at the   hands of  par aren ents ts an and d   teachers by of  knowledge virtue  of their  authority. 63.. Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Freedom, p. 63

AL-GHAZZALIYY’S   THEORY OF   KNOWLEDGE AS A STUDENT

of  thought ght beca becaus use e   they work orks s were reflec reflecting ting the   first  line of thou redu duct ction ionist ist,, he wer ere e co conc ncern erned ed with   particulars.   Unlike a re addre ad dress ssed ed the these se areas of  part articu iculars lars as if   there was no regeneral eral notion notions s of  knowledge,  which lationship between the gen he  p  particular   fields.  put ut under   investigation, and   these  particular  factt tha thatt  Al-Ghazzaliyy   kept  working in the   part rti iThe  fac cular   fields of  the   Shari’ah   indicates   that he was   never in   the premises   which which were doub do ubtt ab abou outt the   true   validity of  the derived fromthe Qur’an and the Sunna. In fact, he continued  subjec bjects ts eve even n at the  Nizamiyyah of  f Bagh Baghlecturing on these  su  like e to cal alll the climax dad, when he was going through  what I  lik 69 of  f h his  mental  discourse  regarding the   first line of  thought. Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   contin continuo uous us inq inquir uiry y  into   both  universals and   particulars is   interesting   because on   the su surfac rface e One e   cou they   seem incompatible. On could ld se see e  that  Al-Ghazzaliyy had an   obvious,   spontaneous   interest in the   first. It prompted a  good   deal of reflection  throughout his  life. The difficulty is in the question: why did he  pursue the  second? Part of the   answer   could be  found in Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   formal education   which   started   with   training in the   particulars answer comes  from the   fact that  fiq iqh h).   Another  partial   answer (e.g. f common   inter there ther e was   comm interes estt in   these   particular   sciences, especially   injurisp in jurispruden rudence. ce. In  addition,  Al-Ghazzaliyy pursued   his inter interest est in the   particulars as a   teacher who was   duty, to   lecture on expected, and   thus   there is a   sense of  duty, ore e f    these   aspects and   probably   mor such   topics. All of  provided the   motivatio otivation n for  such   pursuit of   knowledge in oreov over, er, on one e co could uld   think    that   once Althe   particulars. More Ghazzaliyy   achieved   universal   knowledge, he   found   that his in inter teres estt in the   particulars was in line   with  h  hiis   interest in the universals. In addition,   there is a sociological   element in th this is   equation,   where   a sc scho holar lar in the   Islamic world is unlikely to be acc deeprooted rooted and having accep epted ted withou ithoutt being deep strong  interest In  the particu articulars. lars.

69

Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,  At-Munqidh, p.   136.

57

Chapter THREE AL-GHAZZALfl’Y’S   QUEST FOR  K NO NOWLEDGE: WLEDGE: THE  FIRST PERIOD   OF PUBLIC   TEACHING

(478-488  A.H./1085-1095   C.E.)

This   chapter   deals  with  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  writings   from the 478 A.H .H./1085 ./1085   C.E  Al-Juwalniyy in   47 time of  the   death of  Al-Juwalniyy C.E. unt ntil il he   abandoned his   profes professor sorial ial positio osition n at the   Nizamiyyah of Baghdad in 488 A.H./1095  C.E. During  this period.  A1-Ghazzaliyy  wrote at least twenty books In   addition to the   written written ru rulings lings   (fatawa)   that he same   period.   These   writings,   man issued   during the   sam many y of  anuscrip criptt   form,’   covered which   were   lost or   remain   in manus several   subjects   including   jurisprudence   (fiqh).   debates  jurisprudence   (Usül (rnunazarah) in fl  flq qh,   fundamentals of  ju  AI A I-Fi Fiqh qh), ),   philosop philosophy, hy, politics and  creed   (‘aqiciah). In   this chapter, I   shall   concentrate on his   works In   areas   that pertain to to h  hiis  quest for true  knowledge directly  (i.e.  philosotreated ted   briefly. phy).   Others  will  be trea In  addition, it Is  necessary  to also treat Al-Ghazzaliyy’s this is chapte ter. r.   Although  this work   All-Munqidh m m   aI-Dal&1 in th  A was   written   during the   second   period of   public   teaching one e (499  A.H./  1106   C.E.-503   A.H./  1110   C.E.), It   includes on of  the   most im imp portant accou accounts nts on his tho thoug ught ht   durin during g the period leadin leading g to his dep departure arture   from Baghdad.  This account covers his   skepticism  In   addition to his  analysis of  the me1

lost inc includ lude e   Al-Muntahal ft   ‘flm  al-Jadal The   writings   that   were   lost  Ma  M a’akhld ldh h   al-Khilaf.   TOMSUI   al-Ma’akhidh.   Al-Mabadi’ io iou u   al-Ghayat,  HujIat  Hu jIat al-Haq al-Haq and   Qawaslm  ol-Batinlyyah. The   manuscripts   comprise Khukzsat    al-Mukhtasar  Wa   Naqawat   ai-Mu’tasar,   Shtfa’ at  Al-B  Al -Basi asit. t.   Khukzsat     ft  t  al-Qigas   Wat-TaUl.   Fatawa,   Ghoyol   aI-Ghawr   ft    ft  Dlr  Dlra ayat  at GhaUt   f  Lu ubab al-Hikmo.h  al-Ilahiyyah.  Da  D awr and Al-Ma’arif a!- A  Aq qli liy yyah Wa L

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thodologies of   the the fou four r “c “clas lasse ses s of   seekers”: the   dialectical utakallimun) ,   the theologians  (Al-M utakallimun) the es esot oter eric ics s  (Al-Bãtirtiyyah), the   philosophers and the   Sufis. The   pertinence of   these development during   this   decade issues to   A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   developm will be   examined in detail in this ch chap apter. ter.

3.1 ON   P19K, P19K, MU MUNAZARAII  NAZARAII  AND USUL AL-FIQH   AND   USUL AL-FIQH  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  works injurispruden rudence ce and the related sub je  j ects   show his   continuing   inter interes estt in th this is   field, an  interest which   started   in his   student   days.   Although   these   works reflect a  certain   development in Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   perspective on   jurisprudence, he   remained   throughout   faithful to the  jurisprudence. Shãfi’ite Sh ãfi’ite schoo schooll of  ju 3.1.1

On Jurisprudence

Al-Ghazzaliyy wrote sev several eral   books of  fi  fiq qh,   according to the Shafi’ Sh afi’ite ite sc scho hool, ol,   during the   time   regarded by   Mauri aurice ce Bouyges as th f h his   public  teaching   (478—488 the e   first  period of  A.H./  1085—1095  C.E.) ~2 These books,  which were considered Al-Wasit, asit, Al-W Al-Wajiz ajiz and first writing ritings, s,   include   Al-Bath,   Al-W his   first of sepa sepaKhulasat  Al-Mukhtasar. In  addition, he  iss  issue ued d tens of  rate   rulings   (fatàwa) In the   area of  fi hundred red and  fiq qh. One   hund one e   manuscript ninety of   these   rulings   were   gathered in on 3 which remains  unpublished. lbn lb n   Khallikan   stated   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   borro borrow wed the names of  the   first   three   books, in the   same   order,   from (d.. 468   A.H./1074   C.E.) who Al-Wahidiyy   Al-Mufassi? (d books on wrote   three books  on the  interpretation of  the  Qur’an.5 These   three   books of  A1-Ghazzaliy  A 1-Ghazzaliyyy   were were practic ractically ally one e  another. The first in th the same as on the e ser erie ies s was A  All-Basit  (The   Simple).   Realizing   that   this   book    included   unnemade e it   difficult for cessary   details and   examples   which   mad 2   Badawi,   p. xv xvi. i. 3   mEd., p. 46. ‘All  lbn 4   ‘All Ibn  Hasan Ibn Ahmad Ibn   ‘All lb uwayh h  Al-Wahldiyy. He  died in n  Buway Nishapur   when  Al-Ohazzallyy was   stuydlng   there,   which   explains the borrowing. 5 Ibn Kathir,   vol. vol. ii ii,,  p.   114.

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AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FO R   KNOWLEDGE...PUBLIC  TEAcHING

students to   read,  A1-Ghazzaliyy  decided to   write a   shorter vers ve rsion ion whi hich ch he   called  Al-Wasit    (The Median). According to   him,   Al-Wask, whic hich h was written as a   textbook, is  half    Al-Bath. In   addition,   A1-Ghazzaliyy set   forth a the   size of  Al-Bath. “dec ecidin iding g the rule for   writing  when he   explicitly   said   that “d (of  f a   book)   should   be ac acco cord rding ing to the   ability of  the goal (o student”   This   rule   reflects   A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   exceptional tale ta len nt as an   educator.   Later on,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote a hich ch he named Al  Al-W -Wajiz ajiz  (The Concise). further abridgement whi The   fourth   book    that   Al-Ghazzallyy   wrote on   jurisprude rudence nce du during ring   this   period was   Khulasat   Al-Mukhta.sar  (The Extract of  the Compendium).   This  book  was  simply an AI-M Muzanl uzanlyy yy (d abridgment of  the   Mukhtasar  of   AI(d.. 264 7  Al-Murtada   A1-Zubaydiyy   stated   that AlA.H./878   C.E.). Aldirectly tly on the  original  book  of  f A Ghazzaliyy did not work direc Muzaniyy, but   rather on   an inter interm med ediate iate work which which was abridgment written by   Al-Juwalniyy (d. 438   A.H./  also an   abridgm 1047   CE.),   father of    Imam   A1-Harãmayn   Al-Juwalniyy, teacher of  Al-Ghazzaliyy.8  A  Acc ccording ording to Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy. zzaliyy.   this book  was his  smallest contribu contribution tion to j  ju urisprudence.0   A1-Ghazzaliyy in fiqh are to be The   contributions of  A1-Ghazzaliyy ter r   all, his   position at the   Nizarniyyah   school expected.   Mte  juriswas  given   only to   scholars of  the   Shafi’Ite Shafi’Ite schoo schooll of  ju prudence. It   was  fiirjh   that was ap app paren arentt   from his   writings in  f they   were   inten intende ded d as   textbooks.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   dedicated most of  most  of h his  time to teaching and writing. He  used his  “spare time” tim e” to   pursue the   goal   that he   designated for himse self: lf: forr  true  knowledge.’° his   quest fo ,6

3.1.2

On th the e Methods of  Debate

A1-Ghazzallyy   wrote   four  books on  debates in the   field of   jur  ju ris isp prudence   Al-Murttahal ft   ‘lint  al-Jadal,   Ma’akhldh al6   A1-Ghazzaliyy.  Al-Wasit, All   Muhyid-Din   Al-Qarah   Daghi, ed ed..   (cairo: Dar al-Nasr  Ii  al-Tiba’ah   al-Islamiyyah.   1984) vol.   i, p.   296. 7 Abu  lbrahlm   Ismail   A1-Muzaniyy, a   companIon of   ai-Shafl’iyy. The  Mu uhammad  full ti  Mukhtaso asojj- m m ‘Em al-Imam   al-Nafis M titl tle e of hIs book  is Mukht Em Id  Idris ris.. usufAl-Ju fAl-Juwa wainiyy. iniyy. 8   Abu Muhammad   ‘Abdallah Ibn Yusu 9   Badawl.p.31. 95.. 10   A1-Ghazzaiiyy,  AI-Munqidh, p. 95

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AL-GHAZZALIYY

KhiIaf Lubab   al-Nazar  and   TOJIS&L   al-Ma’ãkhtdh   were all written   as as a re res sult of   a tren trend d domina inant nt in his   time. Con Mi’ya yar  r al- ‘lInt  trend, d, he said in  Mi’ cerning  that   tren  were ere alm almost ost ex“Because   aspirations   during during ou our r age  w to Jurisprudence. clusively   inclined to  Jurisprudence. I was led to write books in  the methods of  of debate, debate,   (al-Munäzara),”

The fac factt that   Al-Ghazzallyy   wrote wrote many  books on debate, and that he  sp  others at the  spent ent much time in debating debating others “Cam “Ca mp” of  Nizam Al-M his per erso sona nall int intere erest st in l-Mulk, ulk,   show   his debates   which   could not be   considered,   strictly  speaking, part of  his   quest for  knowledge.   AI-Ghazzaliyy   held   that unles un less s the   debating   parties adh adhered ered to  etiquette of  debate (adab aI-munazarah) as he  outlined in his  books,   these de2 It  see  seem ms   that bates   would   lead to  animosity and   hatred.’ A1-Ghazzãllyy did not cons consider ider deba debate te to be a  very positive the to tom mb of  activity.   Indeed,   when his   visited   the f    prophet Ibrahim   [a.s.] in  Hebron after   his dep departure arture   from Baghdad, which   ma mark rked ed a new era   in his   thought,   Al-Ghazzallyy despised debating and made a  pledge  never again to debate with  anyone.’3

3.1.3

On the   Fundamentals of  Jurisprudence

two o  books   durin On  Usul al-Fiqh.  Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote tw during g the same   period:   Al-Mabadi’   WaI-Ghayat  and   Sh~fa’ A  All-G GhaL haLR R  fi  Al-Qiyas wa   al-Ta’ld, The   first  book  was   lost, and  what two o  references little information  there is about it comes from tw in   other   writings of  f    Al-Gha.zzaliyy.   Bad adawi awi   claimed the  Al-Mabad adi’ i’ wa  aI-Ghayat  was  usul   al-fiqh.   Such subject of  Al-Mab a   claim was disputed, but   given the   scant   information, It is virtually   Impossible to   settle the   debate   regarding   even Its It s  subject   matter. There are   many   manuscripts of  the   second   book, which h was ed edited ited by Sh!fã’   al-’AlüJt  aI-Qiyas wa   aI-Ta’lil,   whic   al-Em, p. 27. 1 1   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Mt’yar  al-Em, 12   Qadri HailzTuqan.  A  Al-’ l-’Ulu Ulum m  ‘indal-Arab(Beirut:  Darlqra’,  1983)p.  189, 13   Qarah  Daghl,   vol.!, p.   118, 14   This book  was published by Dar al-Irshad In In Baghdad  Baghdad in 1971.   Qarah Daghi, p   202.

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AL-GHAZZALIYY5   QUEST FOR KNOWLEDGE..   PUBLIC TEACI-IING

4  Although  this book  was  unique In comHamad Al-Kabisi.’ parison to   other   book books s on the   fundamentals of  ju  jurisprudence,   still it did not   rise to the   level   which   al-Mustasfa reac re ache hed d lat later er.. The   latter   incorporated   logic as a   separate entity en tity,, whi hic ch   marked an   especially   important   stage in the   development of  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   thought. A   full   account of  al-MustasJà  will be  provided  in ch chap apter ter   six.

3.2   AL-GRAZZALIYY’S  SKEPTICISM In   AI-Murtqidh m m   al-Dalal,   A1-Ghazzallyy   stated   that he broke   away   from  conformism  (taqlid)   which he   understood as   accepting   knowledge as  true   based   upon th the e   authority of  f    parents   and teac teachers hers.. He   found   this   authority to be unreliable   because it  could not be   the ca case se   that   parents the same ti tim me were   providing   true   knowledge   while at   the forr the   differences   among   children   (i.e. being   responsible fo among the rearing of  Jew Jews, s, Christian hristians s or  Muslims).’5 As   a re resu sult, lt,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   sought to   distinguish between true and false  knowledge. To do   that, he  realized that he   should should de deter term min ine e the   nature of   true   knowledge. In a statem sta temen entt tha thatt   reflected his   appreciation of   mathematics, A1-Ghazzallyy   said   that   primary   knowledge   should be indubitable in the   sam same way as   mathematics   (eg. ten Is  than   three) greater than greater Next, Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy   scrutinized all his   cognitions in forr  knowledge that would meet the previous descripsearch fo any su such ch   knowledge tion, but he   found   himself  devoid of   any except in the   case of   sensibles   (al-hissiyydt)’7  and th the e  self  evident   truths   (al-darUriyyaO.’°Although   these tw two o   areas appeared   clear clear an and d as assu suri ring ng,,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wanted to )6

15   A1-OhazzaiI~, aI’Munqidh, pp.   81-82. 16   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   al-Mwiqidh, p. 82.   Fulfillment, 17 In his translation of al-Munqidh mm al-Dalal, Freedom and  Fulfillment, R. J.   Mccarthy   used   “sense-da was “sense-data” ta” to   translate   “a&hlssyyar. It was Bertrand   Russell who   was first to use   “sen “sense-d se-data” ata” ling lingui uistIc stIcally ally to express th sensations. For Russell,   there Isan element of  the e contents of sensations.

immediacy   assocIated   with the  concept of   “sense-data”   which AlGhazzaliyy’s  idea of  sensibles   sensibles   (hissygat)   lacks.  Thus, I  have departed

from Mccarth~s translation.   (al-Munqldh).   p. 64 18   Al-Ghazzallyy.   Freedom and Fulfillment  (al-Munqldh).

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make   sure   that he did not   have a   false   sense of  f    security like the on one e he had   previously   with   knowledge   that he re9 parents and teachers.’ ceived   from   parents With   great   seriousness,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   started   meditating on   sensibles and  self   evident  knowledge. He  wanted to   see whe hether ther he   could   doubt   them. As a   result, he concluded: “This   protracted   effort to   ind induc uce e do doub ubtt   (tashakkuk) pointt wh where ere my   soul   would rought me to the   poin finally   bro

allow w me to   admit   safety  from  error   even in the not   allo

case of  sensibles. to   give   ground   to dou doubt bt   sensibles. It   began to (tattasi’u   Ushshak) and   to hence e comes   your to sa say: y:   Whenc reliance on  sensibles?”2°

In a   rather   beautiful   style,   A1-Ghazzãliyy   presented these   reflections in   the the fo form rm of  dialogue   dialogue   with his  personified   soul   which which brou brought ght to his   attention   examples   from sight, the   strongest of  the   sensibles. in order to prove  that he could not rely on the senses. One example was the case of  shadow where   sight   “looks at  shadow and   sees it  standing still and   motionless and   judges   that   motion   must be Then n du due e to   experience and  observation, an   hour denied.   The later it (the soul)  knows  knows that  that the shadow is moving, and that it did not   move in   a su sudd dden en   spurt, but so  gradually and imperceptibly   that   it was   never   completely at   rest”. His this an and d   similar similar sen sensibles sibles,, the soul   showed him   that on   this sense-judge   (hakimn  al-hiss)   deem tru ue. But deemed   them to be tr Soon, the   reason-judge   (hakim al- ‘aqi)   “refutes It and repeatedly  gives It the lie in an  incontrovertible   fashion” 21 doubting bting sen sensibles. sibles. Al-Ghazzaliyy describes himAfter dou self  as   provisionally   thinking   that he   cou trust could ld onl nly y   trus rational   data   (al- ‘aqliyyat)   which   belong to  primary   truths (al-uwwaliyydt).   These   primary   truths   would   consist of  mathematical and   logical   truths. He  said: “My   reliance on   sensibles ha has s   also   become  untenable. rely y on only lyon on those  those rational  data Perhaps,   therefore  I can rel 19   A1-Ghazzaliyy, Al-Munqldh.   p. 83. 20   Al-Ghazzaliyy.  Freedom and Ft4/Itlment, p. 64 64.. See also, Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Mu  Al -Munqi nqidh, dh, p. 84. 21   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  Freedo  Freedom m and  and  Fulfillm,ent,  Fulfillm,ent, pp.   64-85.

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AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FOR KNOWLEDGE.   PUBLIC   TEACHING

which belong  to the   category of primary truths,   such as our asserti rtin ng that Ten is more   tha that   three’ and ‘One and the   sam same thing   cannot be  simultaneously   affirmed and

denied’ and ‘One and the sa sam me th thin ing g cannot be inc incip ipien ientt and   eternal,2 2existent   and and non nonexis existent, tent,   necessary and impossible’”.

At   this  stage, as  Al-Ghazzaliyy  found himself  trusting rational   data, a  challenge was  posed by the  sensibles   which also  sh  show owed ed up as a  personified   character. It addressed Aldata.. Its Ghazzaliyy and  disputed his acceptance of  rational   data ilarities ies betwe between en his argument was  based upon  drawing   similarit previous   acceptance of   sens sensibles ibles an and d his  later  approval of  rational   data   as as the   only   trustworthy   knowledge. Aloutcome of  the Ghazzaliyy’s   doubt of   sensibles was the   outcom presence of  a   a hig highe her r   faculty,   namely, the   judge of  reason.   reason. that at th ther ere e wer Why then  could It not be the  case th ere e ye yett another  ju  j udge higher than  that of reason  which, if manifested,   would sensibles sibles” ” also  argued,  even render rend er reas reason on dou doubtable? btable?   “The sen thoug tho ugh h thi this s   other jud judge ge was not   revealed,   this did not indicate the impossibility of  its  existence ,23 described himself  as   puzzled and Al-Ghazzaliyy   next   described not   knowing   what to   say.   “The   sensibles”   reinforced its position by   appealing to dreams   where It  said: you u are   asleep you   believe “Don’t you see   that   when yo

certain  things and  imagine   certain circumstances and believe   they are   fixed and   lasting and   entertain no

doubts about that being their status? Then you  wake up and   know   that all   your   imaginings and   beliefs   were every erythin thing g you groundless and  unsubstantial, So while ev

believe through sensation or  intellection  in your waking state may be   true  in relation to   that state, what  assurthat you ance an ce ha have ve yo you u that  you may not suddenly experience a state   which   would   have the   same rela relation tion to   your

waking   state as th the e   latter has   into   your   dreaming  in rela re lati tion on to   tha that new and   further   state? If  you   found that all your yourself  in such a state, you would be sure   tha rational   beliefs   were   unsubst stan anti tial al   fancies.”24

might ht the la latte tter r   state   mig Al-Ghazzaliyy   considered   that   the 22   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Freedo Freedom m an and  d  Fulfillment, p. 65. 23   Ibid.,   p. 85. 24   Ibid..   p.65.

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be the one that the Sufis claim  as th thei eirs rs..  They alleged to “see, in   their   states,   conditions   that are not   compatible   with  add dditio ition, n, he cite ited d a part of  a  a   verse from 25 In a rational   data”. whose meaning   could be   translated as, “We the   Qur’an   whose have   removed   your   veil and   today   your   sight is   acute.”26 For   Al-Ghazzallyy,   this   verse   indicated   that one   would see   things   differently   after   death   and,   thus,   life   could be nothing but a   long   dream of   which one   could   wake up only   after death. Al-Ghazzallyy   tried to   find a   solution to   this   complex situation, but he   could   not. He   stated   that any   proof  used   would  consist of  primary   knowledge  that was   already doubted.   Unable to   find an   answer,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   said fou und   himself  in a   state of   skepticism   which that he fo two o   months.27 lasted  close to tw two o  months,  Al-Ghazzaliyy   described his During these tw skeptic who denie denied d the  possibility of  situation as  that of  a   skep knowledge, as   indic indicate ated d in the   tide tide of   this   chapter of  Alfor r So  Munqi  Mu nqid dh:   ‘The Avenues fo Sophistry phistry and   the Denial of  the  the afsatah waJahrl at- ‘(Rum) ~28 He He said  said Sciences” (Madaichjj al-S afsatah that he   contained   this   skepticism   within   himself,   giving neither r utter utteranc ance e nor   composition.29 It   Indeed   appears it   neithe true   that he did not   allow his   skepticism to   influence his two o lectures or   writing.   Thus.   Al-Ghazzallyy   maintained tw lines of  intellectual   intellectual   activity: th the e  first was in pursuit of  true knowledge and th the e   second was   within   conventional   areas of  study.   study. Al-Ghazzaliyy   described his   state of   skepticism as a “sickness”, the   remedy fo for r  which   “was   no not th the e   result of  Rather, er, he   claimed arranging   proofs or   organizing  words.”   Rath that he was   healed by “a   light   (ntaj,   that  Allah   Most   High cast In Into to (his (his)) ch ches est” t”.. At  this   stage,  Al-Ghazzallyy  regained his   trust in   logical   necessities. He   added   that   “this   light  the   cognitions  (ma’anjL3° was th the e key  to   most of  the 25   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqldh, p. 85. 26   Ai-Qur’an,   Sura Qaf 50:22. 50:22.  At-Mu  At -Munqi nqidh, dh, pp.   85-86. 27   AJ-Ghazzali~, 83.. 28   IbId., p. 83 29   Ibid., p. 86. 30   Ibid., p. 86.

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AL-GHAZZALIYYS   QUEST FOR   KNOWLEDGE..  PUBLIc  TEACHING

describ cribed ed as   that of  In a   language   that   could   only be des Sufism,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   defended the   possibility of   knowledge   through   unveiling   (kashj),   which was the   outcome of divine   illumination. By  kashf, he  meant   attaining   know(i.e. from  from Allah).  Therefore, he wrote   “whoever ledge   directly (i.e. nveili eiling ng of   truth to   formulated   proofs has restricts   the unv 3’ indeed  strained   the bro broad ad   mer ercy cy of  Allah.

3.3   SKEPTICISM AND THE CLASSES  O  OF F SE SEEKE EKERS RS The   section of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   skepticism in  Al-Munqtdh is extremely   important for any   attempt to   comprehend the development in Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   thought.   This is   especially true   because he   placed   this   section   before   the ch chap apter on the   classes of   seekers   (Asnaf  Al-Taltbln) in   whi whic ch he described the   next phase of  his quest fo forr  true  knowledge in a  fragmented   frame of  time.32 As such, the   section of  skepticism   forms the   background to his   assessment of  th the e classes of  seekers. forr the   methodolo~’ that   leads fo forr   true In his   search fo knowledge.  Al-Ghazzaliyy  looked   into the belief  and creed of  every sect and group,  including  Manichaeans33 (zanddiqal4, whe here re he   sought the   backgro backgroun und d of   this   position   which he  considered so bold.34   Even Eventua tually, lly, after b  being eing relie relieved ved of  skep sk eptici ticism sm, he na narro rrow wed his   search to   four grou group ps: the dialectica dialec ticall theolog theologians ians,, the   esote esoteric rics. s. the   philosophers and Before   analyzing each of these  grou  groups ps in  detail. the th e SuJfs.~ he  li  listed sted an and d de descr scribe ibed d   each of th them em briefly: 31   Al-Ghazzallyy,   Freedo Freedom m an and  d  Ft4J111 meat, p. 66 66..

32   ftJ.Qhazzaliyy  spent three years  studying  philosophy  an  and d si six x   months iritual al cris crises’ es’ whic hich h   took    place   right   before he   left the in his   “spiritu Nlzamiyyah of Baghdad of4 488 A.H./  1095  C.E. By deducting Baghdad at the end of hich h on one e  should add the time   A1-C}hazzaliyy three and  half  years. to whic spent In   studying and   writing   about the dialectical theologians (A (All Mutakallimu  Mutakall imun) n) and the  esoterics   (Al-Batlnlyyah), I   would say   that Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  skepticism  took  place after his   arrival at the Nlzamiy Nlzamiy--

 of  Baghdad In   484A.I-i.   1091 CE. yak  of  Baghdad

33 Another Another possible possible   meaning fo forr  zanadiqah  Is  “nihilists’, and  another is “dualists”. fo forr the   Manlchaeans to   whom the   term  zanndtqah was frequently  used  were throughg throughgolng olngdualists. dualists. 34   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Al-Munqklh, pp.   79-81.

35   Ibid.,   p. 89.

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1.

The diale dialect ctic ical al the theolo ologia gians ns   (Al-MutakallirinTzrt), who claim,   (yadda’Lzn)   that   they   are are men of   independent  ju  j udgment and   reasoning.

2.

The  esoterics   (Batinites), who   allege  (yaz’umün) to be the   unique   possessors of   learning and the   privileged recipients of   knowledge   acquired   from the   Infallible Imam.

3.

The   philosophers, who   allege   (yaz ‘umürt)   that   they are the men of  logic and apodictic  demonstration.

4.

The Sufi fis s, who cla laim im   (yadda’ürt) to be the   familiars of  mystic vision the  divine   Presence and the men of  mystic  vision and 36 illumination.

Careful   attention to the   language   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy classification ation reve reveals als that he  regarded the  four used in th this is   classific two o   pairs. He  used independent   groups as  actually  forming tw only two  verbs in  expressing   what the groups   ha had to say. He applied the verb  “yadda’ürz”  (claim),  which Is   neutral, to Al Mu  M utakaWmurt and th the e Sufis, but the verb “yaz ‘urnUn”   (allege), which has a subtle   negative   tone, to the  Batinites and the evident,   therefore   that  A1-Ghazzaliyy had philosophers. It is evident, two o of  the already   taken a  position   that was  favourable to tw four   groups.   Furthermore,   Al-Ghazzaliyy was   convinced one e of  these that   only on   these   four  groups   must   have the   methoot,, he believed dology   that   leads to to true  true  knowledge and if not that his  case was  hopeless.  He felt  that  he was  compelled to proceed in his   quest   because   there   was was no way to  return to   conformism.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   maintained   that   once   someone on e bec becom omes co cons nscio cious us of  his   status as a   conformist, it becomes  imperative fo forr   this  person to be   independent and own, It   should be to se sear arch ch for   true   knowledge on his   ow noted   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   exempted   from  this   obligation a conformist   (muqallid)   wh who is not   aware   of himself as being one.37 For   this  part of  Al-Mu  Al-Murtq rtqid idh. h. I ha the e  translation of  Mccarthy have ve us used ed th   Mccarthy with slight changes pertaining to thewords ‘claim’ and  ‘allege’. Freedom and  Fulfillment,   Fulfillment, p. 67. 37   AJ-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqidh. pp.   89-90, 36

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TEACHING

3.4 ON DIALECTICAL DIALECTICAL THEOLOGY THEOLOGY   (ILMAL-ICALAM) After going  through the   period of  skepticism.  Al-Ghazzaliyy continued his   quest for   true   knowledge. He   first consid ider ered ed th the e  dialectical  theologians, the   first of the  classes of  38 Th The e roots of  Dialectical   Dialectical  theology seekers   (asuàf  al-taiibin). (kalam), or  Islamic   Scholasticism as it  Is sometimes  called. emerged   early early in   Islamic   history but   gained   considerable momentum   with the intr introdu oductio ction n of   Greek Greek phfiosop hfiosophy hy in  and d nin ninth th  centuries.39 the  eighth  an Al-Ghazzaliyy was   familiar   with the   methodology and the   notions   that   Al-Mutakaltimun   dealt   with   because of  his   close   ties   with the   Asha’irites. The   latter   were the heirs of   KaiAm   when the   Mu’tazilltes   surrendered   their Islam mic th theo eolo log gy to   what   migh leadership of  lled d mightt   be calle f    Isla was he head aded ed by   Ahmad Ib the   Salafiyyah   school   which   was Ibn n A.H./855 ./855 C,E ,E.).4° .).4° Al-Ghazzaliyy   studied Hanbal (d. 241   A.H ‘Jim  al-Kalarn,   read the   books of  their   their   scholars and  finally wrote   about   the su subjec bject. t. Wha hatt he   found was  that the aim of  al-Mutakailimün   differed   from   his.   They aimed at the preservation of the  creed  of the Sun Sunnites. nites. He was searching forr   that   group   which fo which aim aimed ed at   truth   withou withoutt reso resorting rting to Al-MutakallimUn Un   were not  devoid.41 conformism, of which Al-Mutakallim Al-Ghazzaliyy   admitted   that   Al-Mutakallirnun   were successful in   attaining   their   goal  w  which hich was defe defendin nding g the Shari’ah, but   also   that   they   attempted   to stu tudy dy the   true nature of   things. As   a res result, ult, th they ey re rese sear arch ched ed the   notions ithou outt re reac achi hing ng th the e of    substances and   accidents, yet   with ultimate   goal   (al-ghayah   al-quswa) in   this   field. Althe la latt tter er   position by   stat statin ing g th that at Ghazzallyy   explained   the not th the e “since   that   (studying   Aristotelian   categories) was   not 38   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqidh, p. 89.  Isla lam mic ic Philosophy  Philosophy   (New York:   columbia 39 Majid   Fakhry. A  History of  Is  1970) p. 56. University Press, Press, 1970) anball   were   rivals fo forr  a   long   time. 40 The Mu’tazilites and   Ahmad Ibn   Hanba question tion wh whether ether the Qur ur’an ’an..   being the the e   ques The   Issue at  stake was th

word   of Allah,   was crea created ted or   eternal? The  Mu’tazllites,  w  who ho were politically   influential   during the   reign of  Al-Ma’mun (d. 223   AM.! two o   caliphs,   advocated th the e   notion 833   AD.)   and the   subsequent tw that th the e   Qur’an was   created, a   position   declared   heretical by lbn Hanbal, Fakhry, pp.  79-80. 41   A1-Ghazzaliyy. Al-Munqidh,   p. 91.

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AL’GHAZZALIYY

aim of  their  (At-Mutakailirnun)   science,   their  search did not goal in it” 42 The   interpretation of  achieve   the the ult ultim imate ate   go here co coul uld d be   understoo understood in   Aristotelian ‘ultimate   goal”   here terms. The   gene   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   argument genera rall mean eaning ing of  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s dialectica ticall the theolog ologian ians s did not   reach that the   dialec reach com comp plete is   tha understanding of  the Aristotelian   categories. Al-GhazzAliyy’s   conflict   with   Al-Mutakallimun   resulted ts   from the   the their ap app prop ropriation riation of   arguments from   their theses of  their   antagonists. Of  this Al-Ghazzaliyy   said: they ey re relied lied on “But in so   doing   (protecting   religion) th advers ersarie aries, s, premises   which  they  took    over from   their adv being   compelled to   admit   them   either by   uncritical unity’ ty’s s  consensus acceptance, or   because of  the  Communi deriving fro from m the (fjma), or by   simpl simple   acceptance   deriving Qur’an and the  Traditions.   Most of  their   polemic was devoted to   bringing out the   inconsistencies of   their adversaries and   critic criticiz izin ing g th them em for the   logically conc ncede eded. d. Th This, is, absurd   consequences of   what   they co however, is   of lit littl tle e use in the   case   of on one e   (i.e. Al-

who ad adm mits   nothing at all   except the Ghazzaliyy)   who

 and d self-evident  truths.” primary  an

43

this is   stage Al-Ghazzaliyy restricted his It is clear that  at th  and d denied the acceptance to primary and self-evident truths  an same  status to the   sources of  Islamic   Islamic Sh Shari’ ari’ah ah:: the   Qur’an, Traditions and   the con consen sensu sus s of  the   companions of  the Prophet   IS.A.A.S.]44  This fact  shows  that  Al-Ghazzãliyy was consistent in his  position. He   wanted to   find an   objective truth   that   would   “provide an  effective  means of   dispelling entirely the   darkness due to the   bewilderment   about the differences  dividing  men”.~

3.5   AL-GUAZZALIYY’S ENCOUNTER WITH PHILOSOPHY

 Al-Mu -Muriq riqid idh h m m   al-DaIaL.  Al-Ghazzaliyy   stated According to  Al Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,  Al’Munqalh. p. 93. Freedom and   Fulfillment, pp.   68-69. 43   Al-Ghazzallyy,   Freedom 44 The   consensus of  th the e   companions of  th the e   prophet   became, in   later generations, the   consensus of  th scholars olars (ama’  at- (llama’)   at an any y the e sch given time. 69.. Freedom m and  Fulfillment. 45   Al-Ghazzallyy,   Freedo   Fulfillment. p. 69 42

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 QUEST F  FOR OR   KNOWLEDGE...PUBLIC TEACHING AL’GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST

forr   true   knowledge he   started   studying that in his tha his   quest fo after he was don philosophy   after done e   with ‘flm n  al-Kalãm (which did not   provide the   remedy fo forr   which he was   looking). In his introduction to the   section on   philosophy he   outlined his approach to   this new   field. He   wanted to   pursue the science of   philosophy to a   level   higher   than   that of  the most knowledgeable in the field. Only then,  he ar argu gued ed,,   could 46 one on e kn know ow  the intric intricate ate de dep pths of  the   science. that   he could not   rely on Al-Ghazzãliyy was   aware   tha second sec ondary ary so sour urce ces, s, such as   those of  al-Mutakallimun, in

order to   study   philosophy. For   him, the their ir bo book oks s in incl clud uded ed fragmented philosop hilosophical hical   words   that   were were complex and anot othe her. r. In Ins ste tead ad,, he   decided to   read contradictory to one an books of   philosophy   directly   without the   assistance of  a   teacher.   Although he was   teaching   three   hundred students at the   Nizamiyyah of   Baghdad and   writing in the   Islam the sa sam me   time, in his Islamic rev revea ealed led sc scien ience ces s at   the spare   time   Al-Ghazzaliyy was   able to   master   philosophy two o   years. He   continued   reflecting on it for in   less   than tw where re he almost   another   year.47 He   reached the   level   whe became so   fam easure ure of  its   precisions familiar with   the meas dece ceits its,, de dece cep ption tions s an and d de delus lusion ions, s,   that he as   well as its de had no  doubt   about his thorough   grasp  of   of it.48 it.48 As a result of  his   study he  wrote tw two o  books:   Maqasmd   A1-Fa1  A1 -Fa1ãs ãs~f ~fah ah(The   Alm Alms s of  the   Philosophers) and   Tahafut  aI-Fa1ds~fah(The   Incoherence of  the   Philosophers). It was Al-Ghazzaflyy’s   intention to   write a   book    which   would encompass the   thought of the philos hilosop opher hers s withou ithoutt criticizing or   adding   anything   to it it..   This   book book was to be follow fol lowed ed by   another   (i.e.   Tahdfut   a1-FaIds~fah)that   would first on one. e. It include his   critique of  th the e co conte ntent nts s of  the   first was   this   latter   work    that   pro rom mpte pted d Ib Ibn n   Rushd49 to   write (arou (a round nd 576   A.H./  1180   C.E.),   Tahafut    al-Tahafut    (The Incohere erenc nce) e) whic hich h   constituted a Incoherence of the   Incoh 46   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   al-Munq(dh, p. 94 94..

47    IbId., pp.   94-95. Freedom m and  Fulfilment  48   Ai-Ghazzaliyy,   Freedo   Fulfilment  p. 70. 49

who is known in Latin as Averroes, was The full   name of  Ibn Rushd,   wh Abu   al-walid   Muham Muhammad Ibn  Ahanid   lbn Muh uham ammad lbn   Rushd. He  w 126 6 cE. and   died 595  A.H./1 19 198 8 CE.  wa as   born in 520A.M.!! 12

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AL’GHAZZALIYY

systematic   rebuttal of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   critique of   this me-

50 lange of  Greco-Islamic   Philosophy.  Maqas  Maq asmd mdA1 A1-F -Fa1 a1as as~f ~fah ah(which according to Brockelmann was written in 488   A.H./  1095   C.E.)5’ was a   pioneer work  in its   attempt to   deliberately   present an   objective adversaries without account of  the   thought of  adversaries  without the   inclusion of  the   author’s   ideas.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wanted to   introduce this   objective. philosophy as the   philosophers   knew it. Of  f this he sa said: id:

that I should   introd that introduc uce, e, prior to th  the e  Tah4 fl  flit it,,  accou count nt that   will   include the   story of  their a  concise  ac  derived ed fro from m their aims  (maqàsid) which  will be  deriv their logical,  logical, sciences, with without out distinguishnatural and metaphysical   sciences, ing   between   what is  right and   what is wrong,   without  with ith that   they   believed as   their additions and   along  w “52 2 proofs. “5 thought ht “ I   thoug

The work orks s of   A1-Ghazzaliyy   began to be   translated into   Latin   befo before re the   middle of  the   twelfth   century   C.E.53 these,   MaqUsid  A1-Folo.sifah  A1-Folo.sifah was so influential in  Latin Of  f these, four r theolog theologians ians anuel el   Alonso  listed   forty fou Europe  that Fr.   Manu and   philosophers,   including St.  Thomas Aquinas who himself referred  to this book   thirty on one e   times.M In   Maqasid  al-Faldstfa,   AI-Ghazzaliyy   divided the sciences of  the   philos philosop opher hers s into   four   major categ categories ories:: mathematical   (al-rmyadmyyat),   logical   (aI-mamttmqmyyat), natural   (al-tdbmIyyat) and   metaphysical   (al-ilahiyyal) .~ He listed  politics,   economy56 and   ethics as   subdivisions   under metaphysics. In A1-Munqidh mAn  al-Dalal, he   listed   politics and   ethics as  major  sections   along with th the e first  four.57 50   Fakhry. p.   307.

53.. 51   Badawi, p. 53   oJ’Fatasffali. p. 31 52   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Mo.qasid  oJ’Fatasffali. 53 M .   Saeed   Sheikh,   Islamic  Philosophy   (London: The  Octagon   Press, 1982) p. 1982)  p.   107.

54   Manuel Alonso:  “Infiuencia deAlgazel en el mundo latlno’, Al-Andalus.  pp.37l—380. Madrid, vol. XXIII, Fasc. Fasc. 2,  2,  pp.37l—380.  Madrid,  1958. See Badawi, pp.   56—58. 55 56

57

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All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy, y,   Maqasid  al’Faagfah.   p.3l. al’manzil,   management of th tad  d bit al’manzil, the e For “economy’. Al-Ghazzaliyy used ta house,   thellteralArabictranslation of  oikonomlain Greek.  Thecontemf oikonomlain porary Arabic translation of  economy   economy  as a science Is  Iqtisad. AI-Gha AIGhazza zzaliy liyy, y, Al-Munqidh, p.   100.

AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE.

  PUBLIC   TEACHING

Regarding   mathematics,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   thought   that it   dealt   with   geometry and   arithm arithmetic etic.. Neith either er of   these contradic dicted ted rea reason son.. As   a re subjects   contra resu sult, lt,   Al-Ghazzaliyy think  nk    that he   ought to   include a   detailed   account did   not thi thee58 This way  of  treating   treating   math of   mat ath hemat atic ics s in hi his s   book. matics   shows   that   reason was the   criterion   that AlGhazzãliyy   applied wh ertained ained   philosophy. when en he   entert

Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   basic   position   regarding   metaphysics this is was   that that mos ostt of  f    what the   philosophers   believed   in th correct ect   ideas field was   contrary to the   truth   (al-haq).   The corr seldom ldom inc includ luded ed.. On   the hand, in   logic he the ot oth her   ha were se thought   tha that   mistakes   were   ver The philosop hilosophers hers very y ra rare re..   The only on ly dif differ fered ed   with   their   Muslim   counterparts,   whom Al Aid  id  al-Haq   al-Haq  (people of  truth), in the  termiGhazzaliyy   called A forr  natural   science, he held nology. not in the  meanings. As fo that it  comprised a  melange of  true and false  notions.59 judgem gement reg regard arding ing metaphy hysic sics s Al-Ghazzaliyy’s jud needs   some   clarification. In   Tahafut   al-Falastfah, he   held trans nslatin lating g the   works of  tha th at th the ere   were   mistakes in tra Aristotle Ar istotle wh which ich le led d to   distortions and changes in the Arabic texts.   These   mistakes   pro prom mpted the   Islamic   philosophers to  Interp  Interpret ret the   philosophical  texts in a fashion   that  caused addition ition,, he res restric tricted ted his conflict   amongst   themselves. In   add discussion of  philosophy to the   books  of A1-Fãrabl and Ib Ibn n Sinã.  Since AI-Farabi’s  m  metap etaphys hysics ics was bas basica ically lly a melange of Neo-Platonism and Aristotellanlsm, one can  s  se ee the  roots of   A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   position   that   what   the philoso hilosop phers believed in this  field is contrary to the  truth.6° law w  (qanUn)   that A1-Ghazzãliyy   defined   logic as   “the la disting dis tingui uish shes es a   sound   premise and   analogy   from a   false discer cernm nment of  true   knowledge” ,6 one, whic hich h   leads to   the dis ,61 1 In   addition, he   reviewed all the   subjects of  logic   Including induction   (istiqrã’). He   held   that   induction   could be correct   only if  all   parts   were   covered: if  one   part   could pos ossib sibly ly be   different,   then then ind induc uction tion In   this   case   could not  yield   true   knowledge. To   prove his   point, he   used the following argument: 58 59 60 61

  A1-Ghazza1I~, Mac  Macjasi jasid  d al-Falo.slfah, pp.   31-32.   Ibid., p. 32.   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  Tahafut  pp.   76-77.   AJ-Ghazzaliyy,  Macjasid aI-Falaslfah, p. 36.

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Ever very y animal is a human   being,   mare mare,,   etc. lowerjaw erjaw when he chews. Every human   being moves his low re moves its   lower  j  ja aw when it  chews. Every   mare

And   every   (animal)   other   than   these tw two o   moves its  ja aw when it  chews. lower j

The  conclusion:   every animal   moves its   lower j  ja aw. A1-Ghazzãliyy   said   tha that if  one   animal   differs, as is the   case   with the   crocodile   which   moves its   upper   jaw. then the   conclusion   does not   yield   true kn know owled ledge ge.. So So,, by species ecies or   group parts he   means   members of  the   same sp as in the   case of   “mare”,   “human   being” and   “crocodile”. was su suitable itable for Al-Ghazzaliyy   maintained   that   induction   was matters of  jurisprudence   (fiqhiyycit), but not for   true 62   This   suggests   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   accepted knowledge. forr   practical   reasons,   but induction fo but not as a   source of  true knowledge. true  knowledge.   logic in   Maqasid  aI-FalâIn   addition to his   review of  logic wrote sev several eral   books on   logic   during stfah,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote  al-’IImft  Fann  Fann   at-Mantiq   (The this   period. He  wrote   Mt’yar  al-’IImft  Criterion of    Knowledge in the Art of   Logic),   Mihak  at  Na  N azar  ft   at-Mantiq   (The   Touch-Stone of    Reasoning in Logic) and  MizanAl-’A mat (The   Balance  of  Action).63 first bo book ok,,   Mt’yar  al-  ‘Jim It was   argued   that the   first Farm   al-Mantiq, was the   last part of   Tahafut   aI-Fa1Us~fah. began his A1-Ishardt  wa  al-Tanbihat  Unlik Un like e Ibn   S[n~ who   began stated ed th that at he with a di disc scu uss ssio ion n of  of logic,64 logic,64   A1-Ghazzaliyy   stat  Mi’yarr alal-’I ’Ilm lm at the end of  was  going to   write the   kit&b65  of  Mi’ya Tahafut    al-Falástfah. One can see   that   whether   they comprise on two o   books one e or tw books de dep pen ends ds on how to   interpret the   word   kitab. If  it is inte interp rprete reted d as   chapter,   then   there is one  book: if  it  is   interpreted as book   then   there are   two. -

 fi

62

63

  M-Ghaiz izali li~, Maqas   al-Falas~fah.pp.   89-90.  Maqasid  id  al-Falas~fah. Bad adaw awi. p. xvi.

64   Al-Ghazzaliyy.  Mi’yaral-   Jim.  Ahmad Shams  Al-Din,  ed  ed..  (Beirut: Dar alal-’Ilmiyyah, 199 1990) 0)   p. p. 11. Kutub   al-’Ilmiyyah, 65 The word   kitab is used in classical   Arabic literature to indicate,  among many other   meanings,   either a book  or a chapter.

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Regardless of  the   latter iss issue ue,,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   placed  Miyãr  those e who wer ere e at- ‘un-i   “after” the   Tahafut  in   order   that   thos ence e   with his alread alre ady y familiar   with   logic   could   commenc criticism of   philosophy   directly. For th thos ose e who did not he used in   responding understand the   vocabulary   that   he to   the philosop hilosophers hers,,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   instructed   them to 6 6  start   with  Mt’yar  at- ‘Jim. Despite the   fact   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wanted his prehysics ics and   logic in the   TahaJüt  and sentation of  metaphys  ML’y  ML ’yar  ar  at- ‘Urn to be   different   from  their   order in Ib Ibn n   Sina’s armura mura   argues   that   “much of  at-Ishãrat  wa al-T al-Tan anihat, ihat,   Mar   seems to be a the   account of  demonstration   demonstration in the  Mi’yUr  seem Avicenna icenna’s ’s   Demonstration   (A1-Isha.r&t) faithful   summary   of Av which in   turn is an   exposition and an   enlargement of   Anatyyti ticcs” s”.6 .67  7  Aristotle’s  Posterior  Anat There was yet   another   purpose for   Mi’y&r at- ‘urn. Alrelationship ip be betw tween een   logic Ghazzaliyy   intended   that the   relationsh and  thought to  be ana analogou logous s to that   between  meter  (‘an]d) and   poetry. For   him, the   theoretical theoretical sc scienc iences es   (at- ‘Uturn at nazariyyah),   which   correspond to  “thought” in the   above  butt rather   acquired  (mustahsatah). analogy,   were not innate  bu Al-Ghazzaliyy   realized  that the   process of  acquiring   knowledge   resulted in   man reas ason onin ing g   which many y mista istakes kes in re forr   science   (rni’yar  Ii   aI-nazar~which req re qui uire red d a cr crite iterio rion n fo corresponds to  logic.68 One of  the   mos mostt   important   claims in   Mi’yUr  at- ‘Jim was   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   assertion   that,   in ev every ery   person,   there jud dges es:: a   sensible-judge   (hakirn   hisstyy), an were   three ju imaginative-judge   (hUkim  wahmiyy)6°and a  rational-judge the rat ration ional-ju al-judg dge e to be the (hakim   ‘aqliyy). He   declared   the only   correct   one.7°This   suggests   that   Mi’yãr  at- ‘ttm  must two o   months of  have been writt tte en aft fte er the   en end of  his tw Taha/iz a/iztt al-F al-Falas alas(fah, (fah,   Sulaitnan   Dii:~va.ed.   (Cairo: 66   A1-Ghazzaliyy, Tah Dar  al-Ma’arif,   1972) p. 85. Demonstrative onstrative Scienc Science, e,   Journal of  67 Mi Miccha haeel   Marmura,   “Ghazali and   Dem  Histo story ry of Philosophy. IIII  (1965):   189. the th e Hi Philosophy. II 68   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Mi’yar, p. 26. 69   Al-Ghazzaliyy defined the j  ju udge of  illusion  illusion in terms of  it its s  false j  ju udgement   such as beingthat that one “cannot   point such  as denying the existence of  a being its s  direction’,  which indicates a being that  is   spaceless. to it 70 AlAl-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Mi’yar. p. 29.

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for only   then then had he   regained his   trust in skepticism   for 7’ logical  necessities. The   language   that   A1-Ghazzaliyy   us used in his   introabove e pos osition ition in   Mi’yãr  at-  ‘Jim duction to   discuss the   abov was somew ewhat hat sim similar ilar to the on sed d   later on in At one e   he use  Mu  M unqidh   rnin   al-Datat. In   At-Munqtdh,   Al-Ghazzaliyy portrayed tray ed the differ different ent facu faculties, lties,   including the   senses,   discernment and   reason   according to   their   natural   evolution in the   human   being.   But he did not   mention the   imaginativ na tive-ju e-judg dge e an and d   restricted   himself  to the   sensible ju  j udge and the   rational-judge!2 The   idea of   at-hakirn at~ wahrniyy was not an   original   idea of   Ai-Ghazzaliyy. He borrowed the   conc concep ept, t, alon along g  with   that of  the   imaginative (khayatiyyah) and   thinking   (rnufakkirah)   powers,   from the   philosophers.73 He  differed  from the philosophers, however by   attempting to   justilS’ his   usage of  these con concep cepts Sunnah nah) ) through   texts of  the   Shari’ah   (the   Qur’an and the Sun or  even with  Athär.74 The se seco cond nd   book  on   logic,  Mihak  al-Nazarfi   at-Mantiq, was written   as a sh shor orte ter, r,   refined vers version ion of  Mi’yar  cii- ‘Jim which h was   not fT   Fanrt   at-Mantiq   whic not ci circ rcu ulat lated ed whe hen n It was written  because it  needed  some   clarification.75 At the end of   Mi’yar  at- ‘utm,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   sta state ted d hi his s intention to   write a   book   which crite iterio rion n which wou ould ld provid rovide e   a cr forr   action   (Mizan   A1-’AmaD76   just as   Mi’yO.r  at- ‘Jim was a fo criterion for   knowledge.77   A1-Ghazzãliyy   reiterated the same   concept in his   introduction to   Mi.zan   cii-  ‘Arnal two o whe here re he   disc discus usse sed d ha hap ppines iness. s. For   him,   there   were tw conditions fo forr the   attainment of    happiness:   knowledge intended to   discuss the action and  action. He   said   tha that he   intende 86.. 71   Ai-Ghazzaliyy,   Ai-Munqidii. p. 86 72   Th&IL, pp.   83—85. 73 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzally llyy. y.   Tahafut, pp. pp.   252—253. 74   Athar  indicates   narrations   about th the e   early  generations of   Muslims. These atharwere   never considered as part  of  ofth the e Sharl’ah. An example  use e of  athar  was an  account   about Abu Bakr. th the e of  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  us first Caliph, on  page  32 of  Mi’yar   Mi’yar al’ ‘lint  75 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy. y. Mlhakal-JVazarjI al-Mantlq,   Muhammad Badr al-Din a)ed..   (Beirut: (Beirut:D Dar An-Nahdah   a1-Hadithah,   1966) p.   145. Nasaniyy, ed 76  The literal translation of  Mlzo.  Acti tio on.  Mlzo.n n   a&’Amat is The B  for  r  Ac  Ba ala lan nce fo 77 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy. y.   Mi’yar. p.   334.

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FOR R  KNOWLEDGE..,PUBLIC TEACHING AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FO

which   leads to   happiness in a way that   transcended concondit dition ions s he set formism   (taqtud) in   accordance   with the   con forth in Mi ‘yãr  at- ‘I tr n , and planned   to be begi gin n it  with a  brief  78 summaiyof  the fundamentals  ofhis criterion of knowledge. state ated d th that at   happiness   consisted in the Al-Ghazzaliyy st life   hereafter:   i.e., the   eternal.79 Thus eternal.79  Thus he   revealed his symwith h th the e   position of  the   Sufi   leader leaders s reg regard arding ing pathy   wit eternal   happiness,   wh who he held ld   that   happiness   should not be   thought of  merely as the   attainment of  paradise or the hellf llfire ire..   They avoidance   of he They con conside sidered red   such   aspirations crass,   since there was a more ho hono norab rable le aim.8°Al-Ghazzaliyy explained   this aim as   unveiling   (kashJj   divine   matters through   divine   inspiration   (ithãrn). He   stated,   citing the case of  the   Qur’an,   that   know knowled ledge ge is   never   conveyed Allah h to to human  human   beings;   this this ac actt   takes   place directly   from   Alla indirectly   (eg. by   angels) ,8 ,81 1 The position of  the  Sufi  leaders, which h co cons nsider iders s se seekin eking g contradic dicts ts the   Qur’an   whic however,   contra legItimate.82 .82 By paradise or the   avoidance of  hellfire   hellfire to be   legItimate agreeing   wit with h th the e   Sufi   leaders,   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   position could be   interp interpreted reted as   contradictory to   that of  the   Qur’an. It   should be   noted   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   under the   influence ith h th the e Qur’an and the Sunnah If    these of Sufism, differed wit texts are to be  taken  literally. In  addition to to h  hiis emphasis on the   correlation between happiness and   the the noe oeti tic c ele lem men ents ts in kashf, as he explained   above,   Al-Ghazza]iyy   said   that   the ha hap ppines iness s anyth ything ing lies in its   perfection. He   understood   this perof  an fection fec tion,, in the case of the  human  beings, to be  perceiving the reality of  the   intelligibles   (ma’qulatj, as th they ey are in  t  the hemwithou outt th the e   interference of  selves   (‘ala rna hya   ‘atayh),   with imagination and the   sensibles.83 It   appear ears s tha thatt he was hinting at  divine   insp inspira iratio tion n as a  source of  knowledge  that is not  hindered by   imagination or   senslbles. Al-Ghazzaliyy   maintained   that in order to   receive  this divine   inspiration, on one e   should   purl~ purl~’his   soul  from  what78   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Mizan  al-Ama!,   Sulalman   Dunya. ed ed..   (Cairo: Dar a)Ma’arifBi-Misr.   1964) p.   179. 79 Ai-G i-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy, y,   Mizan. p.   180. 80   Ibid., p.   185. 81   Ibid.. p.   205. ojdah 32:16. 82   Al-Qur’an,   Sura  al-Anbiya’  21:90, and   Sura  at-S ojdah 83 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Mizan, pp.   195-196.

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cver   lust he   has.   After   conquering   bodily   lust and   freeing himself  fro from m slav slavery ery,, one   should   start   spiritual   exercise 84 To   supp suppprt his   argument on the   purification (riyadah). of  the   soul,   AJ-Ghazzaliyy   quoted a  verse   from the   Qur’an one e who   purifies   her/his which   promises   success for the the on soul.85 If  someone   does not   receive   such   divine   inspiration, AI-Ghazzaliyy   asserted   that   thIs   person is to   be blamed. To   explain   this, he   provided the   following   metaphorical example: ‘There is nothing in th the e coloredpicture to prevent it from  the e rust and in  th  the e being  reflected in  iron;  the veil is in th lack  of a   polisher to clean It.”°6

Similarly,   A1-Ghazzallyy   went on to   say, not   only should on one e  polish the the   mirror by   cleaning the  dirt If he would   like it  to  reflect  pictures. but he  should  also face it in the dir direc ection tion of  what he  would   like   this   mirror to   reflect.87 By “mirror irror” ”   Al-Ghazzãliyy   meant the   soul, by   “dirt”, wordly   desires and by “pi “pictu cture”, re”,   divine  knowledge. A1-Ghazzaliyy   believed in the   possibility of   changing human behavior. He thought that if it was poss ossible ible to change the   nature of   animals   (i.e.   taming   them them),   then one   must not   deny   human   beings the   sam same po possib ssibility.88 ility.88 He   stated that   human   beings   have the   potential to   reach the   level where   they can   acquire   truth. If  they   strive   hard   enough agai ag ains nstt th their eir de desi sire res, s, th they ey can   reach the   level of  the angels. And if   they   allow   dirt to   accumulate on the mirror of  the   soul, by follow following ing  their   desires,   they  j  jo oin the ranks of  the  animals 89 To   change   one’s   character, on one e   should   attain   virtue which   could be   achieved in tw two o   ways  firstt is  through ways.. The  firs human ed educ ucatio ation n   (ta’atturn what   Al-Ghazzaliyy   called   hum needs s time and bashariyy)   which   involves the   will and   need 84 Al-Gha Al-Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Mtzun. pp.   196-197. 85   Al-Qur’an,   Sura  al-Shams  91:9. 86 AlAl-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,  Mizan, p.   208. 87   Ibid., p.   218. 88   Ibid., p.   247. 89   Ibid,,p,218.

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practice   according to   the ab abilit ility y of  the   person   involved. The   second way   takes   place   through   ‘divine   grace   bawd  itähiyy)   where the   human   being   becomes   knowledgeable at  birth as   ‘Isa  Ib   Mary   [a.s.]1 and (Jesus us so son n of  Mary aryam yam   (Jes  Ibn n   Mar Yahya Ib Ibn n   Zakariyya   [a.s.] in   addition to the   other prophets.   Also, it was   said   that that th this is   (knowledge)   might be given to   non-prophets” .°~ Al-Ghazzàliyy’s   discussion of   virtue is   clearly   AristoInsp piratio iration, n,   with   many   concepts   that can be telian in   its Ins traced  back  to   Nicornachean  Ethics. He  stated   that   the so soul ul two o   powers has tw the ra ratio tiona nall   (at-  ‘aqtiyyah) and the practical powers::   the intellect   (at- ‘aqi   cii-  ‘arnaliyy). The first on one e is responsible for receiving   “theoretical   practical   wisdom”   (at-hikrnah at ‘arnaflyyah   al-nazariyyah)°’   which he   defined as   truths   time or that   are ab abso solut lute e and do not   change   because of  time The se seco cond nd is the   pra practic ctical al intellec intellectt whic hich h   attains place.   The mora orall wisd isdom om   (al-hikmah (al-hikmah al-kh al-khutuq utuqiyyah iyyah). ).   This   moral the so soul ul   which Alwisdo isdom m is   related to the   lower   part of   the Ghazzãliyy   defined as   that   whIch   addresses the   concerns 92 of  the body. Al-Ghazzãliyy   believed   that all   virtues   could be classified   under   four major   categories  wisdom,   courage,  ju ustice. He maintained  that a virtue is a median chastity and j (wasat)   that   falls  between tw two o  vices:   excess and deficiency. Similar to the  position of Aristotle,  Al-Ghazzãliyy   exempted above ru rule, le,   stating   that   justice has   only  ju  j ustice   from the   above one  extreme  which is injustice.93  MiZÔ  Mi ZÔn n at- ‘Arndt  can be   placed in the   development of  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epistemology by   means of  f    his his sta statem tement ent about the   composition of  this   this  book   namely,   that   mos mostt of  what is in  Mizãn at-  ‘Ama! is ba base sed d upon the   Sufi   way. In response to a   previous   quest question ion ab abou outt   whether   Al-GhazAl-Ghazin th this is   book    reflects his ow zãliyy’s   account of   Sufism   in own n -

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90   A1-Ghazza)iyy,  Mizan, p.   257. 91   Aristotle   distinguished   between   “theoretical” and   ‘practical  wisdom’. Nevertheless, we can see   that   Al-Ghazza)iyy was   inspired by two o   concepts; he   departed   from Aristotle’s   discussion of   these tw Aristotle by   bringing   these tw categ tegori ories es tog togeth ether. er. Se See e   Aristotle, two o ca trans. an and d ed.   (Indianapolis:  Nic  N ico omachean  Ethics,   Martin   Ostwald,   trans. Bobbs-Merill   Educational   Publishing,   1983)  pp  pp..   147—173. 92 AiAi-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,  Mizan, p.   265. 93   Ibid., p.   264—273.

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4   Nevertheit? ? belief, he   said   that he was   only  reporting it inclinatio ation n tow towar ards ds   Sufism in less, one can see his   inclin many places. same way Al-Ghazzaliyy   ended   MLa&n a!- ‘Amal in the   sam he  started it.   There was a   leng length thy y ye yett ve very ry   important into   abandon  conformism  (taqUd): vitation to

the e   (available)   schools (a (as s   sources of  “D o not   look  at th “Do knowledge), and   seek    truth   through   research, so you  will  will have  have your own  school. Do not  be like a  blind person   imitating a   leader who   guides you to a   way, while you   are su surrou rrounded nded by a   thousand   leaders similar to   yours, who are   telling you   that he   rushed you   into   danger and   that he   misled you   aw away from the th e  right   path. Yo the e   injustice You u   will   eventually  know th of   you your lea leade der. r.   There is no   salvation   except in independence.”95 A1-Ghazzaliyy   added   that it  would be   good   enough if  the   abov above e word ords s   lead the   reader to   dou doubt his   Inherited belief, so he  m  may ay beg begin in  searching for truth  because   “doubts lead to th  the e  tr  trut uth, h, an and d he who  does not  doubt,   does not look, and he who does not look  does not see, and he who does not see  lingers  blind  an  and d astray” ~

3.6   AL-GHAZZAL1YY’S  CRITIQUE OF  PHILOSOPHY After   Al-Ghazzaliyy   reported the   core of   philosophy as he understood It in   Maqasid   al-Falas(/tth. he   followed   with, Tahizfi.tt   at-FalfzsVah The   latter was   written   basically as a   critique of  the   metaphysics of  the   ancient   (I.e.   Greek) philosophers.97   Although  Al-Ghazzallyy   mentioned   Aristotle’s   name In   part rticula icular, r,~ ~ he   restricted his   criticism to whatever  Al-Farabi (d (d.. 339  A.H.   /950 C.E.)°9and  Ibn Si Sina na 94   A1-Ghazzallyy. Mlzan, p.   358.

95   Ibid., p.  409. 96   Ibid. 97   A1-Ghazzallyy.   Tahafut,  p. 75 75.. 98   Ibid., p. 76 76.. 99 The full   name of  Al-Farabi, who was   known in  Latin as Alpharablus, uham ammad lbn Muh uham ammad lbn   Tarkhan Lbn   Urlagh Urlagh Abu was   Muh Nasr  Al-Farabi. He was   born at   Wasi], a   village   near   Farab. In 257 A.H./87o CE.

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 QUEST F  FOR OR  KNOWLEDGE..PUBLIC TEACHING AL-GHAZZALIYY’S QUEST AL-GHAZZALIYY’S

10°   incorporated in   their   phil ilo o(d. 428   A.H./1037   C.E4 sophies.101 Of  the   issues   they   dealt   with, he   Comm Comment ented ed on  twenty:   sixteen in   metaphysics and   four in the   natural sciences.102 He  liste  listed d the these se  issues as  follow: 1.

  their   theory of  the   eternity of  the The   refutation of  their world.

2.

The  refutation of  their the theory ory of  the   incorruptibility of  the world and of  time and of  motion.

3.

The   demonstration of   their their co confu nfusion sion in   saying   that Allah is   the the ag agen entt and the   maker of  the   world in His product and   act, and the   demonstration   that   these thei eir r sy syst stem em only metaphors metaphors without expressions are in th  without any real  sense.

4.   Showing that   they are   unable to prove the   existence of  a creator of  the world. 5.

To   show their   incapacity to prove  Allah’s   onenes oneness s and the impossibility of  tw two o   necessary  existents   both without a  cause.

6.

denia niall  of  To   refute   their de  of attributes. attributes.

7.

refute their   claim   that   nothing can  share   with the To   refute Firs irstt its   genus, and be   differentiated   from it through a   sp spec ecific ific diffe differen rence ce,, and   that   with   respect to its intellect the   division into  genus and   specific  difference into genus cannot L applied to it. ~

8.

refute their their   theory  that the   existence of  the  First is To   refute simple, namely   that it is  pure   existence and   that its existence   stands in   relation to no   quiddity and to no

  Ibn Sin Sina a was Abu All   Al-Husayn Ibn   ‘Abdullah The   full   name of  Ibn lbn lb n   Sina. Hi His s   Latin   name was   Avicenna. He was   born   in 370 A.H./980 cE. 101   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Tahafut, pp.  77-78. 102   Ibid., pp.  86—87. 100 10 0

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AL-C HAZZALIYY

essence, but  stands to necessary   existence as do   other uiddity. dity. beings to   their quid

9. To   show   their   incapacity to   prove   that the   First is incorporeal. 103 10.

their inc incap apac acity ity to   demonstrate   that the To   prove   their fac ct cause se,, an and d   that   in fa world has a   creator and a   ca atheism.. they th ey are fo forc rced ed to  admit atheism

11.

To   show the inc incap apac acity ity of  the   philosophers to   prove what they believe:   that the First (i.e. Allah)   knows   other things   besides His   own own self,   and th that at He   knows the genera and the  species in a  universal   way.

12.

rov ve   that the e   philosophers   to pro On the im imp pote otenc nce e   of th Allah  knows   Himself.

13. To   refute   those those who   affirm that   Alla Allah h Is   Ignorant of  hich h are   divided in   lime   into the   Individual   things whic present,   past and future. 14. To   refute refute their   proof  that   heaven is an  animal   movin moving g in a  circle in obedience  to Allah.

15. To   refute the   theory of  the   philosophers   about the aim  which   moves  heaven. 16. To  refute the  philosophical   theory that the  souls of  the heavens   observe all the  particular  events of this  world. denia niall of  a   logical   necessity   between   cause and 17. The de effect. 18. The importance ofthe philosophers to show by demonVan De Den n   Berg 103 10 3   SImon   Van ergh h   wrongly   translated Ft   taj(zthim ~an  bagan anna al-Awwal   taysa byisrn as “To   refute   their   proof   that that the  first Den n is   incorporeal.”   Averroes,   Tahafut    al-Tahafut,   Simon van De Bergh,   trans. and ed   (London:   Messrs   Luzac and   Company,   1954) p. vii vii..

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AL-GHAZZLIfl’S  QUEST  F O R  KNOWLEDGE., PUBLIC TEACHING

sou( is a sp spiritual iritual su substan bstance. ce. strative strativ e proof  that the   so

forr the immortality 19.   Refutation of the phil hilosop osophers’ hers’ proof fo of  the  soul.

Conc ncern erning ing the   philosophers’   denial of   bodily re20.   Co 4 surrection.’°

Al-Ghazzaliyy   declared   these   philosophers   blasphe“their sa sayin ying g   that all   substances mous on   three   counts:   “their

(Jawahir) are   eternal,   that  Allah   does not   know  particular accidents   involving   people and   their   denial of  the   resurrection of  bodies.” He   held   that   these   three   issues” do not fit Islam in any  fashion”.105 In this In  this  vein,   modem and   contemporary   scholars   have   Islamic philos hilosop ophy hy:: ex exac actly tly  what ques qu estion tioned ed the   nature of  Islam it?’°° is Islamic  about   it? The  only answer, I   think,   that   could reconcile the   various   positions   regarding   this  issue is the notion   that   this   philosophy   is IslamIc as a  product of the Islamic   civilization.   Thus,   “Islamic” in the   cultural   sense ever ery y   contribution to   knowledge   that could   be applied   to ev took place   anywhere in   the the lan land d of  Islam   Islam   during   that   era, including   that of  a Jew   like   Müs üsa a Ib aymün mün   (MaimoIbn n   May lbn n   ‘Adi.’°’It nides) or a Christian   like   Yahiyä lb ‘Adi.’°’It wou ould ld be call it   Arabic   philosophy,   since   this inappropriate to   ca would   imply   that   those who   contributed to It   were   Arabs; Averro Aver roes es..   Tahafut  at-TahafuL pp.  vil-viii.  I have haveused used Bergh’s translathese twenty issues with   some modifications. tion  of these 105   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Tahafut, pp.   307-309. this is Learnan’s statement: “It is a shame that  Islamic 106 An example of this philosophy as a to topi picc of  interest   interest Is   at presen resentt  largely con confined fined to orientalists   (e.g. Goldz Goldzlher, lher,   Mulle Muller, r, Munk,   Noldeke,   Renari and I D e rather r than   philoso former often hav philosophe phers. rs. The   former Boer) rathe  have e con concerns cerns and  interpretive  methods which are not  shared by the  latter, and vice  versa.’ See  Oliver  Leainan, An Int  Intro rod duc ucti tio on to  Medieval Islamic Cambridge bridge Un University iversity Press,   1985) p. xi. Philosophy   (Cambridge:   Cam ‘Mi, i, als also o known as th 107   Yahia Ib the e Logician (At-Mantlqiyy). was a tenth Ibn n ‘M century cen tury Jac Jacobite obite   theologian and   philosopher. He   translated   Aristotle’s  Poettea,  Sophtstiea,   Toptca, andpossibly  Metaphystca.   1-fe was credited with a translation of  Plato’s   Plato’s  Laws, a commentary on To tea a Top pte and   parts  Lie  Physica   VIII and   Metaphystcxz and the whole of  Lie parts of  Physica he wrote  of  original  philosophical Generatione. In   addition, he  wrote a series series of  treatises.   F’alchiy,  fltstonj, p. 25. 104 10 4

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AL-GHAZZALIYY

it   would be   Arabic   only in the   sense   that it was   written

fact,, th thos ose e who in the   Arabic   language. As a   matter of   fact used   Arabic did so   because It was   lingua  franca. lb lbn n  Muqaddi qaddimah mah CE.) sta tate ted d in his  Mu Khaldün C d . 808   A.H./  1406   CE that in the   majority of  the   scien sciences ces,, most   scholars   were non-Arabs   (‘Ajam)   except in   very  rare   cases,   and and in in some  some 5  they were fields, they fields,  were all non-Arabs.’° A1-Ghazzãliyy   sought to   develop a   philosophy   that is its s   very ess Islamic in it essenc ence. e. He   knew   th that in   order to do that, he   ha had to establish and   verify the   epistemology   upon which   this  body of  f thought thought   depends. In addition to his  criticism of  the twenty questions  that he   listed in the   Introduction of   Tahàjitt   at-FaIasIfo.h, Alethodolo dology gy and   general Ghazzaliyy   argued   against the metho acceptance of   metaphysics by   the philoso hilosop phers in the Islamic world orld..   This is of  f    par artic ticula ular r inte interes restt be beca caus use e of  the   original   goal   that he   established for   himself; he was still  looking for a  met true knowledge.  knowledge. ethod hod  that would lead to true argument was   that the   philosophers   (i.e. His   first   argum Al-Farabi and Ibn   Sinà)   acq acquir uired ed their   thought   through habitually habitu ally commun unicated icated   conformism   (taqlicl   samh’i   i~Th. According to   A1-Ghazzãliyy,   they   simply one e simply move oved d   from on mode of   conformism to   another   without   verification. His second   argument was   psychological:   they   accepted   Greek  philosophy   because of  the   fam fame of   names   like   Socrates, Hippocrates,   Plato and   Aristotle.’09 The   third was   based predecessor ssors s includ including ing upon   Aristotle’s   criticism of  all his   predece Plato, his own   teacher,   which   Al-Ghazzaliyy   thought was an   indication of  an incoh incoheren erentt metaphys hysical ical sys system tem. In Al-Ghazzaliyy  accused the  philosophers his   last argument,   Al-Ghazzaliyy accused of  using to create  create a   using the   accuracy of  logic and  mathematics to false   impression of  a   sound   generalization   which which wou ould ld encompass   metaphysics   because he  held  that   metaphysics lacked   precise   proofs.11°  A1-Ghazzaiiyy’s   position, I Regarding the   fairness of  A1-Ghazzaiiyy’s cons nsiste istent nt in the   first  point   which which was think    that   he was co directed at the   Islamic Islamic Philosop Philosophers; hers; he   rejected   confor105

Ibn Ib n   Khaldun,   al-Muqo.ddlmah   (Beirut: Dar   al-Qalam,   1984) 1984) pp pp.. 543—545.

109   A1-Gha2zaliyy.  Tahaful~pp. 73— 74. 110   Ibid., pp.  76— 77,

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AL-GHAZZLIYY’S QUEST   FOR I{NOWLEDGE..,PUBLIC TEACHING

mism or   uncritical   acceptance of  any set of  f    thought including   that of   Shari’ah. The   originality of   these   philosophers is   still a   disputed   issue. On the   second   point, I reitera rate te th the e   position of   Dunya who   defended, in would   reite philosophers’ hers’ order his  commentary on the  Tahãjitt.” the   philosop problem lem with   beginning of   subjects and   thus   there is no   prob either   with   mathematics or   logic.   Yet,   Dunya did not   rule out the   possibility   that   A1-Ghazzaliyy had a   debate   with some   philosopher who   gave him   the im imp press ression ion   that the philosophers   were   entrenching   them themselve selves s behind a  shield 2 The third point is a clear case of  of logic and mathematics)’ a   false  a  ad  d hominern   argument. One issue in particular, the seventeenth in the Tahãfiit, which is concerned with ca caus usality ality,, is es esp pec ecially ially no notew tewor orthy thy.. Long time before David Hume, Al-Ghazzaliyy said that,   in his opinion,   “the   conjunction   (al-iqtiràn)   between  what is conceiv ce ived, ed, by way of  habit ( / 1 al- ‘ãdah),   as ca caus use e and   effect is lis st of  not  necessary   (laysa  darfiriyyan)”.”3 He   provided   a li pairs   that   were   usually   thought of  as   cause and   effect by the  philosophers   (e.g.,   fire and  burning,   light and   sunrise, conjunction betw between een diarr dia rrhe hea a an and d laxativ laxatives). es). For   him, the   conjunction them th em was a result of the sequence in which they were created becau ause se this   conjunction was   necessary in by   Allah, not   bec forr  either itself.   Moreover, he   thought   that   it was   possible fo one of  these   pairs   (eg.   fire or   burning) to   exist   withou withoutt the other.’14 He did not see any logical   contrad contradiction iction sinc since e these f    nat natur ure e an and d na natu ture re   as su pairs are the   phenomena of  such ch,, according to   the philosophers hers’ ’ own   admission,   does not   necessity but to   that of  possibility, belong to the   realm of  necessity   possibility, which may or may not exist.~ A1-Ghazzaliyy   criticized the   philosophers’   proof  of  causalitybec cau salitybecaus ause e itw itwas as limited  limited to observation (mushahadah) which   depends on the   senses   (eg.   sight). a  source of  knowledge   (hat (hat he   could not ‘c Thus Al‘cep eptt on on its own   merit.   Thus John flit, t, by   AI-Ghazzaliy’v, pp.   76—77.   Diinya.   ConirTlenlarv,   John fli 112   A1-Ghazzaliyy.  ToIia(,d.   p. 77 77.. 113   Ibid.,  239. 114   Ibid. 115 Iii   Tuhafut  al-Tahatttt   Ibn Ibn Ru Rushd shd   Averroesl   considered   A1-Ghazzalivv’s   concept of  causality a de led d the e efficient   cause,   which le deni nial al of  th accuse   A1-Chazzaliyy  of Sophistry.   Sheikh. p. 98 98.. him to accuse 1

1

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AL-GHAZzUYY

regardin ding g ca caus usality ality is   consistent Ghazzãliyy’s   position   regar  examplle of  fire  an  hiis  theory of  knowledge.   Using the  examp  and d with  h burning, he   said   that   “observation   could on only ly prov rove e   that burning  took  place  when   there was  fire, and not by fire”. He held  that  inert and  lifeless  objects   such as  fire are incapable 6 To   prove his  point of action and thus  cannot be the  agent.” that   fire is not the   agent   (al-fa’ilah)   that   causes   burning. latonic ic in its Al-Gha.zzaliyy   used a   proof,   which   is Neoplaton tone,   from the   arguments of  the   philosophers.   They   held that  accidents   (a’rad) and   incidents (ha (haw wadith)   emanate, at the   time of  contact   contact   between   “bodies”,   from the   provider of  thoug ght to be an forms   (wahib   al-suwar)   whom   they   thou According ordingly, ly, one   cannot   claim   that   fire is the angel.”7   Acc   burning. In   addition,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   argued   that agent of  burning. the   agent  “creates”  burn  burning ing at the  time of  f contact contact   between a  cotton   ball and   fire  with his will   (bi’iradatihfl.”5   Al-GhazAl-Ghazzãliyy   reduced the   problem of   causality to   that of   “will” ossib sible le for   th which   makes   it ra ratio tiona nally lly   pos the agen ent, t, whom he   held to be   Allah, not to   create   burning   even   though there is contact.”° A1-Ghazzallyy   presented   this   theory of   causality in order to  allow room for the   existence of   miracles   (mujizat) that   were   associated   with with prophets hets,, witho ithout ut res resortin orting g to philoso sop phe hers rs did did.’2 .’2° ° allegorical   interpretations as the   philo One  of  ofth the e   miracles  that he  ch  chose ose as an  example, was  that the e   people of  prophet   prophet   lbrahim   Fa.s.l12’ The  story was   that th fu~p.  240. 116’   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Tahafu 117   Ib&L,242. 115 This   particular   concept concept influe influenced nced   Nicolaus of   Autrecourt who consequen equence, ce,   namely.   ‘fire   Is cl argued   that   ‘this cons clos osee to   flax and there   Is no   impediment,   hence the   flax   will be   consumed’, Is not evident by an ev eviden idence ceded deduc uced ed from fromtthe first piinclple.” See.  HarryA. Wolfson,  “Nicolausof Autrecourt Autrecourt and  Ghazzaliyy’s Argument Against pp.   234—238. causality,   Specutum (1969). pp.  119   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Tahafut~pp.   242-243. 120   Ibid., p.  236,  miracle iracle was wrongly  disputed  by lIal Mon as the only  miracle to 121   This  m  disputed by be   mentioned by   A1-Ohazzallw in   Tahafut    aI-Falas(/tzh  when he discussed causality.   llai Mon.   A1-Ohazzallyy on  causality.   Journal oftheAmerlcan   Oriental  Society  100.4(1980)  p.402.   A1-Ghazzaliyy mentioned threeother  miracles   of Mose Moses, s,   Jesus and  Muhammad in mentioned only chronological order,   although  he the th e name of Moses in   addition to   that of   Ibrahim  which  disqualifies   Mon’s   claim. AlGhazzaliyy,  Tahafut  al-Pakisifak  p.   236.

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of   lbrãhim   attempted to   punish him for   breaking   their into to  fire but no burning   took  place. idols by   throwing  him in In the   Qur’an   it was   Allah’s   will   that the   fire   would not 22 Al-Ghazzaliyy maintained thatAllah  [S.W.T.] harm Tbrahim.’ was the   ageht   (fa’il)   of every  ac  action tion,, eith either er   directly or   indirectly (I.e. by the angels) •‘23 This deprivation  o  off lifele lifeless ss objects (eg.   fire)   from   being   the the ag agen entt can be   interp interprete reted d as AlGhazzaliyy’s   defence of  f    Allah’s   omnipotence and   free sup preme will.   Indeed, Ibn   Sinã   held   that   Allah is the su orld ld Is essential   efficient   cause   which  indicates   that   the wor a ne nece cess ssar ary y   product of  His   essence   (i.e. He   cannot but create the   world).’24 The   conclusion   that   Al-Ghazzàliyy   rea reac ched af after ter  phil hilosop osophy hy was th did not fulfill the  that at th this is science   did studying  p aim  of  addition, n, he stated   that  “reason   (‘aqi)  of h his   search. In   additio is not   capable of  attaining all the   goals nor can It  solve all problems” 125   A1-Ghazzaliyy   used   reason in   showing the limitations of  f r rea eas son in his criticism of  philosophy, and as such  he was paving the way  for a  source of  kowledge  other than   that of rea reaso son. n.   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   position   towards cours urse e   Kant took  in showing reason had resemblance to the co reason, on, althou although gh in a  diff the   limitations of  reas  differ eren entt way since Kant   attempted to reconcile the  position of  the rati rationa onalists lists and   the the empiricists   (i.e.   Descartes and   Hume).’26   EvenSufism fism,, tually, as it will be   shown  below In the   section  on Su Al-Ghazzaliyy   wanted to es esta tabl blis ish h a   faculty   higher   than whic ch dr drew ew on   the sa sam me   source of  know that of   reason   whi   knowledge as   prophets.   This l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy was an This st stan ance ce   of Al-Gha rophecy hecy abov above e   reason, a   position   which attempt to to place  place prop was  antogonistic to to   that of  the   Musl uslim im  philosophers who above ove prophec hecy. y. raised  reason ab 122   M-Qur’an   Sura al-Anblya’  21:69

.

The verse   reads.   ‘Qulna  ya naru

 off it it is is,, “ W e kunl   bardan vi  meaning o via a salo,man   ‘ala Ibrahfm”. The meaning

(Mlah)  said, 0  Fire! Be  cool and  peace for  Ibrahim. (Mlah) said, 123   Al-Ghazzallyy.   Tahafut, pp.   243—247. 124   Marmurah, p.   186. 125   M-Ghazzaliyy.   Al-Munqklh. pp.   117-118. 126 In  addition to the above  similarity betw between een Kan antt and   M-Ghazzaliyy. although not   identical   there are   other   mutual   Interests of   both Reason on   that he was thinkers.   Kant   states In the   critique of Pure Reas seeking to   provide  room  room for  for   faith and   morality, a position   that is

Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  writings. celebrated in  much of Al-Ghazzaliyy’s

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AL-GHAZZLIYY

It has  been  suggested   that   A1-Ghazzãliyy was   affected in a   more   substantive way by his   review and   subsequent hilosop phy. One of  f h his  students. Abü  Bakr Ib Ibn n critique of  philoso teach cher er   “entered   inside the Al-’Arabiyy,   asserted   that   his tea philosophers and wanted to exi xitt but couldn’t’.’” In addition, among contemporaries,   Bada adawi wi   holds   that   A1-Ghazzãliyy was   always   faithful to   philosophy   an and th that at he was an Aristotelian   for so he ended up a neosom me   time   before   he 25   However, the   findings  of Hava   Lazarus-Yafeh, Platonist.’ l-Ghazzàliyy zzàliyy   from a phi hilolo lolo-who   studied   the wor orks ks   of Al-Gha hicall   te terms as a gical   point of   view and   used philosophica writings s sh shed ed   doubt   upon criterion of  authenticity   authenticity in his   writing these   interpretations. She   said  that the   comm common medieval philosophical   terms   (which were  mostly   Neoplatonic. but to certain in exte extent nt   also Aristotelian) were  entirely  absent   from a certa books by   Al-Ghazzãliyy   which   scholars those   boo scholars acc accep epted ted as   authentic   books   written by   him him.   Only in   those of  his   philobooks   which   dealt   with  description or  refutation of  philo sophical sop hical doctrines doctrines,,   such as his   Maqasid,   Tahãfut,   Mihak  degree also  Mizàrt  and to   a les al-Nazar,   Mi’yãr  at- ‘Jim   an lesse ser r   degree at- ‘Amal, did   this   terminology   appear.   Moreover,   after stating   that   Al-Ghazzãliyy was   well   versed in   philosotechn hnica icall termino inology logy phic hical al doc doctrine trines s and   knew   their tec  than any Muslim theolog theologian ian bef before ore him, she  added: better than better “Yet  here is

 fact ct tha thatt in a a   most most asto astonish nishing ing  linguistic  fa

books inc includ luding ing his majo ajor r  works, large  number of his books  use e of a sing single le philoso hilosop phic hical al   term, there is nowhere any  us even when Al-Ghazzãliyy deals with  typical   met metaphysi aphysi nott in the   usual   orthodox way.”29 subjects an and d  no cal   subjects

It   should be   noted   here   that   Lazaru Lazarus-Y s-Yafeh afeh exclud excluded ed some   books   whose   authenticity   was disp disputed. uted. She   maintained   that   these   books,   whic hilosophical hical which h did include philosop have be been en   possibly   written by   on one of  f    three terms,   could   have group gro ups. First,   admirers who   wanted to   expound   Al-GhazAl-Ghazsame   time  incorporating   philozaliyy’s   ideas   while at the   sam Ibn   Taymiyyah,   Ivaqd   al-Mantiq   (Cairo;   Maktaba aktabatt Ai-S Ai-Sunn unnah ah M  Muhammadiyyah, 19 1951 511 1 p. 56 56.. al-Fikr  aI-Awrubblyy   (Al-Kuwait; 128 12 8   Hadawi.   Dawr  al- ‘Arab ii   Takwin   al-Fikr  aI-Awrubblyy wakalat   al-Matbu’at,   19791 pp.   203—205. 129 12 9   Lazarus-Yafeh, p.   249. 127 12 7

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sophic sop hical al no notion tions s   from   other   sour source ces s th that at   they   admired as   well;   second,   unknown   authors who   wanted   their own books to   survive by  attributing   them to   famous scho scholars; lars; Al-Ghazzaliyy who  wanted to   pain third,   enemies of  paintt a disf Al-Ghazzaliyy torted  picture of  f him, him,   Nevertheless, Laz Lazarus arus-Y -Yafeh afeh   admitted that the   authenticity of   books   should not be   based   only 30 on  stylistic or   linguistic   criteria.’

3,7   AL-GHAZZALfl’Y’S   SEARCH   CONTINUES; THE CONFRONTATION   WITH THE ESOTERICS

(AIrBAINIYYAR) When he   was do done ne   with the   philosophers,   Al-Ghazzãliyy niyyah who flourished during his  life  time. turned to the BOil BOilniyyah was he   interested in   their   methodology, but he Not   only   was olitic ically ally.. The also   foun found d hi him mse self lf co conf nfro ronti nting ng   them polit Caliph   requested   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   write a   book    about their eir be belie liett   showing   that   the Bati the   veracity of  th atinit nites es central gove governm rnment in were   perceived as a   threat to the   central Baghdad aghdad.. Upon   this   request   from the   Caliph,   which Almotivatio ation n fro from m   without   added Ghazzaliyy   considered a   motiv from m within, he   sought the   Batlnites’s to the   original on one e fro book  and  treatises.   Moreover, he  asserted   that,   during  that some of  their   newly Invented alread ady y  aware of  f some time, he was alre and sta statem tements ents,,   which   were   different   from vocabulary   and those of  their   predecessors.131 forr his  research   in th In   preparation fo this is  area.   Al-GhazAl-Ghazzaliyy collected and organized the Batinite’s  statements and one e of  rom mpte pted d on views. His presentation of  these   views   pro f h his contemporaries,   whom   Al-Ghazzaliyy   referred to as   “one   truth”  (bad  aid  al-haq),  al-haq), to   denounce   what of  the   people of  truth” he calle lled d an ex exa agger era ati tion on   (mubdlaghah) in   th the ex exte ten nt reporting g their   belief. He   held   that Al-Ghazzaliyy   took  in   reportin Al-Ghazzaliyy   helped helped the   Batinites to a   degree   that   they this is themselves  could not match.’32 Al-Ghazzaliyy reacted to th 130   Lazarus-Yafeh, pp.   255—257. 131   Ai-Ghazzaiiyy,   aL-Munqldh,   p. 11 118. 8. For   further   information on   this 132 13 2

see e  p. 22. historical   period se A1-G 1-Ghaz hazzall zallyy yynarrated  that a similar cri criticis ticism m was directed by Ahmad Ibn   Han anbal bal tow toward ard   Ai-Harith Ai-Muhasibiyy when the   latter res Mu u’ta tazzil ila aft   Al-Ghaizaliyy,  A!-Munqidh, pp.   118-119. ponded  to th the e  M

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criticism by   saying   that it   could   have   been   correct if  the known. n.  However in beliefs of  the  Batinites were not already know 33 this  case   their views had  been  previously  disseminated.’ In addition,  Ai-Ghazzäliyy said that the Batinites claimed that no   authors   (musanr4ft1n) at the   time time und understood erstood   their found it   appropriate to arguments.   Hence,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   fo exp ex plain their arguments   befor before e critic criticizing izing them, an approach similar to to   his treatm treatment ent of  the   philosophers.   A1-Ghazzaliyy  think    that he   criticized said  that he  did not  want  anyone to to think  the Batinltes withou ithoutt   understanding   them.’34 According to the Batinites,   there therew was a need for learning and a  teacher, yet not   every   teacher was   equipped to disacquired uired   only through seminate kno know wledge which cou could ld   be acq the   inffalible   (ma’sürn)   teacher or   Im Imam.   A.l-Ghazzallyy maintained   that the   cause of  the   Batinites   flourished beprinciples les advoc advocated ated cause   those who   argued   again against st the   princip by the   Batinites   were   “ignorant”. He   thought   that   their their con onc clu lusio sion n was   false. Altrue e bu butt   their premises   were   tru the pro roblem blem was  in   arguing   against Ghazzàliyy   found   that   the the   true   premisses   rather   than the   false  conclusion.’35 He added   that on one e   shou should ld que uest stion ion the   knowledge   that   they have ve acquir ired ed,, and he   did. Not   only   they   could claim to ha not answer his  questions,   they did not  understand   them in the  firs  firstt plac lace, e,  and tha  exactly ctly why they would  return thatt was  exa Imam  would know the to the   notion  that   only the   infallible   Imam would based d hi his s   disco answer.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   base discour urse se with the Batinites up upon on numerou erous s   historical  occurences.’36 Al-Ghazza l-Ghazzaliyy liyy criticize criticized d   the Batinites in several   books written du f h his  life beginning   with durin ring g the  different stages of  the th e fir first st   period of  public   public   teaching. He   wrote the   fIrst, Al Mu  M ustazld ldrriy iyy y, at the   request of  the   Caliph All-M Mustazhir, (after whom (after  Hu ujjat  a! whom  It was  named).   This was   followed by H  written  as a di  Ha  H aq (The  Proof  of the Truth),   which which was as written dire rect ct response to   the argu argum ments of  Batinites   Batinites   which he   encountered in Baghdad.   After  leaving his  position at the Nizãmiyyah, he   wrote  Mufo.ssll  al-KhutUf  (The   Clarifier of  the Dis133   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  AI-Munqidh, p.  118. 1 34 13 5 13 6

90

 

I b i d . , pp.   118—119. Ibid., p.   120. I b i d . , p.   1 2 7 ,

AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST F O R   KNOWLEDGE..   PUBLIC  TEACHING

hich ch was writt ritten en in   reaction to   their   stateagreement) whi men ents ts in   Hamad tan and   Al-Dad  at-Marq&m b~al-Jadawit  which was written in (The  Annotated   Scroll  with  Tabulars)   which Al-Ghaz37 In   addition,   Al-Ghazanswer to to their  their   allegations in Tus.’ zãliyy   wrote   At-Qistas   al-Mustaqlm   (The   Correct   Balance) whi hic ch was intended as an  indirect  response  response to  to the Batinites alternativ ative e so sour urce ce of   knowledge   other by   presenting an   altern than   their   Infallible   Im Imam.  A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   last  written expose of  the   Batinites,   which   took  place   during the   second period of  public   public   teaching, was in  Al-Munqidh m m   al-Data! wher ere e he   devoted a   chapter to   criticizing   them fo forr the last  time.’38  At-Mu -Munqi nqidh dh where Al-Ghazzaliyy There is an account in At characterized the   position of  the Bat atin inite ites s as   part of  the philosophy of   Pythagoras.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   probably   held Aristotle in   high   regard   because he   criticized   Pythagoras. rist stot otle le fr fro om th the e f this this   account of  Ari Al-Ghazzaliyy   learned of  writings of  a   secretive   philosop hilosophical hical group   called  Ikhwan (the  Brethren of  Purity) ~ It ap  Al-Ghaz-al-Safa’   (the Brethren app pears that  Al-Ghaz zãliyy did not see the   strong   relationship   between the Ba Ikh hwan al-S afa’. tinites and Ik afa’.  However, the first four chapters the fo forty rty-fo -fou urth   letter   reveal   that   both of   them had of   the the same   strategy for disseminating   their   belief.’40  In   fact, it was ar argu gued ed   that the   Brethren   were   connected   with the Batinite  propaganda   against against the Abbasid   caliphate. M’   Once he   recognized the   truth   about the   Batinites,   Al-Ghazzaliyy 13 7   Many   scholars,   have   ha had a   problem   translating the   title of   this book. I   think  that the problem arose from their  reading  th  the e stressed ‘ d ’ o f Al-D arj,  which   means as c r o l l ,   with a duminahand  thus it became al-Dun   which  means a  small   cabinet.  ‘Scroll’  ‘Scroll’ makes  makes more sense than ‘cabinet’,

13 8   M-Ghazzallyy.  Al-Muaqidh. p .   127. 1 3 9   Ikhwan   al-Safa’ was a   secret   association o f   philosophers. I t was established at   Basrah I n 373   A.H./983   C.E.   with a   branch i n Baghdad.   They  wrote f i f t y tw  as an two o treatises  which were presented presented as

covered   mathematics,  logic,  metaphysics. mysEncyclopedia. These covered  and d the natural  scien  sciences ces.. The  Brethren of  ticism,, astrolog ticism astrology, y, magic magic  an Purity were eclectic in  their  philosophy with  borrowings  from Greek, Indian,   Persian.   Jewish and   Christia Christian n sou sources rces..   Shelkh,   Islamic

Philosophy, p p .   32-41. (Dar Beirut Beirut;;   Beirut, 140   Rasa’il   Ikhwan   al-Safa Wa   KhiIlo,n   al-Wafa   (Dar 140 1983)   V o l . I V , p p .   1 4 - 4 0 .

141   Sheikh,  Islamic  Philosophy, p. 33.

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cleared   them   from his   path and   continued his   marc march h in 42 tru uth th.’ .’ pursuit   of tr

3.8   AL-GHAZZS4LIYY  BECOMING A SUP! Sufism, or  Islam  Islamic ic mysticism as it  is sometimes   referred to to,, that  Al-Ghazzäliyy   considered was the  last  class of  seekers   that Al-Ghazzäliyy in his   quest for   true   knowledge. He   said   that   after his science ces, s, he   came to completion of  the   study of  the   other   scien study   turuq   at-süflyyah   (the   ways of  the   Sufis). He   knew that   their way   cou could ld on only ly be   realized   through   knowledge and   activity   together. By know knowledge. ledge. Al-Ghazzaliyy   meant the   theoretical   aspect of  the   Sufi way and by   activity its between een theor theory y application.’43   Concerning the   relationship   betw and practice,   A1-Ghazzaliyy  offered an example in whic hich h he said   that   there is a  great   difference   between   knowing the definition of   health and   being   healthy.   Analogous to   this the re rea ali lity ty of   zuhd  is the   gap between   knowing   what   the (asceticism)’44 is and   being an  ascetic)45 SoonA1-Ghazzaliyy Soon A1-Ghazzaliyy   realized that the theoretical   part of  app plication. He   started Sufism was   muc uch h   easier   than   its ap acquiring   knowledge of  the   Sufi  ‘way’   through   reading the books of Sufis such as  Qftt aI-QulCtb)   (The Food (The  Food ofthe Hearts) .H./998 ./998   C.E.) and the Talib Al-M l-Makk akkiyy iyy (d.   388 A.H by Abü   Talib books of Al-Harith Al-Harith Al-Muhasibiyy (d. 243 A.H7857 CE.). He also studied the known fragments of  f al-Junayd al-Junayd (d (d.. 297 A.H. /  909   C.E.),   Al-Shibliyy (d. 334   A.H./945   C.E.) and Abü Yaz!dAl-Bustamiyy (d.   264A.H./877   C.E.O among others.’46 None of  Al-Ghazzallyy’s   books   ever   mentioned the names of  his   Sufi   mentors. In the   references to his   direct 1 42   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Al-Afunqidh, p p .   1 2 8 — 1 2 9 . 1 43   Ibid., p .   130. 1 44   A c c c o r d i n g to  Ai-W akil akil,,   there was only on one e  verse i n th e  Qur’anwhere  the word zuhd. In   Qur’an a   noun   participated i n th e   same   root of  the 12;20, itwas theword zahidinw zahidinwhich hich Al-WakiI  thoughtittobenegative because it   meant   making   little of  of    things things which are th the e  bounty of 

Allah, and   thus   zuhd  could not be   associated with   something po  Al-Sufflyyah   (This is sitive.   ‘Abd   al-Rahman   Al-wakil,  Hadhthi Hid  Al-Sufflyyah  (Beirut;  D  Da ar al-Kutub   aI-’Il aI-’Ilmlyya mlyyah, h, 1984) p. 136. Sufism). (Beirut; Sufism). 145   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqidh.   p. 13 132. 2. 146 14 6

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 pp..   130—132,   Ibid.,  pp

AL-GHAZZ AL-G HAZZLIYY LIYYS S QUES QUEST T FOR FOR   KNOWLEDGE.. PUBLIC TEACHING

contact   with   the Su Sufis fis,, he   only referred to   them by   means of   general   terms   such as the   arbàb   al-qulub wa   al-muhearts rts an and d  vision)   whom he   consulted shahadat    (men of  f    hea 47  Specific about abo ut his return to teaching later on in Nishapur.’ references to the   names of   be e fo foun und d f h his   Sufi  mentors can  b in   books of   Sufis as Ib Ibn n   ‘Ajibah who   stated in his commentary on  FUsüs   al-Hi!cant of  Ibn  ‘Ata’   Al-Sakandary,   that Al-Kharraz was  Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   mentor)48 In   addition, AlSubkiyy   reported   tha that   Al-Fãramdhiyy   influenced AlGhazzaliyy’s Sufism.’4°It should be noted that Al-Faramdhiyy was   placed in a  sllstlah (a chain of  Sufi  mentors)   after Abu Al-Qasim   Al-Jurjaniyy’5°   under   whom   Al-Ghazzaliyy  ju urisprudence and wrote  Al-Ta’Uiqah.’5’ studied  j Al-Ghazzaliyy   attained   whatever   could be   acquired about the   ‘way’ of  the   Sufis   through   learning and   listening  al-ta’allu l-ta’allum m wa al-sama’). He  realized that   they possessed (bi  a special   knowledge   that   could   only be   achieved   through what the   Sufis   call   dhawq   (tasting),’52   ho.!   (state, as in “ecstatic   state”)’53 and the   changing  of one’s character one’s  character   (i.e. becoming  moral),  im mpact At   this stage and before proceeding to show the  i of   studying   Sufism on his   life,  Al-Ghazzaliyy   asserted   that 147 AlAl-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy. y.   Al-Munqidh.   p. 15 159. 9. 148   Ahmad lb lbn n   Muhammad Ib Ibn n   ‘Ajibah  A1-l-iasaniyy.   Iqaz   al-Himarnfi Sharh al-Hikam ( C a i r o ; Abd al-}-Iamid  Ahmad Hanafi. No Date) p. 28. 149   Al-Subklyy,   Vol. 149 Vol. VI, p. p.   209. 1 50 J .   Trimingham, The   SuJl Orders i n   Islam  (Lond  (London; on; Oxfo Oxford rd   University Press,   1 9 7 1 ) p .   262. 1 51   A1-Subkiyy.   V o l . V I , p .   195.

152   Sufis usethe word dhawq.   literallytasting,   metaphorically to  indicate that there is a kind  of  knowledge that transcends the physical reality and  which is   available   only   through   Immediate Immediate experience. Alkind d of  knowledge Ghazzaliyy   maintained that   knowledge  cannot be exmaintained  that   this   kin pressedlinguistically.  In Th Thee Varieties of  R  Rel elig igio ious us Ex  Expe perie rience nces, s,   william James  used   “Ineffability” to   express the Inadequacy of  language   language to experiences. es.   Ralph w. express the knowledge  Involved in  mystical experienc estt Pu Publis blish hClark,  Introduction t o  Philosophical Thinking   (St.  Paul; wes lngCo.,   1987) p. 1987)  p. 67 67..

153 15 3

Hal is the   ecstatic   state   which is   achieved by the   Sufi   through constant   dhikr  (recollection of  the  the name and   attributes of Allah), It is in   this  state  that a Sull starts receiving transcendental knowledge. If  the   Sufi can   maintain   such a h a l ,   which   denotes a  sense of  temporality. it   evolves to   become a maqam  w  which hich Indic Indicates ates that th the e Sufi Su fi to took  ok  a  permanent   metapho metaphorical rical residence in   transcendental noetic conditions,

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he had   acquired   true   belief    ([mOn   yaqfrdyy) in  Allah, the prophecy and the day of  ju  judgment. He   added   that   these three   fundamentals of   faith   were   firmly   established in his   soul, not   because of  any   specific   formulated   proof, but   because of  nu num mero erous us rea reaso sons ns,,   circumstances and experiences. ‘~ Sufi ‘way  ‘way and to gain  eternal In order to be on the right Sufi happiness,   AJ-Ghazzaliyy   concluded   that he had to   sever his   ties ties with wordly  things; he had to shun fame and money and   to fl fle ee   from   distracting   attachments. He   scrutinized his   conditions and   found   himself    devoid of  activities   that usefu efull in the   hereafter. Not   even  th  the e be best st of  these could  be us activities, his  teaching, was for the sa llah ah   which he sake ke   of All forr   success. He   said his   teaching considered the   criterion fo had been motivated by  fame.  fame.   Al-Ghazzal!yy   realized  that he 55 was   about to fall  Into   Hell  fire if  he  did not act  fast.’ Al-Ghazzãliyy   spent six   months,   starting   Rajab 488 to   abandon all  things   that were not A.H./    1095 A.H./  1095 C.E C.E., .,   trying to for the  sake of Allah llah..   This included his position at the  Nizä whi hich ch was to no  avail. He was torn  apart by worldlimiyyah w  motivatio otivations ns for the here ness on the one  hand and the  m hereafter after other. r. Even ventua tually, lly, he   developed an   impediment of  on the othe speech   whic which h prev reven ented ted him from  teaching.   This  impedi in n tu tur rn,   brought   with it a caused d him sadness   which,  i ment   cause new  proble  problem m;  Al-Ghazzaliyy  could not  digest  food or  drink. make e a deWhen he   realized his weakness and inability to   mak cision, he  sought   refuge in Allah  [S.W.T.] who   facilitated his money,, wife,  children and friends”.’56 abandonment   of”fame,   money A1-Ghazzaliyy   knew th that at nei eith ther er the   Caliph nor his friends   wou would ld ap app prove his   plans to  leave   Baghdad and to settle in Al-Sham.’57 In   addition,   he was   sure   that   none of  the sc schola holars rs of  Iraq wou ould ld   understand the  religious  aspect led d   Al-Gha of  his   plight. All of  this   this le Al-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy to   plan his de154   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqidh, pp.   133—134, 155   Ibid.,   p. 13 134. 4. 156 I b i d . , p .   136.  Al-Sham l-Sham.. One  is the 157   There are two   places   identified by the name,  A  byJordan,   Lebanon, Palestine and Syria.  lii the second area covered  byJordan, instance, It is  used as a synonym for  Damascus.   Al-Ghazzaliyy used It in the latter latter sense,  sense,

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AL-GHAZZALIYYS QUEST FOR   KNOWLEDGE..   PUBLIC   TEAcHING

parture from Baghdad as if he were going to Makkah in order to perform pilgrimage.   Al-Ghazzàliyy  Al-Ghazzàliyy   distributed distributed his wealth, keep kee ping on only ly  enough to   sustain him   and and hi his s   children and  Baghdad aghdad with the   intention   never to see it   again.   Thus left  B 158 concluded   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  first period of  public education,

3.9   AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  EPISTEMOLOGY IN HIS WRITINGS  O N   ‘AQDAH  (CREED) wrote fou four r   books on Acc ccordi ording ng to Bou Bouyg yges, es, Ai-G i-Ghazz hazzãliy ãliyy y   wrote   teaching: Alf h ‘aqkiah  towards the end of  his   first   period of  teaching:  Iq  I qtisadftal-I’tiqUd   (The Median Co  All-Rlsãla lah h Course urse in Creed), A al-Qudsiyyah ft   Qawã’id    at- ‘A ‘Aqa’ qa’id  id   (The   Jerusalemite Treatise in the  F  Fund undam amentals of  Beliefs),   Qawã4id  al-’Aqã’td  (The Fundamentals of Beliefs) and al-Ma’anf at-  ‘Aqliyyah wa al-Asrar  al-Ilahiyyah   (Rational   Knowledge and   divine Seithoutt crets).’59   Thus, I   cannot   conclude   this   chapter withou some   mention  of   of hi his s tho thoug ught ht   regarding   ‘aqldah.   Indeed, his writing ritings s on   ‘aqldah   help to   define   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epistemology as he  conceived of  it Just  before he  left Baghdad. According to  Badawl,   Al-Risãlah  al-Qudsiyyah fT  Qawa’id  a!-’Aqã’id  wa’id   a!-’Aqã’id  and  Qawa’id  at- ‘Aqã’id  are   the same  book  and, an d, as is  indicated by the   first   title,   this  book   book  must  must   have been  written  originally as  part  of  Ilyd  Ilyd’   ‘(JIum al-Din  in Jerusalem   after  Al-Ghazzãliyy   left   Baghdad.’6° For this   reason such a book belongs to the following chapter. As for the fourth  al-Asrãr srãr al-Ila al-Ilahiyy hiyyah ah.. it is book,   Al-Ma’anf  a!- ‘Aqliyyah wa  al-A still in manus anuscrip criptt   form and we   know of  it   only   through seconda sec ondary ry sou source rces. s. It  includes   five  chapters: on   utterance (nutq), on Kalam and the  Mutakallim, on  speech  (al-qawl) , on writing and on the   desired  goal  (al-gharad  a!-mat!ub).’6’   a!-mat!ub).’6’ Unfortu nfortunately, nately, therefo therefore, re, I am   confined to   discussing only the   first   book,   Al-Iqtisdd    al-I’tiqad,   which has a

ft

158   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Al-Munqldh, p.   137.

15 9   Badawl,  Muallafat,   p. xv xvi, i, 16 0 I b i d . , p p .   89-92. 1 61   Badawl,  Mu’allafat, p p .   93-97.   These   chapter t i t l e s   suggest   t h i s   book might   shed   considerable   l i g h t on   Al-Ohazza1iy~s philosophical

positions at   this   time time in   general and hi his s   philosophy of  of    language in   particular.  A   thorough thorough study of this  work  of Al-Ghazzaliyy would be   most desirable,

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short, yet   very   important   introduction in   relation to the The e main   themes of  topic of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epistemology. Th this  book  are the  proof  of  the   existence  of  ofA Allah  [S.W.T.] and his hi s att attrib ribut utes es (in   which he   followed the   method of  the uhammad ammad 162 the   proof  of    the prop rophec hecy y of   Muh Asha’irites). [S.A.A.S.J, and   discussion of  oth other er ar artic ticles les of  faith.’63  In the   this   book, book, Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy   discussed penultimate   section of  this  the   need of    designating a   ruler   (Imamll; he   proved the necessity  of having a ruler by reas reason on as well as from the texts of  the   Shari’ah.’64 He  ended   this  book   with a   section   that sum-marized his   position   towards all   other religions,   sects and  groups   that   were predominant at the   time.165 In the int introd roduc uctio tion n to A  All-tqtisdd, Al-Ghazzaliyy asserted that   there   could be no   contradiction   between the   Sharl’ah (Ia a mu’anadata  bayna  bayna a!-shar’  a!-shar’ al-manqUl Wa at and   reason (I haq   al-ma’qüfl. He   classified all   other   positions   into tw two o categ ca tegorie ories: s: thos those e who   restricted   themselves to  conformism (taqlld)   which he   described as a  deficiency  (tafrft);   and, the philosophers and the   extremists   amon ong g th the e   Mu’tazllites who   relied on  reason   only. The  latter   position he   regarded as an   excess   (~frat).For   Al-Ghazzãllyy,   neither   reaso reason n no nor r forr the   right right gr grou oup p is   that Shari’ah   suffices on its   own, fo which bring brings s   reason and   Shari’ah   together.   Al-Ghazzaliyy explained his  position by the  following metaphor: “Reason is similar to a healthy vision and  the Qur’a r’an n Is similar to  the bright  sun. The one who  seeks  guidance in one of   them   without th the e   other is  certainly am among ong the th e   stupid. If  he   thinks   that th the e   light of  th the e   Qur’an suffic su ffices es him without reason,   then he is   comparable to the th e one   who the e   light of  th the e sun who exp expose oses s him himself  self  to th shut,then thereis his s eyelids shut,then  thereis no   difference between with hi the e   blind,   for (the   existence of)   reason   with him hi m and th Shari’ah is like   light  upon light.”~°

Thus, one  c  ca an say that  it was Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   intention 16 2

F o r   more   d e t a i l s on   A1-Ghazzaliyrs   relationship to th e   Asha’irites see se e  page 3 2 . 16 3   A1-Ghaizaliyy,   Al-Iqtiso4 p . 1 3 . 1 64 I b i d . , p p .   195—201. 16 5 I b i d . . p p .   205—213. 16 6 I b i d . , p p . 7 - - S .

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in   Al-Iqtisad    to pres resen entt a   “median”   account of    Islamic creed,   which is the  meaning of  the   title of  this book,   this  book,   with the help of  reason, In   A1-!qtisãd,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   restricted   himself  to the   premises.   These  sources   were   listed use of  six  sources of  premises. as  follow: 1.

The sens The sensibles ibles  (al-hissiyyat~:A1-Ghazzãliyy here  defined the   sensibles as   that   whic which h is   perceived   through external tern al an and d internal   “witnessing”  (mushahadah).   Exam  external are   accidents   (a’rad)   like   sound ples of  external sounds s an and d colors, and  internal   like the  presence of  pain and jo  joy. y.

2,

Pure Reason (at-  ‘aql  al-mahd): an  exa  exam mple of  f this this  kind of   kno that th ther ere e know wled ledge ge is   reaching the   conclusion   that could be no   third   predicate to   those in the   premise, “the  world is either  eternal or   accidental”.

3.   Knowledge   related by   several   sources   (al-tawatur): such as the   testimony of  the   existence of    certain prophets   (eg.   Moses   la.s.P.

4.   Premises   that   comprise   other   premises   that are deabove ve three  sources. pendent   upon   the abo 5.   The The Sh Shar ari’a i’ah h   (aI-sam’iyyat). 6.   Premises   derived   from the   beliefs of   opponents in arguments   against   them   because   they   cannot   deny 167 them,   even if  there   there is no  proof  of  its  validity. It   should be   noted   that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   critic criticiz ized ed the forr   their   usage of  arguments  Mu  M utakallimürt  fo   arguments   that   resemble category y abo above ve   which he   considered   conformism the   sixth   categor (taqlLd))68  In   add additio ition, n, th the e  fact that he “restricted”   himself  to the th e use of  these   these six  sources is a   clear   indication   that a complete  list is av book ok.. In fact   Mi’yãr  availa ailable ble in a  previous bo 167   AI-Ghazzaliyy.   A l - I q t i s o d . p p .   25—27. 167 16 8 I b i d . , p . 9 2 .

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the fi firs rstt   period of   public at- ‘urn is the   last   book    during   the

teaching to   include a  comprehensive   list of  the   sources of  knowledge;   subsequent   books   (i.e.   Mihak  aI-No,zar  and Al Iq  I qti tissad ft   al-I’tiqddj   i’ncluded   partial   lists   only.   Mihak  at “know owledg ledge e and   belief’;  Na,zzar   included   seven   sources   of “kn  Na, primary   knowledge,   internal   “vision”   (al-mushñhadat  at external sen sensibles, sibles, experimenta entals, ls,   knowledge rebatinah),   external lated by   many   groups   (tawatur),   imagination and   famous 69 premises.’ A1-Ghazzaliyy   listed in   Mt’yar    atat- ‘t ‘tim im   four   sources that   yield   indubitable   knowledge;   pure   rational   logical aI-’aqliyyah qliyyah al-m al-mah ahdah dah), ), the necessities   (al-uwwaliyyat  aI-’a sensible, the   experimentals and   intuition   (hads). His   list differed   from   that of   the the philos hilosop ophe hers rs in   Maqasic! AlFaias{fah   only in the   addition of   intu intuiti ition on as a sou ourc rce e of  indubitable  knowledge. He held that   the the kn know owledg ledge e acquired through   intuition  cannot be  proved,   cannot be  denied, and cannot be  taught. It must be for this   reason   that he  did not include   intuition in the so sour urce ces s of   premises in  AI-Iqtisdd. A1-Ghazzaliyy   state stated d tha thatt the   only thing   that can be   done seeking g intu intuitive itive   knowledge   Is to the   student who is   seekin Is to same   path   which   led led th thos ose e be befo fore re him direct him to the   sam This gu guidan idance ce   does not   gurantee to   intuitive   knowledge.   This intuitive   knowledge; the   student’s student’s mind   should   be perfe erfect ct in terms of  strength and   clarity In order to be   able  to   have intuition.   Although he   held   intuition to be a   source of  indubitable   knowledg knowledge, e, Al-G Al-Ghazzallyy hazzallyy   said  that on one e  cannot intu tuiti ition on in de deba bates tes;; one   should use   arguments   from in   sharing is sha hare re th the e   experience. For   him,   this   concept of  sharing clear r indic indication ation similar to “tasting”.’7°The latter analogy is a clea of Al-Ghazzãliyy’s Al-Ghazzãliyy’s use of  the  Silfi language   which is a mark  of  the new direction  that he  chose to follow.

3.10   CONCLUSION  which hich lasted fo forr Al-Ghazzaliyy’s writings during  this  this period,  period,  w one of  the   mos mostt   Imp a decade,   reflect   on Importan ortantt stag stages es In his intellectual   development. He  brok  broke e with  conformism  which dominated his  work  as a student, and   began a   systematic 169   Al-Ghazza1i~,Mihak, pp.   57-65. 170   Ibid..  pp.   178—182.

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f tho thoug ught ht tha thatt   were inquiry of  the  schools of  were ava available ilable at the sources rces.. time in search fo forr  true   knowledge and  its sou f th thou ough ghtt in  encountered ntered many  schools of  Al-Ghazzaliyy encou his qu quest est fo forr   true  knowledge.   Eventually, he   restricted the possibility of   finding   such   knowledge to   four   “classes of  seekers”: the   dialectical   theologians, the   Batinites, the philosophers and the   Süfis whos hose e   methodology he   finally accepted. A careful study of the language  that Al-Ghazzàliyy grou oup p re reve veals als   that he used to describe   these these fou four r gr he   narrowed two o   only; the   Bãtinites and the   philosophers in them to tw one on e   group, and the   Mutakallimun and the   SufIs in the other. The  choice of  words   reflects a subtle  approval of  the latter   group. When   Al-Ghazzaliyy   beca becam me a tea teach cher er at the   NiZahilosophy hy as part miyyah  of Baghdad, he started studying philosop of a systematic  approach in which he was attempting to stu tudy dy forr  true f tho thoug ught ht in search fo all ll   sects,  religions and schools of  knowledge.   According to him, he  could not find   such knowtraditionall su subjec bjects ts of  philosophy; the   only ledge led ge in all the   traditiona two tw o   exceptions   were   logic and   mathematics.   Although he hilosop phy, we   shall see in the   following was   critical of  philoso adop opted ted   many positions   from the   works of  chapter   that  he ad the  philosophers   (e.g.,   Al-FarabO. mostt   imp importan ortantt con contribu tributions tions of  AlOne of the   mos logic. He Ghazzaliyy   during   this   period is his   position on   log books s whi hic ch he in inte ten nded as a   criterion for wrote sev several eral   book science. He   held in  Mi’y&r a!-’lIm   that   every   person has   sensibles, a judge judges es:: a ju judg dge e of  sensibles, judge of   imagination three   judg and a ju judg dge e of   reason. It is the   addition of  a   “judge of  imagin im agination ation” ” here   that   contributes to the   development of  epistem istemology ology  even though he wou ould ld drop it  later his  genetic ep  Ai-Mw -Mwiq iqtd tdh. h. on in Ai Another   contribution was in the   subject of  debate. In seems to be a  reaction to   a tr tren end d of  public   public   debates what   seem between the   various   schools of  ju  jurisprudence at the   lime, whic ch he ou outlin tlined ed the Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote   four   books in   whi etiquette of   debate   (adab   al-munO,zarah)   without   which an   unhealthy   atmosphere of   animosity and   hatred   would arise. He realized that these debates, inwhich he participated  motivated by   material at the  Camp of  Nizam Al-Mulk,  were  were motivated 99

AL-GHAZZALIYY

gains and   therefore, he   mad made e a   pledge   later on   never to engage  in such  activity aga again. in. gearch h fo for r indubitable   knowledge le Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   gearc led d him to   reject all   knowledge   that was   based on   authority (e.g.,  parents,   teachers)   which he blamed for the differences among   people. He   defined   this   knowledge in   terms of  mathematical   certitude. He   scrutinized all his  cognition in eett the   previous dessearch   for kno know wledge   that   would   mee crip cr iption tion;; he   thought fo forr a  while   that the   sensibles and the self se lf ev evid iden entt   truths   are con conform forming ing to the  level of  certitude   certitude that  he was  looking for.  Nevertheless,   meditating upon meditating  upon  such knowledge he   found   that he   could   doubt   them, and   thus he   found   himself    devoid of   any any ind indub ubita itable ble   knowledge. As a   result,   he fo fou und himsel elf  f    doubting all   sources of  knowledge   including   reason   which was   based   upon the possiblity of  the   existence of  a   higher   faculty   which he defined in  terms of  its   relation to   reason   (i.e. the   faculty above   reason   [malakahfawqa   ai-’aqlj).   In fac fact, t, he   undermostt   genuine and   dramatic   experience of   skepwent the   mos f doubt doubt continued ticism in the history of thought. thought.   This state of  eventually lly end ended ed by for the   duration of  tw two o   months and   eventua  illumination. divine illumination. divine The   first   thing   that   Al-Ghazzãliyy   regained   after he emerged   from   his his st stat ate e of   doubt was his   tru trust in   logical Accordin rding g to   him,   this   would not   have bee necessities,   Acco been n possible  without   divine  illumination  which he  considered a source of   knowledge   that he   called   kashf  and   which he described as   acquiring   know knowledge ledge direc directly tly  (i.e.   from Allah).   knowledg ledge e forms the   back Evidently,   this   latter   source of  know ould ld   expand on   this bone of   SOfi   epistemology; he wou conce co ncep pt du during ring his   first  period of   withdrawal   from pub ublic lic will  deal with life  which I   will deal  with in the   following chapter.

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Chapter   FOUR AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE: THE YEARS OF  SECLUSION (488-499   A.H./1095-1 106  C.E.)

This   chapter   deals   with the   works   Al-Ghazzâliyy   wrote following his   first   withdrawal fro from m pub ublic lic   life, a   period brought ght his  first teaching which   extended   from the  time he brou career to an end at the   Nizãmiyyah of   Baghdad in 488 A.H./  1095 CE. and   until his  return to   public   teaching at the   Nizãmiyya   Nishapur in 499   A.H./  1106 CE.   This Nizãmiyyah h of  Nishapur period of  sec seclusion lusion was marked by a  long j  jo ourney in which Al-Ghazzaliyy   left   Baghdad for  Dam  Damascu ascus s   from   whic which h he then to Hebron for a shor went to Jerusalem, ortt visit and evenJerusalem,   the to return  return tually to   Makkah and   Madinah  before he  decided to to h to  hiis   homeland.’ During this time,  Al-Ghazzallyy wrote 28  books,   letters 2 of  which   four  were   written in   Farsi:   Klmyã  and   treatises 1   A1-Gharzzaliyy.  Al-Munqidh, pp.   137-138.

2   These are: 1 .   Ihya’  ‘Ulum a l - D i n , 2.  ICitabflMas’alatKulMujtahidMusib,   Al-Mulk  Hin 3.  Jawab  ha M  Da a’a ’ah hu L  Mu u’ayyad  Al-Mulk   Hina ama  D  Lim imu u‘awadau aI-Tath-is  Bit   B it  N  ya ak  4.  Mufassll at  KhUaf~ ol-Masa’U a at -A  Niz iza amiy y -A rba’ at-Lati   KhUaf~5.  Jawab ol-Masa’U  Sa’ataha at -Batlnlyyah -Batlnlyyah Btham Bthamadha adhan, n, 6.   Al-Maqsad  al-Asna SharhAsma’  All  A lla ah  al-Husna, 7.   RisalahjI   Ruju’  Asrna’  Allah  ha Dhat  W  Wahida ahidah h Ala  AI-W -Wajiz ajiz,, ma at-F at-Faiaslfsa aiaslfsak  k  8.  Bldayat al-Htdayak  9. AI  Ra’yy at-Mu  Ra’ at-Mu’taz ’tazilah ilah   ma 10.  JawahU-at-Qur’an, 1 1 .   Al-Arba’Infi  Usul  al-Din, 12. At-Mo.dnun   ‘bUtt  Al-Madnu adnun n bthi ala ‘ala Ghayri Ahl la Ah  AhIth Ithi, i, 14.  At-Dan   a1-Marqum  Ahltht, tht, 13. Al-M  JadawU, 15.  Al-Qtstas  at-Mustaqlni, 16.   Fatsal ol-Tafriqah bayn albi at  Ja  Isla  Is lam m ma  al-Zandaqak  17. Al-Q Al-Qanurz anurz olol-Kullt  Kullt  fi at-Ta’wtt  18.   Klxnya  Akhrat, Sa’adat  1 9 .   Ayyuha  al-Watad, 20.   Nasthat   al-Muluk. 2 1 . Zad  Ak 22,   Risatah Ha Abi   al-Fath   Ahmad    hint   Satamah   al-Dlniamiyy   in at  aI-Ladunn unniyyah, iyyah, 24.   Risalah  ha   Ba’d  Ah  AhI   ‘Asrih, Must!, 23,  At-Risalah aI-Lad 25.   Mishkat  al-Anwar, Mishkat  al-Anwar, 26.   Tafstr  Yaqut  ol-Ta’wlL 27,   At-Kashf  m  ma a at bis  Ibtis. Tabyinji  Ghw-ur   at-Khalq  Ajma’in, 28. Tat bis

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 Akhrat (The  Pack  Sa’ãdat   (The Alchemy of Happiness) ,3 Zad  Ak for th the e Here ereaft after, er, whic hich h  Al-Ghazzãliyy wrote as a  simplified version of  the   preceding  book  to m  mak ake e it   more   accessible to the  general   public).  Ayyuha  al-Walad  (0   Child) and  A  AII-T Tib ibr  r  Golden Ing Ingot ot fo aI-Masbükft    Nail forr   AdviAdviilat    aI-Mulülc  (The   Golden sing Kings). sing two o are   translated   into   Arabic A ’ Of   Kings). The   latter tw 5  five these   twenty  eight  books, tw two o are  in man anus uscr crip iptt   form, lost6 an and d an anoth other er two of  disputed   authenticity.7 In addition,  originally two tw o  works   that are   usually  listed   separately  were  were originally sections of   other   books:   Risbiah  Rujü’’   Asma’  Rujü Asma’ Alib Alibi, i, H a  Dhdt t   Wahidah ala  Ra’y  aj-Mu’taztlah wa   a1-Fa1ds~fah(A  Dhd Treatise Tre atise Conc oncernin erning g  Allah’s  names Indicating One Essence Acc ccording ording to the   Opinion of  the  Mu’tazilites and the   Philo  Al-Maqsad  aI-Asnã  chap apter ter of  Al-Maqsad  sophers)   wh whic ich h is th the e   third ch Sharh A  Assmà’ Alla lah h aI-Husnà  (The  Sublime Aim in the Interpretation of   Allah’s   Beautiful   Names)8 and   Al-A rba’in  JI   J I   Usitl  al-Din   (The  Forty in   the Fund   Religion) undam amentals of  Religion)   al-Qur’art  (The Jewels  Jawàhir  al-Qur’art  which is the  third   section of  Ja of the  Qur’an).9

 ft 

3   This   book  is   different   from th the e   Arabic one   which has th the e   same   title: Kimya’ at-Sa’adah. Kimya’  at-Sa’adah.   Badawl   stated   that   Bouyges   doubted th the e  authenticity  o f th forr books that   their authenticity  could not the e section designated fo be   v e r i f i e d .   Medieval   historians l i k e   AI-Murtada   Al-Zubaydiyy   l i s t e d orig igin inal al   book  i n   Farsi is believed to be the Arabic book  separetely.   The or Scien iences ces) ) hhya’ a’ ‘Ul ‘Ulurn urn al-Din   (The   Revival   of Islamic Sc the  equivalent of  hhy see e   Badawi, which was   written In   Arabic. For   further   information, se  Mu’attafat  Mu’ attafat,, pp.   172—178 and   275—276. 4   Badawi,   Mu’attafat, pp.   188—189.  Akhrat  and  At-Wajtz. 5   These are Z  Za ad  Ak 6   These  ar  Musth, Mufassilal-KhUaf   Mufassilal-KhUaf   At-DarJ  at  are e F L Mas’atatKut  Mujtahtd  Musth,  Marqum  Marqu m bi at-Jadawit,  Tafstr  Yaqut at-Ta’wU and Talbis  Ibtis. It should be noted   that lb who stu studie died d at the C.E., .,   who lbn n  A1-Jawziyy (d. 597 AR.! 1200 C.E Judge lb lbn n  Al-’Arabiyy.  o A1-Ghazzaliyy’s  students,   wrote a hands of Judge  on ne of A1-Ghazzaliyy’s book    with the   same   title as the   latter   book:   Tatbis   Iblis   (The   Devil’s Concealment of  Truth). In this this book,  book,   which  I  believe it be   influenced by f Truth). lbn n   Al-Jawziyy   used th the   original   Tatbis   Ibtis. one   could see   that lb the e same   example in th the e   introduction   that was   used  previously by Althe e   introduction of  At-Iqtisad.   Nevertheless. lbn AlGha hazz zzaliyy aliyy In th Jawziyy followed  th Hadith   whic which h is different  the e meth the e scholars of  ethod od of th f Hadith  Abu u from  th  the e   approach of  Al-Ghazzaliyy. For   further   information see  Ab Al-Faraj   ‘Abd   A1-Rahman Ibn   A1-Jawziyy   Al-Baghdadiyy.   Talbis   Ibtis, ed..   (cairo: Muhammad   Munir   Al-Dimashqiyy   A1-Azhariyy. ed (cairo: Maktab aktabat at Ai-Mutanabbiyy, No   Date) p. 1 . 7   These are  N  Ah hti tih h.  Na asth tha at  t al-Mutuk  al-Mutuk  and  aI-Madnun bUtt   ‘ala Ghayri A 8   Badawi,  Mu’atlafat, p.   137, 9   Ibid., p.   149.

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In   addition to the   traditional   subjects   that he   used to ritings, s,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   started   expressing his cover in  his writing deep  conviction in the   Sufi   way. His   writings   were  either f this this new line of thought, or indirect direct representations of  as in the texts (e.g.,   exegesis of  the Qur’an) he wrote with the Sufism fism du during ring his  years of  seclusion.   It spirit of  Su It is the aim impact of  his   acceptance of  of  this   this   chapter to   discuss the   im Sufism on his   epistemology. Of  the   many   book books s th that at he this  period,   only about   seven of  them can be wrote   during   this period, related   directly to the   development in his   theory of  know   knowledge. Th These ese are:   Ihyã’   ‘UIüm  al-Din   (The  Revival of  Islamic Al-Maqsad    al-Asnã  ft   Sharh   Asmã’   Allah alSciences),   Al-Maqsad    Hu  H usnã,   Bidayat    Al-Hidãyah   (The   Beginning of  Guidance)   Guidance)  Ja  J awãhir   al-Qur’an and   Al-Qistas   al-Mustaqirn   (The   Just al-Ladunniah niah and Mishkät al-Anw al-Anwàr  àr  Balance),   Al-Risãlah al-Ladun forr   Lights). (The  Niche fo These Th ese books form a  consistent   unif unified ied who hole le with “unveiling”  (kashj)  forming th the e hi high ghes estt source of knowledge. We shall see   that   “unveiling”   takes   mor ore e   than one   form  (e.g., always s aiming at   peremptory   transcendental vision) but   alway following   discussion of   these   books knowledge.   Thus, the   following  aims at   showing   Ai-Ghazzaliyy’s   consistency   during   this period.

  AL-DIN  4.1 4. 1   IIIYA’  ‘FJLEJM  AL-DIN  The first book  that was written in seclusion was  Ihyã’  ‘Ulüm (The Revival al-Dn (The  Revival of Islamic  Sciences), a voluminous   encyclopedic   work. 1 0 In In   this   book,   A1-Ghazzaliyy   held   that the highest   forms of  kn know owledg ledge e are fou found nd In   Sufism and   that all ll   other fo form rms ar are e  subordinate, He  argued for the priority  of  Sufi   kno know wled ledge ge alo along ng se seve veral ral diff differe erent nt   fronts,   namely the sociology y of knowledge, science of action action (‘ilmaL-rnu’ãmal alt) ,   sociolog the division ofthe sciences, the  intellect,  dialectical  theology (lcalãm),   philosop philosophy, hy, creed  (‘aqidah) and dreams.   However, as we   shall   see, his   newly   attained   vision   produced an 10

The   editi   at-Ma’r~fak without th e   indexes o r   appendixes, edition on of Dar  at-Ma’r~fak  has   1,700   pages.

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led d him to set   forth  several  flawed   arguenthusiasm   which le men ents ts and  claims in  support of  f h his  position.   Some of  these flaws  were  overcome   in in his  later writings.

4.1.1.

On the   Science of  Action  (‘Jim  al-Mu’amalah)

As the  title of  f this this  book  indicates,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   wanted to Sciences, es, an   intention   which he   clearly revive the   Islamic Scienc 11 The concept state st ates s in the first fe few w lines of  the intro introdu ductio ction, n, of  “revivification”   “revivification”   should be   und unders erstood tood as an act   directed towards toward s som something ething   which is  dead   or or dy dyin ing g. In In this  this  case, he was ref referr erring ing to the   Islamic   scien science ces s whic hich h bec becam ame distanced   from the   original   aims of  the   Shari’ah  (maqasid  a!shari’ah). He saw that   Musl uslim im  scholars,   especially in Jurisprudence,   preoccupied  themselves   with with triv trivial ial and   useless  Ihyã’ ã’ repre details,  forgetting the  spirit of th the e  Shari’ah. The Ihy repre-sents an   attempt to   reconnect   F’iqh   with with th the e   aims of  the Shari’ah. introduc uction tion to the   Ihyà’,   whi whic ch is   considered In   the introd mostt   important   work, he   state Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   mos stated d th that at the forr attain attaining ing happiness in the he herea reafter fter necessary knowledge fo (‘tim al-akhirah) Is   divided   into two   sections: the   science of  action   (‘tim  al-mu’amaiahl and the   science of   “unveiling” divine   knowledge   (‘tIm   al-mukàshafaii). He   restricted the  Ihya’   ‘Ulüm al-Din  to  th subject   matter of  Ihya’  the e   science of  action al-Din to because, as he put it, he had no  permission  to   disclose   ‘tIm ai-muk&shafah in any boo books, ks, ev even en  though it is th the e go goal al to which   seekers seekers aspire. He   said   that his   position had to resemble   that of  the   prop rophets12 hets12 wh who o   related   this   science using metaphoric language  because people are not equipped to   understand   this   subject. He   added   that the   science of  ‘tlmal-mukãshaf alt13 alt13 action is isth the e guide  (i.e. a prerequisite) to ‘tlmal-mukãshaf  Al-G l-Ghazz hazzally allyy y div divided ided the   science of   actio action n into two 1 1   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Ihyu’   ‘Ulum at-Din  (Beirut: Dar   al-Ma’rlfah. No   Date) vol.1,   p . 1 .

12   Al-Ghazzaliyy   based based hi his s   posItion up upon on a   1-ladith   that that was as   narrated by Abu Al-Darda’ i n  which   prophet   Muhammad   I S . A . A . S . I   s a i d .   Scholprophets”   (At- ‘utama’  warathat  ars are the   heirs of   warathat    al-anbiya’).   This f prophets” Radithbwas verified by Abu Dawud,  Al-Tirmldhiyy, lbn MaJah and  Ib  Ibn n Hayyan in his  Sahth, 13   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   lhya’.   V o l . I ,   pp. 33-4. 4.

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sections:: ex sections exoter oteric ic   science   (‘tim   zàhtr) and   esoteric   science Furthe therm rmore ore,, he   divided   each of   these tw (‘tim   bãttn),   Fur two o section sec tions s into two   subdivis subdivisions ions.. Th These ese   four  sec  sections tions formed   which comthe ba basis sis   for th   Ihyd’   ‘tJiUm   aI-EJlit  which the e   format of  Ihyd’ prises, in his   words,   four four quart rter ers s: th the e   Acts of   Worship (‘tbàdat), the   Social   Ethics   (‘adãt), the   Matters   that are Dangerous   (muhltkãt) and  finally the   Things  that are ConEach h of the these se fou four r quarters 14   Eac ducive to Salvation (munjiyàt). includes ten   chapters. A   general   overview of  this  book  can be   obtained  from a  list of  the hea heading dings s of  the  chapters: The  quarter on the  Acts  of Worship:

1.

The  B  Boo ook  k  of  Knowledge   (Kitdb al-  ‘lIm)

2,

The Articles of  Faith  (Qawa’id   aI-’AqEftcl)

3.

The Mysteries of  Purity

4.

The  Mysteries of  Prayer

5.

The Mysteries of Alms giving

6.

The Mysteries of  Fasting

7.

of Pilg Pilgrim rimag age e The Mysteries   of

8.

The Rules of  Rea eadin ding g the Qur’a r’an n

9.

lications ons On the  Invocations  and Supplicati

10.   O  Awràd15 15 A On n the  Arrangement of  Awràd  Acc ccording ording to the Different Times. The  quarter on   Social   Ethics:

1, The   Ethics of  Eating

2.

The Th e Ethics of  Marriage

14   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Ihya’,   V o l . I ,   pp. 2— 2—3. 3. 15   WU-d  (plural one e o r   more form o f  r e c o l l e c t i o n o f  Allah   (dhtkn   (plural  awradj i s on I n a   Suti order,   the novice   (rnurtcl) i s   assigned  certain  wird  to   perform Sufi fi   master.   Nabih  Amin   Fails Fails trans translated lated th by hi s   own Su the e ti the e title tle of  th tenth ten th ch chap apter ter of the first quarter as “On th e  O f f ic e o f p o r t i o n s ’ , a translation   which   does n o t   r e f l e c t the   subject   matter o f   t h i s   chapter. AlGhazzaliyy.   The Book o f  Knowledge (of  Ih  Ihya’  ‘Ilium at-Din),  Nabih   Amin Fans. ed. and  trans.   (Lahore, Sh.   Muhammad   Ashraf,   1962)   p. 3.

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3.

The Ethics of  Earning a  Livelihood

4.

 and d the  Forbidden On the  Lawful  an

5.

The Ethic thics s of    Companionship and   Fellowship with the Various ‘l~pesof  Men

6,

 Seclusion   (al-  ‘uziah) On  Seclusion

7.

The Ethics of Travel

8. 9.

On Audition  (samä’) and   passion   (wajd~ d~ On Enjoining   Good and  Forbidding   Evil

6 

The e Ethic thics s of  Living as  Exemplified in the Virtues 10.   Th of  the   Prophet

The he quarter  quarter on the   Matters  that are  Dangerous: 1.

On th the e Won onde ders rs of  the  H  Hear eartt

On the   Discipline of  the  Soul 2.   On

3.

Twoo  Appetites On the  Curse of the Tw of  the Stomach and the   Genitals

4.

The Curse of  the Tongue

-

the Appetites

The Cur urse se of Anger,   Rancour and   Envy 5.   The

6.

The Evil of  the World

7.

The Evil of Wealth and Niggardliness’7

8.

 Hypocri ypocrisy sy Pomp p and  H The Evil of Pom

9.

The Evil  of Pr Prid ide e and Conceit

10.

The  Evils of  Vanity   wajd  as  “grief”. See Al-Ghazzaliyy, Th Thee  Book  of Know exptessio ssio n o f  t he   psycholo I   think   that  wajd  i s an  e c s t a t i c  expte

16   Fails translated

tedge, p .

4.

gical “sta gical “state” te”   (boO o f a   S u f i .   which i s th e   outcome o f   l i s t e n I n g to poetry   or sin   grief  or  j  jo oy singin ging. g.   This   “state’   could be   either   that of  grief  depending  on   the theme in the song  o  or r poe oetr try. y. In addition, a Sufl can induce   such  a “state” but in this  case It Is called   tawajud. 17   Fads   translated   bukhl as avarice. See Al-Ghazzali. The The Book   Book  of Know-

ledge,

106

p. 5.

THE E YEARS OF  SECLUSION AL-GHAZZALIYYS  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE: TH

The  quarter on   Those   Things   That   are are Con ondu duciv cive e to Salvation: 1.

On  Repentance

2.

On  Patience and   Gratitude

3.

On  Fear and  Hope

4.

On  Poverty and Asceticism

5.

 and d Dependence On  Divine   Unity  an

6.

On Love,   Longing,   Intimacy and   Contentment

7.

On Intentions,   Truthfulness and  Sincerity

8.

On Self-Examination and Self-Accounting

9.

On Meditation

10.

On Death. Death.

After   listing   the the co conte ntent nts s of  the   Ihyà’,  Al-Ghazzãliyy outlined ou tlined the   specific alms the e fo fou ur quarters.   More specific  alms of each of  th aims them themselves selves Is the lang langua uage ge   that important   than the   aims Al-Ghazzãliyy  used to   describe   these aims.   More than than once,  once, he mentioned the “m “mysteries” ysteries”,, “sec “secrets” rets” and the   “hidden” elements that   were neglected in previous  studies and which 15It is  clear   that   this he now   intends to   resolve or   clarif~’. language  which   is dif iffe fere rent nt fr fro om previous works of Al-Ghazzaliyy, can be   attributed to his new intellectual   “state”! The first quarter, on the acts of worshipping, worshipping,  began with the book  of knowledge  (Ktttth  ai-’Iim) as its first chapter.   It It is  inclu lude de su such ch a chapter, let alone  assign it rather  peculiar to inc priority, among   other other ch chap apters ters on  subjects   such as  prayer, alms giving and pilgrimage. The use of  Jurisprudence   (e.g. f Jurisprudence the details of  prayer) is not  essential to the  aim of  the  Ihy  Ihyã’ ã’:: knowing that   studen students ts at the  time were   interested in j  ju urisinclude ded d it   in his  book  to  attract prudence,   A1-Ghazzãliyy   inclu them.19   Evidently   he was   aiming at   presenting his   newly “acquired”   understanding of   knowledge and the   method or   “way” to  acheive it. He was  convinced   that  people at the The  Book  of Knowledge.   p. 5. 19   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Ihya’,   Vol. I, p. 4. 15   PJ-Ghazzali,

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time   were   inclined to   accept as   science  what he  described time  2°One can metaphorically  a  as s the “peels” instead of  the pulp”. interpret   these  “peels” as the   useless or   harmful   sciences, and the  “pulp”  “pulp” as  as th the e  peremptory   knowledge   (yaqlrt)   that is unveiled to the  Sufi. aim of   discussing   knowledge at the   beginning of  The   aim  Ihyã’ ã’ is intended  to show the kno the  Ihy know wledge  that is required of  everyone. It is   obvious   that   Al-Ghazzãliyy is  referring to that ca cann nnot ot be  derived   from  convena  hidden   knowledge   that tional   sources of   knowledge   (e.g. the   senses,   reason), He to   transcend   worldly affa affairs irs which conwan anted ted the se seeke eker r to barrier rier tha thatt   prevents one  from achieving the  knowstruct a bar ledge   that   Sufis   cla claim im to   have acq acquired uired.. He  asserted   that attainment of  f    this   knowledge can be   promoted by   “selfmortifica ortification, tion, dis discip cipline, and   through   puri1~ringthe   heart by  freeing it from the affairs of  this world, as well as through emulating the   prophets and  very  virtuous   people   (awliyd’) so that it may be   revealed to   every   seeker in   proportion to than in forr   him him,   rather   tha what   Allah has   allocated   (rizq) fo proportion to the   seeker’s   efforts and   labours   paM). yet forr   self-mortification   which diligence in it is   indispensable fo is the  sole key to  guidance.”2’ The  book  of  knowledge   (Kitëzb at- ‘Jim)   comprises  seven sections: 1.   On On th the e   value of  knowledge,   instru instructio ction n and branches ches of  knowedge learning. 2. On   the bran  farrd    knowedge   which are fa ‘ayn:22 on the   branches of   knowledge   that are  fard   kifajurisp ispru ruden dence ce and   dialectical  yah:23  ya h:23 on the   definition of  jur (as s   disciplines) in   the the sc scien ience ce   of religion: and on theology (a the   science of  the   hereafter   and and th that at of  f this this   world. 3. On what is   popularly but  erroneously   considered to be  part of  discuss ussion ion of the   nature the   science of  religion,   including  a disc of   blameworthy  knowledge. 4. On the defects of debate and the   reasons why   people   have  engaged in   dissension and 20 21 22 23

  Al-Ghazzaliyy,   lhya’,   Vol.1,   p . 2 .   Al-Ghazzali,   TheBookofKnowtedge,p.   100.   Divinely  ordained, and   b i n d i n g  f o r   every   individual   Muslim.

  Divinely   ordained, and   binding fo forr th the e   Musl uslim im   community as a whole.   Therefore   t h i s   c o l l e c t i v e   ohigation can be   discharged, f o r th e  one ne or   more  persons, and  i community by th e   actions o f  o  is s not   necesssarily sa rily bin bindin ding g f o r   each   i n d i v i d u a l   member.

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AL-GHAZZALIYY”S   QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE: THE  YEARS OF SECLUSION

disputation. 5. On the  qualities of  the  teach  teacher er and the student. 6. On the  deficiency of knowledge, the   (drawbacks) of  the   lear the ch char arac acter terist istics ics dis distin tingu guish ishin ing g the learne ned d, an and d   the scholars of   the of the the sc scien ience ce of  the   hereafter from those   of  categories, and f this this world. 7, On reason, its value, science of  value, categories, 24 Of    these what has  been  said  conc  concernin erning g it (i (in n tradition).  one, tw  two o and seven are of special importance seven,  sections  one, in the   development of  Al-Ghazzàliyy’s  epistemology. 4.1.2

The   Sociology of Knowledge

In the   first   section of  the   book  of   of  knowledge,  knowledge,   Al-Ghazzãliyy discussed the   importance of   knowledge and   ranked the scholars,   after the   prophets, who   were   second to   none.25 The im imp plication of  exp plained as an f    this   hierarchy can   be ex as the   first first so sou urc rce e attempt by him to   place   revelation   as of   knowledge and   reason   second.   This   position was his response to the   philosophers who   placed   reason   above prophecy in their  epistemological   hierarchy. questio tion n of th the e   definition of  Moreover, he   raised the   ques disting tinguis uished hed   from   animals by   virtue of  man   whom   he dis hav avin ing g th the e   faculty of  reason. In  addition, he   stated   that the human   being was   created   only for the   sake of   acquiring (lam yu ukhla laq q Wa l it   ‘tIm) ,2 ,26 6 knowledge   (lam y Al-Ghazzàliyy discussed   the kno know wledge of  science  that  farrd   ‘ayri and he   found   that   there were could be   rendered fa differen entt pos ositio itions ns re rega gard rdin ing g thi this s   issue. He mentwenty   differ tione tio ned d on only ly fo fou ur  groups  along  with their  positions  regarding   ‘aga. The M this  science must be  Mu utakkali lim mün  said  that   this science  farrd  ‘aga.  fa dialectical   theology, the   jurists   maintained   that   fiqh was  farrd   ‘ayn, the   scholars of  Hadith   stated the fa stated tha thatt it was the Sunnah ah,, an and d the  fourth knowledge of  the   Qur’an and the   Sunn group gro up was the   Sufis   who being g dif iffe fere ren nt fr fro om th the e who while   bein other   three   positions, did not   comprise one   single  position grou oup p of   Sufis in   their   understanding of  far  fard   ‘ayn. One gr is th the e kn know owled ledge ge of  state st ated d th that at it   is f    one’s   “state”   that) and position   (maqdm) in   relation to  Allah   IS.W.T4.  Other   Sufis know owledg ledge e of   sincerity   between the thought it to be   the kn 24   Al-Ghazzali, The  Book  of  Knowledge,  p . 9 . 25   Al-GMzzaliyy,   ihya’,   V o l . I , p . 5 . 26   ibid., p. 7 .

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27 A followers  of  Allah   [S.W.T.] and the   followers followers of    Satan.   Sufis   said   that it was   the the es esot oter eric ic   science third   group of  Sufis whose acquisition is required  only of the qualified,  select few, who ac acco cord rding ingly ly did not accept the  exoteric  meaning of   farrd   fa ‘ayn which would  have made it imperative   upon everyone to Sufi fi positio osition n was learn this particular   science,28 The last Su asth that at of Abfl Talib Al-Mak l-Makkiyy kiyy who   understood it in terms of  f what what later on  became  known  as the  five  pillars  of Is Isla lam m.2 .29 9 In principle,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   accepted AJ-Makkiyy’s  view but he  stressed the  idea that   thisfard   ‘ayn is what  he called earlier   ‘tim   al-mu’ãmalah  (the   science of  action).   action).   Moreover, while   A1-Ghazzãliyy   main same no notio tion n   as th maintain tained ed the   sam the e basis for his   science of   action, it  must be   said   that he acqu quisition isition and   application of  devised a   timetable for   the ac  farrd   ‘ayri   taking   Into   consideration the the   science   that Is fa conditions   surrounding the person who was on the  path of  acquiring   such   knowledge.3° I   found   that that his ac acc cou ount nts s in verb rbum um   from Althis   paragraph are   copied   almost   ad ve Makkiyy’s QUt aI-Qutüb.3’ In  fact, one can see the Influence this book  on a wide   range  of  topics  in the  Ihyâ’. of  f this

4.1.3 On the  Di  Divi visi sio on of  the Sciences In the second section of the book of knowledge. Al-Ghazzãliyy divided div ided kno know wledge   into tw two o   sections;   ‘ulüm   shar’tyyah the e   Shari’ah) and the   ghayr-shar’tyyah   (non(sciences   of th Shari’ah)   such as  medicine and mathematics.   Acc According ording to  farrd   kzfdyah.   Nevertheless, he latte ter r   scienc him,   the lat sciences es are fa criticized   unnec unnecess essary ary stud studies ies in   these   sciences   such as the   branches of   mathematics   that do not   have  practical applications. As for the   sciences of  the   Shari’ah, he   held 27   Ai-Ghazzaliyy.   Ihya’.   Voi. I , p . 1 4 . Knowledge, p p .   30—31. 28   Al-Ghazzafl, Th Thee  Book  of Knowledge, 29   These   are:   bearing witn witness ess   that   there is no Go God d but   Allah and   that Muhammad is His   prophet,   prayer,   regula regular r alms   giving,   fasting   Abraham ouse e of  Abraham the th e   month of   Rmnadan and   pilgrimage to the   Hous (A1-Ka’bah) in   Makk akkah, ah,   These   five   pillars pillars were part of  a   Hadith   that Ibn n   ‘Umar by   both   Al-Bukharlyy was   narrated on the   authority of  Ib and   Musl uslim, im,   Thus,   this   Hadith is  rendered   rnuttafaq   ‘atayh   (agreed the e   highest level of  certitude of  a sound   Hadith. uponl wh which ich is th p. 14. 30   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   ihya’. Vol. 1 .   p. Abu Ab u   Tahb   Al-Makkiyy, Qut   Al-Qulub   (ca 31 (cairo iro:: da dar r   Sadir,   18923 p p .

129—130.

110 11 0

 YEARS O AL-GHAZZALIYYS  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE: THE  YEARS  OF F   SECLUSION

they y were co conc ncern erned ed with tw two o   subjects; the   first perthat the this is world which   is cove tains to   life   in th vere red d by j  ju urisprudence, and the   second   addres addresses ses issu issues es   related to the   hereafter. He   described the   second  as the  science of  the   states of  the  the e subje bject ct   matter of   which hich form forms s  th heart  (‘Elm   czhwâl   czl-qalb}  w 32 the   Ihya’. Al-Ghazzaliyy sta stated ted tha thatt juris jurisp prud rudenc ence e ca cann nnot ot  extend its j henever er the  ju urisdiction to th  the e af affai fairs rs of  the heart, and whenev compared d   with knowledge   that   leads to the   hereafter Is   compare  ju  j urisprudence, the   superiority of  the   former is   evident. He two o parts: divided the science  that leads to the  hereafter into tw unve veiling iling33 33 (‘tim  al-mukashafah) and the scithe  science   of un ence of  action  (‘tim  al  al-mu’& -mu’&nal nalaN. aN.   According to him,   ‘tIm at mukO.shafah is the   science of  eso esoteric teric kno know wledge   (‘tim at bath-i)   which is the aim of  all  scienc  sciences. es. Furthermore, ‘E lm cimukashafah is the   sci scien ence ce co conc ncern erned ed with tho those se who are favo fa vour ured ed by Allah  [S.W.T.I. It stands for a light which shin shines es in the heart when it is clea cleanse nsed d and purified of its blamewor(e.g. p  love of  this world)  which prevent thy qu qualities alities (e.g.  pride ride,, the the love f this the   attainment of such   light.  Al-Ghazzaliyy   provided a  long list of the truths  that are attained  through  this light. He said:

‘Through this light is revealed th the e truth of several several things.  known, and to which  illusions were whose  names were were known,  the e attached. Through i t ,   these truths are clarified until  th the e   essence   of Allah true   knowledge of  th Allah [S.W. [S.W.T.I T.I  is attained   together   with   that of  His et etern ernal al an and d perf erfec ectt   this the e creation of  this attributes, Hisworks and wisdom in th the e  hereafter as  well as th the e   reason for His world and th exalting   the the lat latter terov over er the   former.  Through it   also is the e knowledge  of  the mea eanin ning g of prophecy and attained th prophet,  an the e importance of revelation.  Through it is  and d th obtaine obta ined d the   truth   about eaning ing of  the about Sa Satan tan,,   the mean words ang angels els and  devils, and  the cause of  th the e  enmity the e between  Satan and man.  Through It is known how th  the e how th they ey received  th Angel   appeared to prophets and   how the e knowledge Jdivinej  revelation. Through it is achieved th and ea earth rth,, as   well as th the e   kingdom of   heaven   and the e of  th 32   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Ihya’, Vol. 1, pp.   16—17, 33   Revelation   (kashJ)   here   mean eans s   unveiling   knowledge   that is   usually withheld   from  human   beings.   This   conc concep eptt is different   from  (wahy) whic hich h is restricted to   prophetic  revelation.

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the e  heart and how  th  the e angelic hosts  have knowledge  of  th confronted the   devils.   Through it is   gaine gained d the   knowledge of  how to   distinguish   between the co com mpan any y of  heaven and the com comp pany of the Devil, a knowledge of the hereaf her eafter, ter, Pa Parad radise ise,, and   hell, th the e  punishment of  th the e grave, the  bridge   (aI-sts-dt)   across th the e  infernal   fire, th the e balance of thejudgement   day, and   knowledge (o (of  f t the day)

34 or   reckoning.”

Al-Ghazzãliyy   argued   that   those who   attain   such knowledge, in   addition to   others,   take   different   positions significance. nce. Some  consider all the  kinds of  regarding  their significa above e as  mer ere e  examples;   others others ho hold ld knowledge   mentioned abov that   som some e of   these ere e   patterns these kin kinds ds of   know knowledge ledge are   mer while the   rest of  these these kinds with th the e   realities  kinds are  identical   with indi in dic cat ated ed by th thei eir r na nam mes es..   Others hold that the limit to which Allah ca know owledg ledge e of the inability our knowledge of Allah can n re reac ach h is kn to kn know ow   Him. In   addition,   there are   those who  claim   great knowing Allah   LS.W,T.I  while   others things on  th  the e su subj bjec ectt of  f knowing maintain   that we  cannot go   beyond  what all   the common people   (at- ‘awãm)   have rea reach ched, ed,   namely,   that   Allah   exists (mawjfid),   that He is   omniscient and   omnipotent,   that He and d th that at He  speaks.35 I   find it ra rath ther er ha hard rd hears and   sees, an to   believe   that the   latter   position   corresponds to   that of  common   people  since the language is clearly Ash’arite. Furthermore,   Al-Ghazzãliyy   explained   ‘tim at rrtukàshafah as  that   science where hereby by the the veil  veil  is re rem mov oved ed so that the truth   regarding  these   things becomes as  clear as if  it were  seen by the  eye,   leaving no   room for any doubt. Man “rust an and d rot thin ing g had not   “rust would be   capable of   such   a th from th the e filth of  over er the f this this world  world   accumulated ov resulting   from surface of  the   mirror of  f h his   heart”.36 He   asserted   that the science of  the   road of  the   hereafter is the   knowledge of  how to   cleanse the   surface of  f    this   minor   fro from th the e   filth knowing ing of Alla llah, h, His attributes, and His that   preven prevents ts the   know works.   Such Such clean cleansing sing is   possible throu through gh   desisting   from lustt an lus and d emulating the  prophets in al  alll  their  states.   Thus, to the   extent the heart is cleansed and made  to face the  truth, to   tIi-~tsame extent   will  it ref to reflec lectt His  reality. To   reach   this 34   Ai-Ghazzali,

35   Ibid., p. 48. 35   ThiLi.

112

The Book  The  Book  of Knowledge, pp.   46-47.

QUEST F  FOR OR  KNOWLEDGE: ThE YEARS OF   SECLUSION AL-GHAZZALIY’tS QUEST

level of  knowledge, one e   should go   through   discipline  (riya knowledge, on dali),   learning and   instruction.   These   sciences are not recorded in books and are not   discussed by the   one one who is grace e ex exce cep pt amon ong g his own   circle of  bless ble ssed ed with   this   grac intimates who   along along with him   partake of   them   through 38   Moreover, he bediscour disc ourses ses and   secret   communication. occu cult lt sc scien ience ce (‘jim khàfl~ lieved that   ‘him aI-mukäshafahis an oc and an d th that at th ther ere e   were   references to it in a   Hadith   that was  ju  j udged by  A1-’Iraqiyy to be da’~38 The second second par art, t,   nam namely, the science of action  (‘tim at mu’ãmalah), is the   science of  the   states of  the   heart. Altwo o   lists of  states: Ghazzaliyy   provided tw   states: the   first is a  list of  praiseworthy   states   such as that of sincerity (ai-tkh1th~),and the   second is   a li lis st of   blameworthy   states as th the e   fear of  poverty. He   stated  that the knowledge of these   states   (i.e. of  morals)  comprises   the way to the  hereafter  which is a must forr  every   one. He  argued  that   such   knowledge is (fard   ‘ayn) fo jurisp prud rudenc ence e   which he   called the more   important than juris argum ument, he exoterie  science  (‘tIm al-thhtr). To   support his arg the sc schola holars rs of  fiqh,   fiqh,   including   A1-Shãfi’iyy and state st ated d tha thatt   the Ibn Ib n   Hanbal,   used to study the  science of  the  hereafter  (‘tim al-àkhira.h) at the   hands of   the the sc schola holars rs of  esoteric   esoteric   knowledge  (‘uiamà’ ai-bàtirt) whom he also described  a  as s the people of  the  hearts,   namely, the Sufis.39 The Th e relationsh relationship ip   between between th the e   studies of  the   Shari’ah and   Sufism acc l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy can be   understood according ording   to Al-Gha Sufi fi tea teach cher. er. from an account of Al-Junayd and Al-Sari,40 his Su Al-Juna l-Junayd yd said said:: “Once upon a time my teacher Al-Sari asked me  saying, “Once upon “When you   leav leavee my   place   whose   company do you keep?’ I  said, “Al-Muhãsibiyy’s.”Towhichhe replied,”Well have you chosen!   Follow his lea learni rning ng an and d  culture, but the e avoid his affectation in speech and his refutation  refutation of   of th theologians.’   Upon   leaving I leaving  I   overheard  him say,   “May Allah make Allah  make you  first a scholar of Hadith and then a Sufi rath ra ther er th than an a Sufi first and th the en a   scholar of Hadlth”.”4’ 37   38 39   40 41  

Ai-Ghazzali, The  B  Bo ook of Knowledge, pp.   48-49. Al-G l-Ghazz hazzaliy aliyy, y,   Thya’,  Vol. I. p. 20. Ibid.,   p.21. Abu  Hasan lb lbn n  Al-Mughallis  Al-Saqatiyy   (256  A.I-1./870   AD.) A1-Ghazzali, The B  Bo ook  of Knowledge, p.52.

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Al-Ghazzáliyy   asserted   tha that he who   studies the  Shari’ah before turn rns s to Sufism science ofhadith and the  Shari’ah  before he tu comes off well: he who  takes to  Su  Sufism fism bef before ore learning the 42 This  position can be Shari’ah   exposes exposes himself  to   danger. interpreted as an  attempt by  Al-Ghazzaliyy to weigh   Sufism Shari’ah. ri’ah. Apparently, his  adherence with the   balance of  the Sha criterion rion was no to   such   crite to  nott without  loopholes. lbn Al-Jawziyy  jurisprudence   mor critize cr itized d him for   brea ore e breakin king g the   laws of  ju than   once to accommodate   Sufi  doctrines and actions.43

4.1.4

On the   Intellect   (A1-’Aql)

The   seventh section in the  book  of  knowledge   knowledge is concerned with the intellect  (ai-  ‘aql); its noble noble nature,  nature, its definition, and its division. Al-Ghazzàllyy said  that it is superfluous to show the noble   nature of th the e intellect  because it is the   source and found ndatio ation. n. He fountainhead of   knowledge as   well as   its fou described the   relationship betw between een kno know wledge and the intellect,  u  us sin ing g a Neoplatonic theme, as that between light and found su suffic fficien ientt ev evid iden enc ce fo for r the   nobility of  the th e sun. He   found the   intellect in the   fact   that it is the mea eans ns of  happiness   happiness in this is world  world and the   hereafter. In   addition. he  maintained nob bilit ility y of   th the in inte telle llec ct is   something   known by that   the no instinct.44 Moreover.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   attempted   to support his argument   regarding the   nobility of  the   intellect by   citing verses fromthe Qur’an an and d re rep por orts ts fromthe Sunnah, as was his   practice. The   first of   these is a   verse   that in   literal translation reads  “Allah  is th the e Light (Nür) of the  Heavens and Earth. His Light is like a  niche in which there is a lamp the enca cased sed in  glass the   glass, as it   were, a   glistering lamp en star”A5 He   interpreted the   word,   light, as   intellect so  that liken enes ess s to the   nobility of   intellect was   established   by its lik the  divine   light. Hadith, which   is con conside sidered red In   addition, he  related a   Hadith, da ‘~f   that the   intellect was the   first  thing   that was   created by  Allah.   This  creation,   however,   proved to be   problematic  —

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42   A1-Ghazzali, The B 52.. Knowledge, p. 52  Bo ook  of Knowledge, 43 lbn   Talbis lbn  Al-Jawziyy,   IbUs, p.   166. 44 Al-O l-Oha hazza zzali, li, The Knowledge, p.   221. The Book   Book  of Knowledge, 45   Ai-Qur’an,   Sura  aI-Nur  24:35.

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in   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   view. He   questioned the   nature of  the intellectt ac intellec acco cord rding ing to this Had adith. ith. Bec ecau ause se it is the first thing to be  created, he   held   that the   intellect   must be   either an how w   could an accident   (‘aracjj or an   essence   Uawhañ. But ho accide ac cident nt be  created before  bodies? Again, if it is an essence, have ve   pure   existence   which is   spaceless (m m how ho w   could it ha Al-Ghazzàliyy did not provide an answer ghayri ta~tayyuz)?46  here; he arg argue ued d  that   the ans questions estions   here; answ wer  belongs to   these qu to the   science of    “unveffing”   (‘tim   aI-multhshafahj47  The one e has to   follow the   Sufi   path in order to meaning is  that on achieve   such  knowledge. Al-Ghazzãliyy   provided   answers to   these these qu questions estions in Fatsal  ai-Tafriqah   bayn  at-Is lam wa   at-Zartdaqah   (The Decisive Mark arker er betw between een   Islam and   Disbelief)   which was written at a later  stage,   though   dur same  period. In during ing the   sam the fi firs rstt   creation   (i.e. this   book,   A1-Ghazzaliyy   held   that   the intellect,   ‘aqfl   cannot   be be an   accident; he   thought   that it be an   angle   that is ca called lled inte intellect. llect.   Moreover, in a must   be language   that   reflects A1-Fãrãbi’s   influence, he argued   that this   noun   (i.e.   intellect) is   given to the   angel  because it is his   essence   (jawhar)   to con conceiv ceive e   himself  and   other   things teach cher er.4 .48 8 It is lamentable  that he had without the  need of a tea to   resor resortt to   this   Fãràbian   idea In   order to   solve a  problem which   resulted   from his   inappropriate   knowledge of  the Hadith. Another   influence of   Al-Fãrãbi can be   seen in the following   argument.   Al-Ghazzàliyy’s   interpretation of  f    this Qur’ ur’anic anic ver verse, se, namely,   that   light In   “Allah   is th the e   light” is intellect whic hich h   means   that   Allah is the inter in terp pre reted ted as   intellect intellect of  the   Heav eaven en and the   Earth   (i.e. the universe). Not onl nly y is  this a  clear   departure   from the   Sunnl   approach to the attributes   ofA of Allah   (S.W.T.]  and,  thus, the  interpretation of  f    such   verses,49 if   combined   with the   Hadith   about the 46

47 48 49

ThI hIs s id idea ea is similar to Desca escartes’ rtes’ regarding the mind  which   ‘does  no  nott nor r i s   dependent   on an any y   material th in g . ’   Descartes, need   s p a c e no Discourse on the Method and th the e Meditations,  John Veitch, tr. (Buffalo: Prometheus   Books,   1989),  p.31. Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Ihya’, V 01. I,   p.63. Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   “Faisal   ol-Tafriqah   Bayn   al-Islam wa   aI-Zandaqah’,  Ma  M aj,n ,nu u’at   Rasa’il   aFlmarn   al-Ghazzaliyy   (Beirut: Dar   al-Kutub al‘Ilmiyyah,   19861.   Vol.   III, p.   125. lbn Kath athir ir related related  in his  Tafsü- the interpretation   ofsev of several eral prominent scholars sch olars from among th the e first gen the e generation eration   (aI-SalaJl of Muslim uslims s and th

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intellect   being creation, becomes   that the  Intellect being the   first   creation, created   another intellect. This idea,   although recons reconstructed, tructed, is reminiscent of Al-Farãbi’s Al-Farãbi’s   cosmology which is Neoplatonie in its ess essenc ence. e. In  addition,   Al-Ghazzàliyy   held  that the  term ‘intellect’ found nd   th several ral things things;; he fou that th ther ere e are   four is   applied to   seve distinct   meanings to this this   term   that are   related to   knowquality lity which distinguish distinguishes es man   from ledge. The  first is the   qua animals and   enables him to   understand the   theoretical sciences   (nazar4jyah), and to le lea arn the   abstract   (fikrmyyali) disciplines. He   held  that the  intellect is an  instinct   whereby, as a  natural   disposition,   some   animals are   capable of  that Allah  Allah  [S.W.T.J, grasping the  theoretical   sciences,   except that as a matter of  fact,   im  with ith these   sciences. imbued man   alone  w He  added that “the   relationship  of   of thi this s in inst stinc inct, t,   (namely, the tha at of  the eye to intellect), to the   sciences is   similar   to th vision;   while the relationship of the  Shari’ah to the intellect. farr as   it lea in so fa leads ds to the  unfolding of  the  sciences, is  like 5° that of  the  light of  the sun to seeing”. The Th e sec second ond mean eaning ing of  intellect   intellect   (‘aqi) is  explained in terms of its  application to logical  necessities.   Al-Ghazzaliyy that th this is   kind of  knowledge maintained   that   knowledge “is   present   even in the infant who discerns5’ the possibility of possible things

(Jà’tzãt) and   the im imp poss ossibility ibility of   impossible   things   (mustatwo o Is Is gr  greate eater r than one the e  knowledge   that tw h],iat),   such   as th two o  different  places at and  that on one e   individual  cannot be in tw the same  time”.52 In the   third   place the   word   intellect is   applied to empirical kn know owledge ledge.. Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy   said   that   this   knowincludin ding g Ibn Abba bbas. s.   Mujahid, subsequent   generation   (ol-Khala,fl,   inclu Malik. Ubayy Ubayy lb Anas Ibn   Malik.  lbn n  Ka’b and   al-sadi. The meaning of  th the e term ‘light” in this ve around the notion  of guidance verse rserevolves revolves   around guidance (i.e.  Allah is  and d Earth).  See,  Ib  Ibn n Kathir, the th e guide of the the inhabitants of the Heavens  an Tafsir (Beirut: Dar al-Jil,   1988).   Vol.   III, p.   280. 50 All-Gh Ghaz azza zali, li, The The Book   Book  of Knowledge. Knowledge. pp.   226-227. 51 It   should be   noted  that at a later   stage in  A  Al-M l-Munq unqkJ kJ.h. .h.  Al-Ghazzaliyy considered   ‘discernment’ th the e   second   level in th the e   epistemological development of  man;   man;   this   level   is hig sensibles ibles an and d is higher her   than the   sens possible to children   who who ar are e   seven  years   old. The kn know owled ledeg ege e of  the ‘ja’izat”  an  and d th the e  ‘mustahikit’  belong to a higher   level,   namely,  that of  reason. See Ai-Ghazzaliyy,  Al’MunqirTh. p.   145. 52   Al-Ohazzali, The  Book  of Knowledge, p.   227.

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ledge “is   acquired   through   experience, in the   course of  events”. To   explain   the the re relat lation ionsh ship ip   between   empirical knowledge and the   intellect he  said   that he  w  who ho is  taught 5 3 by  experience  is calle i). alled d intelligent ( ‘ d q m i) In the   fourth   place the   term   intellect is   used   when “the  power of  the   instinct   develops to to   such an   extent   that its   possessor   will be   able to   tell  what the end  will be,   and. app petite consequently, he   will   conquer and   subdue   his ap which   hankers for   immediate   pleasures”.   Al-Ghazzãliyy maintained   th that th this is is   another   quality  that   distinguishes man   from animals.54 Al-Ghazzãliyy   concluded   that   “these   forms of   knowledge are   inherent in the   intellect by   natu nature re,, an and d   come to light   when   some   cause   which   will   bring   them out   takes Accordi ording ng to   him,   this   know laten nt in the place”.   Acc knowledg ledge e is   late instinct and   later   appears as if   there is no   external influence, He  illustrated   this   not notio ion n by comparing it  to  “water in th the e ea earth rth:: it appears up on digging and accumulates at the bottom of  the   well (in   this proc process) ess)”.55 ”.55 In  addition, he  cited verses in the   Qur’an   which   indicate   that   every   human being is born  with an  inherent  knowledge of rea reality lity.. He  held that   belief  is   instilled by   nature in the   human   soul, but because of   passing   time,   some   people   forgot all   about it it,, More eothers forgot it  fo  for r a while, but finally  remembered it.   Mor  whic hich h inc includ lude e an inover, he cited   another   group of verses  w forr   recallin recalling g an and d   remembering the   understanding vitation fo that the   human   being was   endued   with. He   stated   that two o  kinds of  remembrance: the one is to recall a “there “th ere are tw one’s e’s   min which h onc once e   existed   in on mind d but has   since picture   whic disappeared,   while   the  picture icture which is the oth other er is to recall a  p inhere inh erent nt in   one’s  m  min ind d by   nature   (Jltrah)”. In   add addition ition,, he argued   that   “these “these fac facts ts are   evident to him who   exercises given en to  blind his   insight, but are   abstruse to him who is   giv imitation and   conformism” 56 Al-Ghazzaliyy   held   that   people   differ  in th their eir  intellectual  capabilities   only in   regard to the   second  field of  know53   Al-Ghazzali,

54 55 56

The B Knowledge, p.   227.  Bo ook  of Knowledge,

  Ibid., p.   228.   Ibid., pp.   229—230.   Ibid., pp.   230—231.

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ledge,   namely,   knowing   logical  necessities   such as  what is possible or   impossible.   As far   as th the e  intellect is  concerned, it  follows a   course of   development   that   begins at the age of  discernment reaches hes its   completion at age   discernment   (tamyiz)  and reac 57 It  might not bejust a coincidence   that he was ab abou outt forty. forty years old himself when he wrote these words. It is quite possible  that he   believed   that he   reached the   prim prime of  his intellectual  capabilities as  manifested in the  Ihyã’. 4.1.5

ialectica ticall Th Theolo eology gy   (‘Em   al-KaIãm) On   Dialec

A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   position   regarding   Kalãm and   philosophy in the  fhyã’  see stricter than any  other  book,   even  seem ms to be   stricter those   that   were written   later on   (i.e.  Al-Munqmdh). For him, “whatever  Kalãmoffers byway of useful evidence is contained in the   Qur’an and the   Sunnah;   anyth anything ing els else e is  either reprehensible   argumentation   which, as   will   be see een n, is an innovation (bid ~dh), rangling gling by dwelling dwelling or  or dlstinc~dh), or mere wran lions or amplification  through the array of different different opinions,   which are   drivel and   nonsense’.   Nevertheless, he most of  which stated   that   although  KaIàm  would be  considered   heresy at the   time of  the prop rophet het   IS.A.A.S.1.   circumstances   changed  farrd  ktfäyalt58   ktfäyalt58 and it became fa

4.1.6

On Philosophy

Regarding philosop Regarding hilosophy, hy,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   held   that it is not a science in itself  but   comprises  four  four parts: firstt  includes  parts:   the firs geometry and   arithm arithmetic whic hich h are   permissible,   unless ightt   lead a   person to there is   reason to   fear   that   they migh blameworthy   sciences.59 He did not   discuss the   reasons that led him to   take   such a   position, and   thus I   find no off  f   ju  j ustification for his   position.   Perhaps he was   carried of by a   fervour of Suf ufii   attitude   that   rendered rendered many   things irrelevant to the way of  the   her herea eaft fter er.. It  should be   noted 57   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  Ihya’, Vol. I. p. 88.

The  Book  of Knowledge,  p The 53..  p.. 53 59 A!!-Gh Ghaz azza zally llyy, y,   Ihya’, Vo Vol. l. I, p. 22. 58   Al-Ohazzali,

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forr  Al-Ghazzaliyy and   does that   this   remark  is not   normal fo not   reflect his   genera)   position   regarding regarding arithmetic, geoscience ces s an and d the   Shari’ah.   Rath Rather, er, he metry and the  exact   scien described   their  relation in neutral  language. The se seco cond nd   part of   philosophy is   logic,   which AlGhazzãliyy   defined as the   study   of proofs,   definitions and their   conditions. He  maintained th that at bo both th are   included in   Moreover, he  cited a  Hadith  which  indicates   that 6 0 Kalãrrt, those who de deal al with   logic   will be   unable to   perform   good deeds.   A1-’Iraqiyy   held   that   this   Hadith is   fabricated and that It has no   origin (L a  asia  lah) in the Su Sunn nnah ah.6’ .6’   Such a narration is an   indication   that that th ther ere e   were   people who ciror to culated cu lated fab fabric ricate ated d   Hadith in  order to   prove   a poi oint nt   or roblematic atic fo forr defend a   position.  This  Hadith proved to  be problem someone   like   Al-Ghazzaliyy; his   position   towards   logic in his   earlier   an and lat later er   works   shows an   acceptance   that is different differ ent from the one in the  Ihyã’. The   third   part of   philosophy Is   metap etaphysic hysics s which Al-Ghazzãliyy   regarded as the   science   that ad addre dress sses es the existence of Allah   and and his at attr tribu ibutes tes.. He   held   th that th this is science is   also   contained in  Kalàm. He  comp  compare ared d the pothis is   science to sition of  the   philosophers   with   respect   to th that   of of th the e  Mu’tazilites who rep represe resented nted a branch of Kalàm. He   described the   contribution of  the   philosophers   in th this is field   either either as bla blasp sphe hem mou ous s or   Innovation. On   the the ot othe her r desc scribe ribed d the   contribution of  the   Mu’tazllltes as hand   he de invalid  (bath).62 Physics is th the e  fourth   part of philosophy,   some  parts of  which   contradict the   Sha Sharl’ah rl’ah,, re religio ligion n and tr tru uth th,, and are,   therefore,   folly.   These are not   sciences and may be classified   as as su such ch.. The   other   parts of   physics are consubsta stanc nces es:: the their ir   properties, cern rne ed wit ith h th the e   different   sub compared d the transmutation, and   change.   Al’Ghazzãliyy   compare contribution of  the   philosophers in   physics to   medicine ractical tical ap app plication for   this stu study dy but   failed to see any prac and  thus   declared It useless.63 In this  classification,  Al-Ghazzaliyy elevated the know60   A1-Ghazzallyy,  Ihya’, Vol. 1 , p. 22. 61   Ibid.,p.41. 62   Ibid., p. 22. 63 Ai-G i-Gha hazza zzali, li, The  Book  of Knowledge,  p.54.

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whic ch is the domain  of the ledge ofthe esoteric  (‘iimai-bãtin),   whi compared d to   the Sufi, to   the the hig highe hest st   possible   rank    compare the ot othe her r sciences. He   intention intentionally ally res restric tricted ted the   importance and role ro le of  the  jurists to   this   world and   advised  many of  them uslims ims instead to seek a profession  that   would benefit the  Musl   wasting   their   time in   studying   minute   details in  j of  wasting  ju uris addition, dition, he undermined prudence   that are of  no benefit. In  ad dialectica ticall theolog theologians ians and declared the con contribution tribution of the   dialec Kalam as a veil  that  prevents the  Muta.kallim from achieving peremptory   knowledge   Since   they do not  have   recourse to 64 If this was his attitude   towards  j  ju uris‘tim  ai-mukäshafah. prudence and   Kaiàm, It   should   come as no   surprise   that his  position   towards the  philosophers was  that of rejection. caugh ghtt at   this   stage  with seems   that  Al-Ghazzãliyy was   cau It   seem an   enthusiasm for  th  the e   Sufi  path  which  dwarfed the  importance of  other  sciences. Al-Ghazzaliyy’s aim in   discussing   knowledge at the beginning of  the   Ihyã’ is to   ident identify ify th the e   science   that is required   of eve everyon ryone. e.   Clearly, he is  referring to a   science that is   hidden and   which   cannot be   atta attaine ined d thr throu ough gh sources of knowledge  such as  reason. He  w  wan ante ted d th the e seeker to   realize   that   worldly   affairs   constitute a   barrier   that one e   from achieving the knowledge  that   Sufis  claim prevents on to   have acq acquired uired,,   and,   therefore, he   needs to   look look with dis isd dai ain n at   worldly   things.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   asserted   that promoted by   “selfattainment of   this   knowledge can be   prom mortifica ortification, tion, dis discip cipline, and   through   purifying the   heart by freeing it  fromthe affairs of  f this this world, as well as through emulating the  prophets and  very  virtuous   people   (awityd’) so that it may be   revealed   to ev every ery   seeker  in   proportion to forr him,   rather   than what Allah what  Allah  [S.W.T.] has  allocated   (rizq) fo Yett in proportion to the  seeker’s   efforts and  labours  (jahd). Ye forr  self-mortification which is diligence in it  is indispensable fo the  sole key to  guidance”.65 Like all  Sufis,  Al-Ghazzaliyy  believed that on one e  needs a Sufi guide to help prepare him to receive divine  illumination. Nevertheless, the   Ihyä’ was   intended as a   manual   that 64   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  fhya,   Vol. Vol. I,   pp.22—23. 65   Al-Ohazzali, Th Thee  Book  of Knowledge. p.   100.

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describes  what the  novice needs to achieve  such  knowledge. He   concluded the   Book  of   Knowledge   by de defen fendin ding g the position of  the   Sufis  w   disparaging the  who ho were accused of  disparaging intellect and rea reaso son n as  well as th the e ra ratio tiona nall and the  reasonforr   such   accusations is  that able. He   said   that the   reason fo “men have tra trans nsform formed the term intellect  or reason  (aqi) and the term rational or reasonable (ma’cjüfl to indicate argumendebate ate ov over er contradictions and requisites,   things tati ta tion on an and d deb theolo~ o~r (Kalàm).   Consethat   have to do   with  dialectical   theol quentiy, the   Sufis   could not   tell   that men   have   used   this  meanings; it eplstemolo~,In ways different than the original original meanings; been n poss ossible ible to remove that from their minds in view has not bee of  its  current and  well-esta  well-establishe blished d us usag age. e. As a result,   they he later  later  position of  66 The disparaged   reason and  rationalism.” to what the   Sufis can be interpreted as a  reaction to  what  might be described as a wave of  rationalism that  prevailed   during the golden age of  Islamic  civilization  which is manifested  in the writings of  the   philosophers, the   Mutakallimürt  and the  Mu  M u’tazilah in addition to  others.

4.1.7

(‘Aq~dah) On  Creed   (‘Aq~

Al-Ghazzaliyy   reiterated his   position on the   acquisition of  knowledge  throughout the  ItyEf. In the chapter on Qawa’id  al- ‘Aqã’id   (The   Fundamentals of  Belle!) he   said   that one is not   required to do   research or to   arrange   proofs in  order to   achieve  knowledge;   the on only ly thing  that he has to do is to follow the   path of  the   hereafter and to   preoccupy   himself  with   discipline and   self-mortification.   Only   then   will   “the doors of  guidance   open and   reveal the   truths of  this   this  creed divine ligh lightt whic hich h   strikes the   hearts”. He   added through   divine knowledge is possible   becaus because e there is a verse in that   this   know  prom romises ises guidan guidance ce fo forr  those who the Quran in which Allah  p interpreted reted the posstrive to act  virtuosly.67   Therefore, he   interp sibility of    knowledge   through   divine   illu illumin ina ati tion on as a fulfillment of  th the e la latt tter er  promise.68 66 Ai-G i-Gha hazza zzali. li. The Knowledge, p.   235. The Book   Book  of Knowledge, 67   Al-Quran,   Surah  al-Ankabut   29:69. 68   A1-Ghazzaliyy.  Ihya’, Vol. 1 , p. 94 94..

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4.1.8

On   Dreams

In the   chapter on the   reality of   poverty and   mysticism (zuhd)  where he advocated  that  intentional pov overty erty is a condillon   that   enables enables the   ascetic, who   embraces  poverty (al know ow   things   that are not permitted fo forr  faq  fa qir   aI-zãhid),69   to kn whethe ther r ric rich h or thos th ose e who are   preoccupied   with   money   whe poor. One of  the   most here is   that he most im imp portant   issues   he adopted  dreams as another   source  of kn know owledg ledge. e. He  related said, id,   ‘True a   Hadith of  the prop rophet het   iS.A.A.S.I in which   he sa visi vi sion on is a   part of   forty forty si six x  parts of   prophecy”.7° He commented on this  ratio and said  that It is not possible to know it;; he held that any attempt to do so will be the reason behind it ore e   than   guessing.7’ In   another   section iii the nothing   mor  Ihya’,  Ihy a’, he   discu discusse ssed d other   conditions   that   pertain to   such  (e.g. purification). In this section, A1-Ghazzaliyy mainvision (e.g. vision tained   that he   cou about the   nature of  dreams   dreams could ld on only ly talk   about through the use of examples  because this  subject  belongs to ‘ulurn  al-mukdshafah  which   should not be   discussed.72 It seems  that Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  position on the possibility of    attaining   peremptory   knowledge   through   dreams is  is s not the   case traditions itions,, whic hich h  i substanstiated by  sound   trad  pov overt erty y ar are e with  those on  poverty. His arguments   regarding  p filled with trad tradition itions s   that are  “weak” and several   others that are  fabricated (niawdfl’). I  think  that he fa fail iled ed to cit ite e  sources regard arding ing  intentional in the   Sharl’ah to support his position reg poverty. In   addition, Ib Ibn n   A1-Jawziyy   criticized him for adopting   this   position   whic which h he co cons nside idered red co contra ntradic dictory tory   Intentional to   both the   Sharl’ah and   reason.73   Thus, if  Intentional actio tion n  that   brings brings one poverty,   which is   supposed to  be an ac 69 The tennfaqir(poor) was used  as forr   Sufl~  asa a synonym fo In Suft literature. 70 This Hadith, adith, ~AI-Ru’ya  ~AI-Ru’ya   ol-salthahjuz’ m m   s(ttah  wa’arba’tnJuz’   ruin alnubuwwah”, was   related by  Al-Hukhariyy from th the e narration of Abu Said. There is another  version of this  Hadith in whic the e prophet says, hich h th “The  vision  of the the   believer is a part of  forty six   parts of the the prophecy. This  latter   version  w  wa as   related  by   both   Al-Bukharlyy and Muslim in  ofAbu  Hurayrah.  ‘Ubadah Sahih from th their collections of Sahih narrations ofAbu the e narrations Ibn   A1-Samlt and   Anas Ibn   Malik. It Is   apparent   that   this   Hadith the hig highe hest st   rank   among the   narrations is   ranked   rnuttafaq’   atayh,   the that are considered  correct 71   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Thya’, vol. iv 194 4 iv,, p. 19 72   Ibid., p.   504. 73 lb lbn n  A1-Jawziyy.  Talbis, pp.   176-178.

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closer to the poss ossibility ibility of  acquiring peremptory  knowledge, again inst st th the e Sh is   aga Shari’ ari’ah ah,, how could   someone   claim   that he has a true  vision?

4.1,9

Con onclu clus sio ion n

A1-Ghazzãliyy had to   rethink  his   position   regarding all fields of  knowledge  upon his   acceptance  of  the  Sufi path as only ly way   that   leads to the   attainment of   peremptory the on as the   criterion knowledge. He   used   this   Sufi   knowledge   as to   be us used ed   when  considering the   various   subjects   that he used; the   variety of  these   subjects   mad made e it  rather   difficult to   reconcile all of  th them em wit ithi hin n th the e fr fram amew ewor ork  k  of  his epistemology. Al-Ghazzaliyy   held   that   there   exists a   faculty   higher than   reason in whic hich h kn know owledg ledge e is   “unveiled” to the   Sufi. Through   this   faculty one can   achieve achieve kno know wledge   directly from  divine   sources. He did not  discuss the   nature of  f this this it,, knowledge,   claiming that he had no  permission to reveal it and th tha at language is not suitable to express such experience. for this Yet, in Yet,  in order to to qualil~,  qualil~,for this divin  divine e kn know owledge ledge,, one   should lead a   disciplined and an   immaterial   life   leading to   selfmortification. The  Ihy&’ is written primarily as a  guide  that cont co ntain ains s the   science of   action   which is a   prerequisite to divin ine e kn know owledg ledge. e. the   attainment of div The   positions   Al-Ghazzaliyy   took  in the   Ihyã’   show positions   regarding that he was  carried away by Sufism. His positions man any y sub subjects jects   (e.g.,   logic,   kalàni)   contain   flaw flaws. In   some cases in his   later   works,   these   flaws   were   overcome by corrected   arguments.

4.2   AL-MAQSAD A  Fll SHAWl  A  AS SMA’  AL L-ASNA F

 AL  A LLAH  AL  AL-HUSN -HUSNA A

The writing ritings s  that   followed the  Ihyä’  continued to reflect AlGhazzaliyy’s   position   towards   reason and   other sou sources rces of  the intr introd oduc uction tion of   A1-Maqsczd   al-Asna knowledge. In   the Sharh  Asmã’  Asmã’ Allah (The  Sublime Aim in the In Allah  A1-Husrjã   (The Sublime emp phas hasized ized f    Allah’s   Beautiful   Names)   he em terpretation of  the  inability of  reason to to   attain transc transcenden endental tal   knowledge,

fi

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namely,   knowledge of  Allah and the  reality of  f Allah f h his attributes. He   added  that   such knowledge,  whic  which h he ac acqu quired ired   through “unveiling”  (mukàshafah),   does not   conform to the   ideas. on  this  subject,   that  were  presented by  the sc schola holars rs before him. He  knew that it is rather a  difficult task  to   change  th  the e custom cu stoms and   beliefs that Neverbeliefs  that   people are   accustomed to to..   Nevertheless, he believed  that   whoever has   “seen” the  Truth and 74 knows  Allah,   cannot but  convey  convey such  such   knowledge.

4.3   BIDAYAT  s.L-fflDAYAU  In   Btdayat    al-Hidàyah   (The   Beginning of   Guidance), AlGhazzaliyy   wrote a   chapter on the   gradual   introduction of  f    this   chapter75 is an   exact guida gu idanc nce. e. The  introduction of  repetition of  a   similar similar text  i  in n his  Qawa’id  al- ‘Aqa’id which forr stresses  discipline and self-mortification as prerequisites fo the   attainment of peremptory   knowledge.   This This intr introdu oductio ction n is   another   proof  of  the   consistency   during   this   period regarding   the the meth ethod od   or the   “path”  that  A1-Ghazzaliyy   advocated ca ted for the   attainment of  knowledge,

 ALL-Q QUR ‘A  4..4   JAWAHIR  A  4 ‘AN  N  Jewels of the In   another   book,   Jawàhir    aI-Qur’ãn   (The   Jew one e  could asser serted ted the   position  that on Qur’an),  Al-Ghazzaliyy as have a true  vision, as a  source of  knowledge,   while  asleep. He   argued,   similar to his   position in the   Ihya’,   that   this one e   forty-sixth of  form of   kno know wled ledge ge is th the e   equivalent of  on prophecy.76 Moreover, he held that such knowledge is always transrevealed in   metaphorical   language   that   represents   tran cendental  knowledge.  Since not everyone knows the meaning those who possess  knowledge of the  onlythose of these metaphors  only one e hidden hid den rela relations tionship hip   between   this  world and   the the oth other er on 74   Al-Ghazzaliyy, AlAl-M Maq aqsa sad d a( a(-As -Asna na Sh Shar arh h As Asm ma’   Allah  Al-Husrta, ed..  (Cairo:  Maktabat   al-Jlndi,   1968) Muhammad   MustafaAbu  Al-’UIa, ed pp.   5-6. 75 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y, Bidayat al-H idayah. idayah.  MuhammadAl-Hajjar, ed ed..  (Damascus: dar  al-Sabuni,   1986), pp.  27—29. 76 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy. y.   Jawahfr   al-Qur’au,   Muhammad   Mustafa Abu  A1-’Ula, ed.  (Cairo:   Maktabat   al-.Jindi,   19641 p. 31.

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can  interpret   them.   Once   again, he  asserted   that to   unveil  res sor ortt to discipline the secrets of  th the e ot othe her r  world one   should  re 77 and   self-mortification.  Ja aw aM - al-Qur’àn,  Al-Ghazzaliyy In   another   section in J pointed to   insight   (basirab) as a   source of  knowledge.  knowledge. He said, “It   appeared to me thro throug ugh h cle clear ar ins insigh ightt and   beyond doubt,   that man is   capable of   acquiring   several   sciences The e meaning of  f this this that are  still   latent and not existent. “7 “78 8 Th statement is   that he   perceived   sciences   other   than   those These  sciences are   latent, yet  they are existing at the  time.   These sciences wit ith hin re rea ach of   human   beings.   Though the   concept of  hich h ar are e not dis isc cover ered ed yet is an interseting latent  sciences   whic idea in itself,   the em emp phasis  he  here re is on his use of Insight as a source of  knowledge   which is  consistent   with his   position in the   Ihy&’.79 considerable  importance to There is yet another book  of considerable the   problem of  knowledge,   knowledge,   namely,  At-Qistás  al-Mustaqim cons nside idered red (The Just   Balance).   Although this book  could be co primarily as   polemic   against the   Batinites,   A.l-Ghazzaliyy also sh show ows s his   ability  to criticize the   arguments   commonly ursuing uing used in Kalàm and andjurisp jurispruden rudence. ce. In the   course  of purs this   critique, he   presents   strong   arguments on the   role role of  reason in   Islam and   defines the   limits  of   personal   opinion (ray) and analogy (qiyas). 80 In   his argu argum ment   against   opinion,   A1-Ghazzaliyy provided an   exampl example   from the   doctrines of  the   Mu’tazilites In which   they   argued   that,   “Allah is   obliged to   order the best for His   servants”. He   said   that   If they are   asked to establish   this,   they   have   recourse   only to   opinion   that they th ey ju judg dge e to be good by   mea means ns of   their   intellects by analogy   between the   Creator and His   creation and by likening His wisdom to   theirs. A1-Ghazzaliyy assessed sed their theirs.  A1-Ghazzaliyy   asses opinion and   found it to be   false   according to the   rule of  concomitance   (mizärt   al-talazum)   which he   derived   from the  Qur’an,   saying: 77 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Jawahir, pp.   33-34. 78   Ibid., p. 28. 79 Ai-G i-Gha hazza zzall, ll, The B Knowledge,   p.231.  Bo ook  of Knowledge, 80   D.P.   Brewster,  trans. and  ed.,  Al-Qistas al-Mustaqim,  byAl-Ghazzaliyy (Lahore:   Sb. Muhammad   Ashraf,   1978). p. oc.

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the e   best was   obligatory for   Allah, He   would   have “If  th done it. It is  known   that He ha has s not done it. This   demons demonstrates trates that it   is not  obligatory, For He 81 does not neglect that  which is  obligatory.” He   adde the   Mu’tazilites do not   adm added d th that at if the admit tha thatt “Allah has not   done  it”. he  would  reply that if He had  done that   which in   Parawhich was   best He   would  have   created  them in dise and   would   have   left   them   there.82 One of  the   mos mostt  aspects that can be de deriv rived ed fro from m such arguments, important aspects important is   Ai-Ghazzaliyy’s   ability to   paint   Aristotelian   logic   with Islamic  color. In his   criticism of   analogy   Al-Ghazzáliyy   used an ujassimah ah who  believe  that Allah has a example from the Mujassim body.   They   said, “He   (Allah) is an   agent and an   artisan and by   analogy  with   other   agents and  artisans   (who   have a  body”.  Al-Ghazzãliyy considered   this anabodies). He  has a body”.  false. He  held   that it  i  is s calle lled d the Great   Rule   (al-rruzàn logy false. logy a(-akbar) and  that it  runs   like  this:

“Every  agent has a  body. The  Creator is an  agent.

has s a body.’ Hence He ha Acc ccording ording to   him,   the prob roblem lem in   this  analogy is not  secon ond d pre rem mise whi hich ch he accepted; it is the validity with the  sec questione estioned. d. He   said   that the first premise   that   he qu of  the   first two o   sources: Mujassimah   derived the   first   premise   from tw induction   (istiqrd5 and the   extended   categories   (aL-qismah this   ease, a(-muntashirah). He   state stated d th that at   induction, in this of    agents   (e.g., the consists of   examining all the   classes of  shoemaker, the   tailor, the   carpenter) and  finding that   they all   have  bodies.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   found   this   generalization to be   incomplete,   since   they did not   examine   every   agent including   Allah   [S.W.T.J In   add additio ition, n, he   asserted   that induction   cannot  provide a  certain  conclusion.83 With   regard to   the the use of   extended   categories, Al81   A1-Ghazzaliyy, At-Qistas,  p  pp p.   97-98. 82   IbId., p. 98 98.. 83   IbId., pp.   101—102.

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OF SECLUSION  SECLUSION  THE E  YEARS OF KNOWLEDGE::  TH AL-GHAZZALIYYS  QUEST   FOR KNOWLEDGE

example   where   one one of  the   MujasGhazzaliyy   provided an   exam simah  says:

  agents and   found examined the   attributes of  agents have   examined them to   possess  bodies.  This is because of  their   their   existof   their   very ence as   agents or.   alternatively,   because 84 existence,  or for  some  other reason.” “I  

states tes aside ide all   categories   (aqsàm)85   and sta Then he  sets as that   they   possess   bodies   because of   their   existence as agents.   Al-Ghazzâliyy described  this position as an extended category and   considered it to   form a   false   analogy. It is based on the   method of   indu inductio ction, n, whic hich h   Al-Ghazzallyy previously criticized, previously  in the example. it begins with  criticized,  because  because in a  premise   that   is de deriv rived ed fr fro om ex exam amin inin ing g th the e   attributes of  findin ding g th them em to possess  bo  bodie dies. s. It then  sets aside agents and fin and d sta tates tes th that at   they   possess   bodies all   categories   (aqsam) an   their   existence as ag agents ents.. Th Therefo erefore, re, I   find the because of  their position of   ass categ tegor ory y for the   extended assign igning ing a   special ca category  is rather   ambiguous.86 The  spirit of  A  All-Qista tass al-Mustaqim and A1-Ghazzaliyy’s stance on the   syllogism   pro prom mpted   Brewster to   compar compare e him to Bernard   Lonergan: -

the e   syllogistic   expression is not to ‘The   function of  th facilitatethe the occ occuren urence ce of th the e reflective eliminate but to   facilitate act of  understanding....   understanding....   Inversely,   when a man prothe e value of deciding to believe, nounces nou nces ajudgem ajudgement ent on th it  is not because of  a  syllogism but   only  because th the e virtually allyun uncon condition ditioned ed in hi his s syllogism ha has s  to grasp the virtu  the premises.”87 acceptance of  the Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaliy zaliyy. y.   Al-Qistas. p.   103. rabic ic ed editi ition on of  Al Al-Q Qis ista tass a!Dan al-Kutub  aI-’llmlyyah  published an Arab  Mu  M usta taq qim in which th  wa as  substituted   with the e word  aqsam (categories) w two o forr tw ajsam  (bodies). I   findBrewster’s find Brewster’s translation to be more  accurate fo reasons. First, itdoes not make sen sense se to to   ‘set aside  all bodies and to state that  they possess bodies.” The second  reason is that   Brewster cited the source   (i.e.   Chelhot’s   printed   text  wa as   based on the text of   1959,   whIch  w printed   text the e   readings of  the text of Cair airo, o,   1900,   revised   according to th manuscripts of the  Kastam stamonu dated 544  A.H.) that he the Euscurlal and  Ka used fo forr his   translation,   while th Arabic abic edit edition ion   does not   cite cite an any y the e Ar manuscripts and   thus res resem embles the man any y un uncrit critica icall ed editio itions ns   that flood th  Al-Qistas istas al-M al-Mustaqim ustaqim by Introduction,  Al-Q the e market. See Brewster, Introduction, A1-Ghazzaliyy, p.   nii. 86 Al-G l-Ghaz hazzaiiy zaiiyy, y,   Al-Qistas, p.   103. 87   Brewster.  Appendi endix x   Ill,   Al-Qistas, by   A1-Ghazzaliyy.  p.   124. 84 85

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He concluded  A1  A1-Q -Qis istas tas by asserting his position regardbetween een   reason and revelation. He  said ing the  relationship betw that   what is   intelligible   (al-mn’qul)   should be   measured against   that which is  transmitted   (aI-rnanqül,  i.e. the  Qur’an and   the clear indic indication ation of  the Su Sunn nnah ah). ). Thi his s   statement is a   clear the   supremacy of  the   Shari’ah   over   reason in the   eyes of  88 A1-Ghazzáliyy.

4.5   AL-RISALAH  AL-L  AL-LAD ADUNIV’IYYA 71 In A1-Risàlah  al-Lathrnniy ya  yak,89 k,89  Al-Ghazzãliyy   appeared to bede be defen fendin ding g “metaphysical transcendental   knowledge (at’fIm al-ghaybiyy  al-ladünniyy)   upon which elite   Sufis depend (for certitu titude de,, he ra rank nked ed   this  kind of  knowledge)”. In   terms of   cer knowledge   higher   than   that   which Is   acquired   through conventional   education.90   This This position was based upon the source of   knowledge   (i.e.,   Allah) and not its   mode   (e.g. relation tionsh ship ip   between rational vs.   Shar’iyy).   Regarding   the rela the ra ration tional al   sciences and   those of  the   Sharl’ah, he   stated who re really ally   knows   both   fields   fInds   that the disthat he   who two fie fields lds   disappears in them in into to   two tinction   that   divides   th many   cases. He   considered   many   rational   sciences to be part of  the   Shari’a Shari’ah h and   many of   the the sc scien ience ces s in the   field ratio tiona nall   sciences.91 of  the   Sharl’ah to be  part of  the ra Nevertheless, he   held   that all   sciences are   important because   science   indic indicate ates s the  existence of  knowledge.   knowledge. and ignorance   is the   absence   of it it..   Moreover, he   maintained that   knowledge   corresponds to   the the so soul ul and   ignorance to  finite an  and d not  equipped  to the  body. He  said  that  bodies are  finite 88 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaily ilyy, y,  At-Q At-Qistas, istas, p.   111. 89   Literally,  Ladun means “a the e titie o f this and “att the place or hands or. In th every Sufi   treatise It is used in   relation to a verse mentioned In  th  the e (18:65)   the the mean eaning ing of which which is is::  “So they (prophet Mosesand  hi  his s Qur’an (18:65) attendantj   found one of Our Our serv servants ants,, on whom We had bestowed mercy from   Ourselves and   whom  we had  taught   knowledg knowledge e from Our   oivn presence   (tadunnc4.   Thus,   Sufis   are are striv striving ing to   acquire   this   kind of  knowledge   which  unn4jy. which   A1-Ghazzaliyy calls al-thu   al-ghayblyy  al-tad unn4jy. direc di rectly tly fro from m Allah. It Is apparent  that an accurate   concise translation articular ular ve verse rse isn is not possible. For a translation of the the meaning of this partic Qur’an. n. see Abdu bdullah llah Yus usuf  uf   All’s   Ma’ani  ai-Qur’an   at-Karim In the   Qur’a (Lahore:   Sheikh   Muhammad  Mhraf,   1934). 90 Al-G l-Gha hazza zzaliy liyy, y,   ‘Al-Risakth at-L.adwrniyyah”.  Mqjrnu’at  Rasa’tt    aI-Ernarn  Rasa’tt  aI-Ernarn al-’llmiyya iyyah, h, 1986), Vol.111, p. 87 87,,  At A t-C Chazzali lig gy.  (Beirut:   DarAl-Kutub al-’llm 91   A1-Ghazzaltyy, AL-Rlsalaha AL-Rlsalahat-Ladunalyyah, t-Ladunalyyah,   p.96.

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unlike ke th the e   soul  which   accepts all hold the   many   sciences   unli 92 knowledge  without any  obstacle. Al-Ghazzaliyy   elaborated on the   sources of  f    human whic ich h he   limited to   two:   human and   divine knowledge   wh (rabbanfl. He  considered   the firs firstt as a known   path   which all intelligent peop eople le acc accep ept. t. Knowledge  in this so sou urc rce e is ac achi hiev eved ed hich h is for form mal learning, and from in two two ways ays::   fromwithout whic within which is thinking. He  held  that   knowledge   exists in pote otentia ntiality lity ins inside ide the   souls and   defined   learn learning ing as the which h brin brings gs   knowledge out of   potentiality   into process   whic actuality. To  explain his  idea he  used an  analogy,   writing:

the e souls in potential‘~Thesciences are concentrated in th ity,  similar  to  the seeds  in earth... .   Learning is seeking

to   bring out  that   thing   from   potentiality to   actuality, while   teaching is   bringing it   out, out, Th The e   learner’s  soul imitates that of  the  teacher and tries to get   close  to it the e   scholar is similar to the   peasant  in benebecause th the e learner is similar to th the e   earth in fiting others, and th gainin ga ining g ben benefit. efit. The sc scien ience ce in  potentiality is similar to the th e   seed,   while in   actuality is   the the pla lant nt..   Once th the e learner’s   soul is perfec erfected ted (thr (through ough   education) it becomes com es similar  to a fruitful tree.”93  the e scienc ience e are learned,  th Moreover, once the basics of any sc soul uses  intuition  (hads) to reach  that which is required. At insi sigh ghtt  brings   out this   stage an stage  an in out th the e knowledge  that   exists in his  soul  from potentiality to  actuality.94 The  idea that what is in   potentiality   comes to   actuality by   some   agency. is Aristotelian.  Aristotle   said,  “For from the potentially existing actu tual ally ly the   actually   existing is   always   produced by   an ac existing ex isting thing thing,,   e.g. man   from man two o  words an”. ”. In   addition, tw  in n his  analogy,   namely,   “seed”  an  and d that  Al-Ghazzãliyy  used  i “earth”   were   used by  Aristotle   in in his   analogy in the  Meta ph  p hysic icss   which which corres corresp ponds to the   sam same   notion.95   These similarities   indicate the   possibility  that   A1-Ghazzàliyy was this   particular   concept  in Aristotle’s  Metaphysics. aware of  f this 92   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   AI-Risatah  at-Lo.dunniyyah, p. 90 90.. 93   Ibid., p.   102. 94   Ibid., p.   103.  Ba asi sic c Works ofAristotte,  Richard  McKeon. 95   ArIstotle,   “Metaphysics”,  T  Th he B 41)1049 1049 al —1049b35/pp.  827—829. ed..  (NewYork:   Random  I-laouse,   1941) ed

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The sec The second ond   source of  knowledge   (i.e.   divine) was  also kinds:: rev revela elation tion   (wahy)   and inspiration two o   kinds divided   into tw Concernin erning g revelatio revelation, n,  Al-Ghazzãliyy   believed   that (itham).   Conc it  is restricted to prophets and  that it  is no long longer er av availab ailable le after the  death of  prophet uhammad ammad   jS.A.A.S.]  Regarding   prophet   Muh insp ins piratio iration, n, he   stat unlike like rev revelat elation ion whe here re   knowstated ed th that at un ledge is   presented in   clear terms,   inspiration   constitutes hints of the same  kind of knowledge which is called prophetic first ca case se and   laditnni in the   second. (rtabawiyy) in the   first Anoth nother er major difference  between  these tw two o   forms of  knowledge is   that   revelation is   known   through   Allah   [S.W.T.J, while   inspiration is  known   through   the em emana anation tion of  the universal   intellect   (at-  ‘aqi   al-kulliyy).   Al-Ghazzãliyy   held tta ainthat the  tadhrtrtiyy   knowledge Is a  condition for the   att ment of wisdom which is sufficient; one  does not  have to go 96 through   formal   education in order to   achieve  knowledge. which was   com common am among ong the   Sufis, This   latter   position,   which  Ay yyuhà at Ibn n Al-Jawzlyy.97  Moreover, in  A was  criticized by Ib Watad  (0 Child).  Al-Ghazzaliyy  cons  considere idered d learnin learning g or reading in g su subje bject cts s   such as poetry,   Katàrn, grammer and medicine, forr the   sake   of All llah ah   [S.W.T.], a  waste of  unless it  is   done fo time  that  will be  regretted.98

4.6   MISHICAT  AL  AL-AN WAR iche he for Lights) Al-Ghazzãliyy wrote  Mishkàt al-Anwàr  (The Nic towards the end of  this   this   period of   seclu seclusion sion.. Th The e  Mtshkah was  written as a  reply to  someone who ho asked  asked him to disseminate the   secrets   of divine   Illumination,   along   with the verse rses s of light   (e.g.  Allah is the  light of  interpretation of the ve Heaven and Earth). His answer  to this request was that such additio tion, n, he re relate lated d know kn owledg ledge e is   restricted to the   few. In   addi the   position of   some   Sufls who   held   that   disclosing the divine   secret  Is  blasphemous  (Ifstth’ sir al-rubitbiyyah kufd. Nevertheless, he was   willing to  reveal   som some e of  this   this   knowledge   metaphorically   thro throu ugh hin hints, ts,   signs and   symbols. 96 All-Gh Ghaz azza zaliy liyy. y.   Ai-RIsaiah  aI-Ladunnlyyo.h, pp.   105-107. 97 Ibn Al-Jawziyy,  Talbis. p.   150. 98   Al-Ghazzaiiyy,   “Ayyuha   al-Walad”,   MaJmu’at MaJmu’at Rasa’il   at-Imam Alal-’llnliyv liyvah. ah. 1986 1986). ). Vo Vol. l. II III, I, pp. Ghazzaliyy.   (Beirut: Dar   al-Kutub   al-’lln 154—I 55.

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allo low w the Moreover, he   held   that it is in Allah’s   hands   to al 99 hearts to   understand the   meaning of   these   metaphors. The   latter latter ide idea a in indi dica cates tes   that he   considered the   heart (at qaib),   which he   distinguishes   from the   physical   one, as a ccordi ording ng to him, the  he  hear artt ha has s an “eye” source of knowledge. Acc forr   knowledge   which is  sometimes   referred to as   intellect, fo and d hu hum man spirit. He  defined it as that  “which differensoul an tiate tia tes s th the e intelligent   (human being)  fr  nursing sing infan infant, t,  fro om th the e  nur the  animal and the   insane”.100 Al-Ghazzãliyy   argued   that the   intellect   moves   from being be ing ins insigh ightfu tfull in   potentiality (hi   al-quwwah) to   that of  (hi at-JiM   at-JiM  when the light of wisdom shines.   It It is this actuality (hi kind of  illumination   illumination   that   allows the   “eye” of  the   heart to  aI-malakut) in perceive the  realities of the other world  (  ‘atarit  aI-malakut) fashion ana analogou logous s to the   function of  the   physical eye in a   fashion farr as to  sensible le world  (‘alam al-shahâdal4. He went as fa the  sensib describe  those who  settle fo forr knowledge of th the e la latt tter er world as merely  beasts  (bahlmah).10’ this is   neotic   illumination,   Al-Ghazzaliyy In   relation   to th corresp respond onding ing distinguish   five   levels of spirit spirits s with   each cor to a   level of  knowledge.   knowledge. The   first of   these is the   sensible (al-rüh aL-hass aL-hassas) as)   which is  responsible for  receiving spirit   (al-rüh whatever   comes  through the  five  senses. Th This is sp spirit irit is possible for both  animals and Inf Infan ants. ts. Th The e se seco cond nd spirit is the forr (al-rfitt  at-khayaliyy)   which is   responsible fo imaginative   (al-rfitt  at-khayaliyy) storing the   sensibles and   presenting   them to the   intellect one e is whenever   there is   need. He   maintained   that   this on possible fo forr   children and   some   animals. An   exam example of  this is a dog which Is hit runs away  away upon se seein eing g itw wit ith h a stick, itruns stick  k    aga example of   conditioned the   same stic again in.. Thi his s   is an   exam learning,   the su sensible sible obje objects cts.. The third subjec bjectt of  which Is sen hich h sub subjects jects is the intellectual spirit (al-rüh at- ‘aqliyy) with whic other   than the   sensibles and   imagination   are perc erceiv eived ed generaliza ralizations tions). ). Th This is   spirit   is th [e.g.,   gene the e   essence of   adult forr   children or   animals. human   beings; It Is not   possible fo neither any  other level beyond this one. The fourth  on  one e is the 99   Al-Ghazzaliyy. Mishkatal-Anwar,   ‘AbdAl-’Aziz ‘Izz al-DinAl-Slyarawan, pp..   115—i 18. ed..   (Beirut:   ‘Alam al-Kutub,   1986), pp ed 100 10 0   Al-Ghazzaliyy.   Mlshkaii. p.   122. I b i d . , p p .   129—131. 101

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thinking sp thinking spirit irit   (at-rUh  aI-Jikriyy)   which is   responsible for generating   knowledge from  pure   intellectual   sciences sciences.. Th The e fifth isthe holy holyp prop rophetic hetic spirit (at-ru!  at-qudsiyy at-nabawiyy) which is   restricted t o   prophets and   some   pious   people (awtiyã’).  Al-Ghazzaliyy   argued  that it is through   this   spirit that   divin divine e kn kno owled ledge ge is   acquired.   Most   importantly, he held   that the   lower   levels  (e.g.  intellectual) are not equipped 2 to attain   such  knowledge.’° Towards the end of  the  Mithkah, he ad addres dressed sed thos those e world d of  reason. He   argued   that who   sought  retreat in the   worl the possibility of having a faculty higher than  that of  reason  faculty ulty high higher er is similar to th  the e  possibility of  reason   being a  fac than the level of discernment and   senses.103 Th The e mean eaning ing  of  exist ist reg regard ardless less wheth hether er so som meon eone e reason do does es ex this is  that   reason does not  possess it (I.e.   his/her   faculties are on the  level of  sam me toke token, n, a noetic faculty the sense or discernment); by the sa which is higher than   reason   (i.e.   prophetic) also ex exists ists.. In addition, he  believed that   through the faculty which ranks   higher than reason,  elite Sufis are  capable of acquiring  sam me  source   as the prop ultimate   know rophets, hets, knowledge from the  sa and  therefore,   they do not need assistance   from them.104 As a  devout  Sufi,  Al-Ghazzaliyy   concluded  Mishkàt  at  Ariw  Ar iwãr, ãr, by an invitation to s  str triv ive e fo for r divine   knowledge which could onl nly y be  hampered by waves of  f lu lus st and worldliness.’05 As a matte ritten en matter r of   fact, his   last   surviving   book  to   be writt during  this period,   namely.  A1-Kashf  wa at-Tabylrtfi Ghurur  at -K  -K halqAjma halqAjma ‘In (Unveiling and Explanation of the Dec ecep eption tion of  all   Creation), was an   attempt to   detail   the ar area eas s   where change nge their worldly  behavior.106  In addition, people need to cha broug ught ht his   seclusion to an end by   returning to when   he bro public   teaching, the   declared  motives   indicate   that It was aban ando don n consistent   with the   principles   that led him   to ab first st plac lace: e: he asserted  that both were public teaching in the fir for  th  sake   ofA of Allah   [S.W.T.J  the e  sake 102   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Mishkah, pp.   165—166. 102 103 10 3   Ibid., pp.   166—167. 1 04   Ibid., pp.   170—171. 105 10 5 I b i d . , p p .   172—173. 106 10 6 See A1-Ghazzaliyy,  At-Kashf  wa al-Tabyircfi   Ghurural-KhalqAjma’in (Cairo:   Matba’at Mustafa Matba’at  Mustafa  Muhammad, No   Date). This  book  is printed inthe marg argin in of Tanbihal-Mughtan-inby ‘AbdAl-wahhabA1-sha’ramn~.

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4.7   CONCLUSION in his  writings the  limited   capaA1-Ghazzãliyy  emphasized   in is the only bili bi lity ty of   reason and   that   “unveiling”   (kashj)   is source of  knowledge   attaining   knowledge  that is absolutely   capable of  attaining indubitable   transcendental   knowledge. In the   I!iyã’   ‘ilium at-Din   (The   Revival of   Islamic Islamic Scien Sciences ces), ), he   stressed the Sufi know superiority of Sufi  knowledge over that  which is attained by conventional   sources of  knowledge.   This This Su Sufi fi   knowledge whic hich h he   referred to as   ‘Urn   at-mukáshafah is the   aim of  intellectual   activ activity ity,, yet he   stated   that   such   knowledge ublic. lic. Th Therefo erefore, re, the   subject should not be  revealed to the   pub of  the   Ihyã’ is   that   knowledge   whic which h leads to   “unveiling” (ka.shJ),  namely the science of  action (‘itm at-mu’arnalah). By action, he   means   self-mortification and   discipline   which rereq equis uisite ite for   attaining   peremptory   transcenform   a prer additio ition, n, he   held   that   “unveiling” dental   knowledge. In   add  possible ossible throu through gh the  faculty  higher  than   reason. (kashJ) is  p  of this this  position is to show the   limitations of  reason The aim of   peremptory  knowledge.   This  position which  cannot  achieve  achieve peremptory as th the e hig igh hes estt   level in is   reinforced by   listing   prophecy   as relation to the   attainment of  knowledge   knowledge   which is   followed by   the ightt be con onsi side dere red d   Al-Ghazthe sc scho hola lars rs in wha hatt   migh Al-Ghazzãllyy’s   response to the   Muslim   philosophers who   ranked  Ihyà’ à’ rea re aso son n as th the e hi high ghes estt facu faculty. lty. Finally, he  added in the Ihy forr the   attainment of   peremptory   knowanother   form fo  namely, ely, visio vision. n. ledge,  nam to h  hiis  position In the  Ihya’,  Al-Ghazzãliyy conSimilar to  Att-Maqsad   al-Asrta  Sharh A  Assmã’  Allah  A  At  t -H  -H usnã  tinued in  A (The  Sublime  A  Aiim in the   Interpretation of  Allah’s   Beautiful Nam Na mes) to  stress the   limitations of  reason   reason and its   Incapability to   attain   peremptory  transcendental   knowledge. The only way  to   achieve  such   knowledge is through   “unveiling” two o   notions are   consistent (kashJ).   It It is  obvious  that   these tw with Al-Ghazzäliyy’s   epistemology in the  Ihyâ’. As to  B   al-Hidãyah (The Beginning of Guidance),  Bid idã ãyat  al-Hidãyah there ar are e who hole le sections which are identical  with Qawà’ict at hich h is considered a part  of the  Ihyã’ and therefore ‘Aqà’id whic it   adds to the   consistency of  Al-Ghazzàliyy’s   epistemology 133

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sections ns he  ass during   this period. In  these   sectio asserte erted d the no notion tion of   discipline and   self-mortification   as prereq rerequis uisites ites to the attainment of  peremptory   knowledge.  Jawähir  at-Qur’än In Jawähir   at-Qur’än   (The Jewels of  the  Qur’an)   which corresponds to his   position in the   Ihyã’ and   Bidàyat  At  Hid  H ida ayak    Al-Ghazzãliyy maintained the  notion of discipline and   self-mortification as   conditions for the   attainment of  transcendental   knowledge. He   held   that   transcendental knowledge can be   revealed   through   true   vision in   metaphorical langua language, ge,  At-Ri -Risã sãtah tah  at-Lo.dLtnrtiyyah, Al-Ghazzaliyy discussed In At the no notion tion of  “metaphysical   transcendental   knowledge” (at ‘Urn  al-ghaybiyy   at-ladünniyy)   whi whic ch is   acccessible to  elite attained throu through gh Sufis  only.  This kin kind d of knowledge can be   attained inspiration   (ithãm). dealing with the   epistemology of  AlThe   last   book    dealing   seclusion is   Mishkat  Ghazzãliyy   during the   first   period of  seclusion forr   Lights). He   reiterated his  position at-Anwãr   (The  Niche fo regarding the   existence of  a   faculty   higher   than   reason. According to him,   elite   Sufis are  capable of  attaining  knowledge  directly  from the   sam same sou source, rce, similar to prophets. Although   Al-Ghazzàliyy   introduces   different   sources (e.g.,   inspiration,   insight) insight) for the   attainment of  knowledge, these six  books  emphasize   Sufism   as as th the e   comm common   theme and,   therefore,   this   period of   seclusion   reflects a  unified epistemology.

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Chapter FIVE QUEST ST FO FOR R  KNOWLEDGE: AL-GHAZZALIYY’S   QUE  PERIOD D OF PUBLIC  TEACHING THE SEC SECO OND  PERIO (499-503 (499 -503 A.H A.H./ ./11 1106 06-111 -1110 0   C.E.)

This   chapter   deals   with   Al-Ghazzállyy’s   writings   during the   second   period of  public   public   teaching at the   Nizãmiyy Nizãmiyyah ah of  forr  about   four  years.  After   spending which  lasted fo Nishapur   which lasted more  than a  decade in seclusion, he   realized that   there was nothing   that   could   justify his   withdrawal   from pub ublic lic   life, especially when he   could see   that the   society at large was was astraying fr from om th the e   straight   pat as,, the therefo refore, re, in path, h, an and d was forr  reformation, He  knew that by attempting desperate   need fo to   play the   role role of  a   reformer, he  would win the   animosity   many   people if  not   all.   Nevertheless,   realizing  that   this of  many return to   public   life   was was tak taking ing   place at the   turn of  the sixth   century  A.H.   (Dhu   al-Q1’dah, 499  A.H.), he was convinced   that he was   going to be the   expected   reformer (rnujaddicl) in   acco accord rdan ance ce with a   Hadith of  the   Prophet [S.A.A.S.] In   which he   said   that   Allah   [S.W.T.l   will   send a reformer to the  Musli uslim m nation  (ummal-i) at the   turn of  each century   to rev reviv ive e its   religion.’   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   decision to seclus lusion ion was made in consultation   with prominent leave his sec Sufis; it was   also supported, he  argued, by many visions of  2 In addition, he received an official request  from good  people. vizier   Fakhr  al-Mulk  in which he  asked him to teach at the Nlzkmiyyah Nlzkm iyyah of  Nishapur.3  (lana a Alt Altah aha a  Ta ‘ala  y al-ummah ah ala  ra’si This Hadith  (lan  ya ab‘athu  Ithadhihi   al-umm k u l t i   n d ’ a t i   sanatin man   yuJaddldu taM   dinahc4 was   verified by Abu Dawud,   A1-I-Iaklm and   Ai-Bayhaqiyy. See   A1-Ghazzaliyy.   A1-Munqldh, p.   159.   A]-Ghazzallyy,  At-Munqldh, p .   159. 2 3   A1-Qarah   Daghi,   Vol. Vol. I, p.   123. 1

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4: his   autoDuring   these   yea years rs.. he   wrote   four   books biograp biog raphic work  at-Munqidh   rntn  aI-Datàt  (Deliverance   from Error), a   ruling   (fatwã) on   divorce   Ghayat Ghayat al-G al-Ghaw hawr  r   Diirayat   at-Dawr,  at-Mu.stasfa m m   ‘Itrn  at-Usut   (The   Chosen  D Fundam mentals of Juris Jurisp prude rudence nce), ), from the   Science of  the   Funda and a defence of the Ihyà’w Ihyà’which hich he  called at -IrnIa’filshkã! -IrnIa’filshkã! at  at-Ihyã’   (The  Dictation on the  Problems of the   Revival).5 It is the   aim aim of  of this this   chapter to   continue   tracing  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s theory of  knowledge   knowledge In   these   books   with the   exception of  Ghayãt   aI-Ghawr   D  DirU irUyyat   aI-Dawr   which is not   related subjec bjectt  matter of  to the su f this this ch chap apter ter..

 ft  ft

ft

 AL L-DAL~4L 5.1   AL-MIJNQIDH  MI  MIN  A The  first book  to be wri ritte tten n   during this  period Is  al-Munqfd.h rntn   al-DatEd   (The Deliveranc eliverance e from from   Error).   This   book  was brot othe her r in   religion who   wanted written in   response to a br A1-Ghazzallyy to communicate to him “the aim and  secrets intricate te de dep pths of  of  the   science and the   dangerous and   intrica the   different   doctrines and   views”.6   It is not now   possible to   determine   whether   this req reque uest st   actually too took k place lace;; it that th this is   question-answer is   nothing but the is   likely   th writing sty style le  of  Al-Ghazzallyy. It Is   possible   that he   picked up   this  style  from  fromPla Platon tonic ic  dialogues.7 Al-Ghazzaliyy   gave an   account of  his   “trail in disengaging the truth from amid the welter of th the e se sec cts ts,,  despite additio ition, n, he the   polarity of  their   their   means and   methods”. In   add conform formism to discussed why and how he   moved   from con deliberately tely too took  k  the independent   investigation.8 He   next   delibera two o   other   books, th 4   Bouyges   listed tw the e   first is   Aja’ib   al-Khawas   (The wonders of  th tof  f  chemicals and   MaglcD: th the e   Qualities to the e authenticity many scholars scholars.. The   second   book  is Sir   this   book  was  disputed by   many of  this at-’Alamyn  wakashf  rnafi  al-Darayn   (The  Secret  of the Tw Two o  worlds): the many sch scholars olars   including authenticity of  this   this   book  was   disputed by   many See e   Badawi,   Mu’allafaA p. 205 and p.   271. Bouyges Bouy ges him himself. self. Se 5   Badawi, Mu ’ a l l a fa t , p . x v i i . 61.. 6   Al-Ghazali,   Freedom and F l d j i l l m e n t , p . 61 7 In  addition to  At-Munqidh nUn  al-Dalal,   examples of  this   this   style can be found in  A  All-M Maqsod aII-A Asna Sh  Sharh arh Asm Asma’ a’ Allah  Al-Hus no,  At-Qistas al-

Mustaqim,   aI-Rtsalah al -Lad unnlyyah, unnlyyah,   FaLsaI  al-Tafriqah. and   Ayyuha al-Walad. S   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  Fre  Freedo edom m an and  d  FUlfill meat, p. 61 61..

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reader on an   intelec intelectua tuaii tou tour r   that has   Sufism   as th the e   last station.   This  station was not   intended as a   layover,   where the   reader   would   ta take a   rest   before   returning to h i s   f i r s t station;   At-Murzqmdh was des designe igned d to   take take th the e   reader on a one-way  journey   that that ha has s   Sufism   as as th the e   last   station. As reader to   avoid   the a matte atter r of   fact, he   wanted the   reader the oth other er stations   because   he tr trie ied d   them and   found   them not   this   tour   which is the   attainment suitable for the aim of  this of  true  true knowledge.  knowledge. In   the   At-Munqmdh.   Al-Ghazzaliyy dethe intro introdu ductio ction n of  At-Munqmdh. forr   knowledge, his   attemp to   examine scribed his   quest fo creed and  every  sect or   group, as an on  going   process   that began  when he  w  was as les less s   than   twenty  years   old.   According to him,   this   process continu on;; he   said   that It was   still continued ed on the th e ca case se with him at the   time  he was more  than   fifty years idea a  that he  maintained 9   This statem statement ent supports   the ide old. his   inquisitive   nature   throu through ghou outt hi his s   life.   Moreover, he declared th   things” tha at his   “thirst to   perceive the   reality of  things” was an   instinct   (gharlzah)   that was  placed   in his   nature by  Allah   [S.W.TJ   and,   therefore, he had no   choice but to seek  true   knowledge.’° Al-Ghazzaliyy   described the   history of  his   search for true  knowledge. The   first   change   in his   epistemology was to break  to  break    away   from conformism   (taqUki)   which he   defined as un uncr critica iticall ac acce cep ptan tance ce of    knowledge,   presented by or te tea ache hers rs,, as   true. As   a re resu sult, lt, he   rejected all parents   or  ‘aqa’td al-mawrfithah). al-mawrfithah). According to him, inherited inhe rited cree creed d (at-  ‘aqa’td  the in inhe herite rited d   creed Is   nothing but   dictated   knowledge (tatqinmyyât)  which is received by way  of  imitation. He   held that   this   source of   knowledge   (i.e.   taqtid) is  responsible between een people.” He   emphasized the for fo r th the e di diffe ffere renc nces es   betw neccessity to   reject reject co confo nform rmism as an   essential   step in any  search fo forr  true  knowledge. A1-Ghazzâliyy   realized the   necessity of   defining the f his his sea search rch for the   reality of  nature of  knowledge as  part of  things. He   reached the   conclusion   that   peremptory   knowknowled ledge ge whic hich h is ledge   (at- ‘tim   aI-yaqiniyy) Is   that   know indubitable and   devoid of  mistake   mistake or  Illusion rega regardless rdless of  9   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Al-Munqldh, p . 7 9 . 10 I b l d . . p . 8 1 . ii lb id . , pp . 8 1 —8 2 .

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the e   certitude th e   circumstances. I t i s   here that h e  compared th that he was   seeking   with with tha that t  which i s   generated i n   math-

know wing resu sults lts from kno ematics   (e.g. as the   certitude   that re 2  than   three).’ ten is greater that   ten greater than A1-Ghazzaliyy   used hi s   c o n c e p t o f   peremptory   knowacqu quired ired the   sciences   that   he ac ledge as• a   criterion to veril~~ previously. He   fond   that the   sensibles   (at-hisstyat~ and l o g i c a l   necessities   (at-dariTtriyyãt)   which h e   believed t o be trustworthy f o r a   w h i l e ,   proved t o b e   subject t o   doubt   and, t h e r e f o r e , h e   categorized   them i n   terms o f   certitude   along with th e   knowledge   acq acquired uired through   conformism.’3 A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   language i n   A1-Munqmdh is   different from   that o f   previous   works,   where   he used t o   present hi s d i s c u s s i o n s   regarding th e   sources o f   knowledge i n   independ endent ent sen sentenc tences es or   clauses.   There was a   transition between   defining peremptory  knowledge and its  application to the   sens sensible ibles s an and d   logical   nec neces essit sities ies:: he us used ed the   term “next”   (thumma) at  the beg beginn inning ing of  a new  chapter  (I.e. The Avenues to   Sophistry and   Agnosticism)14 in   addition to use e o f   this   conjunction in Arabic   (I.e. other   p l a c e s . 1 5 The us thumna)   creates a   sense of   continuity   that   portrays the  pro roce cess ss as a  systematic   approach to epistemology. whole  p Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   doubt of   the the se sens nses es was   based   upon his   examination of   sight  (basar)   which he   considered the strongest   sense; if  he   could   doubt   sight   then he   could rovided ided sev several eral doubt the   rest of  the   senses as   well. He prov accounts   where   sight I sight  Is s de dece ceiv ived ed.. In one of  these   examples he sa said: id:

 the senses is the   sense of  sight. Now ‘The   strong strongest of  the f sight. this   looks at a shadow and   sees it   standing   still and motionless

and   judges   that   motion   must

be   denied.

82.. 1 2   Al-Ghazzali~, A1-Munq(dh. p. 82 13 I b i d . , p. 83. chap pter  Madakhll a! -S afsata afsata 14   R.J.   Mccarthy   translated the ti title tle of this cha Wa  JaM   a t -   ‘Ulum, as   ‘The   Avenu Avenues es of   Sophistry and   Skepticism.’ skepnott In Inte tend nd   “Jahd  al- ‘Viunf  as   skepI   think    that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   did no ticism here, a translation  which cannot be j  ju usti tif fied li lin nquisticall lly y.  Th  The e   translation  renders literal is ‘den the e sciences” which th the e context ‘denial ial of th the e   concept of   agnosticism   rather   than   skepticism or it   closer to th doubt.   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Freedom, p. 64 64.. 15   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqldh. pp.   82-83.

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due e to experience and  observation,   an hour later Then, du it  knows that the   shadow is  moving, and that it did not move in a   sudden   spurt. but so   gradually and  i  im mper6 ceptibly   that it was  never   completely at  rest.”’

Al-Ghazzaliyy   realized   that   while the   judge of  the sensibles ac accep ceptable, the   reason   judge senses   finds the   sensibles refutes the   latter   judgement. At   this   stage, he   trusted thro rou ugh re rea ason and   which the   knowledge   that   comes   th belongs   to to “th the e   category of   primary   truths   (at-awwatiyyãt),   such   as ass asserting erting   that Ten is  greater  than   three’, and ‘One and   the the sa sam me   cannot be   simultaneously   affirmed and   denied’, and   ‘One and the   sam same   cannot   be inc incip ipien ientt and an d et eter ern nal, ex exis iste ten nt and non onex exis iste tent nt,, ne nece cess ssar ary y an and d impossible’)7 Soon   Al-Ghazzaliyy   found   that his   tru trust in   reason was   also   challenged. He   was was pres resen ented ted   with   another problem; it was the   personified   senses   that   asked him you u   that the   following   question,   “What   assurance   have yo your  rational kno know wledge is not   like   your   reliance on   sense  ju  j udge?”8 The basic   argument is   that   the the ex existe istenc nce e of  a one e   doubtful and if  it higher   faculty   makes the   lower on forr   the rea was not fo reaso son n   judge, he   would   have  trusted the that th ther ere e is   not sense. How th then en ca can n   he be  sure   that not a hi high gher er  ju  j udge   than   that of   reason   which   once   reveals   itself, it gives the lie to   the judg judgem ement of   reason?   Moreover, the faculty  does fact th earance ce of  this   higher   faculty does that at th there ere is no   appearan not indicate the  impossibility of  its  existence.’9 Furthermore,   this   problem was   reinforced by AlGhazzaliyy’s   soul, answ wer er,, by hesita tate ted d abo bou ut th the e   ans soul, whic hich h   hesi appealing to dreaming2°sayIng: Freedom and  64.. 16   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Freedoma d    Fulfiulmpnt, p. 64 65.. 17   Ibid.. p. 65 1 8   Ibid. 19   Al-Ghazzahyy,  Al-Munqidh, pp.   84—85. 20   R.J.   Mccarthy   mistakenly   thought   that it is th the e   sense  judge  which reinforced its position by   appealing to   dreaming. In   Arabic. th the e term asculin uline e   while   both the   ‘soul”   (al-nafs) and ‘judge”   (hakim) is masc the e verb  reinforced has to be in the masculine ‘reinforced’   (ayyadat): th form   ayyada in   order fo forr   Mccarthy’s   translation to be   corre correct ct.. In addition, add ition, the suffixed pronoun  twin  ishkalaha ( I t s   problem) is feminine and,   therefore,   refers  jud dge.   Al-Ghazzallyy. the e   soul and not th the e  ju refers to th Freedom,   p. 65 and  al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Munqirlh, p. 85.

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“Don’t yo you u see   that   when yo you u are  aslee  asleep p yo you u   believe certain   things and   imagine  circumstances and  believe certain they are fixed  an  and d lasting and entertain no  doubts  about that being their status? Then you wake up and know that Theny all ll   your   imaginings and   beliefs were   groundless and everythin rything g yo  you u  believe through unsubstantial, So while eve sensation or   intellection in   your  waking   state may be true in   relation  to  that  state,  what   assurance   have you that you may not   suddenly   experience a state   which

 the e  same relation to your  waking  state as would  have  th the th e  latter has to your  dreaming, and your  waking state tha at new and   further would be   dreaming in  relation   to th you  found yourself in such a  state, you  would be state? If you sure su re that all   your your ratio rationa nall   beliefs  were  unsubstantial fancies.”

Al-Ghazzallyy  thou Al-Ghazzallyy th ough ghtt th this is sta tate te   beyond reason   might be   either   that   which the   Sufis   claim is theirs, or  death. In thei eir r   sta the   first   case, the   Sufis   allege   in th state tes s th that at   when they   concentrate   Inwardly and   suspend   their   sensation, phenomena which are not In   acco accord rd with   reason. they th ey se see e   phenom The  other  po  death ath,, whe here re he de deriv rived ed this   notion  poss ssibility ibility is  de from   what he   falsely   believed to be a   Hadith in   which the   Prophet   [S.A.A.S.J   said,   “People are  asleep:   then   after additio dition, n, he held  tha ,22 2 In ad they th ey die they they awak ake” e”,2  thatt thi this s  notion which ch sa says ys,, “But corresponds to a   verse in the   Qur’an   whi we   have   removed from you you your r  veil and  today   your   sight 23 is keen”. A1-Ghazzaliyy   explained   that he   could not  find a way thes ese e th thou oug ghts ts,, bec eca ause to   arrange any   proof  out of  th he nee eed ded to   combine   primary   truths,   which was inadmissible at the  time.   Hence, he was   left  In the   condition hich h las lasted ted of   rejecting as   false all   kinds of  knowledge.   knowledge. whic for tw two o   months. He   regarded   this  condition as   practically equivalent to   sophistry   (safsata),’4 but his   condition did to utterance  utterance or  doctrine.25 not   extend to 21   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Freedon-t a Freedon-t  and Fulfillment,   p.65. 22   This  narration is not a   Hadith:   Muhammad   Al-Hut   related in   Asna at-Matolib  f  Ah ho4it ith h  Mukhtol(/bt   at-Marattb   that   this Is a saying  of    fii A Au th thn n A IM   Talib, the fourth   caliph. See   Al-Ghazzaliw,  A1-Munqldh, pp.   85-86. 23   Al-Qur’an,  Sura ai-Ma’minun  50:22.  sop has. 24   Safsatah  Is  an Arabicized form of  Greek    Greek  sop 25   A1-Ghazzailyy, Freedom and  Fl4filbnent,  p. 66.

1 40

AL-GHAZZALIYY’s   QUEST F O R   KNOWLEDGE...

conside idered red this co cond ndition ition  as a si sick ckne ness ss Al-Ghazzaliyy   cons which was  “healed” by a   light   (nfui   that  Allah has   [S.W.T.] the e key caste   into  hi  his s  chest. He   cam came e to  regard this  light  as th rega gain ined ed his  trust in necesto most  knowledge.   From It,   he re sary  rational   knowledge  (al-darüriyydt  at- ‘aqliyyal4. He asserted   that one   should not   restrict the   possibility of  un26 veiling truth   (al-kashjj to precisely   formulated  proofs. Al-Ghazzaliyy   reflected on  this   experience in  terms of  the   concept of   “dilation”   (al-sharh).27  In the   Qur’an   there is a verse  which   reads, “So he  whom Allah   wishes to guide a r i g h t , He   d i l a t e s 2 8 hi s   breast f o r   submission t o   Himself ( i . e . t o   embrace  I s l a m ) ” . ’ 9 I n   a Hadith, the  Prophet   [S.A.A.S.J

interpreted   this   verse as   follows, “It is a  light   which  Allah casts   into th e   heart.”   Then someone  said,   “And what is the sign o f i t ? ” He   r e p l i e d ,   “Withdrawal   from th e   mansion and tur turnin ning g to   the mans   delusion   and ansion ion of  Immortality” of  delusion  Immortality” .~° Al-Ghazzaliyy   also   adverted t o   other   Hadiths on th e one e   should   seek t o   unveil same s u b j e c t ,   c o n c l u d i n g   that on light ht whi hich ch   gu gush shes es fo fort rth h   from the truth   through   that lig divine   generosity, and on one e   must be on the   watch for it. He   added   that   these   narrations are   intended so one should   seek    truth in   areas   other   than   primary   truths which are given,3’ reinst state ated d at After his   trus trust In   primary   truths was   rein   this perio eriod d of  doubt,   doubt,   Ai-Ghazzaliyy   returned t o the end of  this ever ery y searching for   true   knowledge in   the teac teachin hings gs   of ev he na narro rrow wed  th sec ectt an and d  school of  thought.   Eventually   he  the e li lis st   seekers” to the   Batinites, the   dialectical of  the   “classes of  seekers” theologians   (al-Mutakallimftn), the   philosophers and the Sufis. His  aim was   to show   that   only the   Sufis   possessed the   methodolo~r (i.e.   “tasting” or  dhawq)   that   lead to   true knowledge.32 26   Al-C}hazzaliyy.   Al-Munqidh,   p. 86. 27   Shm-his a me metapho taphorical rical expa expansion nsion of the breast in order to indIcate an acceptance  of or to accommodate to  accommodate truth. yashmh as  “openeth’. Se 28   ‘All   translated the meaning  of   yashm See e  Yusuf  ‘All, TazjamatMa’antat-Qur’anal-Karlm,  p.326. 29   Al-Qur’an,  Surah  al-An’am6:125. 30 AlAl-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Freedom and  Fulfillment,  Fulfillment,   p. 66, Al-Ghazzaliyy,  AI-Munqidh, pp.   87-88. 31   Al-Ghazzaliyy, AI-Munqidh, 32   This stage w  wa as discussed at length  in  chapter   three. Se See e p . 93. length in

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5.1.1

  al-Munqidh on  Descartes The Th e Influenc Influence e of  al-Munqidh

fou und a   translated   copy ‘Uthman   Ka’ak   related   that   he fo library ry in   Par of   at-Murtqidh in   Deàcartes’   libra Paris is with his 33 Although   there is no  account of  comments in the  margin. the   nature of   these   comments, I   think  a   comparison of  Desc escartes artes’ ’ ep epistem istemolog ology y with   that of Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy is in order,   because of  th the e re rem mar arka kable ble   similarities. Descartes rtes exp expressed ressed his   dissaLike   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Desca tisfaction   with   authoritative   instruction   whi which ch he   considered dec decep eptive.The tive.Therefore, refore, as   soon as his age   permitted him to  pass   from  under   the co contro ntroll of   his instru instructors ctors,, he abandoned formal stu studyin dying: g: he began travelling and holding intercourse   with men of   different   disposition by way of  as the   great   book  of  the study stu dying ing wha hatt he   described   as world.34   This   position is   similar to   that of   al-Ghazzaliyy regarding   conformism.   Descartes   described his   delight in Likewise, A1-Gha 1-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy the   certitude of    mathematic.35   Likewise, rite teri ria a he aspired made  th  the e ce certi rtitu tude de of math athem ematic atics s as the cri to reach in all knowledge,  36Again,  Descartes  considered the revealed  truths to be  beyond   the sco cop pe of  reason’s   comprehension, and th fro om that at th ther ere e was a need of “some special help fr unde ders rstan tand d   them.37  This Is   comparable heaven” in order  to un to   Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   assertion   that   sharh is   some   special help  from  heaven. In   addition,   like   Descartes he   held   that reason is impotent to veri~’revealed  truths. two o is in The Th e most   important   comparison  between the tw one e   took the ste step ps   each on took fo forw rwar ard d   verification of  knowledge. Descartes   doubted the sense and reason, and  then followed with a  comparison of knowledge in dreaming to that of being being awake. He  said: the e   very   sam “When I   considered   that th same thou though ghts ts (presentations)  which we   experience when  awake may also be  experienced when whenwe we are asleep, while thereis at 33   A1-Qardawiyy,   AI-Ghazzaliyy,   p. p. 11 115. 5. 34   Descartes,   Discourse on   Method  and  the Meditations.   John   Veitch, (Bufalo:   Prometheus Boo Books, ks, 198 1989) 9) p. 15. trans.   (Bufalo:  35   Descartes. p. 14. 36 Al Al-Gh -Ghaz azza zali liyy yy,,  Al-Munqidh,   p. 82. 37   Descartes, p. 14.

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that   time not one of  them true, I   supposed   that all the objects (p (presentations resentations) )   that had   ever   entered   into my mind   when   awake, ha had d i n   them n o   more   truth   than 38 t h e i l l u s i o n s o f my   d r e a m s , ”

He  went on t o   ask: ‘Howdo ‘How do we know the though thoughts ts wh which ich occur in dreaming a r e f a l s e   r a t h e r   than   t h o s e   o t h e r   which we   e x p e r i e n c e when   awake,   s i n c e t h e   former a r e   o f t e n n o t l e s s   vivid and an d d i s t i n c t   than t h e l a t t e r ? ” 3 9

All   these   steps   mad made e   Descartes   consider   every   idea  thinks   must  exist, ho thinks that he had as  false,   except  that he who and   therefore   established the   first   principle of  his  philosophy.40  Al-Ghazzaliyy   followed the   same   steps:   he dou doubted bted similar acc accoun ountt rethe   senses,   reason and   presented a   similar between kno know wledge in   dreaming garding the   relationship   between awake,, sayin saying: g: and an d tha thatt of  being   awake “Don’t you see   that   when you  you u  believe when  you are   asleep  yo things an and d  imagine  certain   circumstances and certain   things believe   they are   fixed and   lasting and   entertain no abou outt tha thatt being their  status? Then you wake up doubts ab and   know   that all   your   imaginings and   beliefs   were everything g you groundless and unsubstantial.   So whi while le   everythin  sensation or   intellecuon in your waking believe through through sensation state may be   true in in relation  relation to  that  state  state,, what assur suddenly experience  experience a ance an ce ha have ve you that you may not  suddenly the e sa state which would have th sam me relat relation ion toyour waking the e la state as th latte tterr ha has s to your dreaming, and your waking that at new and state   would  be dream dreaming ing in  in   relation  to th further state?”4’ further  state?”4’ It is   ap appar aren entt th that at th ther ere e are   numerous   similarities  A1-Mu -Munqi nqid dh and Di between A1  Disc sco ours urse e  on Me hich ch se seem emto  Metho thod d, whi hus s it se seem em that an  investisupport   Ka’ak’s   observations. Thu gation of  A1-Ghazzãliyy’s   A1-Ghazzãliyy’s   influence   upon Descartes   might be a   profitable   line of   res resea earch rch.. Su Such ch an   investigation is is,, 38 39 40 41

  Descartes,   pp. 30.   Ibid., pp. 33— 34.   Ibid.. p. 30.   Ai-Ghazzaiiyy,   Freedom and  Fulfillment,   Fulfillment,   p. 65.

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however,   beyond th e   scope   o f t h i s   b o o k . 5.1.2. The  Stages o f   Epistemological   Development i n   Human  Beings

epistem istemolog ologica icall dev develom eloment in Al-Ghazzaliyy   outlined   the ep human  beings I n hi s   chapter,   ‘The   True  Nature of  Prophecy and th e   Need All Men   Have f o r I t ” i n   A1-Mwiqidh. He  began with th e   e s s e n c e o f man i n hi s o r i g i n a l   c o n d i t i o n a t th e time of  his   creation and   held   that man is  born   devoid of  any   knowledge of  the   existing   things.   Each   category of  the   existing   things is  known   through a  perception   (idrak) that is  created ,4 ,42 2 ense se ar are e cr crea eate ted d In the  first stage of  development,   the sen in the   human   being. The   first   thing to be   created   in th this is stage Is the   sense of  touch   touch   (hñssat   aZ-tams). The  category includes s the   knowledge of  heat perceived  with It   include   heat and  cold, drynes ess, s, an and d sof softnes tness s and  harshness In addiiwetnes etness s and   dryn tion  to oth forr him with  w  wh hic ich h he ther ers s.   Next,   sight Is created fo perceives co colors lors and  shapes.   Al-Ghazzaliyy   considered   this category the   largest of  the   “world” of  the   sensibles.   Next, hich h he  hears   sounds and hearing is  created in him with whic tones.   Next,   tasting Is  created fo forr  hi on unti till he  him m, and so   on 3 passes the   “world” of  the   senslbles. The sec second ond sta stage ge co com mes afte after r all   the se sens nses es ar are e completed. The only thing to be created In the human being at this stage is discernment   (tamyiz) and   It It is created at the age of  seven.~ With   discernment, the   human   being   perceives

things thin gs ot othe her r   than the   senslbles.45 did not senslbles.45 Al-Gha l-Ghazzallyy zzallyy   did provide  examples of  the  things  perceived on  this level. Following   discernment, the   human   being   ascends to the   third   level   where   reason is   created.   With   reason he 42   Al-Ghazzaliyy.  al-Munqld.h,   p 14 144. 4. 43   IbId.. pp.   144—145. 44 It  might  be  that Al-Ohazzaliyy chose age seven for the beginning of  new of w which Indic Indicates ates that children need to be stage  from aHadith,   part of  taught  prayer, at age seven   though it does not become obligatory(Muru  Awlad  Aw ladakum akum Di  al-Salati 1d 1dM  M   Bakighu Sabah..,)   This   Hadith was  who ho held verified by  Ahmad th thn n   Hanbal, Abu   Dawud and  al-Hakim  w that   It It Is   sound  (sahih) according to the criterion of  Muslim.  Muslim. 45 AlAl-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,  al-Munqldh,   p. 14 145. 5.

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AL-GHAZZALIYY’S   QUEST FOR   KNOwLEDGE...

perceives the   necessary, the   possible and the   Impossible in   addition to to matters  matters   that are not   perceived in the   stages 46 before. The   fourth   stage is   that   which   comes   after after rea reason son,, something whic hich h   Al-Ghazzaliyy   does not   gIve a   specific name. It is   always   described in   terms of  its   order   relative to   reason, He   held   that   another   “eye” is   opened   at at th this is stage, and that it Is   used to   “see”  metaphysical   things. The knowledge  that is   acq one e acquire uired d throu through gh   this   faculty is the on attaIn Ined ed by the   prophets;   only  part of  it can be usually   atta achelved   through   “tasting”   (dhawq) by   following the   Sufis way.47   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s  arg existenc istence e  argum ument in support of the ex between een the of  this   this  faculty is  based   upon the   relationship betw said: id: dIfferent  stages,   he sa

the e   intellect’is one of  man’s   man’s stages in which he “Just as th receives  an  ‘eye” by  which he  “sees”  “sees” v  various arious species species of   of  intelligibles   from  w  whic hich h th the e senses are fa farr  removed, th the e prophetic   pore is   an exp expres ressio sion n  signi~’inga  stage in which man receIves an “eye”   possessed of  alig ight ht,, an and d in possessed of al i t s   light the   unknown an and d  other   phenomena not normally perceived  by th the e  intellect  become  visible.”48 The   importance of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   account of  f    what might be des describ cribed ed  as th the e post-Intellect faculty, can be  seen as a respons uslim lim philoso hilosop phers who placed reason onse e to the Mus as th the e hi high ghes estt   faculty of  knowledge   and,   therefore therefore,, den denied ied conside sidered red a   response to prophecy. In  addition, it can   be con those who  equated the   Shari’ah with  wisdom (hikrnah)   and, prophecy  would   appear  subservient to the  intellect.49 thus,   prophecy would

5.2   AL-MTJSTASFA  Mliv   ‘ILM  AL  AL-I -IiT iTS SUL A1-Ghazzaliyy   wrote  Ai-MustasJ&   mitt   ‘Jim  aL-Usüi   (The Filthe e re req que uest st tered in the  Fundamentals of Jurisp Jurisprud rudenc ence) e) at th of   some   students of   Jurisprudence at the   Nlzãmiyyah of  Nishap ishapur. ur. The They y wante bookw which would be median in It ted d a book Its s 46 Al Al-Gh -Ghaz azza zali liyy yy..   Al-Munqidli.   p. 14 145. 5. 47   IbId., pp.   145—148. 48   Ai-Ghazzaliyy.   Freedomand   Fulfillment, p. 98. 49   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Al-Munqidh, p. 161

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have  consIdered size  relative to  Tahdhib  al-Usul  which they   have consIdered ver ery y lo lon ng and   A1-Mankhui   which   does not   have   enough 5° details.  Ai-Mu -Mustas stas,fa, ,fa, I  will inquire into whether Inthis In this section on Ai faithfull to the   epistemology conAl-GhazzAliyy   remained faithfu any im imp pac actt on the tained in   Sufism and   whether It had   any fundamentals of  ju  jurisprudence. His   basic   epistemological position is included in bot oth h th the e preface and the introduction.  Ai-Man Mankh, kh,T Tilwhich addressed the intr introd oduc uction tion of  AiUnlike   the the rela relation tionsh ship ip of  jurisprudence   jurisprudence to the   fundamentals of   ju  j urisprudence,5’ the pref with h a refac ace e to  Ai-Mustasfa   began   wit f this this world fo forr   being forr not being criticism of  being de dece cep ptive and fo a   place of  happiness.   happiness.   Al-Ghazzaliyy was   calling   people to consider this  world as a  passage to the  next  one.  According to   him to   this   latter him,   both   reason and the   Shari’ah   agree to position.52   Cert the e la latte tter r Is   that of  a   Sufi Certain ainly, ly, the ton tone e of  th rather   than   that of  a j  ju urist. two o   classifications In   this   preface, he   also   provided tw classific sification ation,, he   divided the of  the   sciences. In the   first clas  categories ories ac accor cording ding to   their   relations sciences   into   three  categ with reas reason on and the Shari’ah. In the  second, he   divided the two o   categories   only:   rational   (‘aqiiyyah) and scien sc ience ced d into tw religious   (dlniyyah).The   first   category   comprises   purely rational  (‘aqiiyy   mahcl)  sciences   such as   mathematics, geoThese sub subjects jects are   based on   either metry and   astronomy.   These false   opinions, or   true   knowledge   that is   not not us usefu eful. l. AlGhazzaliyy   admits  that  these  sciences   do yield   benefit, but the th ey are worldly and, therefore, do not  help in attaIning real langua uage ge Ind Indica icates tes the happiness in the   hereafter.   This lang continuity of  f h his Sufi vision of the world, In addition, he held that the   Shari~ahIs   neutral   regarding the   study of   these encoura ourages ges nor discourages   it.53 scien sc ience ces; s; It  neither enc The se seco cond nd   categ cons nside idered red   purely categor ory y is   what   he co textual  (naqityy mo.hd) . It  comprises  sciences of the Shari’ah  (i.e. of  the   Qur’an). He  argued such as  Hadith and exegesis exegesis (i.e. 50   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Al-Mustasfa mEn ‘ U r n   al-Usul  (cairo:   al-Matba’ah al1904) Vol. I,  p.6. A x n i , ’ l y y a h ,   1904) Vol.   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Mankhul,   p. 3. 51 52   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  Al-Mustasfa,   Vol. I,   p. 3. 53   Ibid.,  Vol. I.   p.3.

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that   these   sciences   depend on   memory and   that   reason plays no  role in them. The   third   category   comprises the   sciences,   such as the   fundamentals of  ju  jurisprudence,   that  draw on  both the and rea reaso son. n.   According to   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   this Shari’ah   and mostt honorable.   It category is the   mos It is better than the  sciences that are   based on  pure reason and do not enjoy the  acceptance of  the   Shari’ah, and it is also  better   than the  sciences of  the   Shari’ah   that are   based on  pure   conformlsm  (muM  al-taqiid)   that Is not supported by  reason,M Turning to his  second   classificaton.   Al-Ghazzaliyy Intended  this  classification to   show the relation relationship ship   between the funda scien ience ces. s. fundam mentals ofjurisp ofjurisprudenc rudence e and the rest of sc The ration  sciences ces such as  medicine,  arithmetic rational al includ includes es  scien and   geometry;   these   sciences are of  no   concern to the fundamentals   ofjurisprudence. The religious sciences comtheology,  ju prise  dialectical   theology, j urisprudence, the   fundamentals ofjurisprudences,   Hadith,  exegesis and the science of  esoteric  knowledge  (‘tim al-balm) or the  science of the  heart (i.e. 55 the one  that   cleans  it). The rational and the  religious  categ  categories ories inclu include de  some sciences  that are concerned  with  universals and others   that science which is conare   concerned   with   partic articula ulars; rs; the   science one e   concerned   with cerne ce rned d with   universals is   superior   to on particulars.   Among the religious  sciences.   kalam addresses uniVersals,   while all other   religious   sciences are   concerned with particu articulars. lars. The   latter   include  j  ju urisprudence,   fundaJurisprudence,   Hadith and  exegesis.56 mentals of Jurisprudence, highe hest st of  the reAl-Ghazzaliyy elevated   kaIa.m to the hig ligious   sciences   because all ll   others are  dependent on It. He maintained   that those se that no nott   everyone has to   study it;   only tho absolu olute te sc scho holar lar   (‘aIIm who   wis wish h to be   considered an   abs mutiaq) and   knowledgeable In all the   religious   sciences, should   acquire   kalâm,57   This   posItion   regarding   kalam is totally   differe  Ihya’ a’ in   which different nt fro from m that   presented In th  Ihy Al-Ghazzaliyy, new newly ly under the  influence of Sufism,   under54 55 56 57

  Al-Ohazzaliyy,   Al-Mustasfa,   Vol. 1 ,

  Ibid., Vol. i, p. 5.   mid.   Ibid.,  Vol. 1 , Pp.  5 — 7 .

p.S

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mined   kaiam and   regarded It as a  veil   that   prevents the 58 attainment of  peremptory   knowledge. The role of  kaiam is restricted to studying   existence by using us ing reas reason. on. It  establishes the  necessity of  a   a Creato reator r and that it  is possible fo forr Him to send   messengers, and  that the possible became  reality. The last thing to verilSr is the  truthfulness of  the   Prophet   LS.A.A.S.] and   after   that,   reason receives   from the   Prophet   IS.A.A.S.1  knowledge   that it can rende der r   Impossible.59 The   other neither   reach by  itself,   nor ren essage age of the religious  sciences add the Pr Prop ophet addres ress s parts of the mess [S.A.A.S.J,   “Exegesis Is   concerned   with the   meaning of the Qur’an, the  science of  Hadith verifie verifies s the  soundness of the  ju urisprudence   covers the rulings that are concerned Hadith, j with th the e  actions of  the  mukallaf.6°and the   fundamentals of  Jurisprudence   pertains t o th e  sources o f th e   l a t t e r   rulings”.61 Of these   particular   religious   sciences, the   fundamen jurisprudence Is   especially  important.   Al-Ghazzaliyy tals of  ju listed the  Qur’an,  Sunnah and consensus   (ai-~jmd’)62as the only   sources of  this   this   sciences.63 He   used   reason to   derive qiyas) ) fr from om   these   three knowledge   (e.g. by   analogy.   qiyas sources.~Al-Ghazzallyy sources.~ Al-Ghazzallyy  emphasized his   restriction of  the sources of  the   Shari’ah to   these   three   when wheneve ever r he mentione tio ned d th them em tog togeth ether er by   adding   “only”  (faqafl.65   This   position is   consistent   wIth   ai-Mankhui, his   first   book  on the fundamentals of  jurisprudence   jurisprudence   written as a stu tud den ent, t, in whic hich h he  als consens ensus us as  also o he held ld the   Qur’an,   Sunn Sunnah ah and   cons the   only   three   sources of the the   Sharl’ah.66 The   question is whether this  restriction of the  sources of the Sharl’ah  marks a new   stage in   the develop developm ment of  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epIstemology, In w  whic hich h he  returned to   traditional traditional position ositions? s? This 56   A1-Ghazzallyy,   Ihya’, Vol. I. pp.   22-23. 59   Al-Ghazzallyy.   AI-Mustasfa,  vol. 1 ,   p.6. 60   Mukallaf is the adult   ti.e. who reached  puberty] and and sane  sane   Muslim. 61   Al-Ohazzaiiyy,   At-Mustasfa.   Vol.1. p.S. common monagreement agreement of a l l 62   Al-Ghazzaliyy defined consenses (ynial  as the com acknowledged Muslim   scholars  (oh!  al-hal Wa aI-’aq~on   anyone issue in religion. See al-Ghazzaliyy,  al-Mustasfa,   Vol. I, pp.   173-174.  All-M Musta tassfa fa..   p.6. 63   A1-Ghazza1i~, A 64   IbId.,  Vol. I.   p. 7. 65   Ibid.,  Vol. 1 , pp.6— 7. 66   A1-Ghazzaliyy,  At-Mankhul, pp. 4 — 6 .

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question can be   answered by   reference to the   theory   that I   presented in   Chapter   1 1 , 6 7  where I   argued   that   Al-GhazAl-Ghaztwo o   independent   lines of  thought. In the zaliyy   maintained tw eremp ptory know knowledge ledge   (‘tim  yaqin);   this first, he   pursued   perem line of   thought, I   believe,   cons forr uniconstitute titutes s his   search fo secon ond, d, he sou versa ver sall tru truths ths.. In the   sec sought ght particu articular lar   truths fundam amentals entals of  ju in sciences   such   as the fund  jurisprudence. The   last   book    that   Al-Ghazzaliyy   wrote   during   this  Al-I  -I mld’fi period, Al mld’fi M  Mu ushkil al-Ihya’,65 Includes harsh  criticism ere e cr critic itical al of  the   Ihya’, and   very   strong of   those who wer arguments in   defense of    SulIsm and the   possibility of  attaining metap etaphysical hysical   knowledge by the   post-reason faculty.   This defense   asserts  beyond any  do  doub ubtt tha thatt he maintained his   Sufi   beliefs, at   least   till the end of  the   second period of  public  teaching. The   introduction to   al-Mustasjà is for all   practical purposes an   introduction to   logic,   which he   considered a -Nazar  at concise   form of  resented nted in   MUIQJC at -Nazar  f what what   he prese  Mi’yã yãr  r   Ma  M anti tiq q  (The Touch-Stone of  Reasoning in Logic) and Mi’ at- ‘Jim ft aI-Manttq   (The  Criterion of   Knowledge in   Logic). Although A1-Ghazzaliyy included this introduction to logic at the beginning of al-MustasfU, he did not consider it a part of  the   fundamentals of  Jurisprudence.   Nevertheless, he   held that   logic is the   prerequisite of  all the   sciences, and   that who hoever ever do does es not   acquire   logic   cannot   expect to   have his knowledge  trusted.69

ft

5.3   AL-IMLA’ Fl I  IS SIIKAIST   AL-IIIYA’ This book,  Al-Imla’fl  Ishkãlat  at-  Ihy&’  (The  Dictation on the wasw written in response to the criticism Problems of al-I hya’),   was that the  Ihyã’ had   endured at the   hands of  traditionalists whom  Al-Ghazzaliyy did no   mention by   name.   According they held   that his   book    contrad to  A1-Ghazzãllyy,   they contradicts icts the Shari’ah in advocating “unveiling” (mukEzshafah) as a source 67 See p. 55. 68   This  book, at -Imla’  Mu ushkil at-Ihya’. is is pubilshed -Imla’ft M  pubilshed as an  appendix to Thya’ ‘Ulum at-Din. S ee  al-Ghazzaliyy,  Ihya’,  Appendix (al-Mulhag). pp. 13-41.   Subsequently. I  w i l l   refer to it as   At-Imla’. usE asfa,  Vol. I, p. 1 0 . 69   A1-Ghazzaiiyy,   al-M usE 

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7° of  knowledge  and,   therefore,  they   tried to censure it. this  book  is based on two  elements; The   importance of  f this its   subject   matte matter r an and d   timing. In   al-Imlã’,   Al-Ghazzaliyy defends defen ds Su Sufism fism and  the kno know wledge  that can be  derived from was written at the end of  the   second it.   Chronologically, it was period of public  teaching at the   Ni~aml~ahof  Nishapur. It is clear,   therefore   that,   contrary to the   many   voices which argue that he  began to change his  Sufi method   towards the end of  his   life,   an adop opted ted the   method of  the and th tha at   he ad traditionalists who stated  that “unveiling” (mukashafali) as a the e poi oint nt ofview source of knowledge cannot bejustified  fromth of the Shari’ah,  that Al-Ghazzaliyy made no   such changes in his thou thought ght   during   this  period.   Rather, In his  reply to those who   were   critical of   Sufism,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   defended the existence  of div divin ine e  knowledge al- ‘tim  at-t&hiyy).7’ It Is  certain ained ed faithful that  this work  supports the  notion that he remain  faithful  until the end of   whether ether he to his  Sufi  method f this this   period;  wh  method until main aintain tained ed the sa sam me   epistemology during  the fin final al period of  his   life Is   something   that we shall be   considering   next.

70   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Al-Imfrf. p. 1 0 . 71   Ibid., p. 16.

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Chapter SIX AL-GHAZZALIYY’S  QUEST FOR  KNOWLEDGE: THE   SECOND  WITHDRAWAL FROM PUBLIC TEACHING (503-505   A.H./  1110-111 1C.E.)

This chapter  d  dea eals ls wit ith h th the e last  stage in Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   life which   extended   from his   wIthd Ithdraw rawal’ fro from m pub ublic lic   teaching at the  Nizam his de deat ath h in 505 A.H./   Nizamiyya iyyah h of  Nishapur until   his wrote thr three ee   books: Al1111   C.E.   During   this   per perio iod, d, he   wrote  Durrah  Du rrah  aI-Fdkhirahfl  Kashf  ‘Ulüm at -A -A khirah  (The   Precious Pearl In Un Unve veiling iling the   Sciences of  the   Hereafter),   Iljäm al‘Awdm ‘an   ‘Jim   al-Kalàm   (Preventing the   Common   People from Enga ngaging ging In the   Science of  f    Kalãm) and   Minh4j al‘Abicilri  (The  Course of  the Worshippers) ,2 The heai aim m of thIs  chapter Is to trace the last developments questi stion on th the e   elaim   that he In hIs   epistemology and to   que abandoned   Sufism and   adopted the   meth method od of  the tradItionalists who   cons conside ider r the   Qur’an and the   Sunnah as the tw two o   maj major or   sources of  knowledge.   AccordIng to al-Ijàflz Abü   al-Qãsim Ibn   ‘Asäkir.   Al-Ghazzãliyy   studied AlBukhäriyy’s   Sahik  at th the e   hands of  Abü   Sahl   Mukiammad 3  Nevertheless, It   seem seems   that Ibn   ‘Ubayd Allah   Al-Hafsiyy. ‘Abd   al-Ghãflr   Al-Färisiyy,   Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   student and   According  to   Badawl.   there ar e no   primary   sources   that   contain the e Nlzarnlyyah. He   suggests   that exact   date of  hi from  the his s  withdrawal   from th sometime time   after the assassination A1-Ghazzallw might  have withdrawn some of vizier   Fakhr   al-Mulk  In 500   A.H./1106   c.E. Bad Badaw awi’s i’s opin opinion ion is based on the idea that Fakhr al-Mulk  pressured   Al-Ohazzallyy to  teach at the  Nizamlyyah of  of  Nishapur.  Nishapur. and   that  when   Fakhr   al-Mulk  was did no  nott  feel  obligated to to continue  continue teaching. See Badawl. assassin assa ssinated ated,, he did  Mu’allafat. p. xxv. 2   Badawi,  Mu’allafat, p. xvii. 3 Al Al-Su -Subk bkly lyy, y,   vol. IV, p. 200. 1

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Nishap pur, was the   first   one one to   relate his 4 of   Nisha the   Khatib strong  interest in   studying  Hadith. He  said: “He “H e   (A1-Ghazzaliyy)   con conclu clude ded d (th (the e last years of his life)

 studyin dying g the Had adith ith of Prophet Muhammad IS.A.A.S.1 by  stu and by interacting with th the e scholars of Hadith. Hadith. He began   sound  Hadith:  Al-Bukhariyy’s reading the two  books  of  sound Sahih and   Muslim’s  Sahih.5 Had he   lived   longer, he would have, in  short time,   excelled in this art more than  studied died Abü Daw awüd üd Aleverybody else. In  addition, he  stu the e   hands of  AbU   al-Fath AlSijistaniyy’s   Sunan6  at th Hakimi  Al-Thsiyy.”7

One cannot  deny that  Al-Fàrisiyy’s  statement  indicates a ser seriou ious s atte attem mpt by   A1-Ghazzãliyy to   study   Hadith.   This prove, e, how howev ever, er, as   Dimashqiyyah   attempts to does not   prov show   that   Al-Ghazzàliyy   retu return rned ed to the   method of  the traditionalists   (al-SalaJ).8 The   statement Is   quoted by Dimashqiyyah   from a   page in   Al-Subkiyy’s   ~abàqat  at Shàfi’iyyah   al-Kubrà in   which   Al-Färisiyy   held   that AlGhazzàliyy,   upon his  return to  Tus,   established his own forr the   Sufis   (khãnaqãh U  at school and   built a   lodge fo S4ftyyah).  Moreover, he devoted part of  f h his time for the Sufis  as s th the e people of the hearts (aid al-qultTdT4.9 who were described  a It is obvious that   this historical   account of building a  lodge for the   Sufis and   attending to   them is an  Indication of  a  interes estt in Sufism. It remains   that a study of  continued  inter f h his  determining A1-Ghazzàliyy’s  A1-Ghazzàliyy’s last  three   books  is essential In  determining precise   stand   regarding regarding Su Sufism fism.

 AL-FA -FAKW KWP P.A .AJ JI  Fl K.4,SHF  6.1   AL-P URRAR AL ‘ULIIM  AL-A  AL-A I  IU Ufi fiR RAN  ‘utüm  al-Akhtrah This  book   Al-Durrah  aI-Fakhirahfi   Kashf   ‘utüm al-A 4   Khatib is the  Imam who   leads the   Friday   prayer   which   includes a  the e prayer. Khutbah   (speech). This  Khutbah is  considered  part  of  th 5   According to  Al-Hafiz Abu Sa’d Sa’d Ibn  Ibn al-Sam’aniyy.  Al-Ghazzallyy  studied the tw hand nds s ofThu ai-Fltyan ‘Umar ‘Umar Ibn two o  books of Sahth at the ha  IbnAbu alIV,, p.   215. Hasan   al-Rawasiyy al-Hafla  al-Tusiyy. See al-Subkiyy,  Vol. IV 6   This  is  another collection of Hadlth  which is  considered below the level  the SaNk  of  the 7 Al Al-S -Sub ubki kiyy yy,,   Vol. IV IV,, pp.   210-212. 8   Dimashqiyyah, Ab  Hamid  at-Ghazatt   at-Thsauiwuf, p.   366.  Abu u Hamid   at-Ghazatt Wa  at-Thsauiwuf, 9   A1-Subkiyy,  Vol. IV, p.   210.

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Precious ious Pea Pearl rl in  Unveiling the   Sciences of  the  Here(The   Prec after) is   less   theoretical   than   the the ot othe her r tw two o   books. It is concerned   primarily   with  Islamic   eschatology;   it de desc scribe ribes s in  great   details   themes   such as   death, the Heav eavens ens and Hell.   Nevertheless,   there are   scattered   statements   which indicate his   high   esteem fo forr the   Sufis  whom he des describ cribed ed as th the e   Gnostics   (al-’anjiin). He   said that   some of  those who die   proceed   through the   seven seven Heav eavens ens   until   they   reach the  Throne   (i.e. of  Allah) .   Some of  them   are are den denied ied   access nostic stics s who   know Him   (‘artjiui)   will to   Allah;   only the   Gno  Him.’° reach Him.’° reach In   another  place in the  Durrah~he  re In  relat lates es the   story of  Prophet   Muh uhamm ammad ad’s ’s   intercession   (shafa’ah) on   behalf  of   own n peop eople le on the day of  ju his  ow  judgement. This  Intercession begins beg ins with praising Allah   [S.W.T.] in a fas fashio hion n  that was not used   before. As to the   nature of  this   this  praise.   Al-Gha.zzaliyy quoted  some  Gnostics  (ba’d a!- ‘ãrtfln) who argued  that It was glorifica cation tion of   Himsel originally   “Allah’s   glorifi imself  f  at the   time He completed His creation   (i.e., of  the world).”” The term  “Gnostic” is also   used In a   third   context. Alcatego tegories ries of  those   who who ar are e   saved on Ghazzãliyy   listed   the ca day y ofjud ofjudgem gement. Th They ey are: the believers I ai-mu’miruTrn), the da the   Musl usliims   (aI-muslimUnj, the   doers of   good   works (a!rruthsirthn), the  Gnostics  (ci- ‘ànjuin), the  believers in revelation   (al-siddiqun), the   martyrs  (aI-shuhadã’), the   righteous (al-salihUn) and the   messengers   (al-mursalUn).’2 It   should be   noted   that all of  these   these   categories are   mentioned In the Qur’an,  wi  with th the  exception  of  the   “Gnostics”. All of   these   three   instances   involving the   Gnostics, namely, re reac achi hing ng th the e pre rese senc nce e of   Allah,   acceptance of  their argument regarding the exaltation  of Allah Allah  [S.W.T.], and creating a   special   catego category ry for   them   along along with the mesday y of   resur sengers on the da resurrec rection tion are   clear  indications of  Al-Ghazzãliyy   continued Sufis. continued acce accep ptance of  f Sufis. 10   A1-Ghazzaliyy.   Al-Durrah   al-Fakhirah ft   Kashf    ‘Ulum al-AkhUal-AkhU-ah, ah, Muham uhamma mad d Mustafa ustafaThu Thu al-’Ula, ed ed..  (cairo:   Maktabat al-Gindi,   1968) p.  126.  This  book  was prin printed ted   as appendixto to Sir al-’Alamin, a book  as an appendix that was ascribed ascribed   to Al-Ghazzaliyy.  p..   151. 1 1   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  At-Durrah,  p 12   mid.

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 AL L-KALAM  6.2   ILLJAM  AL-’AWAM  ‘AN  N  ‘EM  A  AL-’AWAM  ‘A I~amal- ‘Awàm ‘an   ‘JUn   al-Kalàm (PreAl-Ghazzãliyy   wrote   I~ venting the   Common People from Enga ngaging ging in the Sc Science ience of  firr st generation of  Kalàm) in order to explain the creed of  the fi Muslims   (i.e.   al-SalajJ    regarding   divine   attributes, and to prove  that  their   position is ri rig ght and th tha at any other  position is an   innovation   (bid’ah). He   held   that   this is  necessary to 3 avoid  questions of anthropomorphism.’   kalàm and This  book  was  understood as a  criticism of  kalàm metaphorical   interpretation   (ta’wil) of   divine   attributes which   forms   the the es esse sent ntia iall st stan and d of  the   later  generation of  Ash’arites   Including   Al-Ghazzãliyy.   This   position was scholars including Dim imashq ashqiyyah, iyyah, misunderstood by  many   scholars who  said: “He   experimented   with self-mortifiwith Su Sufism: fism: its  illusion,   self-mortification,   “tasting”,   emotion,   circle of  dhfkr    dhfkr  (hadrah)   (hadrah) and seclusion,   believing th believing  the e  claim of its master  that wh what at is right is not received   from written   revelation,  but rath rather er and th that at   Allah the from the   hidden   esoteric   (source),   and the e people inwhatExalted did not provide guidance  for th forr them, but rather in what He ever verses He sent down fo hid fo forr the   possessors of  the   stations   (maqàmatj and supernatural   powers  (Who   know through)   expositions,

unveilings unveilin gs and em emana anations. tions. He remained  like  this  until it   became clear to him when  the  train of  life   life   passed by the e sun of his lifetime  dwindled that he ha had d wasted and th his   life   in (seek the e  erroneous false e illus illusion ion and th (seeking ing)) a fals the e   infallible  perem  peremptory ptory sou source rce (of  impossible,   while th  within ithin the  reach of  hi knowledge) was  w his s ha hand nds, s,   rather close to his   lips and he  died, may Allah be merciful to the e Sahfhon hi his s chest,’4  as if he were resisting him, with th  fro om it   (the  Sahih)   what atdeath so  that he   might  drink  fr inside ide whic hich h was   stuffed  with ever ev er sip sips s to   cleans   his ins (knowledge of) the   Batinites,   philosophy,   kaläm and

Sufism,”5

Dim imashq ashqiyyah iyyah held  that  “unveiling”, the   sufi  source of  knowledge, is a  rival of the  science of Hadith; he   interpreted 13   AI-Ghazzaiiyy,   lljam   al-’Awam ‘an   ‘lIm   ai-Kalam,   Muhammad alMu’taslm   billah  al-Baghdadlyy, ed.   (Beirut: Dar   al-Kitab   al-Arabi, 1985) pp. 51— 52. 14   This  anecdote  about  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   death was  mentioned  originally by lb lbn n Taymiyyah. See Dimashqiyyah, p.  367. 15   Dimashqiyyah, p. 369.

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AL-GHAZZA1AYY’S   QUEST  F O R   KNOWLEDGE:  T H E  S E C O N D  WITHDRAWAL,,.

path in rtin ing g th the e   Sufi   pa Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   position   as desert favour  of  the Salafiyyah   methodology which is based on the 6   Dimashqiyyah   misinterpreted Qur’an and the   Sunnah.’ the  meaning  of “common   people”  (‘aw&m) in Ilj  Iljam am at- ‘Awãm. people, Al-Gha l-Ghazzaliyy zzaliyy Regarding the   definition of  common   people, said: “The category of common people (at- ‘Awàm)  includes the the e grammarian  (at-na~iawO. the e man of letters (at-adib) , th  (at-na~iawO.th Hadith   (a1~muJ~addithj, the th e  interpreter  (i.e. of  scholar of Hadith the th e  Qur’an), th the e  j  ju urist and th the e  Mutakattim.”7  who were not In   fact, the   Sufis   were the   only  people   who considered   among the  ‘Awam  and,   therefore,  they were th the e only ones qualified to achieve divine  knowledge. He held that hatt he des esc cri ribe bed d as the  kept only one in ten Sufis will reach wha secret  (al-sir  al-makhz fin).   Al-Ghazzaliyy  wanted to prevent all thos those e inclu included ded in the   definition  of “common  people”   from engaging in  Kalflrn and to   accept the   position of  the   Sataf  regarding   the the inte interp rpreta retation tion   ofdivine   attributes.’8   Thus, the passage   Dimashqiyyah   refers to   provides no   basis fo forr the claim that  Al-Ghazzaliyy  abandoned   Sufism. Instead,  Al-Ghazzaliyy main aintain tained ed the hig highe hest st rank  for the Sufi,  as ca can n be seen in the following analogy in which he to   that of  the Sultan, he   said: compared   divine presence to

his s  kingdom a private palace which “The  Sultan ha has s  in hi is   surrounded by a  courtyard  that has a gate  where all the th e   subjec subjects ts ga gather ther   without   being   permitted to   enter the e  gate; they are not  permitted to th the e  edge  of  through th the th e   courtyard.   Then th the e   elites of  th the e   kingdom are  the e  gate  an the e court  and d into th permitted to  enter through  th court-yard where   they can si sitt according to their  positions (i.e. the th e hig igh her th the e  rank,   the the cl clos oser er one  gets to th the e palace), It could be that   only  th  the e vizier is   permitted to the private pal alac ace e wher here e the  king reveals to th the e  vizier whatever he wishes of  the  the secrets  his kingdom, and he  (the  king)  secrets of   of  his atters rs that he would not reveal to him, keeps to himself matte It is th the e  same   regarding how close one can get to th the e the e  ‘Awam (comdivine   presence. The gate is where all th 16   Dimashqiyyah, p.368. 17   AI-Ghazzaliyy,   Itjam,  p. 67. 18   Ibid., pp. 67— 68.

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mon people)   sto stop p an and d if any one of  them   them trespasses, he the e Gnostics   (at- ‘ärijün), shoul sho uld d be rep reprim riman ande ded. d. As for th the e   gate the e   courtyard  where they   enter  through th gate int into o th they   spread   according to   their   ranks   without   being the e   sacred   place get cl clo ose se,, or   even able to   get even loo look  k  at th center ter of  th the e  court.”° (ha,zirat  at-qudus)   at-qudus) in  the cen clear indic indication ation of Al-Ghazzaliyy’s This an anal alog ogy y is a   clear Al-Ghazzaliyy’s classification of  the   Sufis Sufis hi high gher er   than   “common   people” which include   scholars of  Hadith,   Hadith, the   very science   that he was  supposed to  acc  accep ept as the   source of  knowledge  instead of “unveiling”  according to the  many  claims  in   this  respect. To   avoid any   misunderstandings, I   should say   that he accepted   Hadith as a   source of  knowledge   knowledge  throughout his life, yet  this   acceptance on its own   sho should uld no nott lea lead d to any conc co nclusion lusion reg regard arding ing his   position   towards   other   sources of  knowledge   (e.g..  “unveiling”,   kashjj. Another indic indication ation that he  did not  change his  position Sufism m is his   assertion   regarding   the ex existenc istence e concerning   Sufis of a faculty higher than   reason. He reiterated  his argument in  respect to the   inability of  reason to perceive  things   such as th the e harm   that   results   from  sinning or the   benefit   that results   fromobedience (i.e. to the Sharl’ah) in relationship to after afte r de death ath.. He   added   that all   those those who are  rational   agree that   reason   cannot   lead to   specific   knowledge   similar to and th tha at   only a   post-reason   faculty that in the   Shari’ah,   and 2° It is   obvious   that can   perceive   metaphysical   knowledge. Al-Ghazzaliyy   maintained his   idea on   the lim limitati itation ons s of  whic ich h he used to   support his arg argum ument on the reason   wh existence of afaculty higher than  reason, which is accessible to the  Sufis. 6.3   MINHAJAL-’ABID1N 

forr the  WorshipThis  book,   MinhãJ  at- ‘Abid{n   (The   Course fo itte ten n by Al-Ghazzãliyy pers ers), ), is the last work  known to be writ life;; ‘Ab ‘Abd d al-Malik  lb lbn n  ‘Abdullãh, one of  at the end of  f h his   life of h his students,   said: 19   A1-Ghazzaliyy,   Itjam. pp.   85-86. 20   Ibid.,  p. 87.

156

 TH H E  S E C O N D   WITHDRAWAL... AL-GHAZZALIYYS QUEST F O R   KNOWLEDGE: T “My  honorable   Sheikh, the   successful and happy mystical   lmam,   Proof  of   Islam and   Ornament of  religion,   religion,

the hon honor or of  th the e   nation, Abü   Hãmid   Muhammad lbn Muhammad Ib Ibn n   Muhammad  A1-Ghazzaliyy Al-Tfisiyy, may   Allah   sancti~’his   soul and may  Allah   raise his 2’  book which was rank in Heavens, dictated this concise the th e  last book  to be written be  written by  hi  him m, and   only  copied  by his hi s  very cl clos ose e  companions  (khawäs   ashñbilij.’2

Ibn   ‘Abdullah’s   preface to his own   copy  of  Min.hO,j   Min.hO,j at ‘Abid&~is   important not only because it  indicates   that   this is the   last   book  to   be writt ritten en by   Al-Ghazzaliyy, but   also because it   comes   from one of  the   close companions, or ember r of   the mightt be   described as a   membe what   migh the inn inner er   circle, f h his  statement. a   fact that   adds to the certitu certitude de of  as   written in According to   Al-Ghazzailyy,   this   book was the th e sa sam me spiri iritt of  the   Ihyã’,   except   that he was   hoping that   Minhaj at-  ‘Abidin   would not   draw   criticism  similar to hich h he bla blam med on the   inability of  the  “common the   Qiyã’ whic cons nsolatio olation n in the people” to   understand it it.. He   found co fac fa ct th that at the   Qur’an   which Is the   perfect   word   of Allah was des describ cribed, ed, by non non-M -Mus uslim lims, s, of being “stories of  past   nations”   (i.e., not  revealed) ,2 ,23 3 Moreover, he   kept   referring the   reader reader thro throug ughou houtt book,, to  rea  Miinhaj at- ‘Abidin,   because  It is a  concise   book  M  read d th the e corresp corre spond onding ing cha chap pters in the   Ihyä’.   Al-Gha.zzàliyy   gives no   indication   that he has   retracted   the ba basi sic c   positions expressed in the   JIiyã’,   which of  course   course   includes his  views on the   superiority of  Suflsm as a   source of  kno know wledge over Yett it is clear that he did not mention  every all ll   other  forms. Ye regardin ding g Su Sufism fism for   fear of    misunderthing he   knew   regar standing. He  cited fou four r  lines  of  a  poem by Zayn al~’Abldin24 hich h he   held   that he   kept as a secret the   jewels of  his in whic Ignorantperson know kn owledg ledge e fearin fearing g an Ignorant person who would accuse him ightt  ge  gett kill lle ed if he  reveals of being an idolator or  worse,  he migh 21   Minhaj at- ‘Abidtn which has   more  than 240   pages Is   considered a concise book  here relative  to books like  Ihya’. 22   A1-Ghazzallyy,   M(nhnJ al-A al-Abidin,  Muhammad Mustafa Abu al-’Ula, ed. (Cairo:  Maktabat al-GIndi,   1972). p. 13. 23   Al-Ghazzaliyy,  Mtnlwij, p. 14. M i  Ibn al24 Zayn  aI-’AbldIn,  ‘ ‘M al-H Hus usay ayn n Ibn ‘All LbnAbu Talib, the grandson of the fourth Caliph.

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25   This   poem   represents the   outlook  of  Alhis   knowledge. show ws   that he was Ghazzãliyy   when he  wrote   this   book; it sho not at   ease in  expressing all   that he  wanted to   say.   NeverNevermade e in theless, we   shall see   direct   stat statem emen ents ts th that at he   mad favour  of  Sufism. Like the  Ihyã’,  Mirthàj at- ‘Abidirt  was  written to explain the   path to the   hereafter.26   Al-Ghazzãliyy   described   seven obstacles27   that   face   the treads ds th this is   path. the per erso son n who   trea Acc ccording ording to   him   this   the co conten ntents ts of  this him, the   arrangement of  the was an inspiration   (ithàm)   from Allah   [S.W.T.j.28 I   will book   was some e of  analyze the   language   that   he use sed d in   discussing   som obstacles les whe here re he   explicitly   uses   Sufi   terms and these   obstac anycha change nges s themes in order to determine whether there were any in his  epistemology. The  first of  these is the   obstacle of  science   science and  knowledge (‘aqab one e (‘aqabat at al-’i al-’itmw tmwaal-m aal-ma’rtfah). a’rtfah).  Inordertoworship, on know what one e is worshipping and to be need ne eds s to know  what it  is that on certain  about it it.. To  overcome   this obstacle, he held that one should sho uld see seek  k  help “from the scholars of the he here reaf after ter (‘ulamã’ ai-äkhirah) who   are are th the e   guides of   this  path, the   saddle of  Imams. One   should this   nation and the   leaders of  the   Im benefit   from   them and   should ask   them fo forr   their   good supplication  (du’ã’) so he can cross  this pat ath h wit ith h the help of  Allah,   praise be to   him him, in   order to   attain   peremptory knowledge   (‘tim   at-yaqirO.”2° Al-Qhazzallyy   maintained, since sin ce he ac acce cep pted the  Sufi  path  as th the e  only way to acheive peremptory   knowledge.   Thus, I   understand the   solution this is   obstacle as an   invitathat   Al-Ghazzaliyy   provided   to th forr   people to   seek among thos those e   whom tion fo seek a   Sufi   Sheikh   among he   dscrlbe dscrlbed d as   “the   scholars of   the the he here reaf after ter” ” who wou ould ld guide the   novice  (al-murk!) on this path ath.. Furthermore, he   stated   that   while   studying at the akes es it eas easier ier hands of a teacher facilitates  knowledge and mak -

-

25   Al-Ghazzallyy,   Minhaj, p. 15. 26   Ibid., p.   255. 27   These  are:   ‘aqabat al-Urn Wa  a!’rna’njah knowledge). dge).   a!’rna’njah   (the obstacle   of knowle aqabat    al-tawbah   (the ob obsta stacle cle of   repentance),   ‘aqabat  at- ‘awa’iq (the obs obstac tacle le of    obstructions),   ‘aqabat at’ ‘awarid   (the obst obstac acle le of    motivations),   ‘aqabat  alcrises),   ‘aqabat  al-bawa   al-bawa  ‘ith  (the obstacle of  motivations), obstac tacle le of   impunities) and   ‘aqabat  aI-han’id  Wa  atqawadih (the obs shukr  (the obstacle  of  gratitude   gratitude and thankfulness). 28 AIAI-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy. y.   Minhaj. p. 20. 29   Ibid., p. 16.

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F O R  KNOWLEDGE:

THE  S E C O N D   WITHDRAWAL..

to   achieve,   Allah   bestows   his bo bou unty on   whomever He chooses   from   among His   servants and   becomes   their the Su Sufi fi 3°The latter   statement   conforms to   the direct Teac Teacher. her. achieving g kn know owledg ledge e dire directly ctly from Allah   which is notion of   achievin known as at-  ‘Urn  aI-Iadurirtiyy.   another  obstacle,   that   concerning In his  discussion of  another consid nsidered ered the   question of  whether   whether asworldly   things,   he co ceticism   (zuhd) is an   obligation   ~fard).   A1-Ghazzàliyy   held that   asceticism   is is an   obligation in   regard to  forbidden   (4aram)   things; it is voluntary   (naffi  concerning   what is lawful say, ref refra rainin ining g   from   thing things s whic hich h are (t~to,iafl. That is to   say, forbidden is  obligatory on  all; but one may  refrain,   though one is not   obl oblig iged ed to do so, in   cases of  things   things   which are permitted by   Islamic   law. He   maintained   that   there is a than th this is   wh higher  level   th wher ere e th the e la law wfu full is   considered forbidden   and,   therefore,   asceticism becomes  obligatory.   This higher  level is pertaining to the Sufis who  beco  becom me  AbddL1’ To   explain   this   term   “abdal”, on one e   needs to   know the  Sufi order. Shelkh elkh in hierarchy of  a  Sufi  order. The  Sufi   order has  one Sh rank; he is   described as   Qutub   (head).32 The the hig highes hestt   ran Qutub has   three  deputies  (Nuqabà’,   sing.   Naq?b) who   reprerepre seven n ch chiefs iefs sent se nt the   second level. The third  level   comprises  seve (Awtad,   sing.   Watad).33 The   fourth   rank    includes   forty substitutes   (Abdat,   sing.   Baclafl.34   It It is the   members of  mind d   when this   latter   rank    that   A1-Ghazzaliyy had In his   min he   mad asce ceticis ticism m is  obligatory made e his   comment ents s   that their as in   both the  lawful and the   forbidden.   The meaning of  in f this this reache hes s the   fourth   rank  or   higher, he is  that   once a   Sufi   reac regards  lawful things as ifthey are dead   animal.35 According to Islamic j one e can eat of  a dead  animal   only  ju urisprudence, on not, t, he would die. For Al-Ghazzãllyy, in ease where if he did no   this   world,  where the  dead  animal   becomes a metap etaphor hor of  this subs bsist ist in   order to be the   Sufi   would use   enough of  it  to su able  to continue  worshipping. exp plain lained ed   that   asceticism   sho should uld ta take ke Moreover, he ex 30 31 32 33 34

  A)-Ghazzaliyy,   MinhaJ, p. 27.

  Ibid..  p. 42.   Literally  qutub means  pole.   Literally watad  means peg or   stake.

  Trlmingham,  J.  J.,, The Sufi   Orders in   Islam (London:   Oxford   University Press,   1971) p.   262. 35 AiAi-Gha Ghazza zzaliy liyy, y,   Minhaj.   p. 42.

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forr   subsistence. He place in   regard to   everything everything exc excep eptt fo adde ad ded d tha thatt one   might   subsist   with or   without   food and drink; if Allah Allah  wills the body  to subs bsis istt  w  withou ithoutt a cau cause se  (i.e., food and  drink) it  will do so, as do the   angels. On  the oth other er  with ith so som methin ething, g, it might hand, if  He wills the body  to subsist  w be   that you   seek    that   thing, or   that He   would   cause   that come e to you   without   seeking it thing to   com it.. To   support his argument,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   cited a verse in the   Qur’an  which one e who fears Allah, He will fInd him a way indicates that for on out of  his   problems and   that He   will   provide him   with 36 sustenance in ways  that he did not  expect. Another obsta obstacle cle  that   al-Ghazzaliyy   discussed is people. He  held that  people will ke keep epon one e from worshipping, and if  he   does worship does  worship in  their   presence, he  m  mig ight ht   change the orship hips  (e.g., improve  it). an act which renders him way he wors According ording to Al-Gha l-Ghazzãliyy, zzãliyy, the   solution to   this hypocrite.   Acc pro roblem blem is  seclusion   (at- ‘uzlah). He  related   numerous Hadiths,   poems and   anecdotes of   Sufis in   support of  of    this additio dition, n, he defended the exIstence of Su notion. In ad Sufi fi sc scho hools ols and   lodges   (ribãtat  a!-sàfiyyah)   which   fulfill the   notion of  are pre present. sent. He   mainseclusion,   even   though   other   people   are tained   that if problem special gatherings gatherings.. roblems s   arise arise in  these   special then it is legitimate fo forr the sc schola holar r to seek  absolute  Isolation even if it leads  to the   “burial   of kn know owledge ledge”. ”. He  emphasized finding g comfort in the prese that findin resence nce of people withou ithoutt a need forr  stu  study dying ing) ) is an  indication   of em emptin ptiness.37 ess.37 (e.g., fo Al-Ghazzàliyy  discussed   many other  Sufi themes   such  than as  poverty and celibacy. He   held that   poverty Is better better than wealth and  that   celibacy is better   than   being   preoccupied with th the e   affaIrs of  the   wife and   children. His   position is disentang tangled led and based on the   Idea that the  Sufi  should be disen independent   from worldly   affairs!38 f this this book, he  deacribed the nature Towards the end of  this s path   that the  Sufi  needs to  follow,  saying: of thi

its s  length is unlike the  existing distances ‘This  path in it  and d that  people cover by feet ac acco cordin rding g to their strength strength an A1-Ghazzaliyy,   MirthaJ,  p.43.  see e A1-Ghazzaliyy,  al-Ta Tataq taq  65:3.  se 36   A1-Qur’an,   Sura  al37   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   Minhaj, pp.  44-58. 141. 1. 38 mid.,   p. 14

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spiritual path that   is tr weakness, it is rather a   spiritual trea ead d by the e hearts   which   cover it   with  thought   according to th faith and insight (of the seekers). Its  origin is a Heavenly divine ine   look  (nazar  ilãhiyy) light  (rthr   samawiyy) and   a div which desc descends ends on th the e  heart of  the  the   servant who  uses 39 it to  see the reality of both worlds.” one e   spends in   seeking   this As to the   length of   time on A1-Ghazzáliyy  argued   that   someone might   seek  it fo forr path,   A1-Ghazzáliyy argued a hundred   years withou ithoutt   finding   it due to   mistakes in the way  he seeks it  or  or because  because he  does not exert enough   effort.  momen omentt On th the e  other   hand,   someone   else might  find it  in a  m with the  care of  the Lord, the  Exalted, who is responsible for guidance.4°

6.4   CONCLUSION apparen arent, t, the then, n,   that   Al-Durrah   al-F’akhirah,   RJãm at It is   app ‘Awãm art  urn   aI-Katam and   Minhdj at- ‘A bid n.   written  A1-Ghazzaliyy’s   life,   con contain tain cle clear ar durin du ring g th the e   last   stage of  A1-Ghazzaliyy’s manifestations of  his continu continued ed acce accep ptance of   Sufism as forr  true  knowledge. the path fo  A1 1-D -Dur urrah rah al-Fakhirah, he held that the Sufis,   whom In A he   describes as   ‘Anfln  (Gnostics),   are are th the e only people who upon their  death  could   proceed  through the seven Heavens to reach   Alla Allah. h. In  Iljãrn at- ‘Awdm. he employed the  concept other kin kind d of   scholar of  “common   “common   people” to   divide   every   other describ cribed ed from the Sufis. He ranked the  Sufis higher and he des them  as the sc scho holar lars s of  the   hereafter,   Finally, in Mi  Mirth rthhj hj atdefended ed Su Sufi fi  schools and  lodges. In   addition, ‘Abidlrt, he   defend he des describ cribed ed the  knowledge of  the  Sufi  in terms of  a  divine light whic hich h   is ty typ pic ical al of  “unveiling”  (kashjj. All of  these   these   Sufi   themes,   which  w  wer ere e als also o   using   Sufi forr any  doubt or  hesitation   that terminology,   leave no   room fo ess sen enc ce. It Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   epistemology was   Sufi in its es that thi this s is not a def defen ence ce of Sufism against should be  noted   that the Satajiyyahmovementwhich  tried to presentAl-Ghazzãllyy in his  final   days as  someone who   abandoned   Sufism. What 39 40

Ai-G i-Ghazz hazzaliy aliyy, y,   Mtnhaj, p.   245.

  Ibid.

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I am  trying to say is  that   they   need a better   argument fo forr their position osition..

162

CONCLUSION

In   this book, this  book, I   have  offered a   comprehensive   study of  f A AlGhazzãliyy’s   epistemology in all his  confirmed and  available have e arg argued ued that his  epistemology evolved through works. I hav f h his  life. He  began as a  conformist  (i.e, the va variou rious s sta stages ges of  f p parents and teachaccepting   knowledge on the   authority of  ers), but  soon he  broke  away   from conformism while still a child. He   stressed the  Importance of  this step p fo for r   anyone   this   ste seeking   true  knowledge.   After   releasing   himself    from the authority of  con conform formism, he   began   a lon long g in inte tellec llectu tual al forr  truth  wh  jo  j ourney in quest fo  which ich led him to question  everyone e of  the   mos mostt  original thing and eventually to experience on and   dramatic   cases of  skepticism In he  history of   thought. The way out of  f h his  skepticism was  divine  illumination.   After he reg regain ained ed his  trust In   logical ne nece cess ssities ities,, he   studied all the   exis existing ting sc scho hools ols of  thought   thought   including   philosophy, diasearch h cu culm lminate inated d lectical   theology and the  Batinites; his   searc in his   acceptance of  Sufism  as th the e   only path   that   leads to describ cribed ed as  p  peremp eremptory knowledge   (‘Urn  yaqn). what  he des AJ-Ghazzallyy’s In Chapter  One, I  presented a sketch of AJ-Ghazzallyy’s life as an aid to understanding the complexities and the controversies that   sur surro roun und d this great Muslim thinker. Not only  books on his writings   (e.g., Al-Ghazzaiiyy’s  books  on knowledge), but also his  life Is a direct  manifestation of hi his s spiri iritu tual al an and d inteliectual   development.   This is   especially   true   whe when n th the e person is a  Sufi   whose   everyday  life is a  manisfestation of  the   epistemological   path he is using. In the   subsequent   Chapters (2— 6), 1   analyzed Al163

AL-C HAZZLIYY

chrono ronologica logicall orde order r in order to portray Ghazzãliyy’s books  in ch in his   epistemology. the   development   in As a student,   A1-Ghazzaliyy  wrote  Al-Mankhül on   usEd  in this  boo  book k was al-fiqh. His basic   epistemological   interest   in mainly as a j  ju urist. He  concentrated on   technical   issues   that were   part of  or   related to   usEd   al-jig It As a   student. Alwhic ich h he Ghazzaliyy   imitated his   teacher   al-Juwainiyy.   wh acknowledged at the end of  f this this book.   Although he  differed  Al-Mankhfd -Mankhfd,,  his in very fe few wcases  fromhis teacher in Al  hisorig original inallate ter r   work  Ality in   usEd   al-fiqh was   manifested   in his la

 Mu  M usta tassjâ. Although   Al-Martkhid    shows   Al-Ghazzaliyy as an imitating   stu stude dent, nt, hi his s  bibliographic   work   A1-Munqidh m m toward ards s the end of  his   life, which was written tow al-Datal,   which projects a pers erson onality ality  that is preoccupied  with truth in itself  forr earc rch h fo prompted him to sea It was  differences in belief  that   prom truth.   His stage ges s of  His aw aware arene ness ss,, du durin ring g the  early sta f h his  life, of  different cre creeds eds of  people   started  h  hiim on his  first  stage the   different of  a   long  journey of   systematic   skepticism   which   lasted until the   climax of  his   quest fo forr  knowledge   during his   last teach cher er at  the Nizamiyyah of Baghdad. days as a tea Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   critical thinking and regard for general questions of   truth and   knowledge,   while   apparent in Al Mu  M unqidh, are   absent   from A  All-MankhüL The   fact that   these two tw o  books  reflected differ intere erest st in A1-Ghazzãdifferent ent areas of  f int liyy’s   early   life   migh mightt   appear   contradictory. One   question two o area is that  might surfa fac ce as a result of these tw is:: ho how w co cou uld someone   like   Al-Ghazzaliyy, who was   investigating the gesources s as   stated in   knowledge and   their   source neral   notions of  knowledge  All-Munqkih,   proceeded   to ve  A the e   case verily rily the   particular   as th  Al-Mankhü -MankhüL L in Al the e bloom of  my  my life,   from  th  the e time  I  reached puberty “In th  wa as twenty until now, when la lam m over fifty, I have before I  w  the e de dept pth h of  this   this constan con stantly tly been been diving  diving   daringly  into  th profound sea and wad ading ing int into o its deep water  like a bold  farr man an,, no nott like a cautious  coward. I   would  penetrate  fa every murky  murky  mystery,  pounce upon  every problem, into every upon every and  dash  into  every   mazy  difficulty. I   would  scrutinize  sec ct an and d seek  to lay bare th the th e creed ofevery  se the e secrets of  seek to  the e aim of  each   faction’s teaching  with  th of    discriminating between betw een the   proponent of   truth and   the adv advoca ocate te of 

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the e faithful  follower of tradition and error, and between th 1 the th e heterodox innovator.” beginn inning ing of  f    this Al-Ghazzàllyy   reaffirmed the   early beg search fo this quest fo forr   truth and the   source of  forr   knowledge f this in the same introduction. He  said: the e  real  meaning of things was “The  thirst for grasping th  real meaning the e indeed my habit  an earlyyears  and d wont from my early and d in th years an prime of my life,  Itwas an instinctive, natural disposition placed in my  makeup   by by Go God d   (Allah)   Most   High. not something due to my own  choosing and contriving.  As a the e fetters of servile conformism (taqlid)  fell  away result, th from me. and   inherited  beliefs   lost   their   hold on me, when  I was still  quite young.’2 Although the above quotations   showed the tim time e fram frame e line of  of the first line  of thought,  which covered Al-Ghazzãliyy’s life book oks s writt ritten en by as a student, it remains that there  were no bo the   student   Al-Ghazzãliyy   that   reflected   this   independent approach to   knowledge  an There were many  works  and d truth truth..   There (e.g. Al  Al-Mu -Murtq rtqid idh h mimi  al-Dalal)  by the  later Al-Ghazzaliyy that embodied   this   investigative   course   that he   undertook  in pursuit of knowledge and  truth   in what   could be   called the area of universals. The   second   lin line e of  f    thought is   rep repres resen ented ted in AlGhazzãliyy’s works in fields likejurisprudence.   Although the first   line of   thought   must   have   Influenced the way Al fiq qh by   having that   ind indeGhazzàliyy   approached   areas  like  fi pendent   spirit   which led him not to be a   conformist to  cannot claim  claim that these previous writings in such fields, one  cannot works were were   reflecting the   first line of  f thou thought ght beca becaus use e   they reduc uctionis tionist, t, he  concerned   with particulars.   Unlike a red were concerned were was no addr ad dres esse sed d th thes ese e ar area eas s of   par artic ticu ular lars s as if   there   wa knowledge,   which general eralnotion notions s of knowledge, relationship be betw tween een th the e gen he put  under  investigation, and  these  particular  particular   fields. The fact that Al-Ghazzàliyy kept working in the particu particu-lar fields of  the  Shari’ah indicate   that  he was  never in doubt Ai-Ghazzaliyy, F)-eedoman Ai-Ghazzaliyy, F)-eedomandffulflhl dffulflhlment(A ment(A1-Mu 1-Munqidh nqidh m m   al-Dalad),  Richard 1980)  p. 62 62.. Joseph   Mccarthy, U-.   (Boston:  Twayne  Publishers.   1980) p. 63.. 2   Al-Ghazzaliyy,   fl’eedom, p. 63

i

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premises ises which  w  were ere der derived ived about the  true   validity of  the   prem from the   Qur’an and the   Sunnah.   In fa fac ct, he   continued  subjec bjects ts ev even en at the Nizãmiyyah of Bagh Baghlecturing on these  su dad. when he was going through  what  I  like to call the climax 3 of  f h his  mental   discourse   regarding the   first  line of  thought. continuous ous inqu inquiry iry   into   both  univerAl-Ghazzaliyy’s   continu sals and   particulars is  interesting   because on the   surface they  seem   inc incom ompatib atible. le. One co could uld se see e  that  Al-Ghazzàliyy had an obvious,   spontaneous interest in the fi fir rst. It prompted throughout out his   life. The   difficulty a  good   deal of  reflection   reflection   through is in the   question: why did he   pursue the   second?   Part of  th the e an answ swer er   could be   found in   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   formal education   which   started   with   training in   the the part articu iculars lars (e.g. f answer r comes  from the   fact that  fllqh).   Another  partial   answe these particu articular lar   sciences, there was   common   interest in   these especially in j  ju urisprudence. In addition,  Al-Ghazzaliyy pursued his  interest in the   par partic ticula ulars rs as a tea teach cher er who was expected, and thus there is a sense of duty,  to lecture on such probably bly more   provided these e as asp pect ects s and   proba topics. All of  thes forr   such   pursuit of  knowledge the motivatio otivation n fo   knowledge in the particulars. Moreov oreover, er, one cou could ld   think  that   once Al-Ghazzãliyy achieved   universal   knowledge, he   found   that that his in inter teres estt in the   particulars was in   line   with his in inte ter res estt in the universals. In   addition,   there is a   sociological   element in equation, ation, where a sc schola holar r in the Is Islam lamic icw wor orld ld is unlikely this equ to be acc accep epted ted withou ithoutt  being   deep rooted and having strong interests in the particu articulars. lars. The   next   stage in  Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   epistemological development took  place   when he   became the   teacher of  the Nizãmiyyah of   Baghdad. His   writings   during   this   period, one of  the   most   imporwhich   lasted for a dec decad ade, e, reflec reflectt   on tant   stages   in in his   intellectual   development. He  b  brok roke e with conformism   which  dominated his   work  as a  student, and began a  systematic   inquiry of  the sc thoug ught ht tha thatt scho hools ols of  tho forr  true   knowledge. sear arch ch fo were ava available ilable at the  time  in se  many   schools of  Al-Ghazzaliyy encountered  many f thought thought in restric tricted ted the his  quest for true   knowledge.   Eventually,   he res possibility of   finding   such   knowledge to   four four “c “class lasses es of  3   A1-Ghazzaliyy. Al-Munqidh, p.   136.

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seekers”:   al-Mutakallimun., the   Batinites, the   philosophers and the  Sufis whose  methodology he  finally  accepted. When  Al-Ghazzaliyy   became   a tea teach cher er at the   Nizam  Baghdad, he   started   studying   philosophy in his miyah of  Baghdad, search for true  knowledge as  part of  a  systematic   approach hic ch he was  attempting to study all in whi ll   sects,   religions and schools of  thought   thought in   search of  true  knowledge.   According him, he   could not   find   such   knowledge in all the trato   him ditiona ditio nall su subjec bjects ts of   philosophy; the   only two   exceptions were   logic and   mathematics.   Although he was   critical of  adop opted ted   many philosophy, he ad many positions   from the   works of  (e.g.,  Al-Farabi). the  philosophers   (e.g., Al-Farabi). One of  the   mos mostt   important   contributions of   Al-GhazAl-Ghazlogic. ic. He  wrote period d is his   position on log zaiiyy   during   this   perio several  boo  books ks in which he he intended  intended   to set   forth a criterion forr   science. He   held in Mi ‘yãr  alfo   that   every   person has  al- ‘Ilrrt  that   sensibles,   a ju judges: s: a ju judg dge e of  sensibles, jud dge of   imagination three   judge and  a ju judg dge e of reason. It is the   addition of a  “judge of  imaginatio na tion” n” he here re   that   contributes to the   development of  his  dr rop it later on genetic ep epistem istemology ology even though he  would  d in  A  All-M Munqidh. Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   search for   indubitable   know knowledg ledge e led rit ty him to   reject all   knowledge   that was   based on   authori whi hic ch he bl blam amed fo forr the   differences   among   people. He defined this  knowledge in terms of  mathematical   certitude. He   scrutinized all his cognition in search for kn know owledg ledge e that eett the   previous  description; he thought for a  while would   mee self lf ev evide ident nt truths   conform to the that the  sensibles and the se certit rtitud ude e th that at he was   looking   for.   Nevertheless, level of  ce found nd   that he   could meditating   upon   such   knowledge   he fou doubt   them, and   thus he   found   himself    devoid of  any indubitable   knowledge. As a re fou und himself  doubtresu sult, lt,  he fo tincluding ding reas reason, on,   whi whic ch was ing all  sources of knowledge ,   inclu based upon the possibility of the   existence of a higher faculty and   which he   defined in   terms of  its   relation to   reason  underw derwent a most genu(malakahfawqa at-  aql). In fact, he  un dram matic   experience of   skepticism.   This   state of  ine   and dra doubt   continued for the du duratio ration n of  two   months and  eventually  ended by  divine  illumination. The   first   thing   that   Al-Ghazzáliyy   rega regain ined ed af afte ter r he 167

A L -G F I A Z Z A L IY Y

emerged   from his   state of  f    doubt was his   trust in   logical necessities.   According to   him,   this   would not   have   been possible  without   divine  illumination   which he  considered a source of   knowledge   that he   called   kashf  and   which he described as   acquiring   knowledge   directly  (i.e.   from Allah). This latter   source of  knowledge form forms s the  backbone of Sufi epistemology; he   would   expand on  this  concept   during his whic ch he believed first period of withdrawal   fromp from pub ublic lic   life   whi to be a   condition   that he   should   fulfill in   order   to at atta tain in peremptory   knowledge. During the   years of   seclusion,   Al-Ghazzàliyy   em empha hasized in his writings the limited capability of reason and that source rce of  knowledge “unveiling”  (kashj) is the   only sou   knowledge   that is absolutely   capable of  attaining   Indubitable   transcendental  Ihyã’ ã’   IliUm at-Din, he  stressed the superiknowledge. In the Ihy ority of   Sufi   knowledge   over   that   which is   attained by conventional   sources of  knowledge.   This   Sufi   knowledge whic hich h he   referred to as   ‘tim  aI-mukashafah is the aim of  intellectual   activity, yet he   stated   that   such   knowledge shou sh ould ld not be  revealed to the  public.   Therefore,  the su subjec bjectt of  the  Ihyã’ is that  knowledge which   leads to kashf,   namely 4ilmnal-mu’ãmalah).By action, he means action ( the science of action self-mortification and   discipline   which   form a   prerequisite for   attaining   peremptory   transcendental   knowledge. In additio ad dition, n, he held  that  kashf  is possible throu through gh the   faculty higher   than   reason  which  forms one of  the  m  most ost important this position is developments in his epistemology. The aim of  f this to sho how w the   limitations of   reason   which   cannot   achieve peremptory   knowledge.   This position Is reinforced  by lis listin ting g prophecy  as th the e hig igh hest level in relation to the attainment of  in what schola holars rs in knowledge  which is followed by  the sc  what  might be   considered   Al-Ghazzãliyy’s   res resp pon onse se to the   Muslim philosophers who   ranked   rea reason as th the e hig igh hes estt   faculty. Finally, he   added in the   fItyã’   another  fo  for rm fo for r the   attainment of  peremptory   knowledge. namely, visio vision. n. Similar to  Ihyã’ ã’,,   Al-Ghazzãliyy conto hi  his s  position in the Ihy i-Maqsa aqsad d aI-Asnã Sha tinued in Ai-M Sha.rhA .rhAsm sma’ a’ Allah aI-H aI-Husn usnã  ã to incap pability to stress the  limitations of  reason and its inca to attain  attain peremptory   transcendental   knowledge. The   only way to achieve  such  knowledge is through  kashf    It It is obvious  that 168

CONCLUSION

two o   noti these tw notion ons s ar are e consistent   with Al-Ghazzaliyy’s epistemology in the  Ihya’. Btdayat    ai-Hidãyah,   there are   whole   sections As to   Btdayat   which are   identical   with  Qawa’td  at- ‘Aqâ’id   which is consid ider ered ed a   part of  the   Thya’ and   therefore it   adds to the cons co nsis isten tency cy of   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   epistemology   during   this section tions s he asserted the notion of  discipline period. In these sec and  self-mortification as   prerequisites to the   attainment of  peremptory   knowledge.  Ja awahtr trA All-Q Q ur’ãn which corresponds to his position In J in the   I1,tyã’ and  Biclagat al-Htdãyah,   Al-Ghazzaliyy   maintain ta ined ed th the e   notion of   discipline and   self-mortification as conditions fo forr the attainment of  f    transcendental   knowledge. He   held   that   transcendental   knowledge can be   revealed etaphorical horical langua language. ge. through throu gh true  vision in metap In A  Al-R l-R I  Issaiah al-LadUnnty gab. Al-Ghazzaliyy discussed the  notion of   “metaphysical  transcendental   knowledge”   (at‘tim   al-ghaybiyg   ai-ladfznniyy)   which is   accessible to  elite attained ed thr throu ough gh Sufis  only. Th This is kin kind d of  knowledge can be attain inspiration   (tlbdm). The   last   book    dealing   with the   epistemology of  AlGhazzaliyy during the  first period of  seclusion is Mts  Mtshk&t  hk&t  at  Artw  Ar twãr. ãr. He  reiterated his position   regarding the existence of   elite Sufis are a faculty higher than reason.  According to him, him, elite capable of   attaining   know-ledge   directly   from   the the sa sam me source, sou rce, sim similar ilar to prophets. Although  Al-Ghazzaliyy   Introduces   different   sources (e.g.,   inspiration,   insight) insight) for the   attainment of  knowledge, the  last six books  emphasize   Sufism  a  as s the   common   theme and,   therefore,   this   period of   seclusion   reflects a   unified epistemology. After   ending his   seclusion and   returning to   teach at   Nishapur,   Al-Ghazzällyy  maintained his the  Nizãm  Nizãmiyya iyyah h of  Nishapur, epistemology as a  Sufi. His   last book  last  book  to be written   during was written in rethis   period,   Al-ImId’ ft I  Isshkàlà làt  t   aI-Ihgã’,   was sponse to the   criticism   that the   Ihya’ had   endured at the hands of traditionalists   whom Al-Ghazzaliyy di did d no nott men ention tion they hel eld d that his book  by name.  According to Al-Ghazzaliyy,   they contradicts the   Shari’ah in   advocating   mukashafah as a knowledge. ledge. His defence of the  Ihya’ Is a  sign of his source of  know 169

AL-CI-IAZZLIYY AL-CI-IAZZLIYY

commitment to Sufism as the   only path fo forr  true  true knowledge.  knowledge. After   spending   about   four  years at the   Nizamiyyah of  ithdrew rew ag again ain frompublic Nishapur,  Al-Ghazzaliyy withd  frompublic   life and settled   in his   hometow hometown n Tu Tus. s. The   most im imp portant   task  regarding the last period of  f h his life in relation to epistemology is to   question the   claim   that he   abandoned   Sufism and adopted the   meth tradition itionalists alists.. It is   apparent method od of   the trad though,   that  Al-Durrah ai-Fãkhirah,  lijam at-  ‘Awam ‘an   ‘Jim ai-Kalãm and  Minhaj at- ‘Abidin,   which  were  written   during the   last   stage of  his   life,   contai contain n dir direc ectt   references   to his the e   path for the   true continued continu ed acce accep ptance of   Sufism   as th knowledge.  Ai-D -Durrah urrah al-F’ãkhirah, he  held  that the  Sufis,   whom In Ai he  described as  ‘Arffjtn,   are are th the e  only people who   upon   their could proc roceed eed   through the   seven Heaven eavens s to   reach death   could  ‘comm common Allah. In   Iijam at- ‘Awãm, he   employed the   term  ‘ people” to   distinguish   every   other other kin kind d of  scholar  fr  fro om th the e Sufis. He  ranked the   Sufis higher and he  des  describ cribed ed them as the sc schola holars rs of  the   hereafter.   Finally, in   Mtnh4j at- ‘Abidin, he   defen defended ded Su Sufi fi   schools and   lodges. In   addition, he described the  knowledge of  the  Sufi in terms of  a  divine   light   kashf. which is typical of  kashf. All of  thes these e the them mes es,,  whic  which h were  also   written using  Sufi terminology,   leave forr any  doubt or  hes leave no  room fo  hesitatio itation n tha thatt Al-Ghazzaliyy’s final   epistemology was  Sufi in its es esse senc nce. e. It should be  noted   that  this is not a defence of Sufism against the   traditionalists who  tried to to present  present Al-Ghazzaliyy  Al-Ghazzaliyy i  in n his final   days as   someone who   abandoned   Sufism.   Wha hatt I am trying to say is that   they  need to to substantiate  substantiate   their  claim.

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This   bibliography is   divided   into   four   sections. The   first is a chronological   listing of  Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   Al-Ghazzaliyy’s   works  in   Arabic   that   were  second nd sec section tion is a list either  cited or  consulted fo forr this bo book ok.. Th The e  seco very  few translated   works  of Al-Ghazzaliyy. The  third is a list of  of very few medieval   primary sources and d the fourth is ageneral   list sources in  in  Arabic an non-Arabic languages languages.. of books in Arabic and   non-Arabic WORKS B Y   AL-GHAZZALfl’Y

 At A t-M Mankhul  ruin  Ta’iiqat  al-Usul,  al-Usul,   ed.,  Muhammad Hasan Hitu (Damascus: Dar  al-Fikr,   1970) __Ai-Wajiz(Al-Ghuriyyah:   Matba’atHu atba’atHush, sh, 1318A.H./  1901  C.E.)  Al A l-W Was it,  ed.. All  Muhyi al-D al-Din in al-Q al-Qara arah h  Daghi, 2  vols.   (Cairo: Oar al-Nasr ii   al-Tiba’ah  al-Islamiyyah,   1984) “P’atwa”, M  Mu u’a ’au uaf afat  at al-Ghrzzzaliyy, ed., ‘Abdurrahman Badawi, 2nd ed.   (Kuwait:   Wikalat  al-Matbuat,   1977)  Ma  M aqasid  al-Falas~fah.   al-Falas~fah. ed.,   Sulaiman   Dunya   (Cairo: Dar alMa’arif  bi-Misr,   1961) Suleiman   Dunya, 7th ed.  (Cairo: Oar Tahufut  al-Faias~[ah.   al-Faias~[ah. ed.. Suleiman

al-Ma’arif,   1972) Abmad Shams al-D al-Din in   (Beirut:   ai-Mantiq,   ed.,   Abm  Mi’yar  at- It tuft  ai-Mantiq, Oar al-Kutub   al-’Ilmiyyah,   1990)  Mihak   Mih ak   at-Nazar  ft   al-Mantiq,   ed.,   Muha Muham mmad Badr AdDin aI-N aI-Na’sa a’saniyy niyy (Beiru (Beirut: t: Da Day y al-Nahdah   al-Hadithah,   1966)  Miz  M iza an  al-’Amai,   ed.,   Suleiman Dunya   (Cairo: Dar al-Ma’arif  bi-Misr,   1964)  Al-Iq  Al -Iqtis tisad adft  ft  al-Ftiqad.   al-Ftiqad.   ed..   Muhammad   Mustafa Abu alal-’Ul ’Ulaa (Cairo:   Maktabat al-Jindi,   1972)  al-Aqa’idft  alTawhid”.   Majmu’at   Rasa’il  al-Imam “Qawa’id  al-Aqa’idft  (Beirut: t: Oar   al-Kutub  al-’llmiyyah,   1986) al-Ghazali,   Vol. II   (Beiru  Ihya’  Ihy a’   ‘Ilium  al-Din, 4 Vols.   (Beirut: Dar  al-Ma’rifah,   n.d.) “Jawab   at-Masa’il  al-Arba’   attati  Sa’alaha  al-Batiniyyah bi-

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

 Hamadhan”,  Ham adhan”,   al-Manar, Xl   (1908) pp.  601-608, __Al-Maqsa sad    al-Asrta   Sharh   Asma   Allah   at-Husna,   ed., ustafa tafa Abu Al-’Ula (Ca (Cairo: iro:   Maktabat   al-Jindi, Muhammad Mus

1968)

 Bid  B ida agat  al-Hidayah,   al-Hidayah,   ed.,   Muhammad   al-Hajjar  (Damascus: Dar al-Sabuni,   1986)

 Ja  J awahir   al-Qur’art,   ed., Muha uham mmad   Mustafa Abu   Al-VIa

(Cairo:   Maktabat   al-Jindi,   1964) (Cairo:

“Al-Madnun bihi ala  GhayriAhtih”,  Maj ajm mu’a u’att  Rasa’il   al-Imam

al-Ghazali, Vol. al-Ghazali,  Vol. IV   (Beirut:   Dar Dar al-Ku al-Kutub tub   al-’Ilmiyyah,   1986)  Rasa’ll al-I rnam rnam al-Ghazali, ustaqin” .  Majmu’at  Rasa’ll “Al-Qisto.s al-M ustaqin” Vol. Ill   (Beirut:   Dar Dar al-Kutu utub b al-’Ilmiyyah,   1986) “P’aisal al-Tafriqah B  al-Islam wa al-Zandaqah”,   Majmu’at  Ba ayrt  al-Islam al-Imam am al-G al-Ghaz hazali, ali,   Vol. III   (Beirut: Day   al-Kutb alRasa’il   al-Im ‘llmiyyah,   1986) __Qanun   at-Ta’wil.   Published   with  al-Ghazzaliyy’s   Ma’arij al-

Quds, ed., Muham Quds, uhamm mad   Mustafa Abu al-’U al-’Ula la   (Cairo:   Maktabat al-Jindi,   1968) “Ayyuhn   al-Walad”.   Majmu’at   Rasa’il   al-Imam   al-Ghazali, Vol.  III.   (Beirut:   Oar Oar al-Kutu utub b   aI-’Ilmiyyah,   1986)

  al-Masbukfl   Nasihat   al-Muluk  (Cairo:   Maktabat al Al-T  Al -Tib ibr  r  al-Masbukfl

Kulliyat  al-Azhariyyah.   1968)

“Al-Risalah al-Lad al-Ladunniyy unniyyah”, ah”, Majmu’at   Rasa’il   al-Imam at Ghazali, Vol. III  (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub  aI-’llmiyyah,   1986)   at-Anwar,   ed.,   ‘Abd Al-’Azlz   ‘Izz   al-Din  al-Slyarawan  MIss I-tko.t  at-Anwar,  MI

(Beirut:   ‘Alam al-Kutub,   1986)

 Al A l-K Kashf  wa   al-Tab y  yin in ft   Ghurur    al-khalq al-khalq Ajm Ajma’in a’in   (Cairo:

Matba’at  Mu  Mustafa stafa Muhamm uhammad, ad, No   date).   Published   with  ‘Abd al-Wahhab  al-Sha’raniyy’s Tanbth   aI-Mughtarrin.  A1-Mu  A1 -Munqi nqidh dh attn al-Dalal,  ed.,  Jamil SaMba and Kamil  ‘Aiyyad, (Noo   city: Dar al-Andalus.   1981) 10th ed. (N vols. (Bul (Bulaq: aq:  Al-Matba’ah al Al A l-M Mustasfa fa   attn   ‘Jim  al-Usul,   2 vols. Amiriyyah,   1322 A. H.)  Al-I  A l-Iml mla’ a’ ft   Mushkilat    al-Ihya’,   Appendi endix, x,   Jhya’   ‘Ilium   at-Din (Beirut: Oar al-Ma’rlfah,  nd.)  At A t-D Durrah  al-Fakhirahfi   Kashf  ‘Il ‘Ilium ium alal-Ak Akhirah. hirah.   Published ed.. Muham uhamma mad d   Mustafa with   al-Ghazzaliyy’s Sir  al- ‘Alamin.,   ed.. Abu   al-’UIa (Cairo:   Maktabat  al-Jlndi,   1968)

Sir  al-’Alarnin ed., Muham uhamma mad d   al-’Alarnin wa  Ko.shf  ma ft   al-Darayn,   ed.,

Mustafa Abu AbuA Al-’Ula (Cairo:   Maktabat  al-Jindl,   1968)  JIjam  J Ijamal-’ al-’A Awarn ‘an ‘Jim al-Kalam, ed.,  Muhammad al-Mu’tasim Billah   al-Baghdadiyy (Beirut: Oar al-Kitab   al-’Arabi,   1985)

 Minhajal-’A  Minhajal -’Abi bidi din, n,  ed.,  Muhammad MustafaAbu al-’UIa (Cairo:

Maktabat al-Jindi, Maktabat  al-Jindi,   1972)

 Ma’nf ’nfat at al al-N -Nafs afs (Cairo:   Makta Maktabat bat al-Jin al-Jindi, di,  Ma’ari  Ma’ arijj  al-Quds ft Ma

1968)

172

BIBLIOGRAPHY

TRANSLATED   WORKS OF AL-GHAZZALIYY

 Ihya’   ‘Ilium  of  Ihy A1-Ghazzali, The  Book  Of Knowledge  ‘Ilm of  Knowledge  (Kitab  at-  ‘Ilm ‘Ilium a.l Din)  D in).. NabihAmin  Fails. ed. and trans.   (Lahore:   Sh. Muhammad Ashraf,   1962)  al-Bat iniyyah iniyyah wa Facial!   al-Mustazhiriyyah”. A1-Ghazali,   “Fadaih  al-Bat   and d d Fulfillment. Fulfillment. ed.  an Published with  al-Ghazzaliyy’s Freedom and  trans.,   Richard J. McCarthy (Boston:   Twayne  Publishers,   1980) and Fu Fulfilmen lfilment t    (Al-Munqidh   mitt   al-Dalat). Al-Ghazali,   Freedom   and cCarthy, y, tr. (Boston: Twayne Publishers.   1980) RichardJoseph   McCarth Al-Ghazzali,  Mishkat  al-Anwar  (The Niche for Lights),   trans and ed. W.H.T.   Gairdner   (1924,   Lahore: uhammad ammad Ashraf, Lahore: Sh. Sh.   Muh  Ashraf,   1952) Ai-Ghazali, The Precious Pearl (Al-Durrah al-Fakhirati) . Jane Idleman  and d ed.  (Missoula:  Scholars Press,   1979) Smith,  trans  an Al-Ghazali,   At-Qistas  al-Mustaqim   (The Just   Balance).   trans. and Sh. Muhammad ed., OP.   Brewster  (Lahore: Sh.  Muhammad Ashraf.   1978) ARABIc  pmMaY   SOURCES Ibn Ib n  ‘Ajibah   al-Hasaniyy,  Ahmad Ibn   Muhammad,   Iqaz  al-Htmam ft Sharh al-Hikam (Cairo: Abd  al-H  al-Ham amid id Ahm hmad ad Hana anafi, fi, N o  Date) lbn  al-Jawziyy.   al-Muntazam  ft   Tarikh   at-Muluk  wa   al-Umam (Hayderabad:  Da’lrat  al-Ma’arif  al-Uthmaniyyah,   1939)

Talbis  Iblis  (Beirut:  Oa Talbis Iblis  Oar r al-K al-Kutu utub b   al-’llmlyyah.   1949)  Maktabat al-Ma’arif.  al-Ma’arif. Ibn Kathir,   At-Bidaya  w  wa a al-Nthayah (Beirut:  Maktabat nd.)  vol. 12 Tafsir  (Beirut: Oa Oarr al-Jil.   1988) Ibn Ib n Khaldun,  Al-Muqaddimah,   (Beirut: Oa Oarr aI-Qalam,   1984)

 An nba’ Abna’  al-Zaman,  trans. Ibn Khallikan,   Wafayat  al-A’yan wa A B” Mac   Guckin De   Slane: The John J.  Burns   Library.   Boston the e   Oriental College. Chestnut Hill, M A 02167  (Paris:  Printed for th   Great  Britain  An Translation Fund of  Great  And d   Ireland,   1843) Ibn   al-Qai3nJim,  Ijtima’  al-Jugush  al-Islamtyyah,   ‘Awwad  ~Adbullth al-Mu’attaq. ed. (Riyad:   Matabi’ al-Farazdaq al-TlJarlyyah,   1988)  Bay ayn n A  Aw wti tiyya’ al-Rabman  wa-Awliya’ at Ibn Taymiyyah,  At-Furqan B Shaytan  (Beirut:  Al-Maktab al-Islamiyy,   1981)  Naqd   Naq d   al-Mantiq   (Cairo:   Maktabat   al-Sunnah   al-Muhammadiyyah,   1951) Qut t  al-Qulub Oarr Sadir,   1892)   al-Qulub  (Cairo: Oa Al-Maklyy, Abu Talib, Qu Al-Subkiyy, Taj  al-Din,   Tabaqat    al-Shaft ‘iyyah   al-Kubra.   ‘Abd alFattah   Muhammad   al-Hilw and   Mahmud   Muhammad alTanahiyy,   eds.,   (Cairo:   Matba’at   ‘Isa  al-Babi   al-Halabi   & Co., 1968) Al-’Uthman,  ‘Abd  al -Karim,Al-Dirasat al-Nafstyyah   indal-Muslimin wa al-Ghazalibi Wajhin Khas, 2nd ed   (Cairo: MaktabatWahbah, 1981) Ai-Zubaydiyy,   Murtada,   Ithaf  al-Sadah  al-Mutaqin bi  Sharh Asrar 

 Ihya’  Ihy a’   ‘Ulum  al-Din,   (Beirut: Oa  lhya’ al-Turath  al-Turath  al-’Arabiyy) Oarr  lhya’

173

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OTHER  SOURCES ad,,  Tarikh al-Mad hahib hahib al-Islam al-Islamiyyah iyyah (Cairo: Abu Zahrah,  Muhammad Oar   al-Fikr  al-’Arabiyy.   n.d.) the e  Scholar’s   Social Ahmed,   Munir-al-din,   Muslim  Education and  th

 5tth Century Muslim  Era in the Light  of ‘Tarikh Status up to the 5  Baghd  B aghdad” ad” Sami al-Saqqar,   trans. and ed   (Riyad: Daral-Marrikh,

1981) Au,   Abdullah   Yusuf,   Ma’ani

al-Qur’an al-Q ur’an   al-Karim   (Lahore:   Sheikh

Muhammad  Ashraf,   1934) Alon,  Ilai,  “Al-Ghazali  on  Causality”,  Journal of  the Orien-  the Am America erican n Orien tal Society   100. 4 (1980) Al-’Alwani,   Taha  Jabir,   Usul   at-Fiqh   al-Istami,   eds.   Yusuf  Talal OeLorenzo  and AS.   al-Shaikh-Ali   (Herndon: The   International Institute of  Islamic   Islamic Thought,   1990) Aristotle,   “MetaphysicC, The   Basic   Works of  Aristotle,   Aristotle,   Richard McKeon, ed   (New   York:   Random House,   1941)  Nic  N ico omachean Eth thic icss,   Martin Martin Ostw Ostwald, ald,   trans. and ed. (Indianapolis:   Bobbs-Merill   Educational   Publishing,   1983)

Al-A’sam,   ‘Abd   al-Amir,   Faylasuf  al-Ghnzzaliyy   (Beirut: Oa Oarr alAndalus.   1981) Andalus. ‘Abd  Al-Baqi,   Muhammad   Fu’ad, ed,  Allu’lu’ wa   al-Marjan  Fima  Itt  I tta afa faq qa  ‘Alayhi at-S haykhnn haykhnn (N o   city: Oa Oarr  al-Fikr, n.d.)  Adab  wa-Ahkam (N o  City;   Matbu’at ‘Azzam,   ‘Abdallah ‘Abdallah.. Fl  al-Jihad  Ad al-Jihad,   1987) Takwin al-Fikral-Awrubbiyy  Da awral- ‘A rabfl Badawi,   ‘Abdurrahman. D rabflTakwin (Al-Kuwait:Wakalat  aI-Matbu’at,   1979)  Ma  M awsu’at   al-Falsafah,   2 vo vols ls,, (B (Bei eiru rut: t:   Ai-Mu’assassah al wa a al-N al-Nash ashr, r,   1984) ‘Arabiyyah Ii   al-Oirasat  w ikalatt al-M al-Matbu atbu’at, ’at,  Mu  M u’a ’all lla afat  al-Ghnzali,   al-Ghnzali, 2nd  ed, (Kuwait: Wikala 1977)

Al-Bugha, Mustafa;   A1-Khin,   Mustafa; and al-Shurbajiyy.   ‘Ali, AlFiqh   al-Manhajiyy   ‘ala  Madhhab  al-Imam  at-Shaft’iyy   (Damascus: Oa Oarr al-Qalam,   1989)  Method  thod and th  Medi didat datio ions, ns,  John Veitch, the e Me Descartes,  Discources on Me Prometheus Books.   1989) trans.  (Buffalo:   Prometheus Books. Dimashqiyyah,   ‘Abd   Al-Rahman, Abu  Hamid  al-Ghazzaliyy Wat Oarr Tibah,   1988) Tasawwuf(Riyad: Oa  Arab bic Gram ramm mar  (Mu j  ja am AI-Ouqr,   ‘Abd   al-Ghaniyy,   Lexicon of  Ara Qawa’id  At-Lughah   at-‘Arabiyyah)   (Damascus: Oa Oarr  al-Qalam, 1986)  Histo story ry of  Islami  Islamicc Philo hiloso sophy phy  (NewYork: Columbia Fakhry.  Majid,  A Hi University  Press,   1970) Hava,  J.G.,  Al-Fara’id al-Durriyyah  (Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq,   1972) Hyman,   Arthur and Walsh,  James J.,  eds.. Philosophy in  th  the e M  Mid idd dle  (Indianapolis: olis: Hackett   Publishing Co.,  Ag  A ges  (Indianap Publishing  Co.,   1987)  RalphW. W. James,  William,  “The Varieties of  Relig  Religio ious us Exp xper erie ienc nce es”, :  Ralph Clark,   Introduction to   Philosophical   Thinking   (St.   Paul: West 174

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Publishing   Co.,   1987) Laoust,   Henri, La  Politique De Gazali   (Paris: Lib Librai rairie rie  Orientaliste Paull Geuthmer,   1970) Pau Lazarus-Yafeh.  Hava, Studies  in al-C hazzali  (Jerusalem:  The  Magnes

Press: The Hebre ebrew w Univ niversity ersity,,   1975) Leaman,   Oliver, An   Introduction to   Medieval   Islamic Philos Philosop ophy hy (Cambridge:  Cam  Cambridge bridge Univ niversity ersity Press,   1985. Lewis,   Bernard, The   Political   Lang Langua uage ge of   Islam   (Chica (Chicago: go: The University of  Chicago   Chicago  Press,   1988) Makdisi,   George,   “The Non-Ash’arite  Shaft’ism of Ghazzali,”  Reveu  Etu tud des Isla lam miq iqu ues 54   (1986) des  E  and d  Demonstrative Science,”  J  Jo ournal Marmura,   Mirchael,  “Ghazali an of th  Hist  Hi story ory o f Philosophy f  Philosophy III   (1965) the e  al-Ghazzaliyy (Beirut:   A1-Maktabah Mubarak, Zaki, Mubarak,  Zaki,  Al-Akhlaq ‘m ‘md  d  al-Ghazzaliyy al-’Asriyyah,   nd.) Al-Nadwah aI-’AlamiyyahI i   al-ShababAl-Islarniyy.   Al-Mawsu’ah alal-Madhuhib al-Mu’as al-Mu’asirah irah (Riyad:  Mu  M uyassarah  ft   al-Adyan Wa   al-Madhuhib Matba’at Safir,   1989) Al-Nadawiyy, Abu   al-Hasan,   F4jal  al-Fikr  wa   wa al-Da’w al-Da’waft  aft  al-Islam, Oarr al-Qalam,   1985) 7th ed.  (Kuwait: Oa the e E  Lexi xico con n Webster’s Di  Dict ctio ionary nary of th The N  Ne ew Le  En ngli lissh L  La anguage (New York:   Lexicon  Publications,  Inc.,   1989) Al-Qardawiyy,   Yusuf,   Al-Imam  al-Ghazzaliyy   Bayn  Madthih wa Oarr al-Wafa’, 198 1988) 8)  Naqidi  Naqi dih h  (Al-Mansurah: Oa Kayfa   Nata’amal Ma’   al-Sunnah   al-Nabawuiyyah (A (AllMansurah: Oar al-Wafa’,   1990)  Ra  R asa’i ’ill llk khwan  al-S afa waKhillan al-Wafa (Oar Beiru Beirut: t: Beiru Beirutt  1983)   Tusi (Lahore: Sh.   Muhammad Rizvi, S .   Rizwan   Ali,  Nizam  al-Mulk  Tusi Ashraf,   1978) Al-Sharbasiyy. Ahma hmad, d,   al-Ghazzaliyy  (Beirut: Oa Oarr Al-Jil,   1975) Seventh-century  (All.)   Sunni  creed: The  ‘Aqidah Swarz,   Merlin, “A   Seventh-century (All.) Wasitiya of  Ib Taymiya, iya,” ” Hu Hurnaniora rnaniora Islamica  Islamica 1   (1973)  Ibn n Taym Sheikh, M ,   Saeed,  Islamic Philosophy  (London:  T  The he Oc Octag tagon on Press. 1982) Al-Tahhan.  Mahmud,  Taysir Mustalah  al-Had ith (Riyad:   Maktabat al-Ma’arif. al-Ma’ arif. 1981 1981)) TheSu Suft ftOrders inlslam(London:   Oxford University Trimingham, J., The Press.   1971)  Al-ilium ‘md   ‘md at- ‘Arab (Beirut: Oa Oarr Iqra’, 1983. Tuqan Tu qan,, Qa Qadri dri  Haliz,  Al-ilium Al-Wakil.   ‘Abd al-Rahman, ‘Abd  al-Rahman,  HadhihiHiaal-Suftyyah(Beirut:   OaralKutub   al-’Ilmiyyah,   1984) Watt,  W .   Montgomery,  Muslim  Intellectual: A Study of al-Ghazzali (Edinburgh: The Edinburgh  University  Press,   1963).  Autr tre ecourt  and  d Ghazali’s Ghazali’s Argument  Wolfson,   Harry A., “Nicolaus of  Au

 Ag  A gain insst   Causality”.  Causality”.   Speculum (1969)

175

INDEX

‘Abd  Al-Rahman   Dimashqiyyah 13 ‘Aqidah29.   31,3259,95,   103. 121 ‘Aq144. 45, 52, 64,  79,97,   100, 114, 13 114, 130, 0, 131 ~4qliyyah79, 95, 98 98.. 14 141, 1, 14 146 6

‘Ar{fun 153 142 2 ‘Uthman Ka’ak  14 Abu Hanhfah 6, 7, 38, 40 Ahmad lb lbn n  Nizam al-Mulk  27 Ahmad Muhammad   Shakir 29 Al-Rhattab, Abu 19 24, 93 93,, 152 Al-Subklyy x,   24, A l l l b n Abu Talib 8

Alp Arslan 2, 10 Aristotle 73 73,,   75, 79, 80,  84, 91, 129 12 9 Asha’irites 5,  32  32,, 33 33,, 34,   69, 69, 96 96,,

154 Babikites 10 Badawl x, 62, 88 88,, 95 Barkyaruq   3.21

Batinites 9, 10 10,, 20, 20, 22, 54 54,, 68 68,, 89—91,99,125,141,154,163,

167 See   also Ta’limites  Ba  B atiniyyah2, 9, 60, 89  Biid’ah   15. 154  B Bouyges   60, 95  38, 72 Brockelmann 38, Brockelmann Bukhariyy29, 151 Daramiyy 27

Darda’, Abu 1 4 Darurtyyat63, 1 3 8 Dawuci   al-Sijistaniw, Abu 30  Din  D iniy iyy yah 1 4 6 Duncan   Black   Macdonald 2 1 . 22 Dunya x , 3 4 , 85 Epistemology l x ,   4 6 , 5 3 , 7 9 , 8 4 , 9 5, 5 , 9 6, 9 9 ,   1 0 0. 0 . 1 37 37 , 1 38 38 , 142,146,151,158,161,164, 1 67 6 7 , 1 68 6 8 , 1 69 6 9 , 1 70 Fakhr al-Mulk 4 , 1 0 . 2 6, 1 3 5 Farabi 7 3 ,   8 4 , 1 1 5, 5, 1 1 6 Faramdhiyy 1 6 , 93 Fath  al-Hakimiyy a l - T u s i y y , Abu 30 , 1 52 fiqhlx, 5 9 ,   6 0 , 6 1 ,   104,109,113, 164, 1 6 8  fltr  fl tra al2 l2,, 1 1 7 Fityan Umar lb n   ‘Abd  al-GhalIr lbn lb n   Ismail   aI-Khatlb alF a r i s i y y , Abu 30 Hanbalites 5 Hava-Lazarous   Yafeh x

138 8  His  H isssiy iya at  13 Hussayn lbn lbn ‘All 9

lbn ‘Aqil 14, 19, 33 lbn ‘Arabiyy 19 lbn Al-Athir 8  Jim  J im al-A khirah 104 ‘flma[-Kalam35,   41,42,69,71, 151, 15 1, 15 154, 4, 16 161. 1. 17 170. 0. 118

177 17 7

INDEX

‘Ilmal-Mu’amalah  104,   133, 168 ‘Ilm   al-Mukashafah   104,   111113, 115, 120, 124,   133, 168

‘lim  al-yakiniyy 1 3 7

‘IlmYaqiniix,

  137, 1 4 9

Ibn  1-lajar Al-Haytamiyy 38  Ahmad 6,29,30,69 Hanbal, Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Hazm 29, 43 Ibn Jawziyy   Sibt 8 IbnKathir 14 Khaldu ldun n4 Ibn   Kha Ibn  Khallikan 4, 60 73, 74 74,, 75 75,, 80, 81 81,, Ibn Sina   18, 73, 84 I b n T as as h a f i n 4 , 24 I b n  Taymiyyah 32

 Ijma’ 14  Ijma’ 148 8  Ijjti  I tih had  41  Ith  I tha amSl,   77, 130,   134,158, 169  Ilm  Il mall-K Kala lam m35,4 ,41 1,6 ,69 9,7 ,71 1,   118, 1 5 1, 1, 1 54 5 4 , 1 6 1 , 1 70

‘Isa lb lbn n Maryam 79 lsma’ilies 10

Muhammirah 10 Muhasibiyy 23

 Mu  M unazarah 59, 60,  62, 99 Muqtadi Di   Amrillah 2, 4 Muslim 2 9 , 3 0 , 1 5 2  Mu  M uta tak kalli lim mun2O,  33,54,60,68, 6 9 , 7 0 , 9 7 , 9 9 ,   1 2 1 ,   141,167 Mutatabbib 3  Mu  M uta taw wati tir  r  47, 48 Mysticism ix, 92, 122 19.27,,62, Nizamal-Mulk  3, 10,   19.27

99 73,, 84 84,, 86 86,, 88 88,,   114, 114, 11 116, 6, Plato 73

136 -Amrillah ah 2 Qa’im  Bi -Amrill Qaramitah 9 Qarmitiyyah 9 Qasim a l - l s m a ’ i l i y y a l - J u i j a n i y y , Abu   17,93 Raziyy 27 S a ’ i d   al-Naysaburiyy, Abu 8

Salaftyyah3l,

32 , 3 3 , 6 9 ,   155,

1 61 Seveners 10  13  Jih  J iha ad  13 Shafi’iyy6, 3 4 , 4 0 . 1 1 3 Juwainiyy 19. 39 Kashf   132, 1 4 1 S k e p t i c i s m 4 4, 48, 5 5 , 5 9 , 6 3 , 3, 1 6 4 , 1 6 7 66,67,69,76,   1 6 3, Kharazz 93 Subkiyy x Khurramadinites 1 0 Sufian   al-Thawriyy 6 Khurramites 9 Ta’limltes 10 S e e   also Batinites  Ma  M a’r ’r~ ~fa fah hx T a j   al-Mulk   al-Marzuban 3  Ma  M a’sum 90  1 1.46-48,56,63.77.80 1.46-48,56,63.77.80, , Taqfid  1  Ma  M ahd al-Taglid  1 4 7 37 , 1 38 38 , 1 47 47 , 8 4 , 9 6 , 9 7 , 1 37 Mahmud 3 165 Malik 6 Malik   Shah 2 Tughrul Beg 2 . 5  Ma  M ankhul3 l37 7, 3 8 . 4 0 ,   45,50,52— Usul  al-Din 1 8 , 1 0 2 Usul   al-fiqh i x , 1 8 , 3 4 ,   3 8 - 4 2 , 54 , 5 5 , 1 4 6, 6, 1 4 8. 8. 1 6 4 5 4 , 5 5 , 60 , 6 2, 2, 164 Maqriziyy 31  Min  M inh hajall-’A ’Ab bid idin inl5 l5l, l, 158, 161, Watt 1 1 Yahya lbn  Ma’in 29 170 Muhammad   Al-HanalIyy. Abu 3 Yahya l b n   Zakariyy 79 Muhammad lb n   ‘Abadallah lb n Yazid I b n   Mu’awiyah 9 YusuflbnTashafIn   4.24 Tumart 4 Muhammad   Nasir   al-Oin al- Zahirites 54 Zubeida 3 Albaniyy 29

178